ANNALES The True and Royall History of the famous Empresse Elizabeth.

Queene of ENGLAND FRANCE and IRELAND &c. True faiths de­fendresse of Diuine renowne and happy Memory.

Wherein all such memorable things as happened during hir blessed raigne, with such acts and Treaties as past betwixt hir Ma tie. and SCOTLAND, FRANCE, SPAINE, ITALY, GERMANY, POLAND, SWEDEN, DENMARK, RUSSIA, and the NETHERLANDS, are exactly described.

LONDON printed for Beniamin Fisher and are to be sould at the Talbott in Pater Noster Rowe 1625

The explication of this Bookes FRONTISPICE.

The Pillers deckt with Arms, Palms, Laurell bows,
Supporting the Rare PHOENIX, to you shows
The Nobles, on whose loyall prudent brest,
The Phoenix-Queene, ELIZA'S peace did rest:
Whose Wisedomes pillars did vphold her Crowne,
As columnes, on which rested her renowne.
Their stable valour did support this land;
And all her proud insulting foes withstand:
For whose exploits it pleasd her Maiesty
To dub, some Knights of dreadlesse chiualry;
Whom she not only did to Knighthood rayse,
But of this kingdome made them props and stayes.
And those whose merits added to their worth
Renowned Glory, Honour to their birth.
In whose true worthy acts she most delighted,
She, with the Order of the Garter, knighted.
Some she restor'd in their Ancestors place▪
Made viscount Bindon, one of Noble Ra [...]e [...]
Some Earles, some Barons, all she did restore,
Or did create as they had won before:
Other shee summon'd, by her wisedome's choyce,
To Parliament as Peeres to have there voyce:
Whose prudence, and whose valors (vnder God)
Prou'd Englands peace, to Spaine a heauy rod.
The fired townes, which on each side are plac't,
Do memorize how Spaine was once disgract:
When that braue Essex, Englands Generall,
With Nottingham, that famous Admirall,
Their Citie Cadiz did with force surprise
[...]o crowne their countrey with their victories.
And Cumberland, whose fame no Age can blot
[...]ooke Por [...]arico with his Thundring shot
That Spanish towne; yet his victorious force
[...]lew the resisting, pardn'd with remorse
Those that with bended knees did him entreat,
He would not them nor theirs of life defeat.
Now vnderneath DRAKES famous ship is show [...]
Whose bright renown swift Honors trump hath blow
How he therein did circuit earth's whole frame▪
And in his voyage added to his fame.
The glory of a prize won through his paine,
The CACAFOGVE, Royall Ship of Spaine.
At the two corners, two great Spanish Fleets
Your gazing eyes with admiration greets.
One is consum'd by vnquench't flames of fire,
The other is ore'whelm'd through NEPTVNE'S ir [...]
Which moralizeth, our good God doth bend
His wrath, gainst those that Albions ill inten [...]
Which wrath did fall most mercilesse on Spaine,
And euer will to their disgrace remaine.
One thousand (doth) fiue hundred eighty seuen,
Their ambitions with infamy, make euen.
The Port of Gilbaltars straights, sure can tell,
How that a Spanish Fleet (by DRAKE) there fe [...]
The very seas will witnesse, that with foure
Of royall Ships, he burnt two hundred more.
If you enquire, from whence those Royals came;
From Englands shore, Spaines fury for to tame.
To end, the Fleet of Eighty-eight doth show,
England was ayded in that ouerthrow
Giuen to Spaine, by God, whose potent hand
Preseru [...]d ELIZA'S glory, and her land.
Gainst those that owe true Religion spight,
Both seas and earth, for Albions cause will fight.
Not to the seas let's bend, but to that power
Which must preserue vs, at the dreadfull houre.
And as 'tis meet so let vs prostrate fall
Vnto our Hope, our Ayde, our Generall.
IH̄S
Here reade the dayes,
when Britanns ground,
VVith blessings all,
was compast round.
PER TAL VARIAR SON QVY ✚.

TO THE MOST August, most Sacred, and most excellent Maiesty of IAMES THE FIRST, Emperour of Great Britanne, king of France, Ireland and Virginia, defendor of the Faith.

The Translator of these ANNALLS wisheth to His Im­periall Maiestie, blessednesse, perpetuall health, with all hap­pinesse, prosperitie, and felicitie, in both worlds.

THE FRENCH Epistle dedicatory to His sacred Majesty of Great Britanne.

EXcellent mo­narch; heere is the first-borne of a Labour, as vnhoped for as the occa­sion is extraordinarie, which prostrates it selfe, with all humilitie, at the feete of your Maiestie, to doe you an Ho­mage of his Birth, and in pay­ing vnto you his first duetie, craues leaue to wander the World, and visit his friends.

In these vnhappy times, which lately made France (my countrey) the sad obiect of pitie, and the mournfull subiect of [Page] good peoples sorrowes; on a day, sitting vpon the shores of Babylons gulph, aspecting with watty eyes the deplorable e­state of Christs true Church, which in the throng of these miseries was sore wounded with iniuries, appearing as if she [...] had attained the decrepit age of a dying life, which breath's forth her last gaspe: And as I expressed by my teares the dolor of her afflictions, and by my sighes the desires of her deliue­rance, my eyes imitating in their glances the wishes of my soule, sought for the place where the great god Pan vsed to feed and keepe his flockes at noone day: I discouered a far off, some sparkes of the Sunne of Iustice, which in this happy country of Goshen shines perpetually, whilest an eternal night couers Egypt with the gloomie clouds of darkenesse. Thither suddenly I directed my Vowes; which God prospered so happily by his prouidence, that (after many dangers, tedi­ous and toylsome iournies) I at length arriued here, where I found

A PEACEABLE KING, in whom is brightly discerned an harmonious vnity of all christian & roial vertues, the Em­pire of that great Empress of vertue, Piety, from whence all o­thers deriue, & the admirable Oeconomy of Charity, condu­cted with Prudence, educated by Experience, and that experi­ence drawn from diuers examples of precedent ages, & proofs of this present; which produceth in him all kindes of actions both iust and necessary, by which he freely giueth himselfe to the Church and Common-wealth for pledge and caution of their peace and prosperity.

AN HAPPY NATION (which vnder the fauourable Scepter of such a Prince, in whom the sacred fountaine of the most exquisite graces of heauen, abounding with all sorts of [Page] prosperity, hath aboue others the honour to settle the Church of Christ, and with her, Piety and Iustice her constant follow­ers) whom the benigne aspect of heauen causeth to flourish with ioy and perfect peace, whilest a cruell Warre spoiles and ransackes both neighbouring countries and remoter parts, with vnheard-of torments and excessiue sorrowes.

God, who calls himselfe the Prince of Peace, stiles himselfe also the King of Warre; to shew, that he rules all worldly af­faires with his incomprehensible eye of prouidence, as well as with his inuincible hands of all-powerfulnesse. But, to make plaine to all mens vnderstandings how farre God is a­gainst Warres, Strifes, and Contentions; and on the contrary, how much he loues Peace and Vnitie, it is said, Blessed be the Peaceable, because they shall be thereby knowne to be the e­lect of Christ, and heyres of heauen.

Your Maiesty (great Monarch) on whose head God (as his Lieutenant here on earth) hath placed three Crownes; beares both the warlike Sword of Ma [...]s, and the peaceable Oliue branch of Minerua, as did that Pallas, whom the Athenians took for their titulary goddesse, because she presided in peace as well as in warre. But what is the expedition of Warre, to the subduing vnder his lawes, by the sweetnesse of Peace, the passions of men? to bring them to reason, and to settle them in a firme and assured rest? what to vanquish by force a people, to the conquering of whole nations hearts by loue? to lose them, in stead of gayning them? The multitude, won­dring at the Sonne of God, who calm'd the greatest tempest, cryed out, What is he whom both Seas and Windes do obey? Euen so (happy King) when I saw at my landing so many ex­quisite effects of your rare wisedome, the peace & happinesse [Page] of your subiects, with the tranquillitie & blessednesse of your diuine soule; I could not but likewise exclaime, Ah! what is this IVST MASTER, and prudent King, whose admirable spirit workes so many wonders!

God gouernes, from the highest place of heauen, the earth; and from the lowest place of it, the heauens: because his pro­uidence and almighty power, being infinite, fills all places, yet vnlimited. For though by his omni-presence hee be euery where, yet he is included no where.

Your Maiestie, who by the excellent and harmonious or­der of your wise dispensation, doe rule with a melodious & delightfull harmonie, with One of your Kingdome, all the Three; & from the farthest place of Great Brittanne, all Great Brittanne; presiding by your power in all places, disposing by your wisedome all things neere and farre, and perfecting them by your iustice: you cause all the dependences of your essence to be found in all places, and all things to be but one and the same thing, & each thing to be as all things. And euen as to the humane body, that excellent part of the brain, which the Anatomists call the admirable lines or traces, by their ser­pentine courses and turnings, exquisitely folded and vnited to­gether, whose number is no lesse infinite than the workman­ship thereof most rare; doth so excellently refine the vital spi­rits, that they are sent thither from the heart, which makes them moueable, and serue as instruments of Conception, of Iudgement and Memory: Your Maiestie doth in like maner receiue in your Spirit, which is the most admirable and ex­quisite peece of that great imperiall body, of which your Ma­iestie is the head, the aduises and counsailes, the requests and demonstrances, which from the heart of your estate, as the [Page] vitall spirits of it, are sent to you, for to passe them thorow (that labyrinth of Rarity) your iudgement, where you refine them so with the diuers considerations of your prudency, that they proue necessary instruments of peace, the tranquillitie and prosperitie of all your subiects.

The entrance or beginning of a raigne is most commonly thornie and difficulty, yea dangerous and painefull; not onely full of cares, but also tedious and troublesome: so that it had beene better for some kings to haue neuer raigned, or else to haue ended their dayes at their beginning. This moued the Philosopher Solon to sing these verses to Mydas king of Phry­gia, at the entrance of his Cities:

Le puissant Dieu de tout Souuerain Maistre
Ne scauroit mieux les hommes secourir,
Qu'entre mortels ne les laisser point naistre,
Ouestans nez, les faire tost mourir.

But your Maiestie (great King) who by the speciall grace of God, and the prudence wherewith he hath endued you, farre aboue all other Princes, haue found the entrance of your raign spacious, delightfull and secure: and being grounded vpon the protection, enuironed with the blessings, & conducted by the prouidence of that Soueraigne dispenser of Scepters and Crownes; you haue hitherto raigned, to the admiration of all the world, PVISSANT AND MAGNIFICENT, RICH AND CONTENT, HAPPY AND GLORIOVS; and in all, perfect and accomplisht.

PVISSANT AND MAGNIFICENT indeede, sith that (with full power and authoritie you raigne ouer so many pu­issant [Page] Nations, which God hath subiected to your Maiestie, vnder the homage and duety which you daily pay vnto him, as to the onely soueraigne King of kings.

RICH AND CONTENT, in possessing them peaceably, without opposition; extracting pleasure of all that can be con­tributed for the glory of God, which you seeke for your owne contentment.

HAPPY AND GLORIOVS also, sith that (by those testi­monies of loue which God giues you, and the thankesgiuing which your Maiesty yeeldeth him) you haue vpon all occasi­ons free accesse to his incomprehensible Maiesty, a familiar entertainment with his infinite goodnesse; Heauen being al­wayes open to your contemplations, and whatsoeuer your Maiesty can thinke most exquisite, rare on earth, fauourable to your wishes, is all bent for your felicitie. Oh how happy is your sacred Maiestie! what mortall can apprehend it? how glorious! and who is he that can expresse it?

But behold, this is the chief point, ouer which my conside­rations cannot pass without staying; & yet rest they neuer so little, they enter as it were into a labyrinth for a while. Gods graces and blessings fall most commonly into vngratefull hands, who dispence thereof the more niggardly, by how much they receiue them aboundantly: and the most part of men erre so farre, that in stead of worshipping in them the soueraigne power and prouidence of God, they striue to ex­cell him; nay, it lies meerly in their owne vnpowerfulnesse, that they doe not ouerthrow his incomprehensible Empire and Throne of glory. By meanes whereof, it falls out that it ofttimes chances to them, as to those subalternal Deities, who for putting themselues in Iupiters bedde, were by a boysterous [Page] winde, suddenly metamorphosed into strange shapes.

But your Highnesse (mighty king) makes vse of it, as fire of the perfume; you returne those blessings to heauen againe through your praises and thanksgiuing: you disperse them a­bout you by your royall liberality; for whosoeuer hath the honour to approach neere your Diuinity, is enlightned with the beames of your diuine vertues. And as Salomon did build and (with the stones of mountaines, and Cedars of Libanus) erect Altars to God: so you make therof instruments, and ma­terialls to prop the house of God.

Soueraigne authority vpon the people, meetes often­times with violent hearts, which makes him not vnlike the daily motion of the Sunne; so swift, that it is terrible; and so terrible, that it would consume away if it should last long: but your Maiesty knowes well how to temper your Autho­ritie by your Iustice, & likewise your will by your prudence; insomuch that this first course is moderated by the second, which is yearely, and runneth from West to East by the ob­lique Zodiaque circle: by this sweet, temperate and mode­rate course you order the seasons in your Monarchy: you cause a delightsome Spring, that produceth diuersity of flowers in aboundance; a rich and pleasant Summer, which yeelds all kinde of fruites plentifully, by which you reward paines and labours, you reflect the desires, you content the hopes of euery one, according to your wise dispensation. And as God is not contented meerely to bring forth his actions in the highest heauen; but by his Spirits administration, descends from that palace of glory, to the lowest deep, runing & flying thorow all quarters of this Hemisphere, to dispose all things by his al­mighty powerfulnesse: Your Highnesse (prudent King) imi­tating [Page] the proceedings of that incomprehensible Monarch of Heauen and earth, which alone is a patterne to your soue­raigne Maiesty, do not anchor your actions in that Imperiall Hauen of your glory, the kingdome of England, which, go­uerned by the Soueraign authority of your Highnesse, as her primum mobile, carries those to others which are ioined to him, by the bands of one only power, Scotland and Ireland: but also the fame of your rare vertues spreads all ouer beyond the seas, your admirable prudency; & your immortal pen, the fruit of your deep learning, at which nations being amazed, admire with reuerence, so rare and accomplisht a Maiesty.

But what East wind driues my sails into so wide an Ocean, carrying away my endeuours farre beyond the reach of my power? Stay, my thoughts; whither runne yee? Rest conten­ted. My curiositie, what seekest thou? Silence, my tongue; what dost thou say? Oh! would my skill, which is so small, dare to aspire to so high a taske, so weake and rashly to think to penetrate thorow so bright a sunne? so short, and presume to sound his depth? Good King pardon these hardy glances of my spirit, enlightned with a diuine light, and animated by an extraordinary vertue. Those which aspect the beames of the Sunne, within the Sunne, thinke a long time after they behold still a Sunne before their eyes; not being able, by withdraw­ing the sense of the obiect, to draw the Idea of the spirit. Thus since I haue had the honour to see in so happy and glorious deeds your actions, in your actions your vertues, in your vertues your Maiesty, and your Maiesty in it selfe; these rare and exqui­site obiects, as so many Sunnes, haue so rauished my senses and eyes, that they seeme to see them alwaies present before them. Moreouer, the Idea which is remayning in my intellect, hath [Page] brought them to such extraordinary designes, that if my forces were correspondent to my desires, and my vnworthinesse to the dignity of the subiect which animates me, I had alreadie proclaim'd your diuine perfections from one end of the earth to the other, yea from the earth to the heauens: and taking for my auditors so many blessed soules, which there gloriously inhabite, I should haue recited to them, with the admirable actions of your incomparable vertues, these glorious and bles­sed deeds which issue thereof, and the most excellent glory which your Maiestie thereby inherites; at least, how in these last fearefull troubles of my sad, afflicted, and sorely desolate countrey, which so farre opprest her, that losing the sight of her owne reason, she had almost lost her selfe in it selfe; or, as I may well say, spoyled her selfe with her owne strength and defence. Your Piety (all-rare Prince) which is all-Iustice, cast her compassionate eyes vpon the deplorable and most la­mentable condition of her poore oppressed brood: your Iu­stice, which is all-Charity, lent her eare to their wofull & sor­rowfull complaints: your Charity, which is all-Prudence, opened her heart to their needy miseries and extreme wants, and your Prudence (which hath alwayes the eyes, the eares, and the heart open at all times to such poore afflicted wret­ches, who doe implore of your Maiestie like pious actions) making at that time a charitable distribution, euer bound both publike and particulars to vow their heartie prayers to heauen for your health; & their true seruices to the world for the prosperitie, greatnesse, pleasure and contentment of your Maiestie.

But the worthinesse of the subiect, and my insufficiency, ha­uing deterr'd me from so high an enterprise; I haue modera­ted [Page] my designes, which aspired so high, and placing them in a meane region, I rul'd my endeauours by my might, doing my best to finde out, as well for my owne satisfaction, as for the good of others, to whom I communicate as many consolati­ons for miseries, and instructions of this wicked ages expe­rience; in which we see regenerated what remained of work­men, instruments, materials and labours, to perfect the worke of this ages iniquity, the lees of ages past, which with his muddy wine troubles the braines, corrupts the manners, and debaucheth the noblest functions of manie: I haue destina­ted them for to seek out the growth, beginning, and progresse of this happy and magnificent reestablishment of Euangeli­call truth and puritie, the first and soueraigne cause of your Maiesties glory, the securitie of your estate, and prosperitie of your people, which in this flourishing Empire hath three crowns, of which your Ma: is the first Monarch, who receiue from Gods fauourable grace, by the hands of your religious prudence, so great a perfection, that it makes the whole work most wonderfull: a prop so solid, that when the raine is fal­len, the stormy streames and impetuous floods come against it, and when the windes haue raged strongly, and blowne fu­riously at it, it could not be shaken, but still remained firme, strong, constant, and alwayes a flourishing pillar of securitie.

And my designes haue so happily, though vnfortunately, succeeded, that when I had collected my senses, and prepared my selfe for this Work, I found it ready done by one of your Ma: subiects, in the Latine History, which he hath digested into yeares, describing such things as passed during the most glorious raigne of that heroick & inuincible Princesse, aboue her sexe, full of magnanimitie, rare in Piety, admirable in her [Page] counsailes, wonderfull in her courage, and blessed in all her enterprises, that incomparable Queene ELIZABETH, who in her time vndertooke to build the royall worke of this hap­py reestablishment, vpon the ground and ancient foundati­ons laid by her ancestors, for a time slackt and decayed; but after her Maiesty had gloriously raised it to the last Story, she left the rest vnto your most sacred Maiesties care, to perfect, who hath truely brought it into that happy and magnificent estate now flourishing, hauing vtterly dissipated the many errors and abominations, which here (before her raigne) a­bounded; as he, who bearing Armes after Ionathan, slew the Philistines, who fell dead before him.

Had I not regarded others, but my selfe onely, I had suffici­ent matter to content my curiositie (in enioying, with rest & leisure, the sweet fruit of a labor meerly premeditated) with­out bringing it to this most tedious & no lesse pennible, than difficult action. But as my naturall disposition & reason pos­sesse my inclinations, still to practise, study and labour for the common good, though neuer so much preiudicial to my par­ticular affaires; and as this Piety, of which I carefully sought the mystery (directly opposite to the mysterie of iniquitie ri­sen in these later times) permits me not to bury my talent in the earth, how small, and of little value soeuer it be; and like­wise the experience which I haue purchased in the diuerse voyages, forraigne abodes, accesse, frequentation, and know­ledge of this my peregrination, taught and assu [...]ed me, that this History cannot but be welcome, kindly receiued, deerely cherished, and preciously valued of an infinite number, as well your Maiesties subiects, as others, to whom their igno­rance in the language, interdicted [...] And as my [Page] selfe in the vnderstanding of it, found that it was in its na­kednesse and simplicity, adorned with the most rare draught, most liuely and naturall colours, which can be found eyther in Art or Nature, and in the chiefest parts thereof, filled with exquisite and solid instructions, which the best able can giue, the most curious wish, and the most subtle and ready witts apprehend; iudging, that the more it is knowne, the more glory comes thereby to God, the more seruice to your sacred Maiesty, the more prosperitie to your blessed raigne, the more strength to your powerfull state, and the more terrour to all your foes: I haue done it in the French, my natiue language, which is now the only tongue that entertains the commerce of conceptions, amongst the diuersitie of nations, to shew to the world, that among an infinitie of memorable causes and things, remarkeable effects and successe, at least this magnifi­cent peace and prosperitie, which begun to bud forth vnder the raigne of this most prudent, pious, magnanimous, truely Catholike and Christian Empresse (who can neuer be by any duely praised, and to this day propagated & continued in this your Maiesties most blessed and peaceable gouernment, with so illustrious splendor, that though it be enuied of many, yet it is admired of all) proceedeth directly from the reestablish­ment of Christs true and pure seruice; and by so many, di­uerse, happy, glorious, and particular deeds most eminent, ari­sing to this triumphant nation, is plainly manifested, that tru­ly the only meanes well and happily to raigne, is sincerely to serue God, who defends those that defend his Faith, and ho­nours them that honour him; For to such as first seeke the tranquility and aduancement of his raigne, all things fall out answerable to their wishes; also that the seedes of iustice are [Page] sowed in the fields of peace, to be reaped by the peace-makers; that piety hath both the promise of the present and the future life, and that indeed it is the originall source from whence spring all other vertues.

Your sacred Highnesse (pious Monarch) hath already seene and perused the manuscripts of this worke, which I presented to your Maiesty some moneths agoe, to receiue from you, as from my Oracle, direction, whether I should publish it or not. But since it hath pleased your most sacred Ma: to ho­nour these lines of mine with your iudicious approbation, I haue caused them to be printed, and vpon this expressiue cau­tion, as earnest of your gracious fauour, I assure my timorous desires, that your Ma: will be pleased to see the same now in its perfect shape. Sith your Highnesse daign'd to grace it with the benigne beames of your goodnesse at its birth, I prostrate it at your feete, as a praeludium of my industry, and the premises of my most humble seruice. And if I may be so happy, as to see this my labour once more approued, & my oblation gra­ciously receiued of your Ma: I hope that my courage, anima­ted with so good fortune, will performe a greater enterprise; and so great a fauour, rousing vp and reuiuing my spirits, will make my labours so fruitfull, that I may be able in time to quit my selfe of my vowes and duties, & pay vnto your Ma: (with a better labour) more agreeable seruices, & to the world fairer fruits of my study.

I once thought to detaine it captiue vnder silence, fearing to aduenture so vnpolisht a peece of worke among so many Worthies (who haue already settled their worth in the beleef of others) lest they, by the shril sound of their lustre, might ob­scure this worthlesse worke: neyther would I haue exposed [Page] (but vnder your Maiesties protection) its fortune to the ma­lignant malice of this age, its honest meaning and simplicitie, to the scoffes and wicked interpretation of hellish slanderous tongues, and base worldlings, my contentment to the despi­sings of the enemies of its originall, my talent and its gaine, to the pillage & ransacking of those, who (being partially interes­sed, hauing their eyes & iudgements blinded with affected in­terest) perhaps will discharge their passions herein, paying my labours with ingratitude, and my holiest intentions with per­secutions. But sith 'tis in a maner a translatiō which represents faithfully the authors conceptions (so well approued, that it is a true proofe of his ingenious industry; which will suffici­ently content the most curious, cleare the Reader of doubt, and chiefly those doubts conceiued by this works ill-willers) the worst which can befall me, is to be a caution of my deeds and faults, and in neyther changing, adding, or diminishing, free & absolue me from all blames: sith Piety, which begot it, expressely commands me; and Charity, which brought it forth, graciously summons me to publish it, and to bestow the profit & pleasure thereof vpon my neighbours, to whom questionlesse it will be most delightfull, pleasant, and vsefull. And truly those which it most concernes, haue had, of a long time, that power vpon my owne proper benefites, sith my contentment consists not in the praise of Printing, but to please and profite thereby the vertuous and gracious. The courses of this worlds affaires, and the diuerse inclinations of men, instruct me that it will be beneficiall to diuers, yea to the enemies hereof, who for not vnderstanding truely the Latine hitherto, could not haue a true knowledge of its particulari­ties. And for as much as your Maiesties gracious approbati­on [Page] assures me of your royall protection, and God which hath preserued it heretofore, doth warrant me from all misfor­tunes, I venture this assay of my luck, and publish this com­merce of my talent, both vnder his Diuine prouidence, and your Maiesties leaue and authority, that it may therfore wan­der the world with security, and yeeld contenting pleasures to those who shall honour it with the gracious beams & fa­uorable aspect of their eies: I doubt not but it may meet with peaceable mindes, fauourable spirits, pure hearts, and sincere affections, who will reade it without passion, censure it (with meekenesse) without partialitie, to draw thereby the good which I intend them. May it therefore be acceptable to your most excellent, most August, and most Imperiall Maiestie, to whom I dedicate and consecrate it, vpon the Altar of my sin­ceritie, in testimonie of my humble seruices, deuotions, and to purchase to my selfe the dignitie to be entitled,

Your Majesties most humble, and most obedient seruant, P.D.B.
Illustrious, and Gracious:

As there is no­thing in this world in eue­ry respect bles­sed, & in each particular happy; so there is no constan­cy in humane things especi­ally, and accor­ding to Saint Jerome, of the felicity of this world, whilest we seeme to, possesse it, we part from it. We see, and dayly experi­ence proues vnto vs, what the condition and state of this life, with the goods of it is, the motion of it being (as Saint Gregory saith) so swift, the possession so vncertaine, as now we bee fatted in the fragrant po­sture of pro­sperity, now pined and lan­guishing, & on the bare com­mons of mise­ry, so that nei­ther in weale or woe, there is any con­stancy, but all things are sud­denly chan­ged, and vary in a moment, so that we may repose more trust in letters written in the wind or water, then in the happinesse of this humane life. According to Herodotus, it is as a circle of humane things, which by her turning suffers not a man to be al­waies fortu­nate and pros­perous. Ʋirgil ex­claimes, Time alters all things: and Cicero tels vs, The course of this mutable life is vncon­stant, and all the fortunes of men are vaine, voluble and variable: a meere Euripus for ebbing and flowing of worldly goods: in a moment our mirth be­ing turned to mourning, & our sorrow in­to solace. The Royall House of the STVARTS, and the illustrious Family of the SACKVILES, not long since, had wofull ex­perience. Of the Royal one, there being pulled from the boughes of it, two beauti­full Roses, to wit, the two Noble Dukes of Lenox, LO­DOVVICKE, and ESME, two rare Bro­thers, of most vertuous and laudable con­uersation. Of the other, a Noble branch was cut from that Tree of Ho­nour; RICHARD, the most good and most No­ble Earle of Dorset, and Ba­ron of Buck­burst, of happy and blessed memory: All which, in this yeere, within the space of fiue moneths, pi­ously and peaceably slept with Christ. LEARNED CICERO, that King of ORATORIE, vvho telleth vs, that the course of this mutable life is inconstant, and the worldly fortunes of mortals truely vaine and variable, doth very e­loquently commend History, calling it The witnesse of times; intimating, that wee could not attaine to the know­ledge of seuerall actions, done at sundry seasons, but by her helpe, and how much the science of Histories profits, is proued, in regard they are the hand­maids to Prudence and VVisdome, the which may be easily and truely purcha­sed out of the deeds and examples of o­thers, there written. How much it con­duceth [Page] to the good gouernement of Common-wealths to haue the exam­ples of Councels before our eyes, it ap­peareth, in regard of the general respect the wisest men haue had to them. Nei­ther are true Histories a little commodi­ous for shunning of horrible alterations and calamities: for they recite the ex­amples of all times, for the punishments of Seditions, Treasons, and such other abominable Crimes, the which escape not vnpunisht, no not in this life: Out of which examples we may collect most wholsome instructions, for the good v­sing of our both priuate & publike Of­fices, that such Euils may be shunned in vs, which were punished in others; the which is true wisedome, accor­ding to that in the Prouerbe: ‘Other mens harmes are wise-mens armes.’

[Page] Plato saith, that a certaine Aeyptian Priest reprehended the Greekes, calling them Children, because they had no knowledge in Antiquity, they had no skill in the passages of former times, they were indued with no ancient and graue Science: For euen as children, through the imbecillity of their capaci­ty, and slendernes of their intellect, can­not discerne Vice from Vertue, good from bad: so they, whose mindes doe comprehend no knowledge of former times, deserued not to be called men, in regard they exceeded not children in vnderstanding.

For which cause, learned men in all Ages, haue not onely read diligently, but also written Histories carefully, by which kind of writing, they haue pur­chased vnto themselues a liuing name.

The ANNALS of this He­roicke Empresse, Queene ELIZA­BETH, [Page] I confesse, I haue rashly vn­dertaken to translate: for the Subiect deserued a farre better and more skilfull Pen-man, in regard I am a Stranger: Yet, to shew the desire I haue to doe this Noble Nation seruice, (as bound in duety) I haue faithfully the best I was able, finished my Enterprize, which I hope will be very beneficiall to all Ho­nourable and impartiall Readers, as most vseful, & fit for these present times.

And as therefore in my former Bookes, I haue chosen Patrons Ho­nourable and beneficiall, by whose authority, fauour, and countenance they might more happily be published, so I could finde none more worthy the dedication of this Royall and true Hi­story, then your Honours, whom I know, aboue all persons, to tender most the blessed memory of this matchlesse Queene, who in her life time so much [Page] honoured and affected you, or your Noble Ancestors and illustrious Prede­cessours, that they (for their deserts and vertues) were by her Maiestie graced with the most honourable Dignities, and highest places of Honour in this Kingdome: And also, because your Honours bee addicted to History, fa­uourable to humane arts, religiously deuoted, & piously affected. VVhere­fore I, in most submissiue manner, re­quest your Honours to accept this wor­thy Oblation, with a mild aspect, cheer­full countenance, and vsuall Clemency, from him who vnfainedly wishes to all your Honors in generall, and to each of them in particular, perfection of ioy and happines, as,

The true Admirer, and humble obseruer of your Graces, of your Honours, and of your Ʋertues: Abraham Darcie.

TO THE NOBLE AND VVEL-DISPOSED READER, indued with either of these rare Vertues, Iustice, Valour, Honour, Temperance, Magnanimity, Clemency, Truth, Liberality, Ciuility, and Courtesie; Health and happinesse in IESVS CHRIST.

Of Iustice. IVSTICE is a constant and perpetuall will, to giue impartially euery one their iust due: the one is generall, diuided in politicke and oecono­micke: the other speciall, diuided in distributiue and commutatiue; her subiectiue parts are to doe good acts, and fly from bad ones. It stands therefore much in need of Religion, Piety, Ob­seruance, Obedience, Thanksgiuing, of expulsi­ons of iniuries, also of Truth, Affability, Amity, and Liberality. ALl-Vertuous and im­partiall Reader, here is presented to thy iu­dicious view, the Translation of a Ma­ster-piece of History, in its owne origi­nall Language truely most rare; which I (for the worthinesse of the Subiect) wish with my soule, I could haue Englished accordingly: But though [Page] my poore straine & weake capacity would not permit mee to equalize the eloquence and elegancie thereof, yet I can assure you, Of Ʋalour. VALOVR, which mo­derates feare, and Hardinesse, is a Vertue which encourages one to blame or defend things iustly: her mediocrity is betwixt cowardnesse and temerity. To her belong Magnanimity, Magnifi­cency, Patience, and Perseuerance. I haue had a speciall care, to doe it faithfully: And truely I must confesse ingenuously, doubting of my weaknesse in so important and laborious a Worke, (because I am a Stranger borne) I haue sought the best helpe I could, Of True Honour. TRue HONOVR, which belongeth to Libera­lity and Iustice, is a Di­uine Vertue, subiect nei­ther to fortune nor force: it is that which all good and vertuous men aime at, & leuell their actions. from those that are holden good Schollers, for the perfecting of the Eng­lish phrase and stile, but it hath beene amen­ded so contrary to my expectation, that I haue beene forced to peruse it againe, best I was able, and as the time & Presse would giue me leaue. Of Temperance. TEMPERANCE is a morall Vertue, which moderates sensuall vo­luptuousnesse, and the couetousnesse thereof, and the dolour or griefe which is still, as it were, linked with couetousnes: shee mediates, or is a meane betweene Intem­perancy and Stupidity: shee is perfected & made whole by Bashfulnesse & Honesty: shee keepes vn­der her, Abstinēcy, Con­tinency, Sobriety, and Chastity: To her do be­long, Gentlenesse, Cle­mency, Humility, Meek­nesse, and Moderation. I beseech you therefore to beare with it, not doubting, but (as I haue obserued the inuention and meaning of my Author) it will affoord you sufficient content: and if I may bee so happy, as to drawe gently the gracious aspect of your eyes vpon these my worthlesse Lines, I will euer be bound to your Noble fauour, for a milde and courteous Censure, in respect­ing the affection and desire I haue, to im­ploy my time about that which may tend to immortalize the Honour and Glory of Englands dreaded, and vndaunted Nation; Of Magnanimity. MAGNANIMITY belonges to Force and Courage: it is a carefull vertue, and as it were a spur to pur­chase supreme honours; her mediocrity or mean is betweene Saperba and [...]animity. in striuing to make vulgar the heroicke [Page] Acts, and Diuine Vertues of Albions best Queen, and the most Religious, learned and prudent Empresse that euer liued on earth: and Soueraigne Head, or supreme Ruler, next God, Of Clemency. CLEMENCY is a morall vertue, which moderating anger, quen­cheth in vs fre or choler, to produce pious acti­ons: she mediates, or is a meane betweene Cru­elty, and too great Indul­gency. ouer this flourishing Kingdome, ayming thereby more at the conseruation of her glorious memory, then at any thing else. I therefore doubt not but this worke will soone purchase your kind fauour, and louing commendation: and so I commit you to the Almighty, wishing you his bles­sings, Of Truth. TRVTH, by which, in all our actions & hu­mane society, we should make things as they be: her meane or moderati­on is betweene Simulati­on and dissimulation. Of Liberality. LIBERALITY is a Vertue truely, Noble, and most Diuine, apper­tayning to Iustice? This excellent Vertue mode­rating the desire to a­bound in riches, rules the purchasing of goods, and orders expences, to pro­duce in vs, and bring forth to the world rare actions: it is a meane be­tweene Auarice and Pro­digality. Of Ciuility. CIVILITY is also a morall vertue, which consisteth in vttering gracefully a speech or dis­course in Company: by this Vertue, both praise and a good opinion is ac­quired: it is a meane be­tweene Mirth and Me­lancholy. Of Courtesie. COVRTESIE is a Ver­tue truely morall, by which we purchase loue, in shewing our selues gracious and officious to those who stand in need of vs: it is a meane be­tweene submission and rudenesse or harsh dis­position. and the perfection of happines, I rest,

A true deuoted to your Vertues, ABRAHAM DARCIE.

THE AVTHOR TO THE READER.

WILLIAM CECIL, Baron of Burghley, Lord High Treasurer of England, (about 16. yeers past) opened vnto me (farre from my thought) first, some memorials of State of his own: afterwards, those of the Kingdome; and from them, willed me to compile a Historie of Q. Eliza­beths Raigne from the beginning. I know not to what intent, vnlesse whilest he prouiding for the propagation of the Queenes honour, meant to take a taste of my abilitie in this kind. I obeyed, and indeed not vnwillingly, lest I should be thought to haue been wanting to the memory of the best Princesse, his expe­ctation, and truth it selfe; which to me equals them both. For shee being esca­ped, and hauing hidden herselfe, my hope is to finde her there, or no where.

But in the first entrie, a most intricate difficultie deterred me: I fell vpon whole masses of writings, & instruments of all kinds, well enough digested for the computation of the times, but very confused for varietie of argument; in examining whereof, I was couered with dust and sweat. I diligently collected together fit matter, harder to find out than I expected: but he dying, mine in­dustrie slackt. And after that, that incomparable Princesse had rendred her di­uine soule to heauen, I waited a while with a greedy expectation, not only who, but if some one, of so great a number of learned men, who by her bounty abound in riches & leasure, would repay this due and deserued thanks. But when I had certainly obserued, that weightier affaires hindred some that were best able to performe it; others, (I know not for what causes) with specious excuses refused it: Afterwards, I eftsoones betook myself to my interrupted study, & embraced it more vehemently than before. I sought all manner of helps on euery side, I se­dulous [...] volued & reuolued Characters of Kings & Peers, Letters, Consultati­ons held at the Councell-Table; I ran through the instructions & letters of Am­bassadors, & likewise the Records & Iournals of Parliaments, Acts & Statuts, & read ouer al Proclamatiōs. For most of which (as I ought) I hold my self chief­ly bound to sir R: Cotton, kt. Baronet, who with great expence, & happy labor, hath gatherd together most choice variety of Histories & Antiquity: for at his torch, he willingly sufferd me to light my taper. So as (Reader) if in this I haue don any thing pleasing vnto thee or profitable, thou owest him the merited thanks.

I haue also made search throughout mine own Cabinets; & although I am an admirer of venerable antiquitie, I am not iniurious to later things: I haue seen & obserued much, & haue from elder men than my selfe, worthy of beliefe (who were present when these were acted, & studious on both sides, in this diuision of [Page] Religion) receiued them, & haue weighed thē in the ballance of my Iudgment, such as it is lest by a deceiueable credulity I should incline towards those which are false. For the study of TRVTH, as it hath been the only spur to prick me for­ward to this Worke; so hath it beene mine only Scope. To detract from Historie, is nothing else than to pluck out the eies of a beautifull creature, and for a me­dicinable potion, to offer poison to the Readers vnderstanding.

All those things which are wont to hinder the light of Truth, I purposely a­uoided, and as much as in me lay, haue vncased IGNORANCE & FALSHOOD, by the light of a Witnesse pure & neat, drawn from these VNSKILFVLNESSE & her deriuatiues, DOVBT & FALSITY haue I dispelled, as well as I could, by the splendor of an incorrupt faith, out of those monuments aboue al exception; & it may be, from them haue gotten no lesse knowledge of those things, than they which haue had long & great imployment in the Common-wealth. I haue auoi­ded PREIVDICE, as an abuser of the Iudgement, which so infects the mind in affairs of Religion and the Reipublique; that like them that haue sore eyes, they see nothing cleerly. I haue not feared DANGER, no not from them, who by their present power thinke the memorie of the succeeding Age may be extinguished. And let them remember, that as many as haue beene iniurious to Writers, lo­uers of the Truth, haue procured to themselues dishonour; to them glorie.

The hope of a LITTLE GAINE misse-led me not; To make the dignitie of Historie mercenarie, I (who haue alwaies contented my selfe with a meane for­tune) haue held sordid and seruile. I haue left no place to the SVSPICION OF FAVOVR OR PRIVATE GRVDGES; for of these I am to write of Scarce two were known to me by any benefit: by iniury, not one; that I should be reckoned a­mong the PARTIAL or the OFFENDED. Those which are aliue, I haue scarse touched at. Inueighing against the enemies of my Countrie, I haue held it ri­diculous, to hunt after the name of a good Patriot, with the aspersion of an ill Historian. These things haue I been carefull of, that (as POLYBIVS commands) I might SACRIFICE ONLY TO TRVTH. Neither shall any man, I hope, finde wanting in me, that ingenious liberty (ioyned with modestie) of speech, wor­thy of an Historian: That, which vnder a false disguise ioyned with the poison of obtrectation personates libertie, and is so pleasing to euery eare, I detest from my heart. Things MANIFEST, I haue not concealed, things DOVBTFVL I haue tenderly interpreted: the more ABSTRVSE, I haue not been too inquisitiue of; The vnsearchable intents of Princes (saith that Prince of Historie) and what they out of reasons of State pretend, is not fit to inquire; & being doubtfull, not to be explored. And with HALYCARNASS AEVS, I am iustly angry which the ig­norant critiques, who go about to know or find out more than is iustly permit­ted. As to the rest, although I know, that matters militarie and politique are [Page] the proper subiects of an Historian, yet I neither could nor ought to omit Ecclesiasticall affaires (for betwixt Religion and policy there can be no di­uorce. But seeing the Writer of the Ecclesiasticall Historie, may lawfully chal­lenge these things, as proper to himself, I haue not touched at them otherwise than as it were with a light and cursory hand; whereas it is the Law and dignitie of an Historian, to run through the most eminent actions, and not to dwell vpon small ones: I haue not therefore laboured in them, yet there are pas­sages of lesse cōsequence, which may concern another professor, though not him. I haue not omitted any circumstances, by which, not only the euents of things, but their reasons also and causes may be known; That of POLYBIVS pleaseth me exceedingly, If you take out of History, WHY, HOVV, TO WHAT END, and WHAT IS DONE▪ and whether the Actions answer the intents, that that re­maines, is rather a mocking than an instruction; And for the present may please, but will neuer profit Posteritie; I haue not betrayed my IVDGE­MENT to affection for writing with an impartiall minde, I haue rather desi­red to finde out the affections of other men. I haue inserted little of mine own, treating of matters in another kind, it being a controuerted point, whether or no it be lawfull for an Historian to doe it. Let euery one abound in his owne sense: I haue thrust in no occasions, but such as were truly spoken; or those re­duced to fewer words: much lesse haue I fained any. I haue seldome vsed Sen­tences, nor beautified my discourses with those obseruatiōs which the Greeks aptly call [...], my intent being as it were insensibly to instruct the minde. I haue shunned digressions; I haue vsed formall words; I haue not neg­lected discriptions of places, pedigrees, nor Chronologies, following, as neere as is possible, the order of the Times; beginning the yeare (as our Chronologers were wont) from the first of IANVARY.

I haue inscribed my discourses with the name of ANNALS, because I place e­uery passage in his owne yeare; and because TACITVS directs vs, that great & illustrious Actions should be committed to Annals; whose principall office it is to take care, that Vertue be not obscured, and by the relation of euill words or deeds, to propose the feare of infamie, with posteritie. And that sterile and con­tracted kind of writing (such as mine is) is for Annals, of all other, most fit.

With these beginnings I applyed my mind to write, with this resolutiō I pro­ceeded, & intended to bestow the rest of my time and industrie, in the beautify­ing polishing, and exornation of these Annals: and then by my last Will, to be­queath them to my honorable friend IAMES AVGVSTVS THVANVS, who hath begun a Historie of his owne Times, with great truth and modestie; lest that, as strangers are wont, he, a man most deare vnto me, should like a traueller in a forraine Countrie, be ignorant of our affaires. But this resolution I was forced [Page] (I know not by what fate) to alter; for a great part being sent vnto him, some few years past, whē they were like rough-drawn pictures scarcely begun, defor­med with blots & imperfect places, swarming with errors & patches thrust in, as they fell from a hasty pen, & ill vsed by Transcribers: Out of these he took & as it were inter-weaued some things into the eleuenth and twelfth Tomes of his Historie, hauing first polished them by adding, altering, substracting, but all with good iudgement (according to that order of the worke which he pro­posed to himselfe) (for he intended a vniuersall Historie of his owne Time) se­lecting some few things concerning ENGLAND and IRELAND, ommitting many things not only fit, but peraduenture necessary for vs to know, and I had heard that beyond the Seas, the Historie of English affaires was much (and not with­out reproach) desired; I therefore betook me to my intermitted study, read all ouer againe, corrected, added diuers things, refined the eloquution, yet with­out affectation; for it sufficeth me, if I may place this Booke like a picture in water colours, vnskilfully done, in a commodious light.

But when all was done, I was much perplext & irresolute, whether I should publish it or not. But CENSVRES, PREIVDICE, HATRED, OBTRECTATION, which I foresaw to display their colors, and bid battell against me, haue not so much deterred me, as the desire of TRVTH, the loue of MY COVNTRY, and the memory of that PRINCESSE, (which deserues to be deare and sacred amongst English men) did excite me against those, who shaking off their allegeance to­wards their Prince and Country, did not cease beyond the Seas, to wound aswel the Honor of the one, as the glory of the other, by scandalous libels, conceiued by the malice of their own hearts; & now, (which they sticke not to confesse) are about to publish a Book to remain to posteritie, as a monument of their wicked­nesse. As for me, I desire nothing more, than to be like my self, & they like them­selues. Succeeding ages will giue to euery one their deserued Honor. I confesse with sorrow, that I haue not done so wel, as the height of the argumēt requires; but what I could, I haue done willingly. To my selfe, as in other writings, so neither in these, haue I giuen satisfaction. But I shall hold it more than suffi­cient, if out of an earnest desire to conserue the memorie of things, of truth in relating them, & instructing mens minds with that which is wise and honest, I shall be ranked only amongst the lowest writers of great things:

WHATSOEVER IT IS, AT THE ALTAR OF TRVTH, I Dedicate, and Consecrate it TO GOD,
MY COVNTRIE,
AND POSTERITIE.

❧TO THE TRVE MIRROR AND PATTERNE OF PRINCES, THE MOST HIGH AND MIGHTY, CHARLES PRINCE OF GREAT BRITAINNE, &c.

SIR,

I COVLD not but shel­ter this Hi­storie vnder your most renowned Name: for to whom can I commit the Story of Her, who whilst shee li­ued, was the ioy of Eng­land, the terror and ad­miration of the VVorld, [Page] but to your HIGH­NESSE, who is the Fame and Honour of this spacious hemisphere & Great Britaines both hope & solace, by your princely valour & con­stant vertues, no lesse dreaded and admired a­broad than feared & be­loued at home.

A true admirer & hum­ble Obseruer of your di­uine worth A. Darcie.

To the Highly Borne Princesse, Frances Duchesse Dowager of Richmond & Lenox.

This Noble Princesse's Father was Thomas Lord Howard, created Vis­count Bindon, by Queen Elizabeth, the first yeare of her raigne, second son to Thomas Duke of Nor­folke.

AND To the noble Prince, her Cosin, Thomas Earle of Arundell & Surrey, Earle Marshall of England.

This Duke of Norfolke, the Duchesse of Rich­mond and Lenox's Grand­father, had two wiues; the first, was the noble Prin­cesse Anne, Daughter to King Edward the fourth; by which he had issue, a young Prince, who died young: The other was the Lady Elizabeth, daughter to Edward Stafford, Duke of Buckingham, by whom he had issue, the Lord Henry H [...]ward, whose son succeeded to the Dukedome of Norfolk (which Dukes eldest son, Philip Howard was by Queen ELizabeth al [...]o created, and summoned in Parliament where he sate as Earl of Arundel, being the primary Earledome of England, in the right of his Mother, sole daughter and heire to Henry Fitz-Allen, Earle of Arundell. He was this Noble Earles Father) Thomas Viscont Bindon, and a Daughter, who was Du­chesse of Richmond and Somerset, Countesse of Nottingham, Aunt to the now Duchesse of Richmond and Le­nox: This said Duke of Norfolke, after a long sicknesse, tooke his iourney peaceably to Heauen, at his Palace in Kinninghall in Norfolke, the first yeare of Queene Mary.

AND To the Illustrious fauourers of Vertue, true mirrors of Honour, and exact patternes of Nobilitie

William Earle of Hartford, &c, AND To the Noble Lady, Frances his Prince­ly Countesse.

This Earles grandfather Lord Edward Seimor, son to Edw. Duke of Somerset, was resto­red to his honours & patri­monie by Queene Elizabeth, who created him Earle of Hartford, and Baron of Beau­champ, in the Tower of Lon­don, the second yeare of her raigne. This noble Coun­tesse's grandfather, also was created Earle of Essex, &c. by Qu. Elizabeth, the 14. of her raigne, he died in Ireland, 1575. and was magnificent­ly buried at Carmarden in Wales, where he was borne.

Edward Earle of Dorset, Baron of Buckhurst. AND To his noble sisters, the lady Anne Beau­champ, And the Lady Ce­cilia Compton.

This illustrious Earle and honourable Ladies grandfa­ther, was a most prudent and learned man, for his heroick deserts and Princely descent from an ancient and true noble blood, was created by Q. Elizabeth, Baron of Buck­hurst, next by her Maiestie enstalled in the royall order of the Garter, one of her in­timate priuy Counsellors, & Lord High Treasurer of En­gland, &c.

Chancellor of the Vniuer­sity of Oxford. Hee died in White-hall 1608.

Theophilus, Lord CLINTON, Earle of LINCOLN.

Anno 1572. Edward Lord Clinton, Lord high Treasu­rer of England, was created Earle of Lincolne, by Queene Elizabeth, for his Noble merits, and faithfull seruice to his Soueraigne Lady. The same day her Maiesty created Sir Walter Deureux, Earle of Essex; He died the eighth day of Ianuary, Anno 1585. and was with great solemnitie buried at Windsor

To this right Honorable Lord, Theophilus Earle of Lin­colne, he was great Grand-father.

Thomas Earle of Suffolke, knight of the most honorable Order of the Garter.

This worthy Earle (second sonne to Thomas Howard, the last Duke of Norfolke) by his martiall valour, was Prince­ly vertue, and by Queene Elizabeth created Lord Howard of Walden, and tooke place in the high Court of Parliament, among the Peeres, as Baron of Walden. And Q. Elizabeth, partly to requite his warlike exploits, (for shee imployd him in sundry Sea-seruices, to his immortall honour and commendation) made him Knight of the Garter.

Charles Earle of Notingham, Baron of Effingham.

Anno 1597, The 23. of Octob. the Lord Charles Howard, for his Princely desert, and illu­strious birth, was created by Q. Elizabeth, Earle of No­thingham: Likewise for his worthy seruices done to his Prince and Countrie, in generously repelling Spaines in­uincible Nauy of 88, being Lord High Admirall; As also for his Martiall valiancy, in the sacking of Cadiz, with the Earle of Essex: her Maiestie honour'd him with the Gartet, the noblest order of Knighthood.

Iohn Baron of Else­mere Ʋiscont Brackley, Earle of Bridge-water.

This Noble Earles Father, Sir Thomas Egerton, Viscont Brackley Baron of Elsemere, Lord high Chancellour of England, was a Noble man of admirable parts, excellency well seene in the Lawes of England, industrious in State affaires, which mou'd Q. Eli­zabeth to choose him her Maiestie Solicitor, Anno 1583. And for his other deserts, Anno 1593, she Knighted him; Next she made him Master of the Rolls; and finally, Lord Keeper of the great Seale of England, Anno 1594.

William, Earle of Salisbury, &c. And William Earle of Excester, &c.

Sir William Cecil, for his graue wisedome, and excellent ver­tues, was by Q. Elizabeth cre­ated Baron of Burghley, he was also one of her Maiesties Priuy Councell, Lord High Treasurer, and Chancellor of Cambridge's Vniuersitie. He was these two Noble Earles gra [...] father: both issued of two of his Sonnes.

William Baron of Compton, Earle of Northampton.

This noble Earles grandfa­ther, Sir William Compton, wa [...] for his worthinesse, created Baron Compton by Queene Elizabeth.

To the no lesse Illustrious than Noble,

Henry Lord Cary, Baron of Hunsdon, Vis­cont Rochford. AND The Noble Lady, E­lizabeth Barkeley, now married to Sir Thomas Chamberlaine.

HENRY CARY, Lord Chamberlain to Queen Elizabeth. His cousin (for he was the sonne of William Ca­rie, Esquire to the body of King Henry the eight, by the Lady Mary Bullen, his wife, sister to Queene Anne Bul­len, the mother of Q [...]eene E­lizabeth); this Henry was by Queene Elizabeth, created Lord Carie, Baron of Huns­don: Also, by her Maiestie, made Knight of the Garter; one of the Lords of her Priuie Councell, and gouernour of Barwicke. To this Noble Lord Henry, Viscont Rochford, hee was Grandfather; and this Illustrious Lady Barkley, was his only daughter and heire.

Rob. Lord Willough­by of Eresby, Baron of Perke. AND Henry West, Baron de la Warre.

Peregrin [...], the Father to this generous Lo: Willoughby, was restored in his ancestors Honors by Qu. Elizabeth, who created him Baron Willoughby of Eres [...]y, the 14. of her ra [...]gn 1582. (before thee sent him with the Garter to the King of Denmarke) being the son of the Duchesse of Suffolke, sole daughter and heire to the Lo: Willoughby of Eresby.

Also, Sir William West (This Lord de la Warr's grand Sire) was created Baron de la Warre by Queene Elizabeth, being Nephew to Thomas West, Lord de la Warre, and knight of the Garter, in King Henry the eight's daies; who died without issue, Anno 1570.

IOHN POVLET, Lord Saint Iohn Baron of Basing, heire apparant to the Lord Marquesse of Winchester, &c.

Anno 1594. WIL­LIAM POƲLET, this Noble Lord's Grandfa­ther, was (in the time of his Father, IOHN Lord Marquesse of Winchester) by Queene ELIZABETH made a Petre of England, and sate in that High Court of Parliament, among the Barons and Peeres of the Realme, as Baron Saint Iohn of Basing. He died the first day of Ianuary 1598. and was sumptuously buried by his predecessours, at Basing.

The truly Pious Lady Frances Wray, Countesse dowager of Warwicke. AND The Lady Eliza­beth, daughter, and sole heire to Francis, Lord No­rice, late Earle of Barkshire Viscount Thame, and Ba­ron of Ricot; wife to the right Noble & worthy, Edward Wray, Esqu.

Sir Christopher Wray, for his great deserts, & the noble fa­mily, from whence hee was deriued, was by Qu Elizabeth Knighted; and for his rare wisedome, being expert in the Law, was aduanced (to his great Praise, and immor­tall fame) to diuers Honou­rable dignities in this King­dome: First, he was made Lord Chiefe Iustice of En­gland, and then Lord Keeper of the Priuy Seale. He was one of her Maiesties most prudent Counsellours, and Father to this Religious Countesse, Dowager of Warwick: Also Grandfather to these Noble Brothers, Sir Iohn Wray, Knight; Edward Wray, and Nathanaell Wray, Esquires. Anno 1572. Sir Henry Norrice, was for his Noble worth, created by Queene Elizabeth, Baron Norrice of Ricot. He was this Noble Ladie ELIZABETH WRAY her Grandfather.

DVDLEY, Lord North, Baron of Kirtling, AND To the vertuous Lady, his only Si­ster, the Lady Mary. Conningsby.

Anno 1594. Roger Lord North, Baron of the ancient Baronry of Kirtling; for his Vertues and Prudency, was in gracious fa­uour neare Q. Elizabeth, who re­specting him much, made vse of his faithfull seruices, in diuers honourable affaires of impor­tance. Anno 1574. he was, by her Maiestie, sent Ambassadour Extraordinary into France, to giue King Henry the third good Counsell, and to condole with his Maiestie, after the death of K. Charles the ninth. And although this Noble-man, was not created Baron by Q. Elizabeth, yet I haue erected these lines to his noble and immortall memory, for his Vertues sake▪ and for the duty and humble seruice which I must euer owe to his illustrious Grand-Children; The Lord North, Sir Iohn North, Captaine Roger North, Gilbert North, and the noble Lady Conningsby.

To the Honour of the right Worshipfull Sir Arthur Capell, & his noble Sons▪ AND The Nobly descēded Ralph Sadleir, Esquire; of Stan­den in Hertford­shire:

This worthy Knight was the last which her Maiesty Knigh­ted.

Also, this noble Esquires Fa­ther, Sir Thomas Sadleir, son to Sir Ralph. Sadleir, was the last knight banneret, of England, Chancel­lour of the Duchy of Lancaster, and Priuy Counsellor▪ to King Henry the eight, Edward the sixt, Queen Mary, and Queene Eliza­beth.

A PREPARATION AND INTRODVCTION TO THE HISTORY.

THE All-glorious, Qu. Eliza­beths extra­ction by the Fathers side. All-vertuous, incompa­rable, inuict, and match­lesse Patterne of Princes, the Glory, Honour, and mirror of Woman kind, the Admiration of our Age, ELIZABETH, Queene of England, was by the Fathers side truely Royall, being Daughter to HENRY the Eighth, Grand-child to HENRY the Seuenth, and great Grand child to EDVVARD the Fourth: of the Mothers side indeed vnequall, [Page] yet nobly descended, and had many great Allian­ces spred through England and Ireland. Her great-Grandfather was Iefferay of Bolene, descended from the famous House of Norfolke, who, in the yeere 1457. was Maior of London, and was then graced with the Dignitie of Knighthood: a man of much integrity, and of such reputation, that Tho­mas, Baron of Hoo and Hastings, Knight of the Or­der of S. George, gaue him his daughter and heire to wife: he was of so great meanes, that he marri­ed his Daughters into the famous houses of the Chenies, Heidons, and Fortescues: he left a great Pa­trimonie to his sonnes; and by Will gaue a thou­sand pounds sterling to the poore of London, and two hundred to the poore of Norfolke: Hee had to Sonne, William Bolene, who was made one of the eighteene selected Knights of the Bath, at the inauguration of Richard the Third. To whom, Tho. Earle of Ormond (who was had in so great e­stimation with the Kings of England, that hee only of all the Peeres of Ireland, had place and voice in the Parliament, and before the Barons of England) gaue him his Daughter and Coheire to wife; he had by her (besides the Daughters which he mar­ried to Shelton, Caltrop, Chaire, and Sackuil, beeing very rich, and of renowned Race) Tho. Bolene, who beeing but a Youth, Thomas Howard, then Earle of Surrey, and afterwards Duke of Norfolke, a famous [Page] Warrier, chose him to bee his Sonne in Lawe, and gaue him his Daughter Elizabeth to wife. HENRY the Eighth employed him in two honourable Em­bassies, after hauing made him Treasurour of his House, Knight of the Order of Saint George, and Vicount Rochford, afterwards Earle of Wilton and Ormond, and Lord Priuie Seale. He, The birth of the Lady Anne Bo­lene. amongst other Children, had Anne Bolene, who beeing sent in her tender yeeres into France, was seruant to Mary of England, Wife to Lewis the 12. afterwards to Claudia of Brittaine, wife to Francis the First; and after her death, to Mary of Alanson, who from her cradle, was a speciall fauourour of the Protestants Religion in France. Afterwards, she being retur­ned into England, and entertained to be one of the Queenes Maids of Honour, in the twentieth yeere of her age, King HENRIE being eight and thir­tie, fell vehemently in loue with her, for the modest behauiour which accompanyed her beauty, and the French iollity which seasoned her modesty: but not being able to ouercome her chastity, he sought to haue her to wife, in hope to haue a Linage by her.

Now before, (to take this matter a little more deepely) after he had liued seuenteene yeeres with Katherine his wife, who was of a pious conuersati­on, and of the Spanish grauitie, but subiect to a­borsements, that of all her Children, shee brought [Page] foorth none liuing, but MARIE, he begunne to distaste her, by the cunning practice of Cardinall Wolsey, The King fals in loue with Anne of Bolone. who was then raised to the highest degree of power and authority about the King, but in some fort ouer swayed by his owne affections: For be­ing displeased with Charles, the fifth Emperour, Ne­phew to Katherine, because he had denyed him the Arch-bishopricke of Toledo, and then aspiring to the Papasie, his hatred to him, and his loue so affe­ctionately carried toward the French King; he so wrought, that he purposed a wife for Henry out of France. The King beeing prone to his pleasures, prepared this scruple of conscience, The reason why he puts away his wife. That the marri­age which he had contracted with Katherine, who before had beene wife to his brother Arthur, was forbidden by the Diuine Lawe, although Pope Iu­lius the second had giuen a Dispensation for it. Af­terwards he did inculcate into the Kings eares, how greatly he had offended God in marrying Katherine, and how grieuous a sin he should wal­low in if hee kept her: that hee had incurred the Sentence of Excommunication; that God had pow­red his wrath vpon so vnlawfull a Marriage, not suffering a Male to liue, that was begotten of her, and that if there were not a lawfull Heire assigned to the Kingdome, no other thing was to be expe­cted, but that those mortall and cruell wars which had beene but lately lul'd asleepe, should be awake­ned [Page] with new slaughters of his people; and there­fore that he ought, for the taking away of all scru­ple from his conscience, to repudiate her, and that by assuring himselfe of a Successor in a lawfull line, he should prouide for the safety of his soule (which and likewise yeeres had been polluted with incest) for so many of his Kingdome.

These reasons caused the King to entreate Pope Clement the Seuenth, to depute some to take know­dedge of this cause, and either to confirme the Dis­pensation by authority of holy Scriptures, or ab­solue him of the Sentence of Excommunication, and to declare this marriage to be of no force, and that it might be lawfull for him to marry any other woman whom he should thinke fit, notwithstan­ding any Canon to the contrary. Hereupon the Pope delegates Cardinall Wolsey, and the Cardinall of Campepe, to whom he secretly gaue a Bull to this effect, that he approued of the Kings vowes, and granted his requests so farre as God would giue him leaue, if the marriage which he had contracted with Katherine should be found vnlawfull, and so declared to be. But this Bull was to bee conceal'd or publisht according to the successe of the Empe­rours Affaires in Italy. Then these questions begun to be moued euery where, whether it were lawfull for a man to take his brothers wife? or, it beeing prohibited by the Diuine Law, whether the Popes [Page] Dispensation could make it lawfull, or no? And when many Academies of Christendome, and the most learned men had giuen their opinions, and resolued that such a Marriage was repugnant to the Laws both of the Old and New Testament, howsoeuer the Popes Dispensation might legiti­mate it. The King became more passionatly amo­rous of the Lady Anne of Bolene then euer, and the Cardinall (repenting himselfe too late of what hee had begun) grew discontented, and wrought so vn­der hand, The King entreats the Pope for expediti­on. that the Pope by his pontificall authority refused to confirme the opinions of the Acade­mies, and by delayes after delayes, the busines was drawn into length, both at Rome & in England. The Cardinall feared Bolene, who for the loue that shee bore to the Euangelicall Doctrine, hated his proud and insolent carriage; and the Pope feared the Em­perour, who at that time was powerfull in Italy, who maintained, to his vtmost power, the cause of Katherine his Aunt: neither would the Pope pro­uoke HENRY, because hee had lately employed both his paines and pence, to redeeme him from the Emperours men, who kept him prisoner. HEN­RIE boyling in choler for this refusall (yet dissem­bling it) both by Ambassadours and Letters, con­tinually solicited, The Pre­lates and Peeres doe the like. and humbly prayed the Pope, (and after him the Prelates and Peeres of England, by request signed with their owne hands, which [Page] they caused to be carried and presented at his feete) to confirme by his Apostolicall Authority, what the two Academies of England, of Paris, and ma­ny others, and very learned and most entire men, both within and without the Realme, had set down for a truth, and were ready to mainiaine it, both by word and writing: representing vnto him, that it would be a remarkeable vnhappines, if He should not obtaine this fauour from the Apostolicall Sea, He beeing the onely man that had employed his Sword, his Pen, his word and power, to defend the authority of the Pope, and resisting many that stroue against it, should bee the onely man to bee denyed the benefit of it; and therefore they coniu­red him to grant it, for feare that intestine warres should rise for the right of Succession.

Notwithstanding, the Clergie fearing lest the Pope should proscribe the Kingdome, and excom­municate the King, by seuerall Letters put him in mind of the sad discord which had been betweene Pope Alexander the Third, and Henry the second, King of England, and representing vnto him many reasons of importance, infinitely besought him, al­most in the very same words that Gilbert, Bishop of London did at the same time, ( viz.) ‘WEe most humbly beseech you, to shut vp for a time your burning zeale within the [Page] bounds of modestie, lest by interdicting the King­dome, or cuting off the King from the communi­on of the Catholike Church, you cause the ruine of many particular Churches, and irreuokeably turne from your obedience both the King and infinite numbers with him. Cutting off brings de­spaire, whereas dressing the wound often cureth. And therfore, if there be a wound, it is more expe­dient, if it may bee your pleasure, to labour pre­sently to cure it, lest by cutting off a most noble member of the Church of God, you trouble beyond expression, as matters now stand. The Blood-Royall cannot be ouercome till it hath ouercome, and is not ashamed to yeeld after it hath conque­red. Hee must be wonne with meekenes, and o­uer-ruled with admonitions and patience. What is it to haue lost some temporall things by pati­ence, or by a continuall patience to lose more, as the times now are? Whether is Seuerity to bee withdrawne, when ruine and slaughter threaten a People? To cast many goods into the sea, when the prouoked waues with the confusion of hideous surges threaten a Ship-wrack?’

But the Pope and Cardinals could not endure that the Papall authority should be questioned in matter of Dispensation, and all maner of contempt for the space of fiue yeeres little more or lesse, neg­lected [Page] to lend an eare thereto, The King seeing him­selfe contem­ned, renoun­ceth the Pope. but were of opinion that the King ought to be cited to Rome: Inso­much, that this Prince, who was full of courage, being stirred vp to wrath by the arrogancy which some Ecclesiasticall persons had lately shewed, thought that for the iustnesse of his cause, hee was vniustly dealt with, most vnworthily for his Roy­all dignitie, and most ingratefully considering how much good he had done for the Church of Rome; that almost all at one time hee diuorced Katharine, depriued Wolsey of his goods, and drew a great summe of mony from those Bishops who had ac­knowledged the authority of his Delegation, to the preiudice of his Royall preeminence; accepted the title of Soueraigne head, next vnder Christ, of the Church of England, which was offered vnto him by a Synod, and by both the Vniuersities of England; with the consent of the Peeres of his Kingdome, made Anne Bolene Marchionesse of Pembrooke, for the noblenesse of her extraction, and the merit of her vertues, (so are the words;) hauing apparelled her in Royall Robes, he married her, Marrieth Anne. and comman­ded her to be sacred, Queene. Clement the Seuenth was much displeased, (but to little purpose) iudged the former marriage to be of force and Canonicall, and pronounced that the King had incurred the pe­naltie of the great excommunication.

Of this Marriage was ELIZABETH borne at [Page] Greenwich, vpon Thames, the seuenth day of Sep­tember 1533. Shortly after, the marriage contra­cted with Katherine, was iudged by authority of Parliament, incestuous and void, and that with Anne, lawfull by the Diuine Law, and ELIZABETH Heire of the Kingdome, if Issue-Male of the Royall Line should fayle. All sweare fidelity to the King, and to the Heires which he had or should haue by Anne. And as it was considered vpon, that Paulus the Third would againe at Rome proclaime against this Marriage, and that within the Realme certaine Religious Women of Kent, A Nunne of Kent sub­orned. suborned by some re­ligious men, cast out at randome some indiscreete words against Anne, ELIZABETH, and the King, as if they had been strucken with some diuine fu­ry. Authoritie of Ecclesia­sticall giuen to the King. The Title of the Soueraigne head of the Church of England is giuen to the King, with all manner of authority for the reforming of errours, heresies, and abuses, and the oath of fidelity to the Heires which hee should haue by Anne is confirmed. Neuerthe­lesse three yeeres scarce passed, but giuing himselfe to new Loues, to distrusts, to wrath, to murther, and to bloud; to make way to his new Loue Iane Seymor, he accused Anne (who had miscarried of a Male-Childe) to haue defiled his Bed, and for a light suspition put her into the hands of iustice, where being examined, shee so resolued the obie­ctions which were made vnto her, that the whole [Page] multitude which were there present, iudged her innocent, and that she was circumuented. She not­withstanding is condemned by her Peeres, and be­ing told of it, sent to the King, and pleasantly thankes him for many benefits which shee had re­ceiued from him, viz. that shee not being very no­ble by extraction, hee had vouchsafed to adde to her condition, the dignity of Marchionesse, to make her his companion of honour, and to raise her vn­to Royall Maiestie: And which is more than all this, that not being able to aduāce her to an higher on earth, he pleased to lift her vp to heauen, where shee should enioy eternall glory with innocent soules. Anne be­headed. Shee tooke her punishment quietly and Christianly, wishing all happines to the King, and pardoning all her enemies.

The day following, hee married Iane, and by authority of the Parliament, declares the marriage with Anne to be no lesse vnlawfull and voyd, than the marriage with Katherine, and that MARIE and ELIZABETH, their Daughters, were illegi­timate, and to be excluded from the Succession of the Kingdome. Iane, being in labour of EDWARD, (who succeeded his Father in the Kingdome) dy­ed before hee was borne, and hee cut out of her wombe.

The King being but little grieued for the death of his Wife, forthwith applyes himselfe to new [Page] Loues both in Italy and France, to procure friends: Neuerthelesse, as he was of an ambiguous minde, and fearefull of euery thing, lest the Papists should rise in Rebellion, and the Nobles moue sedition, or ioyne with his forreine enemies, hee caused some to be beheaded for light and trifling matters, & some before euer they were heard: and euery houre hee punished the Papists, The King exerciseth his cruelty vpon Pa­pists and Lutherans, and his aua­rice vpon the Mona­steries. as Traytors which did perse­uere in defending the Popes authoritie; and beeing transported with couetousnesse, hee tooke occasion (and subiect by the vices of humane frailtie, as of idle and free liuing) to demolish the great Mona­steries, as he had done the smaller, that were full of venerable antiquity and Maiesty, tooke all the ri­ches which had beene gathered of many yeeres, and at the same time burned Protestants aliue for Heretiques, by vertue of a Law called the Law of the Six Articles, The Law of Six Articles. made against those which did im­pugne the doctrine of the Church of Rome, touch­ing Transubstantiation, the celebration of the Eucha­rist vnder one kinde, the single life of Priests, Vowes, priuate Masses, and auricular confession. In so much, that at one time, and in the same place, hee exerci­sed his crueltie against the Papists, causing them to be hanged and quartered: and against the Pro­testants, causing them to be burned aliue. By which acts, he made himselfe terrible in his owne King­dome, and to be holden a Tyrant abroad: and first, [Page] being reiected by Marie of Lorraine, daughter to the Duke of Guise, whom hee desired as riuall to Iames King of Scotland his Nephew: afterwards, of Christian of Denmarke, Dutchesse of Milan, Grand­child to Charles the Fifth. In the end, seeking the friendship of the Protestants of Germanie, He marries and diuorces Anne of Cleue. with much adoe he obtained Anne of Cleue for his wife. But beeing as readie to distaste Women as to loue them, turning his heart away from her as soone as he had marryed her, put her away, as not beautifull enough for a Prince, grounding himselfe vpon this, that shee had beene betrothed before to the Duke of Lorraine's Sonne, and that shee had some womanish weaknesse that made her vnfit for mar­riage. But it was to take in her stead Katharine Ho­ward, daughter to Edmond Howard, and Neece to Thomas of Norfolke, whom he beheaded the yeere following, accusing her to haue violated her cha­stity before shee was married, and opens the Roy­all-Bed to Katharine Parre, a Knights daughter, Katharine Parre. and the second time Widdow.

Now when through intemperancy of his youth, he perceiued the vigor of his body to decay; being angry with the French King for hauing ayded the Scots against the English, hee reconciles himselfe, and makes alliance with the Emperour Charles, a­gainst the French, who hauing quite forgot the di­uorce of Katharine his Aunt, secretly giues him hope [Page] to reconcile him to the Church of Rome. Reconciles himselfe with the Emperour Charles. After, ha­uing resolued to set vpon France, thereby so much the more to worke himselfe into the Emperours friendship, and quickly to cure the vlcers of his conscience, Assures the succession to his Chil­dren. propounded to the Parliament, which was then assembled, that when hee should happen to dye, and his Sonne EDVVARD without issue, MARIE should first succeed to the Crowne, and afterwards, shee leauing none, ELIZABETH. That if neither left any, the Crowne of England should deuolue vpon such as he would designe ey­ther by Letters Patents or by Will. Which passed for a Law, with the good liking and consent of all, and that the penaltie of Laesae Maiestatis should be inflicted vpon any that should goe against it.

Take Bo­logne.Being returned from France, after he had taken Bologne, and consumed much treasure, and beeing sad and heauy to see England deuided by new o­pinions which daily sprang vp, and England groa­ned for sorrow to see her selfe so exhausted of her riches, her Money corrupted with Brasse, her Mo­nasteries, with the Monuments of great antiquity, ruined, the bloud of Nobles, Prelates, Papists, and Protestants promiscuously spilt, and entangled in a Scottish warre, Dyed. hee died with a perpetuall fluxe of Grease flowing from him, caused by a poysonous inflammation in the thigh: An. 1547. he breathed his last. A magnanimous Prince, but I know not [Page] what confused temper of spirit he had: great ver­tues he had; and no lesse vices.

EDVVARD his sonne hauing scarce attained to the age of tenne yeeres, succeeded him, King Ed­ward the Sixth suc­ceedeth his Father. and had for his Protector, Edw. Seymor Duke of Sommerset, his Vnkle, vnder whom the English hauing taken vp armes, for to reuenge the violated faith of the match agreed vpon betweene Edward and Marie Queene of Scotland; the English obtained a notable victory ouer the Scots neere Musselborough; this per­nicious Law of Six Articles, and others which had beene established by King HENRY the Eighth, against the Protestants, are suppressed, and those which tended to the abolishing of the Popes autho­ritie confirmed; the Masse abrogated; The doctrine of the Gospel is brought in. the Images taken out of the Temples; the Bookes of the Old and New Testament imprinted; the Diuine Ser­uice celebrated in the vulgar Tongue; the Eucha­rist distributed vnder both kindes: But neuerthe­lesse the auaritious sacriledge fell rauenously vpon pillaging the goods of the Church, Colledges, A misera­ble reigne vnder a King that is a Childe. Quiers, Hospitals, as things iudged to bee for su­perstitious vses: ambition and enuy among the great ones, audacitie and disobedience among the Commons, so insolently exulted, that England see­med to be raging madde with rebellious tumults, taking sides, deprauation of money, and withall, the euils that are accustomed to be during the mi­nority [Page] of a King, these wasted and consumed within the Land: Also, dammage was receiued a­broad; as the losse of Forts which the English had made in Scotland and in France, and the Towne of Bologne, which had cost so much, which, to the shame of the name of English, was deliuered vp into the French Kings hands for money, with all the Fortresses of the Countrey of Bologne which the English had built, the Cannons and Munitions of warre; when England was so disioynted by di­uision, that it was not able to keepe them; and Charles the Emperour hauing no will to ayde it, although he was intreated, in consideration of the alliance with him, excusing himselfe for that it had beene conquered since; no, not to accept of it, being offered vnto him gratis. And to adde an ouer-plus of infelicity, the Protector not being wa­ry enough of the subtilty and deceits of Dudley, Duke of Northumberland, The Prote­ctor is sacri­ficed to death. is by vertue of a new law condemned of Felony: for, entring into counsell how to take away the liues of some of the Kings Councellors, to wit, of Dudley, and some others, hee lost his head, and his Sonne by a priuate Law be­reaued of the greatest part of his patrimony, and of his Fathers honours. The King being vnprouided of his faithfull Guard, is snatched away (vncertaine whether by sicknesse or poyson) before hee was ripe, leauing an incredible griefe with his people [Page] for the great and excellent vertues which hee had, farre surpassing his age.

At the same dolefull and heauy time, Dudley ha­uing broken the fraternall amity that was between the Protector and Tho. Seimor his brother, vpon oc­casion of an emulation of Women, which was be­tweene the Queene Dowager, wife to Thomas, and the Dutches of Somerset, the Protectors wife, a­mongst other things, to conuict Thomas, of Crimen laesae Maiestatis, that he intended to reduce the King into his owne power, and to marry ELIZABETH the Kings Sister; shee indeed ignorant of the mat­ter, grew vp in yeeres, Elizabeth in fauour with her brother. and was in singular fauour with EDWARD her brother (who neuer saluted her, but called her his sweet Sister;) as also with the Peeres, and the Common-people. For she was full of grace and beauty, and worthy of Soueraigne Authority, of modest grauity, cleere and quick­witted, of a happy memory, and indefatigable in the studies of best letters, insomuch that before she attained to the Age of 17. yeeres, Her studies. she very well vn­derstood the Latine tongue, the French, the Italian, and the Greeke indifferently. Neither wanted shee skill in Musicke that was beseeming a Prince, and she sung and plaid cunningly and sweetly. With Roger Ascham, who was to guide her in her Studies, she read the Common places of Melancthon, all Ci­cero, a great part of the History of Titus Liuius, the [Page] choice Orations of Isocrates (wherof she translated two into Latine) Sophocles Tragedies, and she read the New-Testament in Greeke. By which meanes she adorned her tongue with pure words, and in­structed her mind with the best documents, and good learning, not for pompe or ostentation, but to recreate her life, and frame her selfe to vertue, that among the learned Princes of her time, shee was held Miraculous.

But the death of EDVVARD interrupted the studies of the Liberall Arts: For scarce was he ex­pired, but Dudley Duke of Northumberland (who earnestly coueted the Kingdome for Iane Gray, to whom he had affianced his Sonne) vsed some per­sons to perswade her to quit the right which shee had to the Kingdome for a certaine summe of mo­ney, and great possessions in Land. She modestly answered, that they ought first doe well to agree with Mary her elder Sister, because that during her life, she could pretend no right to it. Anon af­ter, by the publike voice of a Cryer, Iane Gray, HENRY the Eighth's Neece by his second Sisters Daughter, was proclaimed Queene of England: the cause thereof being sought out, was found to bee, that in regard of a Lawe by Act of Parliament, which had neuer been duely abrogated, MARIE and ELIZABETH had beene declared illegiti­mate, (although that by the same Lawe the King [Page] their Father had declared, that after EDVVARD the Sixth, if Issue fayled, that they should succeede him in order) and that by the Ciuill-Law of Eng­land, such Sisters could not hereditarily succeede EDVVARD, because they were not Cousin Ger­manes, but (as our learned in the Law say) of the halfe Blood. They adde likewise, that HENRY the Eighth had by his last will nominated Iane Gray. Moreouer it was shewed, what danger there were, if MARIE and ELIZABETH should mar­rie stranger Princes, which would re-establish the Popes authority, which was reiected out of the Kingdome. And to that purpose they produce Letters Patents that EDVVARD the Sixth a little before his death had perfected, and many of the Peeres, Bishops, Iudges, and others, by their signes in writing had fortified; neuerthelesse, the good­will that the Lords and the Commons bore to the Daughters of HENRIE the Eighth, within twen­tie dayes had driuen away this storme, and MARY proclaimed Queene through all parts of England, Mary is proclaimed. Elizabeth ioynes with her. who comming toward the Citie of London with an Armie, ELIZABETH (not to bee wanting, her Sisters cause and hers being yet disquieted) went accompanied with fiue hundred Horse to meet her vpon the way.

In the first Assembly of the Parliament that MA­RY caused to bee holden, what things soeuer had [Page] beene decreed against the marriage betweene Qu. Katharine, and HENRY the Eighth, were abroga­ted, and it was iudged lawfull by the Diuine Law, and at all times, and at all places auaileable for these reasons, Because it had bin contracted by the con­sent of both their Parents, of most Illustrious Prin­ces, of most graue Personages as well of England as Spaine, and with a graue and constant deliberati­on of the learnedest men of Christendome, and consummated by the procreation of Children. The same religious Seruice, and administration of the Sacraments which were in vse at the decease of HENRY the Eighth, are re-established; notwith­standing without any mention of acknowledging the Popes authority, which thing put the Queene and Cardinall Pole into great trouble and vnquiet­nesse, who thinke that for matter of the marriage, consent of Parents, and the iudgement of the wise, did but onely depend vpon the Dispensation of Pope Iulius the second: and were very angry that the vse of the Sacraments were permitted to those who were not as yet well and duely receiued into the Church, without the authoritie of the Pope. But the States of the Kingdome (and MARY be­thought her selfe of it) feared to receiue and ac­knowledge the Popes authority which they had al­ready shaken off, neither could they suffer that the Queene should quit the Title of Soueraigne head of [Page] the Church of England, to which the most part of them, Prelates, Peeres, and Common-people, had sworne to HENRY the Eighth, his heires and successors, and there were many of them that had got their riches from those of the Church. The English with much adoe subiect themselues to the power of the Pope. But tooke it greatly to heart to forsake him, perswading herselfe that all the right that she had to the King­dome of England, was vpholden by no other meanes, then by the power of the Pope, who gaue sentence of her side, after her Father had declared her illegitimate. Verily, many at that time had the Popes power in such hatred, and a strangers yoke, that within tenne dayes after that MARY was married to Phillip King of Spaine, Tho. Wyat, and many others of Kent, brake out into rebellion, perswading themselues, that this marriage was made to no other end, but the more rigorously to presse them downe vnder the Romane yoke, by the strength of Spaine, and dispatch ELIZABETH out of the way, who was next heire to the King­dome of England. Charles the fifth Emperour know­ing what spirits were in England, and that Cardinall Pole was going with power of Legate from the Pope, cast a blocke in the way (not without the Queenes counsell) lest he should trouble businesse not as yet established, that he should not come in­to England till fifteene moneths were expired, when the third Parliament was ended, and the marri­age [Page] of MARY and Philip should be celebrated by the Dispensation of Pope Iulius the third, because they were allied in the third degree, and that the Emperour Charles himselfe had heretofore contra­cted to marry her, being then vnder age, for time to come. At last, being dismissed from the Empe­rour, he came into England, by demands and obte­stations propounded orders, that the lawes against Heretikes might be re-established, all Lawes pub­lished against the Sea of Rome, since the twentieth yeere of Henrie the eighth abolished, and the whole body of the Kingdome reconciled to the Church of Rome. The which with great difficulty he ob­tained, yet not before the goods taken from the Monasteries, Colledges, Bishops, &c. by Henry the eighth, Vpon what conditions they were re­conciled to the Church of Rome. and Edward the sixth, were confirmed vp­on like Couenant, to the Queene and the possessors, lest the Kingdome should be disquieted. Foorth­with hereupon, he absolued both the Clergie and people, of the crime of Schisme, and Pope Iulius the third, himselfe with great ioy, celebrated a so­lemne Masse at Rome, Reioycing for it at Rome. ordained Prayers, published a Iubile, and granted a plenarie Indulgence to all who had giuen God thankes for the revnion of the Kingdome of England. Then is sent vnto him An­thony Viscount Montaigue, Thomas Thurlbe, Bishop of Ely, and Edward Carne, to giue thankes for the pardon which he had granted for the Schismes, and [Page] in the name of the King, the Queene, and the King­dome, and that due submission and obedience should be performed to the Pope and See of Rome. Iulius then being deceased, Paulus 4. gaue them audience and publike conference in the Apostolike Palace, and in the Hall of Kings, receiued their o­bedience, approued the pardon and absolution granted by Cardinall Pole: And for the well de­seruing of Mary and Philip, he, Ireland e­rected a Kingdome by the Pope. out of the fulnesse of his power, erected for euer Ireland to be a King­dome, and adorned and marked it with dignities and Royall preheminences. The which the States of Ireland had liberally offered to Henry the eighth, and the Queene a little before vsed and enioyed the same. But these things are not for this place.

The Romane Religion seemed then to be well e­stablished in England: howbeit the Ecclesiasticall company seeing that Mary was now fortie yeeres old, growne dry and sickly, scarce hoping for any ofspring, The Papists feare Eliza­beth. began forthwith to be afraid of ELIZA­BETH: For they knew she was brought vp in the Protestant Religion, and obserued that all men cast (as vpon a rising Sunne) both heart and eye vpon her. Therefore they seriously consult from the very beginning of Maries Raigne, how to preuent that the Religion now called backe, should receiue any detriment by her. The wiser and more conscien­cious sort iudged it to be an exceeding foule crime [Page] to destroy Royall Linage, and Mary herselfe, who was a godly Princesse (though displeased with her Sister, for the discord of their Mothers) yet cer­taine sicke-braind fellowes (who neither durst vn­dertake any thing, nor performe any thing by right or wrong to establish the Catholike Religion) did thinke it fit. And it happened very commodi­ously, for them, that Tho. Wyat, Peter Carew, Iames Crofts, and others for the Protestants, seditiously endeuoured to doe rash and turbulent things, la­bouring with all haste to mary ELIZABETH to Edward Courtney, Earle of Deuon-shire. She, as be­ing guilty hereof, They perse­cute her. is thrust into prison: first of all vncertaine rumors are dispersed, that she was a par­taker of sedition, thereupon many are brought in question for their heads, and others brought to the Racke. Croft, with a religious asseueration openly affirmed, that she was no way guilty, and out of all offence for sedition. Wyat also, it was thought, (who was ready to vnder-goe his last punishment) would haue accused her, and hee openly professed the same: Neuerthelesse she is put into the hands of Keepers, who hurry her this way and that way, at length her Seruants and Maides are laide in fet­ters; harder dealing then her dignity deserued.

The Kings of France & Spaine com­fort her.In the meane time, the French King, Henry the second, by priuate Letters, full of loue, comforts her, and by many and great promises seekes to [Page] draw her into France; whether for loue, or by de­ceit to beget her a greater danger, I will not say, to make way to the Queene of Scots his Neece to the Crowne of England, after Queene MARY. In like manner, Christian the Third, King of Denmarke, who long before made profession of the Prote­stants Religion, endeuours all he can, and treates vnder-hand to marry her to Frederick his Sonne.

Which when the Papists of England perceyued, they againe threaten perill and mischiefe, and fea­ring her, cry out, that all of the Romane Religion, Queene and Kingdome, are in ieopardy while shee subsists, therefore necessarily to condemne her, ey­ther Laesae Maiestatis, or as a depraued Heretique: and during that storme, whilest cruelty was rigo­rously exercised vpon the meaner sort of Prote­stants, I. Storie, Doctor of the Law, and others, cunningly giue it out in all places, in seuerall assem­blies, that they vnderstood it was practising to ex­tirpate and ridde out Heresie (ayming at her) with­out sparing the smallest branches. Notwithstan­ding, moderating her selfe (imitating the Mariner when a storme violently increaseth) heard diuine Seruice, according to the rule of the Romish Church, came often to Confession, Shee is for feare of death con­strained to follow the Romish Re­ligion. and verily bee­ing oft rudely and churlishly disturbed by Cardi­nall Pole, the terrour of death made her confesse her selfe to bee a Romane Catholique. Howbeit [Page] MARY hardly beleeued it, not forgetting that her­selfe, being forced by the same apprehension, had by Letters written to her Father with her owne hand (which I haue seene) renounced for euer the authority that the Pope pretended to haue in Eng­land, and acknowledged her Father to be [ Soue­raigne Head of the Church of England] and that the marriage betwixt him and her Mother was ince­stuous and vnlawfull. Neyther could the Cardi­nall, and other Prelates, perswade themselues to it, who to assure the Romane Church, wished her to be taken out of the way. But Philip, MARY'S Husband, and other Spaniards, being more iust on ELIZABETHS behalfe, would not heare of that; Not that the fortune of an afflicted Princesse moo­ued them so much to mercy, as their owne reason circumspectly aduised them. Because (fore-seeing) if ELIZABETH were cut off, that by Marie, Queene of Scots, (next Heire to the Kingdome of England, now married to the Dolphin of France,) England, Ireland, and Scotland, might be ioyned to the Scep­ter of France; then which, nothing could be more fearefull to the greatnes of Spaine, with whom they haue continuall warres.

They goe a­bout to send her out of the Kingdome, and exclude her from the succession thereof.When therefore without impietie they could not put ELIZABETH to death, many thought it would be most aduisedly done, to remooue her farre from England, and marry her to Emanuel Philibert, Duke [Page] of Sauoy. Neyther did this please Spaine, who be­fore had purposed her for Charles his sonne. And Thomas Cornwallis, who was of the Queenes Coun­cell, likewise disswaded it, telling Her, that the peo­ple of Englād would hardly beare it, yea in no wise suffer it, that the next Heire of the Kingdome should be carryed away into a forreine Countrey: At which time, MARY, for her inueterate hatred to ELIZABETH, and because shee refused to marry with Sauoy, grew to that heat of anger, that shee ouer-charged her with reproaches, and often-times would not stick to say, that Marie, Queene of Scot­land was the certaine and vndoubted Heire of the Kingdome of England, next to her selfe. These con­sultations holden against ELIZABETH, were taken away by a warre which MARY denounced in the behalfe of her Husband against France, which although that was the prime and principall cause, shee neuerthelesse alledged others, and those most true, viz. That France, against the Lawes of couenant, had nourished and sustained by his A­gents and ministers, the Rebellions of the Duke of Northumberland, and Tho. Wyat, the machinations and workings of Dudley and Ashton against her per­son, sent out Pyrats against the English Merchants, furnished Stafford with Ships and Armes to possesse the Castle of Scarborough, had attempted by wicked practices to surprize Callais, permitted English mony [Page] to be counterfeited and adulterated in France, and inuaded the Low-Countries, which the English by couenant are bound to defend. In this flaming warre, and the Scots stirred vp by the French inua­ding the Frontiers of England, Calais lost. Calais is lost, the Ca­stles of Lisbanck, Newnambrig, Mere, Oyes, Hammes, Sandgate, the Castle and Towne of Guines, and a­mongst the frequent Funerals of Prelates, which sad presage seemed to fore-shew the displeasure of the diuine power, MARY, neglected of her Hus­band, and with concocted griefe for the losse of Callais, (which had beene Englands rightfully two hundred yeeres) with a Feuer and the Dropsie, the seuenteenth day of Nouember 1558. Qu. Mary dyes: departed, ha­uing reigned fiue yeeres & foure moneths: A Prin­cesse of a holy behauior to al, her piety to the poore, liberalitie to the Nobles, and Clergie, can neuer enough be praysed. But, the time was infamous, by the incredible crueltie of Prelates, who polluted England through all parts, with a most sad & dread­full spectacle, in burning the Protestants aliue. For (as some haue obserued) there were more consu­med of all rankes, Bishops, Ministers, and common people, by this vengible and direfull way of death these fiue yeeres, than England saw in all the seuen and thirtie yeeres of HENRY the Eighth.

In the reigne of Iohn, Christians against Christi­ans with vs, began to tyrannize with flames. The [Page] same day that MARY dyed, within a few houres after, Cardinall Pole, Arch-bishop of Canterbury, And Car­dinall Pole. tormented with a quartane Feuer, expired. A man whom pietie, learning, and integritie, had made much more famous than the splendor of his Royall Race, though hee was Nephew to George, Duke of Clarence, Brother to Edward the Fourth, King of England.

Booke 1. 1558.A TABLE OF THE CONTENTS of this matchlesse and famous HISTORIE. The first Booke.

Anno M.D.LVIII.
  • QVeene ELIZABETH is proclaymed Queene of England. Fol. 2.
  • Choyce of her Priuy Councell. Fol. 3.
  • Her care to re-establish the Catholike Christian Religion. Fol. 4.
  • Philip, King of Spaine, Queene MARY's Wid­dower, is a Sutor to her Sister. Fol. 5.
  • Queene ELIZABETH refused him, and wherefore. Fol. 7.
  • Consultations about the safe re-establishment of true Religion. Fol. 9.
  • Diuine Seruice allowed by the Queene in English. Fol. 11.
Anno M.D.LIX.
Booke 1· 1559.
  • CReation and restoration of diuers Noble-men. Fol. 12.
  • A Parliament summoned and held at Westminster. Fol. 14.
  • Proposition to reforme Religion. Fol. 15.
  • Dispute established betweene Protestants and Papists. Fol. 17.
  • Sir Edward Crane, Ambassadour for England, is detayned at Rome. Fol. 18.
  • Disputes and strifes for Callais. Fol. 19.
  • A Treatie of peace with the French King in Cambresis Ca­stle. Fol. 22.
  • The Articles of the said peace. Fol. 23.
  • Peace concluded betweene the Queenes of England and Scot­land. Fol. 24.
  • The Baron of Wentworth, and others, questioned about Calais. Fol. 25.
  • The Parliament exhort the Queene to marry. Fol. 26.
  • Her Maiesties answer. Fol. 27.
  • Lawes and Ordinances established by the Parliament. Fol. 29.
  • The Nobles of the Land re-established, and Papists deposed. Fol. 30.
  • By what degrees Religion was altered in England. Fol. 33.
  • The profit proceeding by Religions alteration. Fol. 34.
  • Queene ELIZABETH's Poesie, or Motto. Fol. 35.
  • Her Maiesties answer to forreine Princes interceding for the Papists. ibid.
  • The Emperour seekes Queene ELIZABETH for his sonne. Fol. 36.
  • The French King challenged the Kingdome of England for the Queene of Scots. Fol. 37.
  • The King of France his sodaine death, being kill'd at a tilting. ibid.
  • Francis the Second, King of France, and Mary, Queene of Scots, his Wife, take vpon them the Title of King & Queene [Page] of England and Ireland.
    Booke 1. 1560.
    Fol. 38.
  • The originall of the hidden hatred which hath beene betweene the Queenes of England and Scotland. Fol. 39.
  • The Scots refuse to obey the Queene-Regent, but seeke helpe of Queene ELIZABETH. Fol. 40.
  • They resolue to driue the French out of Scotland. Fol. 42.
  • The English are sent into Scotland both by Land and Sea. Fol. 43.
  • The death of Francis Talbot, the first Earle of Shrewsbury. Fol. 44.
Anno M.D.LX.
  • A Treatie of peace in Barwicke. Fol. 45.
  • Martigues brings French-men into Scotland, and the Marquesse of Debeux is driuen by a tempest. Fol. 47.
  • Spaines counsell to peace. Fol. 48.
  • Spaniards detaine from the English, munition. ibid.
  • The French call the English from Scotland, and doe protest they are meerely the cause that peace is broken. Fol. 49.
  • The Guizes are sworne and profest enemies to Queene ELI­ZABETH. ibid.
  • The French offer to render vp Calais. Fol. 50.
  • Queene ELIZABETH answered them, and sends Viscount Montague into Spaine. ibid.
  • Arthur Gray, sonne to the Lord Gray, wounded, and lyeth besieged. Fol. 51.
  • The English repulsed, Crofts is accused. Fol. 52.
  • The Queene-Regent of Scotlands death. Fol. 53.
  • The Treatie of Edenborough. ibid.
  • A peace is published. Fol. 54.
  • Queene ELIZABETH is sought in marriage by diuers po­tent Princes. ibid.
  • Spaine fauoured England against the French. Fol. 58.
  • The King of Spaine deliuered backe the Order of the Garter. ibid.
  • [Page]Hee is disdained to be refused in things of small importance; and the Count of Feria whets his indignation. Fol. 59.
  • The Pope is incensed against Queene ELIZABETH. Fol. 60.
  • Yet the Pope writes, and sends his Nuncio ouer. Fol. 61.
  • The King and Queene of France and Scotland refuse to con­firme the Treatie of Edenborough, with their reasons. Fol. 63.
  • Francis the Second, King of France, dyed. ibid.
  • An Edict set forth by Queene ELIZABETH against An­abaptists, and sacrilegious persons. Fol. 64.
  • The Colledge of Westminster founded. ibid.
  • The Coyne brought to full valew. ibid.
  • Good Coyne stampt for Ireland, which wee call Sterling. Fol. 65.
  • The death of the Earle of Huntingdon, the second of that Race. Fol. 66.
Anno M.D.LXI.
1561.
  • THe Queene Dowager of France, Queene of Scotland, defer­red the confirmation of Edenboroughs Treaty. Fol. 68.
  • The Queene of England refused passage to the Queene of Scot­land from France ouer. Fol. 69.
  • Shee complayned to Throckmorton, Ambassadour for Eng­land. Fol. 71.
  • Throckmortons answer to the said Queeene. Fol. 72.
  • Contestation betweene them two. Fol. 73.
  • The Queene of Scotland laboured to content Queene ELI­ZABETH. Fol. 74.
  • But in vaine. ibid.
  • The Queene of Scotland takes her iourney out of France into Scotland, where she well and safely arriued. Fol. 75.
  • She sends to Queene ELIZABETH, who answered her. Fol. 76.
  • Queene ELIZABETH presseth the confirmation of the trea­tie. Fol. 77.
  • The Guizes, and other French Noble-men, who had conueyed [Page] the Queene of Scots into Scotland, returning home thorow England, are magnificently entertained with all royall cour­tesies by Queene ELIZABETH. Fol. 77.
  • That the right to assemble a Councel, belongeth not to the Pope. Fol. 78.
  • How farre an Ambassadour ought to beare an offence. Fol. 79.
  • Queene ELIZABETH prepares things necessary for the warre. ibid.
  • She findes the Calamite stone. Fol. 80.
  • And prepares a Fleet. ibid.
  • The English in emulation of their Queene, striue who can build the best Ships. ibid.
  • Tillage more vsed than euer. Fol. 81.
  • An Edict in fauour of the King of Poland. ibid.
  • S. Pauls famous Steeple in London is burnt. Fol. 82.
  • The Earle of Bathe dyed. ibid.
Anno M.D.LXII.
  • 1562.
    ARthur Pole, his Brother, and others, are examined. Fol. 84.
  • The Lady Katherine Gray is imprisoned. ibid.
  • The Guizes practize against Queene ELIZABETH. Fol. 85.
  • Henry Sidney is sent into France, and presently after into Scot­land. Fol. 86.
  • They deliberate the inter-uiew of the Queene of Scotland. Fol. 87.
  • The Cardinall of Lorraine propoundeth a marriage to the Queene of Scotland, and Queene ELIZABETH endeuours to diuert her from it. Fol. 88.
  • Shee excuses the French Fugitiues. Fol. 89.
  • The death of Iohn de Vere, Earle of Oxford. Fol. 90.
  • Shan O-Neale comes into England to defend his cause. ibid.
Anno M.D.LXIII.
  • LAw established by Parliament. Fol. 92.
    1563.
  • Fifteenes and Subsidies granted. Fol. 93.
  • The Prince of Condé is taken in the Battel of DREVX. Fol. 94.
  • The King of Spaines answer. ibid.
  • Hostages giuen for the restitution of Calais. Fol. 95.
  • Attempt to flye away. ibid.
  • Peace made in France. ibid.
  • Warre proclaymed betweene France and England. ibid.
  • The Queene offers to giue Haure de grace for Calais. Fol. 96.
  • The English Souldiers are afflicted with the plague. ibid.
  • Haure de grace beleagred by the French. Fol. 97.
  • Articles for Haure de grace's Restitution. Fol. 99.
  • The Souldiers comming ouer, infect London, and other places in England with the plague. ibid.
  • Another marriage propounded to the Queene of Scotland. Fol. 100.
  • Queene ELIZABETH recommends Robert Dudley vnto her for a Husband. ibid.
  • The French diuert the Queene from it. Fol. 101.
  • The Baron of Gray dyes, and the Bishop of Aquila. ibid.
  • The Spaniards against the English. Fol. 102.
  • The Lord William Paget dyes. ibid.
  • The supreame dignities of honour in England. Fol. 103.
  • The death of Henry Manners, Earle of Rutland. ibid.
  • And also of the Lady Frances Brandon, Duchesse of Suffolke. ibid.
Anno M.D.LXIIII.
  • THe Articles of peace concluded betweene France and Eng­land.
    1564.
    Fol. 106.
  • [Page]The French King enstalled in the Order of the Garter. Fol. 107.
  • The English and Hollanders ill vsed in Spaine. ibid.
  • A Mart established by the English in Edenborough. Fol. 108.
  • Robert Dudley created Baron of Denbigh, and Earle of Lei­cester, who accused Sir Nicholas Bacon. Fol. 110.
  • Cambridge honoured with Queene ELIZABETHS pre­sence. ibid.
  • Diuers opinions about Englands succession. Fol. 111.
  • Lenox sent for by the Queene of Scotland. ibid.
  • The true discent and extraction of the Dukes of Lenox. ibid.
  • Leicesters treatie of a match with Scotlands Queene. Fol. 114.
1565.
Anno M.D.LXV.
  • THe Lord Darley's iourney into Scotland, where hee is be­loued of the Queene. Fol. 116.
  • Queene ELIZABETHS consent required about that mar­riage. Fol. 117.
  • Throckmorton sent to hinder it. Fol. 118.
  • Lenox and Darley re-called out of Scotland, who excuse them­selues, and the Queene marries with the Lord Darley. Fol. 119.
  • Queene ELIZABETH endures it with moderation, but some Scots take distaste about that marriage. Fol. 120.
  • The Emperour is a sutor for his Brother to Queene ELIZA­BETH. Fol. 121.
  • As the Queene of Sheba came to see Salomon, so the rare vertues of Queene ELIZABETH, brought Cecilia, Queene of Sueden, bigge with Childe, from the furthest part of the North, to see so compleat a Maiestie. ibid.
  • Creation of the Earle of Glencarne. ibid.
  • Nicholas Arnold, sent Deputie into Ireland. Fol. 124.
  • The death of Sir Thomas Chaloner. Fol. 125.
Anno M.D.LXVI.
1566.
  • THomas, Duke of Norfolke, and Robert, Earle of Leice­cester, are honoured with the chiefe order of Knight­hood of France. Fol. 126.
  • The Earle of Arundell in voluntary exile. Fol. 127.
  • The English carry both their armes and courage to the Hunga­rian warre. Fol. 127.
  • The happy birth of King IAMES. ibid.
  • Queene ELIZABETH reioyceth much thereby, visits Ox­enford, and holds a Parliament. Fol. 128.
  • The States sollicite her to marry, and declare her Successor. Fol. 129.
  • The Great-Ones modestly, and the popular sort eagerly. Fol. 130.
  • Queene ELIZABETH is thereby angred. Fol. 131.
  • The Queene of Scotlands right to England apparant. Fol. 134.
  • Bishops Ordinations confirmed. ibid.
  • Bedfords Earle, Ambassadour from Queene ELIZABETH, to the christning of King IAMES in Scotland. Fol. 135.
  • The death of Iohn Masson, and Sir Edward Sackuille. Fol. 136.
Anno M.D.LXVII.
1567.
  • THe murder of the Lord Darley, who was married to the Queene of Scots. Fol. 137.
  • Buchanan condemned for falshood by the States of Scotland. Fol. 138.
  • Iames, Prior of Saint Andrewes, the Queenes bastard-Bro­ther, discontented for want of greater aduancement, returnes into Scotland. ibid.
  • Hee seekes to be Regent of Scotland, whereof being frustrate, hee opposeth against the Queene, and makes his ambition openly and euidently knowne. Fol. 139.
  • [Page]Hee is created Earle of Murray; he persecutes the great men of Scotland, and disswades the Queene from marriage. Fol. 140.
  • He takes armes against her, after shee was married; and flyes in­to England. Hee seekes to sow discord betweene the Queene and her Husband the Lord Darley. Fol. 141.
  • The murder of Dauid Rice, in the Queene of Scots sight. Fol. 142.
  • Murray is repealed. Fol. 142.
  • Earle Morton flyes into England. Fol. 143.
  • Dissention betweene the King and the Queene. Fol. 144.
  • Earle Bothwell, and others, murder the Queenes Husband. ibid.
  • Earle Bothwell commended to the Queene for her Husband. ibid.
  • Testimony of the murder of the Lord Darley. Fol. 145.
  • Earle Bothwell is freed of the murder of the King. Fol. 147.
  • Hee marries the Queene. ibid.
  • They conspire both against him and the Queene. ibid.
  • Earle Murray retyres into France. Fol. 148.
  • Earle Bothwell is expelled. ibid.
  • The Queene is imprisoned. ibid.
  • Queene ELIZABETH, by Throckmorton, complaynes thereof to the Confederates. ibid.
  • They consult what is to be done with the Queene-prisoner. Fol. 149.
  • Throckmorton defends the Queenes cause. ibid.
  • The Scots maintaine the contrary, out of Buchanans reasons. Fol. 150.
  • They extort from their Queene a resignation of the gouerne­ment. Fol. 151.
  • IAMES the Sixth, consecrated and inaugurated King. Fol. 152.
  • Earle Murray returnes into Scotland. ibid.
  • Hee prescribes the Queene what shee should doe. Fol. 153.
  • Hee is established Regent or Vice-Roy. ibid.
  • Some of the Murderers of the King are put to death. ibid.
  • They acquit the Queene of all suspition. Fol. 154.
  • The Queene of England, and the King of France, labour to [Page] procure her libertie. Fol. 154.
  • Queene ELIZABETH demands the restitution of Calais. ibid.
  • The French maintaine, how they ought not to doe it. Fol. 155.
  • Sir Thomas Smith's answer to the French. Fol. 157.
Anno M.D.LXVII.
  • THe Earle of Sussex is sent to the Emperour. Fol. 160.
  • The Earle of Leicester hinders it representing to the Queen all the discommodities that might happen if shee married a stranger. ibid.
  • Articles of the marriage propounded. Fol. 162.
  • Ambassadours sent from the Emperour of Muscouia. Fol. 163.
  • The English open the way to goe to Russia by sea. Fol. 164.
  • The Company of Muscouy Merchants instituted. ibid.
  • A secret message from the Emperour of Muscouie. Fol. 165.
  • The death of Nicholas Wotton, and of the Duchesse of Nor­folke. ibid.
  • Shan O-Neale raiseth troubles, and rebelleth. Fol. 166.
  • Sir Henry Sidney armes against him, and discomfits him. Fol. 167.
  • Shan re-assumes courage; he vseth cruelty to his men. Fol. 168.
  • Hee meanes to yeeld. ibid.
  • Hee is slaine. Fol. 169.
  • Turlogh-Leinich proclaimed O-Neale by the Queens permis­sion. ibid.
  • Hugon, Nephew to Shan, who was afterwards Baron of Dun­gannon, receiued to grace for an opposite to Turlogh. ibid.
  • Troubles in Munster. Fol. 170.
Anno M.D.LXVIII.
1568.
  • THe Papists absolue many. Fol. 171.
  • [Page]The innouators shew themselues, and procure vnto themselues thereby the odious style of Puritans. Fol. 172.
  • The second ciuill warre in France. ibid.
  • The Duke of Aniou commended to Queene ELIZABETH for a Husband. Fol. 173.
  • The English Ambassadour vsed disgracefully in Spaine. ibid.
  • Hawkins ill intreated by the Spaniard [...] in America. ibid.
  • The Queene of Scots escapes out of prison. Fol. 174.
  • Shee is vanquished. ibid.
  • Her Letter to Queene ELIZABETH. Fol. 175.
  • Shee writes againe. Fol. 177.
  • Queene ELIZABETH pitties her. Fol. 178.
  • The Priuy-Councell consult of it. ibid.
  • The Councell resolue shee should be retained in England. Fol. 179.
  • The Countesse of Lenox complaines of her. ibid.
  • The Baron of Heris intercede [...] for her. Fol. 180.
  • Earle Murray is commanded to yeeld a reason of the Queenes deposing. ibid.
  • Deputies for the King of Scots. Fol. 181.
  • Others for the Queene of Scots. ibid.
  • Lidingtons declaration to the Scots. ibid.
  • The protestation of the Queene of Scots. Fol. 182.
  • A declaration for the Queene of Scots. Fol. 183.
  • The answer of the Kings Deputies. Fol. 184.
  • The Queene of Scots reply. 185.
  • Murray refuseth to yeeld an account of the Queenes deposing. Fol. 188.
  • Authoritie of the Commissioners reuoked. Fol. 189.
  • The Duke of Norfolke glad. ibid.
  • New Commissioners granted. ibid.
  • The Queene of Scots will not submit her cause to their hearing, but vpon condition. Fol. 190.
  • The proceedings dissolued. ibid.
  • Debate about the gouernement of Scotland. Fol. 191.
  • Murray offers to marry the Duke of Norfolke to the Queene [Page] of Scots, yet disperseth rumours against her. Fol. 192.
  • The Duke of Norfolke is suspected. ibid.
  • The third Ciuill War in France. Fol. 193.
  • The French and Flemmings make England their refuge, and were the first that made Bayes & Sayes, & other light Stuffes Linnen and Woollen. Fol. 194.
  • The beginning of the Warres in the Low-Countries. ibid.
  • Ferdinando Aluares, Duke of Alua, constituted supreame Gouernour. Fol. 195.
  • Moneyes sent into the Low-Countries deteyned in England. ibid.
  • The English-mens goods deteyned and seized vpon in the Low-Countries. Fol. 196.
  • The like done to the Flemmings in England. Fol. 197.
  • The death of Roger Askam. ibid.
Anno M.D.LXIX.
  • A Proclamation touching goods detayned by the Duke of Alua.
    1569.
    Fol. 198.
  • A Declaration against the said Proclamation. ibid.
  • Practices against Cecill. Fol. 199.
  • The money formerly detayned in England, is demanded by the Duke of Alua. Fol. 200.
  • Free Traffique established at Hamborough for the English. ibid.
  • Doctor Story taken. ibid.
  • The Duke of Alua enraged against the English. ibid.
  • Men of Warre called in. Fol. 201.
  • Traffique of Russia hindred. ibid.
  • The liberties of the English in Russia. ibid.
  • Their Traffique into Russia. Fol. 202.
  • And into Persia, by the Caspian Sea. ibid.
  • [Page]A Russian Embassadour comes into England. Fol. 202.
  • Alliance with Russia. Fol. 203.
  • The Emperour of Muscouia and Russia is irritated and infla­med against the English. ibid.
  • Murray appeaseth the friends of the Queene of Scotland. Fol. 204.
  • Rumor spred throughout Scotland against Murray. ibid.
  • Queene ELIZABETH is diligent, and doth endeuour to quench such false rumours. Fol. 205.
  • She deales by letters concerning her restoring. Fol. 206.
  • A marriage intended betweene the Prince of Scotland, and Margaret, the Duke of Norfolkes onely Daughter. Fol. 207.
  • Murraies Proprsition to the Duke of Norfolke. ibid.
  • Throckmortons Counsell. Fol. 208.
  • Propositions of the Match made by Leicester to the Duke. Fol. 209.
  • The Articles of marriage propounded to the Queen of Scotland. ibid.
  • She agrees to them in some manner. Fol. 210.
  • A Designe to free the Queen of Scotland. Fol. 211.
  • Notice is giuen thereof to Queene ELIZABETH. ibid.
  • The Earle of Leicester reueales the whole businesse to the Queen at Tichfield. Fol. 212.
  • She rebukes the Duke of Norfolke. ibid.
  • The Duke departs the Court without leaue. ibid.
  • Cecill finds out the matter. Fol. 213.
  • The Duke of Norfolke goes into Norfolke. ibid.
  • Feare caused in the Court through the Duke of Norfolke. Fol. 214.
  • He returnes to the Court. ibid.
  • Murray discouers the businesse. ibid.
  • The Duke and others are imprisoned. Fol. 215.
  • Their Complices craue pardon. Fol. 216.
  • Libels against the marriage. ibid.
  • Chapin Vittelli comes into England, and why. ibid.
  • Rebellion in the North by Northumberland and Westmer­land. Fol. 217.
  • The Rebels Prteext. Fol. 219.
  • [Page]Their declaration. ibid.
  • They write to the Papists. Fol. 220.
  • They rent and tread vnder-foot the Bible. ibid.
  • Their Colours and number. ibid.
  • They returning, take Bernard Castle.: And flie. Fol. 221.
  • Some are put to death. Fol. 222.
  • Some are banished. ibid.
  • A new Rebellion. ibid.
  • The Rebels are defeated. Fol. 223.
  • Queen ELIZABETH lends succour to the reformed Churches in France. Fol. 224.
The end of the Table of the Contents of the First Booke.

A TABLE OF THE CONTENTS of this matchlesse and famous HISTORIE. The second Booke.

Anno M.D.LXX.
THe Earle of Murray demands that the Queene of Scotland might bee put into his hands. 1570.
Fol. 233.
He pursueth the English Rebels, and is sud­denly slaine.
234.
Diuers opinions are had of him.
235.
The Scots and English Rebels make incur­sions vpon England.
236.
The English take reuenge thereof.
237.
And succour those of the Kings party in Scotland.
ibid.
They take the Castle of Hamilton.
238.
The Earle of Lenox is established Vice-Roy of Scotland.
239.
The King of Spaine giues succours against those who were of the Kings side.
ibid.
[Page]The Lord Setone his Embassage to the Duke of Alua.
239.
The Answere of the Duke of Alua.
241.
The Bishop of Rosse is set at liberty, who laboureth the libertie of the Queene of Scots.
242.
They consult about the freedome of the Queene of Scots.
243.
The Sentence of Pope Pius the fifth against Queene ELIZA­BETH.
245.
Rebellion in Norfolke, as soone ended as begun.
249.
Felton punished for sticking vp the Popes Bull.
ibid.
The Papists and greatest part contemne the Bull.
ibid.
Diuers are imprisoned.
250.
Sussex chosen a Priuy Councellour.
251.
Treaty with the Queene of Scotland.
ibid.
The Queene of Scotlands answer to the Propositions of the En­glish.
253.
They cannot agree.
254.
The Bishop of Rosse requires helpe to free the Queene of Scot­land.
255.
The death of the Earle of Cumberlend.
ibid.
The death of Nicholas Throcmorton.
256.
Rebellion in Ireland quencht before they saw the day.
ibid.
Stukeley flieth out of Ireland.
257.
Anno M.D.LXXI.
THe Royall Exchange named.
Fol. 258.
1571.
The Creation of Baron Burghley.
ibid.
The manner of creating Barons.
259.
Letters from the Pope to the Queene of Scotland.
ibid.
Edict of the Scots against the Authority Royall condemned by Queene ELIZABETH.
260.
The demands of the English for the freedome of the Queene of Scotland.
261.
[Page]The English refuse the offers of the Scots.
261.
Alteration amongst the Scots.
262.
Complaints of the Scots against the English.
ibid.
A Remembrance sent from the Queene of Scotland to the Duke of Norfolke.
263.
The counsell of the Bishop of Rosse.
265.
The attempts of others.
266.
A great Earth-quake.
ibid.
The Embassage of Baron Buckhurst.
267.
A Proposition of a Match betweene Queene ELIZABETH and the Duke of Aniou.
ibid.
The hopes which they conceiued, with the Articles of Marriage.
268.
The Answer.
ibid.
To what end this marriage was proposed.
270.
They haste the marriage of the Queen of Scotland.
271.
The Bishop of Rosse and others committed.
272.
Money sent into Scotland.
ibid.
The Duke of Norfolke and others committed to the Tower.
274.
Propositions touching an Embassadour answered.
276.
The Bishop of Rosse questioned.
277.
He declines from the English Witnesses.
ibid.
Lenox, Vice-Roy of Scotland, is slaine.
279.
The Earle of Marre is elected Vice-Roy.
ibid.
Lawes against disturbers.
ibid.
Lawes against Papists.
280.
Iohn Story condemned to dye.
282.
Differences appeased betweene the English and the Portugals in Guienne.
ibid.
Marquis of Northampton dyes.
283.
The death of Bishop Iewell.
ibid.
Affaires in Ireland.
284.
William Fitz-Williams, Deputy.
ibid.
Anno M.D.LXXII.
Thomas Duke of Norfolke is presented before the Nobles and Peeres, and arraigned in Westminster Hall. 1572.
285.
The manner of his Arraignement.
286.
The chiefe points of his accusation.
287.
The Duke demandeth an Aduocate to pleade his cause.
ibid.
The second Article of his accusation.
290.
The third Article.
292.
His reply, and that he was contrary to the Romane Religion.
293.
The Letters of the Bishop of Rosse to the Queen of Scots produ­ced.
ibid.
The Dukes Letter to his seruant.
294.
The Letters of Ridolph.
ibid.
Of the Pope.
ibid.
The testimony of Strangers.
ibid.
The third Article of his accusation.
295.
The Peeres consult among themselues.
ibid.
The sentence of death pronounced against the Duke.
296.
Baray and Marter are put to death.
297.
Earles created.
ibid.
Barons elected.
298.
Lawes established for the better security of the Queene and her Kingdome.
ibid.
The Duke of Norfolke beheaded.
ibid.
His speech at his death.
299.
Sundry censures of him.
300.
Catenes relation of the precedent matters.
301.
Pope Pius the fifth, incensed against Queene ELIZABETH, imployeth Robert Ridolph, a Gentleman of Florence, into England.
301.
He perswades the Kings of France and Spaine against her.
ibid.
[Page]The Queene of Scots accused.
304.
Her answere.
305.
Sedition in Scotland.
306.
The Queene of Elngand and the King of France endeuour to accord them.
ibid.
They differ in opinion.
ibid.
Causes alledged, why the French fauour the Queene of Scot­land.
307.
The Queene of England contesteth with the French.
ibid.
The rebellious Flemmings being commanded out of England, take the Breele.
310.
The Duke of Alua's carelesnesse.
ibid.
The English repaire into the Low-countries to warre.
ibid.
The dissimulation of the King of France.
311.
The alliance of Blois.
ibid.
The Articles of the same.
ibid.
The confirmation thereof.
313.
Mont-morancy admitted to the Order of the Garter.
314.
He intercedes to accord the differences of Scotland.
ibid.
Answer made vnto him.
ibid.
He also treats of a marriage with the Duke of Aniou.
315.
The Massacre of Paris.
ibid.
Marriage of the Duke of Alanzon propounded to Queene ELIZABETH.
316.
The Earle of Northumberland beheaded.
ibid.
Death of the Marquis of Winchester, and of the Earle of Darbie.
ibid.
Cecill made Treasurer.
ibid.
Death of Sir George Peters.
317
Queene ELIZABETH sicke.
ibid.
Her care of the Publique.
ibid.
She cuts off the superfluous number of followers attending No­blemen, and curbeth Enquirers after conceald Lands of the Crowne.
318.
Rebellion in Ireland: also the Omores rebellion there.
319.
[Page]A strange Starre.
319.
Anno M.D.LXXIII.
1573.
THe Spanish Fleete discomfited by the Hollanders.
321.
Queene ELIZABETH dischargeth her Fathers and Brothers debts.
322.
The Papists trouble the Common-wealth.
323.
The Ambassage of Gondy, Count of Rez.
324.
Ambassage of the Earle of Worcester into France.
325.
The French Protestants handle the French Papists in England shrewdly; and the French Leger Ambassadour complaines to Queene ELIZABETH for ayding the Protestants be­sieged.
ibid.
She is earnestly sollicited to marry with the D. of Alanzon.
326
She grants him leaue to come into England.
327.
Gondy returnes into England, and Earle Morton is made Regent of Scotland.
329.
The English are sent to besiege Edenborrough.
332.
The Castle besieged, yeelded.
333.
Kircald and others hanged; and Lidington dyes.
334.
Lodowick Zuniga succeedes Duke d'Alua.
335.
Burche's Heresie, for which hee is hanged.
336.
The Lord of Effingham, the Earle of Kent, and Caius the Physician, dyed.
ibid.
Troubles in Ireland, & the Earle of Essex is sent thither.
338.
Anno M.D.LXXIIII.
1574.
ALanzon desires to visit Queene ELIZABETH, and hath leaue to come into England.
342.
He, suspected in France, hath a Gard set ouer him.
343.
Charles the Ninth, King of France, dieth, and the right Noble Roger, Lord North, is sent Ambassadour extraordinary to Henry of Valois, King of France and Poland.
344.
[Page]The Earle of Huntington made President of the North.
345.
An Edict against pride.
346.
London Ministers deceyued. A Whale cast on shore: Thames ebbes & flowes twice in one houre. The Skie seemeth to burne.
347.
1575.
Anno M.D.LXXV.
THe League with France renewed.
349.
The Prince of Orange intended to flye to the protection of the King of France.
352.
The Ambassie of Campigni, and de Requisens dyeth.
354.
The death of the Duke of Chastelraut.
357.
The Earle of Essex distressed in Ireland.
ibid.
Sidney's progresse in Ireland, for the third time Deputie there.
358.
The death of Peter Carew.
359.
1576.
Anno M.D.LXXVI.
QVeene ELIZAB. is offered a match by the French.
361.
A confusion in the Netherlands: Antwerpe sacked by the Spanish mutiners.
362.
The comming of Iohn d'Austria into Flanders.
363.
Sir Martin Forbisher sent to discouer the Straits in the North part of America.
364.
The death of the Emperour Maximilian, and of the Elector Palatine, heauy to Queene ELIZABETH, who sends Sir Philip Sidney Ambassador extraordinary to Rodulphus his Successour.
365.
The death of Walter Deuoreux, Earle of Essex, and of Sir Anthony Coke.
367.
Tumults in Ireland, and William Drury made President of Munster.
368.
The Queene takes pitty of the Irish.
369.
Anno M.D.LXXVII.
1577.
AVstria inclined to peace at Queene ELIZABETHS perswasion.
370.
The Prince of Orange diuerts her from it.
371.
Sir Thomas Copley made Baron in France.
372.
Iohn of Austria's dissimulation.
ibid.
Why Queen ELIZABETH couenanted with the Scots.
373.
Spaine is pleased with it.
375.
England the Ballance of Europe.
376.
Priest Maine executed▪ Baron of Latimer, and Secretarie Smith of Saffron Walden dyes.
377.
Rebellion againe in Ireland, and Rorio Oge is slaine, Haring­ton and Cosby wounded.
378.
Anno M.D.LXXVIII.
1578.
QVeene ELIZABETH's care for the Low-Countries.
380.
Count Swartzeberg, Bellieure, and Cobham Deputy for France, Germany, and England, and for the treaty of peace, and Egremond Ratcliffe and his associate are put to death, and Don Iuan de Austria dyes.
381.
Aniou's Duke pursues his intended marriage with Qu. ELIZ. and Leicester murmurs at it.
383.
The Countesse of Lenox death.
ibid.
King IAMES sends an Ambassador to Queene ELIZAB.
385.
Morton, Regent, takes vpon him the administration of the Realme againe.
386.
The Peeres are against him.
387.
How to inuade England, consulted by Spaine.
387.
Thomas Stukeley, a Traytor, takes Armes against his Coun­trey, and is slaine with three Kings.
388.
William Drury made Lord Deputie of Ireland.
389.
1579.
Anno M.D.LXXIX.
CAssimiere, Palatin's Sonne, comes into England.
390.
Queene ELIZABETH sends money into Holland.
391.
One is shot with a Pistoll, who was in Queene ELIZABETH's Barge with her Maiestie, the French Ambassadour, the Earle of Lincolne, and Sir Christopher Hatton.
392.
The Duke of Aniou comes into England.
ibid.
Aimé Stuart, Lord Aubigny, into Scotland.
393.
Sir Nicholas Bacon, Sir Thomas Bromley, Sir Thomas Gresham, dye one after another.
396.
Dauile murdered in his bed.
398.
The death of the Lord Druty, Deputie.
401.
1580.
Anno M.D.LXXX.
ARthur, Lord Gray, made Deputie of Ireland.
405.
The Spaniards and Italians land in Ireland.
406.
They are all slaine, and the subiects hanged.
407.
The taking of Malines. And of an Earth-quake.
409.
The beginning of the English Seminaries.
410.
Persons and Campian, Iesuites, came into England.
413.
Sir Francis Drake returnes into England.
417.
Iohn Oxenham sayleth into America.
419.
Drakes voyage, and warlike exploits.
424.
The Spaniards demand his riches.
428.
The death of Fitz-Allen, Earle of Arundell.
430.
The Earle of Lenox, enuyed by the Scots, is accused by them to Queene ELIZABETH.
432.
Alexander, Earle of Homes, Baron of Dunglas, is sent from King IAMES to excuse it.
434.
Regent Morton is cast into prison.
435.
The end of the Contents of the Second Booke.

THE CONTENTS Of this royall and fa­mous HISTORY. THE THIRD BOOKE.

RANDOLPHS intercession for Morton, a­gainst Lenox.
Folio 1.
The King of Scotts answer.
2
Norris his victories in Freezland.
4
Albanois.
5
Drunkennesse brought out of the Low-coun­tries.
ibid.
By what right the King of Spaine possesseth Portugall.
ibid.
The Qu. of France her title to Portugall, re­iected.
6
Antonio banisht Portugall.
7
Couenants of marriage betweene the Duke of Anjou and Q. Elizabeth, concluded on.
8
[Page]The K. of France vrgeth the marri­age, and the Q. of Engl. deferreth.
10
Qu. Elizabeth giueth the Duke of Anjou a Ring.
12
The queene much disquieted.
13
Reasons, disswading her from mar­riage, and a booke set out against it.
14
The Queens declaration against this pernicious libell.
15
Champian the Iesuite, and other Priests put to death.
17
New lawes against Papists.
18
The Duke of Anjou sayleth into Flanders.
19
A Comet.
21
Qu. Elizabeth bestoweth the Order of the Garter vpon the King of Den­marke.
21
The treaty concerning the queene of Scotts is deferred.
22
Gowry and others tumult in Scot­land.
23
The Duke of Lenox driuen out of Scotland.
ibid.
An Ambassie from the French K. for the deliuery of the king of Scots.
24
The qu. of Scotland's letter to queen Eliz [...]beth.
25
The Duke of Lenox returnes tho­rough England.
33
Consultations about the deliuery of the queene of Scotland.
34
The K. of Scotland seekes the loue of the queene of England.
36
The King of Scotland sets himselfe at liberty.
37
Walsingham is sent into Scotland from queene Elizabeth.
ibid.
The king of Scots answers him free­ly.
38
Walsinghams remonstrations to his sacred Maiesty.
ibid.
The King answereth them.
39
His Maiesty reestabl [...]shed the reputa­tion and honour of the Duke of Lenox, causing likew [...]se his children to re­turne into Scotland.
39
The Ministers of Scotland are a­gainst their Kings authority.
40
A peace obtained for the King of Sweden.
ibid.
The Emperour desires alliance with England, and is a suiter to her Maiesty to graunt him an English Lady for his wife.
ibid.
The Emperours death.
41
A Polonian Nobleman commeth into England to see queene Elizabeth.
42
A wonderfull earth-quake in Dor­set-shire.
ibid.
The death of Thomas Ratcliffe Earle of Essex.
43
Sir Humfrey Gilbert drowned by shipwrack.
44
The death of E. Grindall Archbish. of Canterbury.
ibid.
Iohn Whitgift preferred to bee Archbishop of Canterbury.
45
The English betray Alost; and do de­liuer [Page] it into the hands of the cruell Spaniard.
48
A miserable end of traytors.
ibid.
The Earle of Desmond is slaine.
ibid.
Nicholas Sanders an English Se­minary Priest famisht himselfe.
49
Viscount of Baltinglasse fled out of Ireland.
50
Labouring men sent into Ireland.
51
The gestures and behauiour of Sir Iohn Perrot, Viceroy of Ireland.
ibid.
Troubles in Scotland.
52
The Earle of Gowry is taken, the conspirators are d [...]spersed, queene Elizabeth succoureth some of them, the king demandeth them by the league; but in vaine.
53
Walsingham fauoureth the fugitiue Hunsdon against them.
54
The power of a Secretary argued.
ibid.
The arraignement of Gowry.
ibid.
He is beheaded.
55
The treason of Fr. Throkmorton.
56
The Lo: Paget retyreth into France.
ibid.
The queenes clemency towards Pa­pists.
57
The Priests are banished.
58
Spanish Ambassadour sent out of Eng­land.
59
Thokmortons confession.
61
A new treaty with the qu. of Scots.
63
She answereth propositions made vnto her.
64
She demandeth to be associated to the kingdome with her sonne.
65
The queene of Scotts maketh new pro­positions.
66
The Scotts, of the English faction, op­pose them.
67
The insolency of the Scottish Mini­sters.
68
Buchanans writings reproued.
ibid.
The Scottish and English make incur­sions one vpon another.
69
Patrick Grayes Ambassage.
ib.
The queen of Scotts committed to new guardians.
72
Councell holden amongst the Papists.
73
The death of the Earle of Westmerland
ibid.
The death of Plowden.
ib.
Alancon dyeth, and the Prince of O­renge is slaine.
74
The French king inuested with the Order of the Garter.
75
Is accused of treason.
76
His confession.
77
He consulteth with the Iesuites about the murdering of the queene.
ibid.
He discloseth the matter to the queen.
78
Alans booke addeth fresh courage to him.
79
Neuill offereth him his helpe.
ibid.
Parry is arraigned and executed.
80
[Page]Lawes demanded in Parliament a­gainst Bishops, and against Non-resi­dents.
81
Lawes against Iesuites and Priests.
82
The Earle of Arundell resolueth to flye out of England.
83
The Earle of Northumberland is found dead.
ibid.
The causes of his imprisonment mani­fest.
85
Lamentation for the Earle of Nor­thumberland.
87
Queene Elizabeth laboureth to con­tract a league with the Princes of Ger­many.
ibid.
The like with the king of Scotts.
88
Ar [...]at [...]on of the death of Russell and the manner thereof.
ibid.
The death of Thomas Carre.
90
The fugitiue Scots are sent out of Eng­land back into Scotland.
ibid.
They are reconciled vnto the King.
92
The rebellion of the Bourkes in Ire­land.
93
The Sccots of Hebrides called into Ire­land.
94
The Gouernour laboureth for a peace, but in vaine.
95
He pursueth the Scotts, and defeateth them.
96
The States of the Netherlands consult of a Protector.
97
They are ref [...]sed of the French, and the English consult about it.
98
The Dutch offer themselues to the queene.
100
Antwerpe is yeelded vp: the queene deliberateth with her selfe, and takes vpon her the protection.
101
Vnder what conditions.
102
Queene Elizabeth publisheth the cau­ses, and sends to the West Indies, to di­uert the Spaniard.
103
Iames town taken from the Spaniard.
104
Hispaniola, or S. Dominick surprised.
ibid.
Spaniards motto, Auarice and Coue­tousnesse.
105
Carthagena assaulted.
ibid.
Saint Anthony and S. Helena fired by the English.
106
Booty of the English voyage and ex­pedition.
107
A search made for a discouery of a way to the East Indies.
ibid.
An Edict against Woad.
108
Death of the Earle of L [...]ncolne, and of the Earle of Bedford.
109
Earle of Leister sent into Holland.
ibid.
His instruction.
110
Absolute authority giuen to the Earle of Leyster, by the States.
111
Queen Elizabeth offended thereat, she expostulateth the matter.
112
The States excuse themselues.
113
Leister sendeth succour to the city of Graue: it is yeelded, and the Spaniard expelled.
114
[Page]An aduentrous enterprise.
ibid.
Venolo is lost.
115
Axell is taken.
ibid.
Graueline attempted.
ibid.
Ausborough beleagred.
ibid.
Sir Philip Sidney slaine.
116
States of Holland complaine to Leyster.
117
He returneth into England.
118
Earle of Arundell questioned, and an­swereth for himselfe.
ibid.
King of Denmarke intercedeth for a peace with the queene of England.
ibid.
Queene Elizabeth answereth.
119
She furnisheth Henry king of Nauarr with money.
120
Shee desireth a league with Scotland.
ibid.
Iesuites and Popish Priests suggest di­uerse things to the queene of Scots.
ibid.
King of Scotland propoundeth condi­tions, and is not a whit deterred by the French.
121
King Iames answer to them.
122
A conspiracy against queene Elizab.
129
How discouered.
130
Ballard returneth into France.
ibid.
Ballard sent back into England, mee­teth with Babing [...]on.
ibid.
Babington receiueth letters from the queene of Scots.
131
He writeth back to her, and she answe­reth him.
132
His associates in the conspiracy.
133
Babington giueth to euery one his taske.
134
They consult together.
135
Babington vndertakes to bring in forreine ayde, and sends Ballard to worke for him.
136
Gifford discouereth all the conspiracy.
ibid.
Sendeth the letters hee receiued, to Walsingham.
137
Ballard is taken.
ibid.
Babington solliciteth for Ballards li­berty, and falleth into the same net.
ibid.
Getteth himselfe out, lyeth in a wood, and is found.
138
All the rest of the conspirators are di­scouered.
139
Queene of Scots kept with a guard, and separated from her se [...]uants.
ibid.
Her coffer, with letters sent to the qu.
ibid.
Giffard sent into France, dyeth mise­rably.
140
The traytors come to iudgement.
ibid.
Queene of Scots Secretary examined.
143
King of France aduertised.
ibid.
Sundry opinions how to dispose of the Sccottish queene.
ibid.
By what law she should be iudged.
[...]44
Commission granted to that end.
[...].
Who met at Fotheringham Castle.
[...]46
[Page]Her sudden answer to the letters.
ibid.
She refuseth to be tryed.
148
Exception against the new law.
149
Sir Christopher Hatton perswadeth her to appeare.
150
Her tergiuersation.
151
She yeeldeth at last to appeare and an­swer.
152
Manner of the sitting.
ibid.
Lord Chancellors speech.
153
Her protestation, recorded.
ibid.
Proceeding.
154
She denieth the former allegation.
ib.
Copies of letters shewed.
155
Extracts out of Babingtons confessi­on.
ibid.
Shee is vrged with the confessions of Sauage and Ballard.
156
Walsingham is blamed.
ibid.
Maketh his Apologie.
157
Pagets and Babingtons letters pro­duced.
158
Secretaries testimonies.
ibid
Their credites questioned.
ibid.
Arguing about transferring the king­dome.
159
Giuing of a pension to Morgan excu­sed.
160
Queene of Scots offereth the Duke of Guise and her sonne pledges.
161
Lord Burghley's answer.
162
She interrupteth him, but hee procee­deth.
163
Letters shewed againe.
164
She interrupteth their reading.
ibid.
Her Secretaries not to be credited.
ib.
She is accused againe for transferring the kingdome, and accuseth her Secre­taries of periury.
165
Sir Thomas Egertons demonstrati­on.
ibid.
She craueth a hearing in open Parlia­ment.
ibid
Sentence pronounced against her.
166
Declaration that the sentence against the queen of Scotl. was not preiudiciall to her sonne.
167
The States approue the sentence.
ibid.
Queene Elizabeth's answer.
168
Some other remedy desired by the qu.
172
Answer to her.
ibid
Her reply to them.
173
Queene of Scotland is certified of her Iudgement.
177
French Ambassadour stayeth the pub­lishing of the sentence.
178
Courage of the queene of Scots.
ibid.
A request made to queene Elizabeth.
179
Opinions of the queene of Scots cause.
180
Queen of Scotlands sonne intercedeth for her.
18 [...]
Some Scots against her.
ibid.
King of Scots propoundeth some thing [...] considerable.
18 [...]
Bellieures reasons for the queene of Scotland.
18 [...]
Answers to his reasons.
28 [...]
[Page]French Ambassador attempteth queen Elizabeth's life.
192
Stafford discouereth it.
193
French Ambassador rebuked.
194
Whether an Ambassador be bound to discouer any attempt against the Prince to whom he is sent.
ibid.
Businesse weighed.
196
Courtiers perswade by reasons.
197
The queene perplexed with doubtfull feares.
199
She causeth a Warrant to be drawne for the execution.
ibid.
Her Councell send secretly.
200
The queene of Scotland prepares her selfe for death.
ibid.
Her speech.
201
She is brought to the scaffold.
202
Her speeches to Meluine her steward,
203
Also to the Earles.
ibid.
In the behalfe of her owne seruants.
ibid.
Her attendance by officers to the scaf­fold.
204
Her prayers.
ibid.
Her last words.
ibid.
Deane of Petherboroughs speech.
205
Her variety of fortunes related.
206
Her Epitaph.
207
Gods prouidence plainly seene in her death.
208
Queene Elizabeth is much grieued at her death.
ibid.
Is angry with her Councell.
ibid.
Her letter to the King of Scotland.
209
Dauison brought into the Star-cham­ber.
210
He is obiected against.
ibid.
He answereth for himselfe.
ibid.
He is vrged vpon his owne confession.
211
He is reproued by the queenes Serge­ants.
212
Iudges giue their opinion.
ibid
He is chekt.
213
Lord Gray defendeth him.
ibid.
Earles agree with him.
214
Sentence giuen against Dauison.
215
A request made to the Commissioners.
ibid.
Dauison his particular Apology.
ibid.
Indignation of the Scots
217
Suggestions to the king.
218
Drake sent into Spaine.
221
Stanley and Yorke traytors.
223
Leycester blamed.
228
Death of Henry Neuill.
234
Baron of Abergauenny.
236
Of the Duchesse of Somerset.
237
Of Radolph Sadleir.
238
Of sir Thomas Bromley.
240
Of the Earle of Rutland.
241
Of sir Christopher Hatton Lo. Chan­cellour.
242
William Fitz-William Deputy of Ireland.
250
[Page]Great preparations in Spaine to in­uade England, and by what counsail.
252
The reason.
253
Consultation how to assault and sub­due England.
254
Preparation in Flanders.
255
The Pope giues assistance.
256
Consultation how to defend the king­dome.
257
King of Scotlands alacrity against the Spaniard.
258
Commissioners sent into Flanders to treat of peace.
259
Propositions of the English answered.
260
Complaint made vnto the Duke of Parma.
262
Conference of peace breakes.
263
The Spanish Armado.
264
Sets forth, and is dispersed.
ibid.
Sets out againe.
266
The English Nauy sets out.
267
The first fight.
268
Ability of the English Elect.
269
Peter Valdes taken.
270
The Ship of Oquenda taken.
271
Admirall of Englands prouidence.
273
The third fight.
275
Knights created for their valour, by the Lord Admirall.
276
Diuers Noblemen and Knights ioyne with the English Fleet.
277
Spanish Fleet at anchor.
ibid.
Duke of Parma sent for by the Spani­ard, but he is vnprepared.
278
Hollanders good seruice.
ibid.
Spaniards flight.
279
Hugh Moncada slaine.
280
Fourth combate.
281
The Spaniards resolue to return home by the North Sea.
282
Queene Eliz. visites her Campe.
283
Conditions offered vnto the King of Scotts.
284
Money coyned in memory of this fa­mous victory.
ibid.
Misery of the Spaniards in Ireland.
285
Causes of the defeat.
ibid
Patience of the Spaniard in this ouer­throw.
286
A generall thankesgiuing and publick reioycing in England.
ibid.
Prayse of those who were of the English Nauy.
ibid.
Publike ioy encreased by good newes out of Scotland.
ibid.
Leicesters goods are sold.
289
Bergen ap Zone besieged by the Duke of Parma.
ibid.
Who rayseth the siege.
ibid.
Innou [...]tions in England.
ibid.
Martin Mar-Prelate, and other scan­dalous bookes.
290
FINIS.

THE HISTORIE OF THE MOST High, Mighty, and Inuincible Princesse, Booke 1. 1558. Queene ELIZABETH, of most happy and neuer-dying memory: OR ANNALLS Of all the most remarkable things that happened during her blessed Raigne ouer the Kingdomes of England and Ireland, &c.

The first yeere of her Raigne, Anno 1558.

AFter that for certaine houres, Queene Maries death is knowne. the decease of Queene MARY had beene concealed, the Peeres, Pre­lates and Commons of England, being at that time assembled to­gether in Parliament: First, notice was giuen to them of the vpper house, which were in a manner strucke silent with griefe and asto­nishment for a while. But they presently after rowzed vp their [Page 2] spirits and amazed senses, moderating their mournings with ioy, either not to seeme altogether sad, or sorrowfull, that Queene ELIZABETH succeeded the Crowne; or else ioyfull, that by the death of Queene MARY, the succession thereof fell to her Maiesty: so they bent their cares to pub­like affaires, and with a common accord and firme resolution, concluded and agreed, that by the law of succession in the 35. yeere of King HENRY the eighth, ELIZABETH was, & ought to be declared true and legitimate Heire of the Kingdome. Therefore at that instant Nicholas Heath, Lord Archbishop of Yorke, and Lord Chancellour of England, carried the first newes to those of the Lower-house, giuing them to vnderstand, with much sorrow and sighs, that death preuenting the course of nature, had depriued them of a Queene, no lesse fauourable to the Roman Religion, then kinde and louing to the Common wealth, and that each member of the Vpper-house had receiued such extreme griefe thereby, that they seemed to be comfortlesse, without hope of consolation, if God (through his speciall grace & fa­uour towards the English Nation) had not reserued for them ELIZABETH, another Daughter to King HENRY the [...]. to succeed her Sister, and that her right to the Crowne was so euident and true, that no man could, nor ought to make any doubt or question thereof, and that the Peeres and Prelates of this Realme had all, with one accord and voice determi­ned, that she should be forthwith publisht Queene, and pro­claimed Soueraigne, if they were so pleased to condescend thereunto. Which words being scarce vttered, the whole Assembly immediatly, with a common acclamation cryed aloud, Queene Eli­zabeth is proclaimed Queene by the Kings & Heraulds of Armes. GOD SAVE QVEENE ELIZABETH, that her Raigne may be long and happy. And immediatly, the whole Parliament rising, she was openly proclaimed Queen by sound of Trumpets (first in Westminster-Hall; and then soone after, thorow the whole City of London) by the title of Queene of England, France and Ireland, and Defendresse [Page 3] of the faith, with the happy applause and ioyfull shouting of all the people (vndoubted presages, truly most happy) for in­deed no Prince was euer cherisht of his people and Subiects with more ardent and constant loue, and zealous affection, then this Queene was, nor none receiued and welcommed with more respect and ioy, then she hath beene, nor blessed and prayed for with more vowes and prayers, so often ite­rated, as this happy Princesse hath beene all her life time: chiefly, when shee shewed her selfe in publike, or openly a­broad.

Queene ELIZABETH was about fiue and twenty yeeres of age when her Sister died. But she was so rarely qua­lified by aduersity, and so well accomplisht and accommo­dated by experience (which are most effectuall Tutors) that she had purchased Prudence and Iudgement, farre aboue the capacity of her age, and of her pregnant wit and admirable wisdome: she gaue sufficient proofe and worthy testimony in the election and choice that shee made of her Priuie Coun­cellors; for she tooke into her Priuie Councell, Her Maie­stie makes choice and e­lection of a priuie Coun­cell. the aforesaid Nicholas Heath, Archbishop of Yorke, a Prelate no lesse pru­dent, then modest and discreet, William Poulet, Marquesse of Winchester, Lord high Treasurer of England, Henry Fitz-Allen, Earle of Arundel, Francis Talbot, Earle of Shrewsbury, Edward Stanley, Earle of Darby, William Herbert, Earle of Pembrooke, Edward, Baron of Clynton, Lord high Admirall, The Lord Howard, Baron of Effingham, Lord Chamber­laine, Sir Thomas Cheney, Sir William Peter, Sir Iohn Mason, Sir Richard Sackuile, Knights, and Nicholas Wotton, Deane of Canterbury. All which had beene Priuie Councellors to Queene MARY, and professing her owne Religion. Shee adioyned to them by temporizing (according to the time) these vndernamed (who were all Protestants, and had had no office at all) nor charge of gouernment in Queene MARIES Raigne) William Parr, Marquesse of Northampton, Francis, Lord Russell, Earle of Bedford, Thomas Parr, Edward Rogers, [Page 4] Ambrose Caue, Francis Knollys, and William Cicill, who be­fore had beene Secretary to King EDVVARD the sixth, a noble Gentleman, most wise, vnderstanding and iudicious, whose learning and worth exceeded many others: and a little after she brought in Sir Nicholas Bacon, whom she made Lord Keeper of the great Seale of England. She so ordered and tempered them in place with all those which succeeded since in such sort, that they were true, faithfull, and affectionate to her Maiesty, and she alwaies free, and not subiect to any.

Her Maie­stie hath a speciall care aboue all things to re-establish the true Reli­gion.At these happy beginnings, her first and chiefest care was, to re-establish the Protestant Religion: the which, as much by the instruction and knowledge that shee had receiued thereof from her infancy, as also by her owne particular iudgement, she firmely held and maintained to be very true, and most conformable to the holy Scripture, and to the since­rity of the primitiue Church, & so effectually resoluing in her heart to settle and re-establish the same, that she imployed to that purpose some of her Councellors, being the most inti­mate: & with the rest of the other Lords of her most honora­ble Priuy-Councel, she tooke order that the Ports & Hauen-Townes should be fast shut, secured, and fortified. The Tower of London, she committed to the care of one, whose fidelity and loyalty had been fully approued; a new Commission she sent to Thomas Earle of Sussex, She ordaines and settles states and domesticall affaires. Lord Deputie of Ireland who with a Garrison of three hundred and twenty Horse, and one thousand, three hundred and sixty foot, yeelded in submission the whole Countrey, which otherwise had not bin quiet nor peaceable. Also, the like Commission shee sent, with a clause or restraint, not to conferre any office to Iudges and Magi­strates, for to hinder the Conuocation of the Assembly of the iurisdiction by the authority there appointed. New Iustices and Sheriffes shee likewise established in each County, and tooke order, that no money nor coine should be transported by exchange out of the Realme to forraine Nations be­yond Sea; and that the Preachers should desist and abstaine [Page 5] from treating of questions, or disputing about Controuersies in Religion, and withall, concerning State-affaires out of the Kingdom, she gaue order that Ambassadors should be sent to all Christian Princes, Her Maie­stie takes a great care for forraine affaires. to let them vnderstand Queen MARY's decease. She therefore appointed and sent with all speed to the Emperour Ferdinando, Sir Thomas Chaloner, with letters of her owne hand-writing, by which shee gaue him notice of her Sisters death; and that first, by Gods speciall grace, next, by her hereditary right, and through the generall loue and consent of all her Subiects, she succeeded these her Crownes and dignities. And that now she desired nothing more than to maintaine the loue, and to encrease the ancient amitie, which of long time had beene betweene the Houses of Eng­land and Austria. To the King of Spaine, who at that time was in the Low-Countries, she also sent Ambassador the Lord Brook, Baron of Cobham, with the like Embassage and Commission, by which shee of new imployed and delegated the Earle of Arundell; Turlbey, Bishop of Ely, and L. Wotton, who before had beene delegated, and appointed by Queene MARY for the treatie of peace in the Citie of Cambray: and adioyned to them W. Howard, Baron of Effingham. She also secretly sent Sir Henry Killigrew Ambassadour to the Princes of Germany, to inflame them in the zeale of Gods pure Re­ligion. To the King of Denmarke, D. B. was sent Ambassa­dor: and to the Duke of Holsatia, also Armigild Waade.

Philip King of Spaine, hearing of the death of Queen MARY, Queene Eli­zabeth is earnestly so­licited to marriage with Phi­lip King of Spaine her Sisters Widdower. fearing one way to lose the title of King of England, and the force of that Realme, which were vnto him most vsefull and profitable, and likewise that the kingdomes of England, Ire­land, and Scotland, should be vnited to the Crowne of France, by the meanes of the high and mighty Princesse, the Queene of Scotland, hee therefore treats seriously of a match with Queene ELIZABETH, with promise to obtaine a speciall dispensation from the Pope. And to that effect imployed the Earle of Ferie, who had visited her MAIESTIE, by the [Page 6] like meanes as he had done Queene MARY in her sicknesse. This Sutor puts Queene ELIZABETH into great anxiety and perplexity, considering how inconsiderate and ingrate­full her Maiestie might seeme to be in refusing a Christian Prince, who had already obliged her in other things much, but yet more in this, as to seeke her to his wife, through his owne free desire and motion.

The French King likewise was in an extasie, considering how important and dangerous it was to France, if Spaine her enemy should vnite & adioyne to his kingdoms, the Realmes of England and Ireland: therefore hee vseth his best ende­uours at Rome, by the intermission of the Bishop of Angou­lesme, to hinder the grant of such dispensation, shewing to that end, that Queene ELIZABETH was held for Suppor­tresse of the Protestant Religion, and (rather than faile) went about to declare her illegitimate: But all this most secretly and closely, for feare to irritate England, before that his af­faires were throughly well settled. The Earle of Ferie con­trariwise, on the other side, labours as hard to bring this mar­riage to passe, and to that end giues the English Papists to vn­derstand, (who were dispersed throughout all parts of the Realme) that it was the sole and onely way left for them to preserue their Religion, and defend their ancient dignities and honours: and that if they should contemne it, hee could not but deplore the misery and calamity of England, as being out of money, vnprouided of men trained vp, and vnskild in the military discipline, void of fortification, and lacking mu­nition and garrisons for Warre, and her Councellors of State depriued likewise of good aduice. And indeed to speake truely, Englands affaires were at that time in a most miserable case, and lamentable state: for England had warre on the one side with Scotland, and on the other side with France; and was in a manner vndone by those debts that King HENRY the Eighth, and King EDWARD the Sixt had run into, and her treasury was exhaust and empty, and the Town of Callais [Page 7] had beene but newly lost, and the whole Countrey of Oyes, with all the munition and furniture of warre. The people here were diuided into contrarieties, through differency of re­ligion, and the Queene left without any powerfull friend to assist her; hauing no alliance at all abroad with forrain Prin­ces.

But when as her Maiestie had more seriously agitated her spirit, Her Ma­iestie refu­sed to marry with the King of Spaine. and carefully considered in her minde the proposition of this match, shee findes the holy Scripture expressely in­ioyning, that no woman ought to ioyne with him who had beene her sisters Husband, no more than it is lawfull for a man to marry his brothers widdow; and therefore that such marriages were directly illegitimate, and wholly forbidden by Gods Law; although the Pope should neuer so much grant a Dispensation. And moreouer, that if she should contract it by vertue thereof, shee should acknowledge and proue her selfe illegitimate, sith shee was issued from the match that King HENRY her father had contracted, after his diuorcing and putting away Katherine of Spaine, The reason why. for hauing beene his brothers wife, which neuerthelesse had beene approued iust and lawfull, according to the Diuine Law by all the A­cademies of Christendome, and likewise the Synod of Lon­don, as well as that of Katherine, vniust and vnlawfull. Her Maiestie therefore endeuours to stop, preuent, and hinder by little and little the course of King Philips suite, by an honest answer, truely modest, and well-beseeming the chaste inte­grity of her constant virginity, and chiefly grounded vpon scruple of her conscience. But he, notwithstanding all this, surceased not his suite, but persisted therein, vrging her with feruent and frequent Letters: By which shee obserued the manners and behauiours of so great a King, compounded with grace and graue modesty, and truely worthy his Maie­stie, the said Letters being much by her admired, in the of­ten publishing of them; yea, her Maiestie taking pleasure to imitate them, vntill some Nobles of her Court began to [Page 8] defame and speake against the matchlesse pride and practices of the Spaniards. Also, some of the intimate Lords and fauo­rites of her Maiesties Priuy-Councell, fearing lest the tender and young spirit of a Maide, often moued, might easily con­descend to their desires, told to her MAIESTIE secretly, that both her Maiestie, and friends, with the whole Realme of England, were vndone, if in such Dispensations, or in any thing else whatsoeuer, she should giue any credit, or make the least estimation of the Popes authoritie and power, since that two of them had declared and published her Mother illegiti­mate, and vnlawfully ioyned in wedlocke with King HENRY the Eighth. Also, that by vertue of such Declaration, the most high and most mighty Princesse the Queene of Scotland should pretend right to the Crownes of England, &c. and that the Pope would neuer retract nor goe from that iudge­ment, and that her Maiestie should not expect nor looke for any thing good or iust from the Popes hand, who had beene enemies, and shewed themselues vniust both towards her Maiestie, and her Mother: And that the French King labou­red hard, vsing his vtmost power and best endeuours at the Popes Court in Rome for to cause the high and mighty Prin­cesse Mary Queene of Scotland, to be acknowledged and de­clared Queene of England; yet Queene ELIZABETH ne­uer intended nor meant in her heart to match with the King of Spaine, being quite contrary to her vertuous disposition; hauing a feruent desire and settled resolution to ground and aduance the true Protestant Religion, to which shee was most zealous. Therefore deeming that shee could not vndertake or vphold a worthier thing, more agreeable to God, nor more efficacious for to quench the flames of the pretended loue of so importunate a Sutor, then to labour to procure an altera­tion of Religion with all possible meanes and speede which could be, not doubting in so doing to alter likewise the will and intent of King Philip: Whereupon and forthwith her Maiesty consulted and tooke aduice with her most intimate [Page 9] and sincere Priuy Councellors, Booke 1. 1559. how in abolishing the Ro­man Religion, she could conueniently settle, in stead of it, the true Catholike and Christian Faith, and examining what dangers might succeed and happen thereby, Her Maie­sty delibe­rates and la­bours for the re-establish­ment of the Protestants Religion. and how they could be preuented and auoyded: who fore-see and iudge what dangers could be procured either out of the Kingdome, or within the Realme: without, either by the Pope, who surely would not misse (raging with his ex­communications) to expose the Realme as a prey to who­soeuer could inuade it: Or by the French King, who ta­king such opportunity at the occasion, by that would slake and delay the Treatise of Peace, which was already begun in the City of Cambray: or else, and rather in the behalfe of the Royall Queene of Scotland, would declare open war with England, vnder colour of Enemies, and Heretiques, She considers what dan­gers might happen ther­by. and would possesse thereunto Scotland to condiscend to it, which at that time was at his command and disposing: Or by the Irish, who were most addicted to Papistry, and much apt and giuen to rebellion; or by the King of Spaine, who was then most mighty and powerfull in the Netherlands, Englands neighbouring Countries.

Vpon this, throughly and well considered, Without the Realme. they first re­solue: that for the Popes excommunication, her Maiestie should not feare, accounting it but as a brutish rage and fu­ry, and that if a Peace was offered by the French King, it was behoofefull and requisit to entertaine it; if not, to seek it by all meanes, because in it, it would cōprehend the loue of Scotland, yet neuerthelesse not to forsake or disparage a­ny kinde of waies, the Protestants of France and Scotland. Also, that it was requisite to fortifie and strengthen the Towne and Garrison of Berwicke, with the rest of the Fron­tires of Scotland, and Ireland, and by all meanes possible to increase and maintaine such formal Ioue, and the ancient al­liance with those of Burgundie.

Within the Realme: first, Within the Kingdome. by such Nobles who had bin [Page 10] deiected from the Queenes Priuy Councell; Booke 1. 1558. next, by such Bishops and Church-men, who should be degraded and put out of their benefices and places; and after, by those Iustices of the peace, that were for each County: as also, by the common people, who vnder Queen MARIES raigne were most affectionate to the Roman Church. Therefore they deemed and thought good, first, to depriue such of their offices, and reprehend them by the seuerity of Laws, as Queene MARY had formerly vsed the Protestants: and therefore, to admit and institute, in each place and office of command, the Protestants onely, and to settle them in eue­ry Colledge of both Vniuersities, and by the like meanes to discharge and turne out all Papists-Professors, and Re­ctors there, and also such Schoole-masters and Tutors of Winchester, Aeton, and other free Schooles: and for those, who being possest onely of a desire of Change, (though Protestants) had begun to inuent a new Ecclesiasticall Po­licie, that it was likewise requisit to reprehend them in time: and to suffer and tolerate but one and the selfe-same Religion through the whole Realme, for feare that diuersi­ties of Religion should kindle seditions betwixt & among the people of England, being a warlike Nation, both cou­ragious and generous. Therefore speciall charge and care was giuen to Sir Thomas Smith, a worthy Knight, truely iudicious and wise, also to the noble Gentlemen, M. Par­ker, Master Bill, Master Coxe, Master Grindall, Master White­head, and Master Pilkinton, (who all were most learned and temperate) for the correcting of the Liturgie, which had been before penned and published in English in King ED­WARD the Sixt's raigne, without making any more priuy thereunto, but the Lord Marquis of Northampton, the Earle of Bedford, I. Gray of Pyrg, and Cecil.

The Queene rebukes, and reprehendsBut certaine Ministers, impatient of delay, by the length of time which ranne and past away in these things, desiring rather to runne before good Lawes, than to expect [Page 11] them, in their feruent zeale began to preach the Gospell of Christs true Doctrine, first, priuately in houses, and then, o­penly in Churches at which, the Commons, the impati­ence of cer­taine zealous Ministers of the Word of God. curious of nouelties, ranne thither, and whole flockes of people re­sorted to their hearing, from all parts and places, in great multitudes, contesting so earnestly one with another (the Protestants against the Papists) vpon questions of contro­uersies in Religion, that, for to preuent tumults and sediti­ons, and also the occasions of further quarrels and strifes, the Queenes most excellent Maiestie was, as it were, com­pelled of necessity to defend expressely by strict Proclama­tion to all in generall, not to dispute any more, nor enter into any such questions: yet notwithstanding, giuing full leaue and authoritie to reade to her people the holy Gos­pell, and the Epistles and Commandements, Queene Eli­zabeth al­lowes diuine Seruice to be read in the English Tongue. (but not as yet to make any explication thereof) and to haue the Lords Prayer, the Apostolicall Creede, and the Letanie in the vulgar tongue. And for the rest, shee ordained the Romane stile to be obserued, vntill that, by the authoritie of a Par­liament, the whole forme of Gods Diuine Seruice should be settled, and of new instituted: and in the meane while, Her Ma­iestie cele­brates her Sisters Fu­nerall, and that of the Emperour Charles the Fifth. her Maiestie solemnized Qu. MARIES Funerall; which glorious preparation made then a most magnificent shew, in Westminster: and shortly after, shee payed to Charles the Fifth his honours, who two yeares afore (rare example of all Caesars, and more glorious than all his victories) in con­quering himselfe, had renounced his Empire, withdraw­ing himselfe from this mortall life, to liue for euer wholly with God.

Booke 1. 1559.THE SECOND YEERE OF HER RAIGNE. Anno Domini, 1559.

Queene Eli­beth re-esta­blisheth and creates di­uers Noble­men. AT the beginning of this yeere, Queene E­LIZABETH re-established, and resto­red of new, W. Parr to the dignity of Mar­quis of Northampton, who vnder Queene MARIES raigne had beene degraded of that honour.

Her Maiesty also reconferred the Barony of Beauchamp, and Earledome of Hartford, vnto Edward Seymor, a noble Gentleman, who by the force of a priuat Law, the malice and enuy of his aduersaries, had beene depriued of the greatest part of his Patrimony, and Ancestors honours. Her Maiestie likewise honoured with the Title of Vis­count Bindon, the Lord Thomas Howard, second sonne to Thomas Duke of Norfolke, (who was father to the graci­ous Princesse Frances Dutchesse of Richmond and Lenox, [Page 13] now liuing.) Moreouer, her Maiestie created Sir Henry Ca­rie, Baron of Hunsdon, who was allyed to her Maiesty by the Lady M. Bullen; and that Noble Gentleman, Oliuer Saint Iohn, shee made Baron of Bletso, who all were free from the Popish Religion. After this, her Maiesty is con­uayed in pompe and Royall Magnificency, On Wednesday, the 23. day of Nouemb. Queene Elizabeth remo­ued from Hat­field vnto the Charterhouse, to the Noble Lord NORTHS House, where her Maiesty lay fiue dayes, and rode in open Cha­ret, from the Lord NORTHS House, along Barbican, en­tring into the City at Criple-Gate. and so came to the Tower, from thence to West­minster, where she was inaugu­rated. from the To­wer of London to Westminster, thorow the Citie of Lon­don, with incredible applause, and generall acclamations, (which, as her Maiestie was equally venerable, in sight and hearing, increased meruailously) and the next morning, her Maiestie was there inaugurated with the right of her Ancestors, and anoynted by Owen Oglethorpe, Bishop of Carlile, when as the Arch-Bishop of Yorke, and diuers other Prelates, had refused the performance of that duty, through a suspicious feare of the Roman Religion; conceiued part­ly, because her Maiesty had beene brought vp from the Cradle, in the Protestant Religion: and partly also, that she had a little before, forbidden a Bishop (at the Diuine Seruice) from lifting vp and adoring the Hoste▪ and like­wise permitted to haue the Letany, Epistles & the Gospell in English, which they held as execrable: Yet Queen ELI­ZABETH was truely godly, pious, and zealously deuoted: for her Maiestie was not so soone out of her bed, but fell vpon her knees in her priuate Closet, praying to God de­uoutly: Certaine houres were by her Maiestie reserued and vowed to the Lord. Moreouer, her Maiestie neuer fai­led any Lords day and holy day to frequent the Chappell; neither was euer any Prince conuersant in Diuine Seruice, with more deuotion, then her sacred Maiestie was. Shee zealously heard all the Sermons in Lent, beeing attyred in blacke, and very diligently gaue attention thereunto, ac­cording to the ancient vse and custome, although shee said & repeated oftentimes, that which she had read of HENRY the third, her Predecessor, that her Maiestie had rather in her Prayers speake to God deuoutly, then heare others [Page 14] speake of Him eloquently. And concerning the Crosse, our blessed Lady, and the Saints, she neuer conceiued irre­uerently of them, Q. Elizabeths o­piniō concerning sacred things. She cals a Parlia­ment, which is held the second yeere of her raigne. neither spake her selfe, nor suffered any o­thers to speake of them, without a certaine kinde of Re­uerence.

Within few dayes after, there was a Parliament held, in which was enacted by a generall consent: First, that Queen ELIZABETH was and ought to bee, both by the Diuine and Ciuill Law, and the Statutes of this Realme, (and as I may vse their proper termes and forme) the lawfull, vn­doubted, and direct Queene of England, rightly and lawful­ly descending from the Royall Blood, according to the order of succession; which was likewise formerly enacted by Parliament, in the fiue and thirtieth yeere of King HEN­RIE the Eighth; yet neuerthelesse, that Law was not abo­lished, by which her Father excluded both her and her Si­ster MARY, from succeeding him in the Crowne: And therefore it was thought by some, that the Lord Bacon, vp­on whom her Maiesty relyed, as an Oracle of the Law, had forgotten himselfe, and was destitute in that particular of his wonted Prudencie, in not foreseeing the euent: and e­specially, because the Duke of Northumberland had obie­cted the same both against her Sister MARY, and her selfe; and to that end Queen MARY had abolished it, in as much as concerned her selfe. At which time, there were some that drew against her Maiestie most dangerous inuectiues and conclusions, in such manner as if she had not bin law­full Queene, although the Lawes of England many yeeres agoe determined, Que la Couronne vnefois prinse ofte toute sorte de defaults. That the Crowne once possessed, cleareth and purifies all manner of defaults or imperfections. But many, on the other side, commended the wisdome of the Lord Bacon therein, as vnwilling, in regard of such confu­sion of the Lawes and Acts, to open a wound already clo­zed vp with the Time: For, that which made for Queene [Page 15] ELIZABETH, seemed to tend to the shame and disgrace of Queene MARY. And therefore shee held her selfe to the Law made in the fiue and thirtieth yeere of King HENRY the Eighth, who restored and vpheld, in a certaine manner, each of their Honours.

Afterwards, Propositions to reforme Religion. there was in the Parliament likewise pro­pounded, that forasmuch as concerned the Crown of Eng­land, and the ancient iurisdiction in Ecclesiasticall matters, should be re-established, with the Lawes of King HENRY the Eighth, against the Sea of Rome; and of EDVVARD the Sixth, in the behalfe of the Protestants, which Queene MARY had vtterly abolished; ordaining, That all Iurisdi­ctions, Priuiledges, and Spirituall Preheminences, which heretofore were in vse, and appointed by Authority, for to correct Errours, Heresies, Schismes, Abuses, and other En­ormities in Ecclesiasticall Affaires, should for euer remaine as vnited to the Crowne of England; and that the Queenes Maiestie with her successors, should likewise haue full po­wer to appoint Officers by their Letters Patents, to exe­cute this Authority: neuerthelesse, vpon this charge, that they should not define any thing to be haereticall, but that which had beene declared such long agoe, by the holy and Canonicall Scriptures, or by the foure first Oecuminike Councels, or others, according to the true and naturall sense of the holy Scripture; or which should afterward in some Synod, by the authority of the Parliament, and approbation of the Clergie of England, be declared, That euery Ecclesiasticall Magistrate, and such as receiue pension out of the publike Treasure, to aduance and promote them­selues in the Vniuersities, to emancipate Pupils, to inuest Domaines, or receiue seruants of the Royall House, were oblig'd by Oath, to acknowledge her Royall Maiestie, the sole and soueraigne Gouernour of the Realme (for as much as concerneth the Title of Soueraigne Head of the Church of England, it pleased her not) in all things, or causes as [Page 16] well spirituall as temporall, all forraigne Princes and Po­tentates excepted, entirely excluded, to informe of any causes within the Lands of her obeysance.

The 18. of March.But there were nine Bishops that sare the same day in the vpper House of Parliament, and opposed themselues, and were wilfully refractary against these Lawes (beeing then but foureteene aliue) namely, the Arch-Bishop of Yorke, the Bishops of London, of Winchester, of Worcester, of Lan­daff, of Couentrie, of Exceter, of Chester, and of Carlil, with the Abbot of Westminster. And amongst the Nobility, there were none that gaue aduice that England should bee reduced againe to the vnity of the Romane Church, and o­bedience of the Apostolike Sea, except the Earle of Shrop­shire, and Anthony Browne, Vicount Montaigue; who, as I said here before, was in Queene MARIES Raigne, sent in Ambassage to Rome, by the States of the Kingdome, with Thurbey, Bishop of Ely; who by a feruent zeale of Religi­on, insisted sharpely, that it were a great shame for England, if she should retire so suddenly from the Apostolike Sea, vnto which it was but lately reconciled; and more danger, if by reason of such reuolt, it should be exposed (by the thunder of an Excommunication) to the rage of her ene­mies: That by order and authority of the States, hee had, in the name of the whole Kingdome of England, offered obedience vnto the Pope, and hee could not but acquite himselfe of this promise. And therefore he tryed and en­deuoured to preuaile so much by Prayers, that they would not retyre or draw backe from the Sea of Rome, of which they held the Christian Faith, which they had alwaies kept. But when these things were brought to the Lower House, there were many more than in the vpper House, that con­sented ioyntly to these Lawes. Wherevpon the Papist, murmuring much, said, that of a deliberate purpose, they had elected the most part of the Deputies amongst the Pro­testants, aswell of the Shires, as of the Cities & Corpora­tions, [Page 17] and that the Duke of Norfolke, and the Earle of A­rundell, the most powerfull and mightyest amongst the Peeres, had industriously bribed the suffrages for the profit which they drew, or hoped to draw thereby.

Spirits then disagreeing for matters of Religion, by one and the same Edict, all persons were forbidden to speake irreuerently of the Sacrament of the Altar; and permitted to communicate vnder both species: And a Conference appointed against the last of March, They esta­blish a Dis­pute betwixt Protestant and Papist. betwixt the Protestants and the Papists, in which the States of the Land should bee present; and for the same, to keepe and hold elect, for the Protestants, Richard Coxe, Whitehead, Edmund Grindall, Robert Horne, Edward Sandes, Edward Guests, Iohn Elmar, and Iohn Iewell: For the Papists, Iohn White, Bishop of Winchester, Rad. Bain, of Couentrie and Lichfield, and Tho­mas Watson of Lincolne; Doctor Cole, Deane of Saint Paul; Doctor Landgal, Arch-Deacon of Lewis, Doctor Harpes­field of Canterbury, and Doctor Chatsie of Middlesexe. The Questions propounded, were these following: Of the cele­bration of the Diuine Seruice in the Vulgar Tongue: of the authority of the Church, for to establish or abolish Ce­remonies, according as it is expedient, and of the Sacrifice of the Masse. But all this Disputation came to nothing; The successe thereof. for after some conference, and writings deliuered from the one to the other side, and not agreeing vpon the forme of the disputing, the Protestants began to triumph, as ob­tayning the Victory, and the Papists to complaine of their hard vsage, for not beeing aduertised but a day or two be­fore: and that Sir Nicholas Bacon, the Lord Keeper (being a man little read in Theologie) and their great Enemie, sate as Iudge, although he was but meerely appointed for Mo­derator. But the truth is, that hauing thought more seri­ously vpon this matter; they durst not, without ex­presse order frō the Pope, call in question such high points which are not argued in the Church of Rome. And they [Page 18] cryed of all sides, When is it, that one shall knowe, what hee ought truely to beleeue, if it be alwaies permitted to dispute of Faith? Disputers of Religion alwaies returne to the Scepters, and such like things. And the Bishops of Lincolne and Win­chester were so offended with it, that they were of opinion, that the Queen, and those that had caused her to forsake the Church of Rome, should be excommunicated, and puni­shed with imprisonment for it: But the wiser sort, that it must be left to the Iudgement of the Pope, for feare that those which were her Subiects, should not seeme, in doing this, to shake off their obedience due to their Princesse, and to display the Ensigne of Sedition. And that was not hid­den to the Pope, Sir Edward Carne is de­tayned at Rome. who beeing also presently moued with Choller, commands Sir Edward Carne of Wales, a Ciuill-Lawier, who had beene Ambassadour at Rome for HENRY the Eighth, and MARY, and was then for Queene ELI­ZABETH, to quite this charge, and (to vse the same termes) by the vigor or force of the commandement that was made vnto him, by the Oracle of the liuely voice of our most ho­ly Lord the Pope, in vertue of the most holy obedience, and vpon paine of the greatest Excommunication, and losse of all his goods, not to goe out of the Citie, but to take vpon him the ad­ministration of the Hospitall of the English: And did it, to hinder, that hee should not giue notice of the secret traines of the French, against Queene ELIZABETH, as he had done before, with a great care, for the loue he bore to his Countrey. Neuerthelesse, some thought that this old man, voluntarily chose this exile, for the zeale he bore to the Roman Religion.

Disputes and strifes for the Towne of Calais.In the meane time, (I omit for a while the affaires of the Church and Parliament, to obserue the order of time) the Embassadours of England & Spaine, which treated of Peace in the Citie of Cambray, were in debate with the French a­bout the restitution of Calais, but they could not in any manner obtaine it, although they should haue propounded [Page 19] to quit thē of three Millions of Gold, which France ought by lawfull obligation. The Spaniard, who otherwise alto­gether different from Peace, held the English side, and sure­ly with as much trueth as honour, because the Queene had lost this Town by his occasion; & fore saw that it was expe­dient for Flanders, that it should be in their obedience. The French interrupted him▪ saying, that shee alone could not recompence the damages which the English had done them, their Townes beeing taken by the Spaniards by rea­son of their ayde; and many Borroughs in base Brittaine were sackt and burned; many Ships taken, and their Com­merce or Traffique, which is the sinewes of War, broken: That they had disbursed infinite summes of money, to hin­der their firings; that Calais was the ancient patrimony of France, and that if it had beene lost by Warre long agoe, it had also then beene recouered by Armes; therefore, that it ought not to be restored, and that the States of France had so resolued. That surrendring it, were, to put wea­pons into their Enemies hands, and withdraw for euer the Kings Subiects from his obedience: and therefore that it was an vniust thing for the English to demand it. The Eng­lish, on the contrary, maintained, that they demanded it with reason and Iustice; because, say they, during one, yea, two ages, he had tooke Englands part, and that they had not onely conquer'd it by Warre, but that it was also falne vnto them by hereditary succession, and by cession made by vertue of the pactions and agreements, in exchanges of other places, which the Kings of England had likewise granted to them of France. That these damages ought not to be imputed to them, but to the Spaniards, who, against their will, had drawne and associated them in this Warre; in which, through the losse of well-fortified places, & the taking of many of their Captaines, they had receiued much more damage than the French, and had had no profit ther­by. That all that the States of France order or decree, is [Page 20] not reasonable, because it is only profitable; and that Ca­lais could not be lawfully or iustly detayned, seeing that by the Conditions already agreed vpon, all the places that were taken in the late Warres, were restored vnto other Princes.

To which, the French replyed, that it was done in con­sideration of the marriages which ought to be contracted with the other Princes, and hereupon propounded to mar­ry the first Daughter who should issue by the mighty Prin­cesse Mary Queene of Scotland, and the Dolphin of France; with the first Sonne that might be procreated by Queene ELIZABETH, to whom she should bring in dowry the Towne of Calais; and that for this cause, the Queene of Scotland should quit her right which shee had vnto the Kingdome of England; or otherwise, to marry the first Daughter which should be borne of Queene ELIZA­BETH, with the eldest Sonne that should descend from the Queene of Scotland: and hereupon the English should renounce the right which they pretend vnto the Realme of France, and the French should be discharged of all the debts they ought to England, and that Calais should in the meane time remaine in their hands. But these propositi­ons being vncertaine for another time, they sought to win time, and increase the delayes, but were contemned by the English, who made as if they seemed not to haue heard them. As they stood vpon these termes, the Spaniard ha­uing aduice that Queene ELIZABETH did not onely breake the marriage which hee had offered her, but like­wise changed many things in Religion, began to giue ouer the desire which he seemed to haue before the restitution of Calais; and his Ambassadours almost losing their patience, were somewhat of accord with the French: for the rest made account to continue the warres no longer for Calais, vnlesse the English would contribute more men and money as before, and would aduance it for sixe yeere. [Page 21] This raised the heart of the Cardinall of Lorraine, who assured the Spaniards that the Queen of Scotland his Niece was truely and vndoubtedly Queen of England, and there­fore that the King of Spaine ought to imploy all his for­ces, if he made any account of iustice, to cause Calais to be deliuered into the hands of his Niece, the direct Queene of England. But the Spaniards, which suspected the power of France, not hearing that willingly, tryed secretly to draw out of England the Lady Katherine Gray, the yonger Niece of King HENRY the Eighth, for his Sisters sake, to oppose her to the Queene of Scotland, and the French, if Queene ELIZABETH should happen to decease, and to hinder thereby that France might not be augmented by the surcrease of England and Ireland; And strongly insisted, that there should be a Truce betwixt England, and France, vntill such time they should agree together, and that in the meane time Calais should be sequestred in the hands of the King of Spaine, as an Arbitrator of honour. But that was refused as much by the French as the English.

Queene ELIZABETH had well presaged that: for shee could not hope for any good from the Spaniards side, seeing that she had contemned and despised to marry with their King, and changed Religion. She also had know­ledge, that the treatie of Cambray was not made for any o­ther purpose, but to exterminate & roote out the Religion of the Protestants. And truely the consideration of her Sex, and the scarsitie of treasure, made her Maiesty finde, that peace was more to be wisht for than warre, though most iust. Also, it was her ordinary saying, that there was more glory in settling a peace by wisdome, than in ta­king vp armes to make warre; neither did shee thinke that it was beseeming either to her dignity, or to the dignity of the name of the English, to relye vpon the defence of the Spaniard. And she thought therefore, that it was better for her to make a peace aside and separably, and to go thorow [Page 22] and conclude for Calais with the King of France, being sol­licited thereunto by continuall Letters from the Duke of Mont-morancy, Constable of France, and the Duke of Vandosme, A treaty of peace with the French King. as also by message of the Duke of Guise, who sent the Lord Gray (who had beene taken prisoner at Gui­enne, and released to that end. And for to conclude this agreement, B. Caualcance, a Lord of Florence, was em­ployed, who from his infancy had been brought vp in Eng­land, with whom the French King hauing conferred in se­cret, did hold that it should be safer to treat thereof by new Commissioners in such priuat Country-houses of the Kingdomes of England or France, that were of no great note. But Queene ELIZABETH being mooued, shew­ed her selfe to be of a manly courage, in declaring that shee was a Princesse absolutely free, for to vndergoe her af­faires either by her owne selfe, or by her Ministers: and although that during the reigne of her Sister, nothing was concluded, but according to the Spaniards aduice, and that shee would neuerthelesse, without giuing him the least no­tice, or taking his counsell, dispatch these affaires betweene the Deputies of both sides, not in an obscure and priuate place, The Castell in Cambre­sis. but openly in the Castle of Cambresis, neere Cambrai. This offended no lesse the Spaniard, than the refusall and contempt of his marriage with her Maiestie, with the alte­ration of Religion, had done heretofore. Neuerthelesse, the French, who was crafty and cunning enough, to disco­uer how she was affected to match with Spaine, prayed her Maiestie first of all to take away two scruples from them, before the yeelding of Calais; to wit, that they forsaking that Towne, before they were assured whom shee should marry, it might easily fall into the hands of the Spaniard, because that he would haue her Maiestie, if possible, vpon any condition, and that there is nothing so deare, but wo­men will part with it to their beloued husbands: the o­ther, whether, as the Spaniards boast, that the English haue [Page 23] such neere alliance with them, that they ought to ioyne in armes with them against all Nations whatsoeuer, to these it was answered, that her Maiestie bore such motherly af­fection toward the Kingdome of England, that she would neuer part with Calais, for to fauour a husband, and that although her Ma tie shold grant it, yet England would neuer suffer it. Moreouer, that betwixt her Maiesty, and Spaine, there was not any such alliance, but a meere forced amitie, and that her Maiesty was most free for any contract with a­ny Prince which might be commodious and beneficiall to England. Vpon this, it was thought good and expedient, that the Commissioners of each part should equally vse their vtmost endeuours in the Castle of Cambray, to agree all differences, and to conclude a peace. Therefore Queene ELIZABETH sent for England, as Commissioners, Thurlbie Bishop of Elie, the Lord Howard, Baron of Effing­ham, Lord high Chamberlaine to her Maiesty, and Doctor Wotton Deane of the two Metropolitan Sees of Canterbu­rie and Yorke. For the French King, Charles Cardinall of Lorraine, Archbishop and Duke of Rheims, the chiefest Peere of France, Anne Duke of Mont-morancy, Peere, Constable, and great master of France, Lord Iames Aulbon, Lord of Saint Andrewes, Marquis of Fronsac, and Lord Marshall of France, Iohn of Moruillier, Bishop of Orliens, and Claude Aubespine, Secretary of the Priuy-Councell of France. These ioyntly agreed and concluded such Arti­cles as are heere set downe almost in the same words.

That none of these Soueraignes shall goe about to inuade each others Countries, Articles of Peace, made and agreed vpon 'twixt the Queenes Maiestie and the French King, Henry the second. nor giue assistance to any that should intend any such designe: if any of their Subiects should at­tempt any thing tending to that effect, they should be punished, and the peace thereby not infringed nor violated. The com­merce should be free; and that the Subiects of each Prince, who haue ships of Warre, before they goe to Sea, shall giue suf­ficient caution not to robbe each others subiects. The fortifica­tions [Page 24] of Aymouth in Scotland shall be raysed; that the French King shall enioy peaceably for the space of eight yeeres, Calais, and the appurtenances thereunto; as also, sixteene of the grea­test peeces of Ordnance; and that time being expired, hee shall deliuer it vp into the hands of Queene ELIZABETH; and that eight sufficient Merchants, such as are not subiects to the French King, should enter into bond for the payment of fiue hundred thousand crownes to be payed, if Calais were not resto­red, notwithstanding the right of Queene ELIZABETH still to remaine firme and whole; and that fiue Hostages should bee giuen to her Maiesty, vntill such time as these Cautions should be put in, if, during that time, something might be attemp­ted or altered by Queene ELIZABETH, or her Maiesties Sub­iects, of her owne authority, command and approbation, by Armes directly or indirectly, against the most Christian French King, or the most mightie Queene of Scotland, they shall be quitted, and discharged of all promise and faith plighted to that purpose; the Hostages and the Marchants should be free­ed: if either by the said Christian King, the Queene of Scots, or the Dolphin, any thing should be attempted against the Queen of England, they shall bee bound to yeeld her the Possession of Calais, without any further delay.

A Peace is concluded & agreed vpon betweene the Queenes Maiesty and the Queene of Scotland.At the very same time and place, and by the same Depu­ties, there was also a peace concluded betweene the Queen of England, and Francis and Mary, King and Queene of the Scots: whereupon they brought vnto the English & Scots, certaine Articles, concerning the grant of safe conduct for those who had spoiled and rob'd the Frontiers, and for the Fugitiues of the Countrey: About which, there being a meeting at Vpsaltington, betweene the Earle of Northum­berland, Cuthbert Tunstall, Bishop of Dunelme, Gu. Lord Dacre of Grillesland, and Iac. Croft, Captaine of the Town and Castle of Barwicke, all English-men, on the one part: the Earle of Morton, the Lord of Home, and S. Cler. Deane of Glasco, all Scottish-men, on the other part: They proclai­med [Page 25] thorowout all England, the Peace concluded between the Queene of England, the King of France, the Dolphin, and the Queene of Scots, which seemed very harsh vnto the people, and conceiued to be much dishonourable, in regard that Calais which they had lost, was not restored, the Pro­testants laying the fault vpon the Papists, The Lord Baron Wentworth, and others, are called in question, and brought in compasse of the Law, concerning the losse of Calais. and they vpon the Baron Wentworth, a Protestant, who hauing beene vn­der the gouernement of Queene MARY, accused in that behalfe, and not brought to publique hearing, was againe taxed, and brought to iudgement, but vpon hearing, was freed by the sentence of the Peeres. But Rad. Chamber­laine, who had beene sometime Gouernour of the Castle of Calais, and Iohn Hurleston of the Fort of Risbanc, were adiudged to dye, as guilty de laesa Maiestate, for abando­ning their places; howsoeuer their censure was remitted. The Parliament being ready to breake vp, those which were there, thought good to aduise the Queene, forthwith to marry, the great ones being vnwilling to yeeld to that, The whole Parliament doe exhort Queene E­lizabeth to marry. for feare lest some of them might be thought to make this proposition out of some hope which they might haue for themselues. Hauing then appoynted Th. Gargraue, Depu­tie of the Lower-house, to deliuer this message, he addres­ses himselfe to the Queene, with a few choyce men: Ha­uing first by way of preamble intreated admittance, and excusing himselfe with the graciousnesse of her Maiesty, and the importance of the affaires he had to deliuer, by this meanes procured audience, and in this manner spake vnto her

MADAME:

There is nothing which wee conti­nually begge at the hands of God with more ardent Prayers, Thomas Gargraue's Speech made to her Ma­iesty to that purpose. than the perpetuity of that happinesse, which [Page 26] your iust and vigilant gouernement hath hitherto pro­cured vnto the English Nation. But wee cannot con­ceiue how this should alwayes continue, vnlesse that (which wee cannot hope for) you should continually reigne, or by disposing your selfe to marriage, might leaue Children, which might inherite both your ver­tues and Kingdome together; the Almightie and good God so grant. This (MADAME) is the simple and vnanime desire of all the English, which is the conceit of all others: Euery one ought to haue a care of that place and estate hee hath, and Princes especially, that sithence they are but mortall, the Common-wealth might bee perpetuis'd in immortalitie. Now, this eter­nitie you may giue vnto the English, if (as nature, age, and your beauty requires) you would espouse your selfe vnto a Husband, who might assist and comfort you, and, as a Companion, participate both in your prospe­rities and aduersities. For questionlesse, the onely assi­stance of an Husband, is more auayleable in the orde­ring of affaires, than the helpe of a great many ioyned together, and nothing can be more repugnant to the common good, than to see a Princesse, who by marriage may preserue the Common-wealth in peace, to leade a single life, like a Vestal Nunne. Kings must leaue their Children their Kingdomes, which were left them by their Ancestors, that by them they may be embellisht, and be settled; and the English haue neuer had grea­ter care, than to preserue the Royall House from default of Issue. Which is fresh in memory, when HENRY the Seuenth, your Grand-father, prouided marriage for ARTHVR, and HENRY his Children, being yet of tender yeeres; and how your Father procured in marriage for EDWARD his sonne, hauing scarce attayned to eight yeeres of age, Mary the Queene of Scots; and sithence, how MARY your Sister, not­withstanding [Page 27] shee was deepely strucken in yeeres, marri­ed Philip the King of Spaine. So, as if the want of Issue be ordinarily giuen by GOD as a curse vnto pri­uate Families, how great an offence is it then in a Prin­cesse, to be a voluntary author of it to her selfe, si­thence so many miseries ensue thereby; that they must needes pester the Common-wealth with a multitude of calamities; which is fearefull to imagine? But, MA­DAME, wee, this small number of your Subiects, who heere humble our selues at your Maiesties feete, and in our persons, all England in generall, and euery English-man in particular, doe most humbly beseech, and with continuall sighs coniure your Maiestie, to take such order, that that may not be.

This is the whole summe of what he spake vnto her, with a great deale of eloquence, and more words.

To whom, in few words, shee answered thus; IN a thing which is not much pleasing vnto mee, Her Maie­sties answer to them all. the infallible testimonie of your good will, and all the rest of my people, is most acceptable. As con­cerning your instant perswasion of mee to marriage, I must tell you, I haue beene euer perswaded, that I was borne by God to consi­der, and, aboue all things, doe those which appertaine vnto his glory. And therefore it is, that I haue made choyce of this kinde of life, which is most free, and agree­able for such humane affaires as may tend to his seruice onely; from which, if eyther the marriages which haue beene offered mee by diuers puissant Princes, or the dan­ger of attempts made against my life, could no whit di­uert mee, it is long since I had any ioy in the honour [Page 28] of a Husband; and this is that I thought, then that I was a priuate person. But when the publique charge of gouerning the Kingdome came vpon mee, it seemed vnto mee an inconsiderate folly, to draw vpon my selfe the cares which might proceede of marriage. To con­clude, I am already bound vnto an Husband, which is the Kingdome of England, and that may suffice you: and this (quoth shee) makes mee wonder, that you for­get your selues, the pledge of this alliance which I haue made with my Kingdome. (And therwithall, stretch­ing out her hand, shee shewed them the Ring with which shee was giuen in marriage, and inaugurated to her Kingdome, in expresse and solemne termes.) And reproch mee so no more, ( quoth shee) that I haue no children: for euery one of you, and as many as are English, are my Children, and Kinsfolkes, of whom, so long as I am not depriued, (and God shall preserue mee) you cannot charge mee, without offence, to be destitute. But in this I must commend you, that you haue not appoynted mee an Husband: for that were vnworthy the Maiestie of an absolute Princesse, and the discretion of you that are borne my Subiects. Neuerthelesse, if GOD haue ordayned mee to ano­ther course of life, I will promise you to doe nothing to the preiudice of the Common-wealth, but, as farre as possible I may, will marry such an Husband as shall bee no lesse carefull for the common good, than my selfe. And if I persist in this which I haue pro­posed vnto my selfe, I assure my selfe, that GOD will so direct my counsels and yours, that you shall haue no cause to doubt of a Successour: which may be more profitable for the Common-wealth, than him which may proceede from mee, sithence the posterity of good Princes doth oftentimes degenerate. Lastly, this may be sufficient, both for my memorie, and honour [Page 29] of my Name, if when I haue expired my last breath, this may be inscribed vpon my Tombe:’

Here lyes interr'd ELIZABETH,
A Virgin pure vntill her Death.

And moreouer then this, they instituted in this Assem­bly of State, certaine Orders, Other Laws and ordinan­ces establish­ed by that Parliament. to preuent any forcible at­tempt vpon the person of the Queene; to restore tenths, and first fruites to the Crowne, and to establish in euery Church an vniformity of publike Prayer, termed the Leta­ny, and the forme of administring the Sacraments vsed vn­der EDVVARD the Sixth, with very little alteration; with a penaltie vpon such as should depraue them, or vsurpe any other then that forme: to attend Diuine Seruice, Sun­dayes and other holy dayes, vpon twelue-pence damage, to be imployed for the poore, for euery such default cōmit­ted. As also cōcerning seditious broyles against the Queen, the sale of Deaneries, all maritime Causes, the traffique for Cloth and Iron, mutinous and vnlawfull Assemblies: And (to omit the rest, sithence there is no order imprinted) things concerning the possessions of the Arch-Bishops, and Bishops; intending, that they could neither giue, or farme out the Church-Liuings, but onely for the space of one and twentie yeeres, or for tearme of three liues, as they say, to any other person but the Queen and her successors, the reuenews of former Arrerages still reserued. So as this reseruation of the Queene, which onely tended to the be­nefit of her Court, who abused her bounty; and the Bi­shops, who were carefull enough for their own profit, con­tinued still in force, vntill King Iames came to the Crown, who vtterly cut it off for the good of the Church. The Nobles of the Land reestablished. But there was no Act for it; howbeit in the former Parliaments of Kings there was often. Those who were restored to their [Page 30] goods and honour, were, Greg. Finch, Baron Dacre, and Tho. his Brother, whose Father was put to death vnder HENRY the Eighth; H. Howard, who was afterward Earle of Northampton, and his three Sisters, the children of H. Howard, Earle of Surrey, who, about the death of King HENRIE the Eighth, had his head cut off for very small of­fences: Ioh. Gray of Pirg. brother to the Marquesse of Dor­set: Iames Croft, and H. Gates, who were conuicted of Trea­son, de laesa Maiestate, vnder Queene MAREIS Raigne, and diuers others.

The Lytur­gie appointed in English.The Parliament being dismist, the Lyturgie conceiued in the Vulgar tongue, was forthwith sent vnto all Churches; the Images, without any adoe, taken from the Temples, the Oath of Supremacy proposed vnto the Bishops, to the Papists, and other Ecclesiasticall professors, who for the most part had formerly lent vnder King HENRY the 8. and all that refused to lend, depriued of their Benefices, Dignities, Papist Bi­shops deposed and dischar­ged from their Beni­fices. and Bishopricks. But, certes, as themselues haue certified, in the whole Kingdome, wherein are numbred 9400. Ecclesiasticall Dignities, they could find but 80. Pa­stors of the Church, 50. Prebends, 15. Rectors of the Col­ledge, 12. Arch-Deacons, and so many Deanes, 6. Abbots, and Abbesses, and all the Bishops that were then in Seance, and were 14. in number, besides Anthony, Bishop of Lan­daff (who was the calamity of his Sea.) Also N. Heath, Arch­bishop of Yorke, who, for nothing, had voluntarily left the Chancellorship, & liued many yeeres after in a little house of his owne at Cobham in Surrey, seruing God, and studying good workes, and so acceptable to the Queene, that she re­fused not to visite him in that obscure place, with admira­ble courtesie. Edward Bonner, Bishop of London, who was sent Ambassador to the Emperour, the Pope, and the King of France; but such a one, as mixt his Authority with such a sharpnes of nature, that he was noted of diuers for cruelty, and kept prisoner the most part of his life. Cuthbert Tunstal [Page 31] of Durham, a man most expert in Learning, possest of ma­ny honours within the Kingdome, besides, employ'd as Ambassadour abroad, in diuers waighty Affaires; conte­sted rudely (being yet very young) against the primacy of the Pope, by a Letter written to Cardinall Pole: and be­ing a little elder, dyed at Lambeth; where dyed also, Th. Thurlbey, Bishop of Ely, who had the honour to bee ac­counted most discreet in an Ambassage, sent to Rome to of­fer obedience to the Pope, and about the Treaty at Cam­bray. Gilbert Bourn of Bath and Wels, who had worthily de­serued in his place. Iohn Christopherson of Chester, so vnder­standing in the Greeke Tongue, that hee translated diuers workes of Eusebius and Philon, to the great benefit of the Christian Common-wealth. Ioh. White, de Winton, gene­rally learned, and reasonably qualified in Poetry, accor­ding to the fashion of the time. Tho. Watson of Lincolne, very pregnant in the acutest Diuinity, but somewhat in an austere graue manner. Rad. Bain of Couentrie and Lichfeild, who was one of the restorers of the Hebrew tongue, and chiefe professour of the same in Paris, vnder the Gouern­ment of Francis the first, vnder whom Learning beganne to flourish. Owen Oglethorp of Carlile: Ia. Turberuile of Ex­ceter: and D. Pole of Peterborough: Fequenham the Abbot of Benedictins, a sage and good man, who liued long, and by his publique almes, wonne the heart of his Aduersaries, but was put by his place. All these were first imprisoned; but forthwith, for the most part, left to the guard, either of their friends, or the Bishops: except these two, more tur­bulent then the rest; the Bishop of Lincolne, and the Bi­shop of Winchester, who threatned to excommunicate the Queene. But these three, Cuthbert, a Scottish-man, Bishop of Chester: Richard Pat of Wigorne: and Tho. Goldwell of Asaph, voluntarily forsooke the Countrey: in like maner, some religious, and afterward some Nobles, amongst whō, the most remarkable, were, H. Baron of Morle, Inglefeild, [Page 32] and Pecckam, both whom were of the Priuie-Councell to Queene MARY, Tho. Shelle, and Ioh. Gagd.

Other Pro­testants lear­ned and zea­lous Diuines, are instituted Bishops in their places.The learned'st Protestants that could bee found, were prefer'd to the places of Bishops deceased, and of Fugitiues; and Mat. Parker, a godly, wise, and right modest man, who was one of the Priuie-Councell to King HENRY the 8. and Deane of the Colledge Church of Stocclair, beeing so­lemnly chosen Arch-Bishop of Canterbury, after preaching of the Word, calling of the holy Ghost, and celebration of the Eucharist, was consecrated by the imposition of hands of three ancient Bishops; Gu. Barlo, Bishop of Bath, Ioh. Scor. of Chester, Miles Couerdall of Exceter; Ioh. Suffra­gant de Bedford, de Lambeth: and afterward the same Bi­shops consecrated Ed. Grindall, a rare Diuine, Bishop of London: Richard Coxe, who was Tutor to EDVVARD the Sixth when he was a Child, of Ely: Edward Sands, an e­loquent Preacher, of Winchester: Rob. Merick, of Bangor: Tho. Yong, a deepe professor in the Ciuill and Canonicall Law, of Saint Dauids: N. Bolingham, Councellour of the Law, of Lincolne: Iohn Iewell, absolutely iudicious in all li­berall Science, of Salisburie: Richard Dauis, of Asaph: Ed­ward Guests, of Rochester: Gilbert Barde, of Bath: Tho­mas Bentham, of Couentrie and Lichfield: Gu. Alle, a pithy expounder of the holy Scripture, of Exceter: Iohn Park­hurst, a famous humanist, of Norwich: Robert Horne, of a hardie and copious spirit, of Winchester: Richard Chesne, of Glocester: and Edw. Scamber, of Peterborough: but they placed Gu. Barlo, Bishop of Chester, who, during the reigne of HENRY the Eighth, was Bishop of Saint Dauids, and afterward of Wells: & for B. of Hereford was appointed Ioh. Scori, a skilfull and iudiciall man, who was formerly Bishop of Chichester: in like maner in the Prouince of Yorke, Yong being transferred from his place of Saint Dauids to Yorke, consecrated Ia. Pilkinton, a most godly and learned man, Bishop of Dunelme: Io. Best, of Carlile, and Gu. Downham, [Page 33] of Chester. I leaue Ecclesiasticall Historians to relate what these men were, and what miseries they suffered vnder the Gouernment of Queene MARY, being either fugitiues in the Low-Countries, or hidden close in England.

And forasmuch as Learned men were rare to be found, diuers Mechanicke Shop-keepers, as simple as the Papists Priests, attained vnto Ecclesiasticall Dignities, Prebends, and Benefices of good reuenue; which diuers Priests per­ceiuing, and hoping aboue all things, to expulse the Pro­testants out of their Churches, and by this meanes, to get something to relieue the necessities of such amongst them as were deposed, thought it most expedient, both for the aduancement of themselues and their Religion, to sweare obedience to their Princesse, in renouncing the Authority of the Pope, deeming this wisedome meritorious, and were in some hope, to procure from his Holinesse, accor­ding to his Iurisdiction, a Dispensation for his Oath.

Thus was Religion chang'd in England, By what de­grees Religi­gion was al­tered here. all Christen­dome beeing amazed, that it could so easily bee effected without Sedition: But the truth is, that this change was not so suddenly made: neither can it (since it is so) be easily tolerated, but by little and little by degrees: For, summa­rily to repeat what I haue herevpon spoken: The Romane Religion continued in the same state it was first, a full Mo­neth and more, after the death of Queene MARY: The 27. of September, it was tolerated to haue the Epistles and Gospels, the ten Commandements, the Symbole, the Let­tany, and the Lords Prayer, in the Vulgar Tongue: The 22. of March, the Parliament being assembled, the Order of EDVVARD the Sixth was re-established, and by Act of the same, the whole vse of the Lords Supper granted vnder both kinds: The 24. of Iune, by the autho­ritie of that which concern'd the vniformity of publike Prayers, and administration of the Sacraments, the Sacri­fice of the Masse was abolished, and the Lyturgie in the [Page 34] English Tongue, more & more established. In the Moneth of Iuly, the Oath of Allegiance was proposed to the Bi­shops, and other persons; and in August, Images were thrown out of the Temples and Churches, and broken and burned. And because some malignant spirits, detracting from the Queene, as if shee had assumed vnto her selfe the Title of Chiefe Soueraigne of the Church of England, and authority to celebrate sacred Rites in the Church, she de­clared by Proclamation, ‘That she attributed no more vnto her selfe, then what did of long time belong to the Crowne of England; which was, that next vnder God, she had supreme So­ueraignetie and power ouer all States of England, whether Ecclesiasticall or Laye, and that no other For­raigne Power, had, or could haue any Iurisdiction or authority ouer them.’

The profit which pro­ceeds from change of Religion.By this alteration of Religion, (as Politicians haue ob­serued) England became the freest Kingdome in all Chri­stendome; because by this meanes, it had freed the Scepter from forraigne slauery of the Pope of Rome: and most rich, because it preuented the great summes of mony, which were dayly transported to Rome, for First-fruites, Indul­gences, Appellations, Dispensations, and such other like things; and thereby the Common-wealth was voide and depriued, beyond all imagination.

Her Maie­sties diligent care to de­fend both the the true Re­ligion and Common-Wealth.The Protestants Religion being thus establisht by th'au­thority of of the Parliament, the first and principall care of Queene ELIZABETH was, to defend and maintaine it still sound and impregnable against all sort of machynation whatsoeuer, in the very middest of her Enemies, which, through this occasion, she had incurred against her; And shee would neuer endure to heare the least Newes at all. Her second care was, to maintaine equity all her life time, [Page 35] and in all her Actions: in token whereof, shee tooke this deuice vnto her selfe:

ALWAYES ONE:
Qu. Eliza­beths Motto or Posey. SEMPER EADEM.

For her other designes, she concluded them to prouide for the safety of her Subiests: For, as she often said, that to the end the Common-wealth should bee in safety, her selfe neuer could bee: And that, to make her Subiects loue her, her Enemies feare her, and all to praise her; knowing, that what was begunne with wisedome, and kept by care, was firme and lasting. Now, how by her Masculine care and counsell, she surmounted her Sexe, and what shee did most wisely, in preuenting, diuerting, and powerfully re­sisting the attempts of her Enemies, those that now liue, and shall hereafter, will bee able to iudge of what I shall drawe out and set forth of things, if I may call them so, in the Kingdomes owne memory.

At that time, the Emperour, Her answer to forraigne Princes, in­terceding for the Papists. and the Christian Princes interceding by continuall Letters, that she would vse the Bishops which were retyred out of her Realme, gently, and suffer the Papists to haue Churches in Townes by the Pro­testants: She answered, that although the Bishops had, in the sight of all the world, against the Lawes and Peace of the Kingdome, and obstinately reiected the same Do­ctrine which the most of them had, vnder the Raigne of HENRY the Eighth, and EDVVARD the Sixth, propoun­ded to others, voluntarily and by publike writings, that she would vse them meekely, for those great Princes sakes; notwithstanding, shee could not doe it without offending her Subiects: But to let them haue Churches by the o­thers, shee could not, with the safety of the Common-wealth, and without wounding of her Honour & Consci­ence: neither had shee reason to doe it, seeing that England imbraced no new Religion, nor any other, then that which [Page 36] Iesus Christ hath commanded, that the Primitiue and Ca­tholike Church hath exercised, and the ancient Fathers haue alwayes, with one voice and one mind, approued. And, to allow them to haue diuers Churches, and diuers manners of seruice, besides that it is directly oppugnant to the Lawes established by the authority of the Parliament, it were to breede one Religion out of another; and drawe the spirits of honest people into varieties; to nourish the designes of the factious; to trouble Religion and Com­mon-wealth, and to confound humane things with Diuine, which would be ill in effect, and worse in example; perni­cious to her Subiects, and not assured at all to those to whō it should be allowed; and aboue all, at their request, she was resolued to cure the particular insolency of some, by winking at something; neuerthelesse, without fauouring in any sort, The Empe­rour seekes the Queene for his Son. the obstinacie of their spirits.

The Spaniard hauing lost all hope to marry her, and bee­ing ready to marry the Daughter of France, notwithstan­ding, thinkes seriously of England, nothing desirous that it should be ioyned to the Scepter of France, and to retaine the dignity of so great a Kingdome in his House; obtained of the Emperour Ferdinand, his Vncle, that he would seeke her to wife for his second Sonne: which he as soone did by very louing Letters, and followed it very carefully by Iasper Preimour, a resolute Baron of the Countrey of Sti­bing. The Spaniard himselfe, to bring her to that, promised her speciall affection; and she of her side, made him offer, by Thomas Chaloner, of her Ships, and commodity of her Hauens, for his Voyage for Spaine, which he was about, with all remarkable duties of Friendship.

The King of France chal­lengeth the Kingdome of England, for the Queene of Scotland.The French, on the other side, casting an eye vpon Eng­land, left the French Garrison in Scotland, in fauour of the King, Dolphin his sonne, and Mary Queene of Scotland, which hee had promised to take from thence, vpon the a­greement before mentioned, and sent thither vnder-hand [Page 37] supplies, sollicites the Pope of Rome more vehemently than euer, to declare Queene ELIZABETH an Heretique, and illegitimate, and Queene Mary of Scotland legitimate of England; and although the Spaniard, and the Emperour, hindered by their contrary and most strong practices, (though secretly by the Agents which they had at Rome) neuerthelesse, the Guizes carried their credulous ambition with such a flattering hope, to ioyne Englands Scepter to France, by the meanes of the Queene of Scots their neece, that hee came so farre, as to challenge it for his Sonne, and for his Daughter in Law, and commanded them in all their Royall Letters, to take this Title, Francis and Mary, by the grace of God, King and Queene of Scotland, England, and Ireland; and to let the Armes of England be seene in all places, causing them to be painted and grauen together with the French Armes, in their moueables and vtensils, in the walls of their houses, in their Heralds coates of Armes, notwithstanding any complaint that the English Ambassadour could make, that it was a notorious wrong to Queene ELIZABETH, with whom hee had newly contracted a friendship, being manifest that hee had not done it during the reigne of Queene MARIE, though she denounced warre against him. Hee also leuied horse and foote in France and Germanie, to goe to the Territories of Scotland, neerest adioyning to England, insomuch that Queene ELIZABETH had good cause to apprehend it, see­ing that he breathed nothing, but after the bloud & slaugh­ter of the Protestants. But these enterprizes were broken by his vnlooked-for death, hapning at the Tilting, Is killed as hee prepared for the war. which was for the recreation and solemnizing of the marrriages of his Daughter with the King of Spaine, and of his Sister with the Duke of Sauoy: And much to the purpose it fell out for Queene ELIZABETHS businesse, whom hee resolued to set vpon with all his forces, as well for being an heretique, as also illegitimate; on the one side by Scotland, [Page 38] and on the other side, by France. Neuerthelesse, to giue him royall honours after his death, shee caused his funerall solemnities to be performed, as to a King a friend, with the greatest pompe, in Saint Pauls Church in London; and forthwith sent Ch. Howard, Effinghams sonne, now great Admirall of England and Ireland, to condole with him for the death of his Father, and to congratulate his succession to Francis his Sonne and Successour, exhorting him to en­tertaine inuiolably the friendship which had lately beene begun.

Francis the Second, and the Queene of Scotland, tooke the title of the Kings of England.But Francis, and the Queene of Scotland his wife, by the counsell of the Guizes, who then had some power in France, behaued himselfe publiquely, as King of Eng­land, and Ireland, kept alwaies the English Armes, which hee had vsurped, and made shew of them more than euer; and N. Throgmorton, ordinary Ambassadour, a wise, but a hote man, complained to them of this. They first an­swere him, that the Queene of Scotland had right to carry those Armes with a barre, to shew the proximity of bloud which shee had with the royall Race of England. After, when he had maintained, that by the Law, which they call the Law of Armes, it is not permitted to any to take the Armes, and Markes of any House, vnlesse hee be descen­ded of some of the Heires of it, obseruing to tell him, that shee carried them not, but to cause the Queene of England to leaue those of France. But, hauing vpon that put them in minde how D. Wotton had afore-time treated at Cam­bray, how twelue Kings of England had carried the Armes of France; and, by a right so seldome called in question, that by any of the treaties which were made betweene the English and the French, nothing had beene resolued to the contrary; hee gained in the end, that they should forbeare absolutely to beare these Armes, by the intercession of M. Memorency, the Guizes Emulator, who thought it not to be any honour for the King of France, to take any other [Page 39] Title, or to graue in his Seales any other armes, than the Armes of the Kings of France; and shewed, that this Title alone was of more importance than many others; and that the precedent Kings had no other, when they sought their right in Naples and Milan. And truely, from these Titles, and these Armes, which the King of France, at the instiga­tion of the Guizes, hath taken from the Queene of Scot­land, then vnder age, The original of the hidden hatred which hath beene betweene the Queenes of England and Scotland. all the disasters which afterwards happened vnto her, haue flowed from that: for from thence came the enmities openly declared by Queene ELIZA­BETH against the Guizes, and those which shee practised against her priuatly, which by the subtil malice of men, who made vse of the growing enuy, and of the occasions which sprung from day to day, haue beene so fomented on both sides, that nothing could extinguish them but death; for, ‘Soueraigntie admits no Companion, and Enmitie a­gainst Maiestie is grieuous.’

A few daies after, The French deale vniust­ly with the English. in stead of giuing foure Hostages for the Towne of Calais, as they were bound by the treaty of Cambray, they gaue onely three: the English Merchants are iniuriously dealt with, in France: one of the Ambassador Throgmortons seruants was sent to the gallies, which F. great Prior of France, had taken & carried away by force from a publique place: Some Pistols were shot at the Ambassa­dour himselfe, and in his owne lodging; and to make him the more contemptible, hee was serued at the Table, with no other Vessell, but such as the Armes of England and France were ioyntly grauen on. Finally, la Brosse was sent into Scotland with a troupe of choyce men; Gallies were sent for from Marseilles, and from the Mediterranean Sea.

Those in Scotland, Send men of warre into Scotland. which professed the Protestants Re­ligion, and qualified themselues with the title of the As­sembly, perswaded by certaine heady Ministers, and espe­cially [Page 40] by Knox, a most hot controller of the Royall autho­rity, that it behooued the Peeres of the Realme, to take a­way Idolatry from their authority, & by force to settle the Princes within the limits prescribed by the Lawes, had al­ready refused to obey the Queene-Mother, The Scots refuse to obey the Queene Regent. and Regent, though shee was a modest and a prudent woman, changed Religion, tumultuously ransacking and burning the sacred places, & drawne to their partie Hamilton Duke of Chastel­raut, the most powerfull of all the Kingdome, much pro­uoked by the wrongs done by the French, and many No­bles were bayted with hope to haue the Ecclesiasticall Re­uenues: insomuch, as they seemed not to thinke of Religi­on, but to plot in good earnest a reuolt against the Queene Regent, and against the French, which made warre in Scotland: and accused Iames, Prior of Saint Andrewes, Ba­stard brother to the Queene, their Coriphea, who since was Count of Mura, to haue coueted the Kingdome from his Sister. But, by the holy protestations which hee made vnto them, hee tooke away all suspition of hauing any o­ther ayme but the glory of God, and the Countries liberty; and that, seeing it opprest by the Queene Regent, and the French, he could not chuse but lament most bitterly for it. They sent William Maitland of Lidington Secretary, They seeke helpe of Qu. Elizabeth. to Queene ELIZABETH; and hee, in a pittifull discourse complained to her, that since the marriage of the Queene of Scotland with the Daulphin, the administration of the Kingdome had beene changed, strange Souldiers spoyl'd and ruin'd all, the French were placed in the chiefest offi­ces of the Kingdome, the Castles and strong places put into their hands, the pure money corrupted for their parti­cular profit, and that by these deuices and the like, they fortifie themselues, fraudulently to take away the King­dome, as soone as the Queene should be dead. Cecill, who was the principall minister that Queene ELIZABETH vsed in this businesse, and in all other, for his singular wisedome, [Page 41] employeth H. Percy, who afterwards was Earle of Nor­thumberland, to know what end the Lords of that Assem­bly propounded to themselues, what meanes they had to obtaine that which they desired; and, if one should send them succour, vpon what conditions might Amitie bee maintained betweene the two Kingdomes. They answe­red, that they propounded not to themselues any other end, but the aduancement of the glory of Iesus Christ, and the sincere preaching of Gods Word, to extirpate supersti­tion and idolatry, and to keepe the liberty of their Ance­stors: which they knew not by what meanes it might be done, but they hoped that God would giue successe to their designes, according to their desire, to the confusion of their aduersaries. And, as for the intertaining of amitie betweene the two Kingdomes; that that, was the abridge­ment of their wishes; and thereunto vowed their goods, their faith, and their constancy.

They deliberate slowly of these things in England, They delibe­rate of these things. be­cause the Scots were not well furnished with money and armes, nor very faithfull among themselues. But they con­sidered that the Marquis D' Elbeuf, Vnkle to the Queene of Scotland, had leuied men in Germanie, by the meanes of the Ringraue for the Scottish warre; that they had brought downe into the Hauens, peeces for battery; that the prepa­rations which were made, were greater than was necessary for the restraining, as was pretended, of a small number of vnarmed Scots; that the French, to draw to their league the King of Denmarke, promised him, that the Duke of Lor­raine should quit the right which hee pretended to haue to his Kingdome, and that likewise the censure of the Pope a­gainst the Queene, was more importunately sollicited, than euer, and a sentence declaratory for the right of the Queene of Scots to England: there was sent vpon the frontiers of Scotland, one Sadler, a prudent man, and the Counsellor of the Duke of Northumberland, who guarded the South [Page 42] frontier, and Iames Croft, Gouernour of Barwicke. For the Councell of England could not see what these things tended vnto, except to inuade England, and to pursue by armes, that which they attributed to themselues by their Coates and Titles.

They resolue to driue the French out of Scotland.Now doe they in England seriously consult vpon the businesse, and it seemed to them to be a very bad example, that one Prince should lend ayde and succour to the sub­iects of another Prince, who rayse vp broyles and tu­mults: but it seemed also, that it were an impietie to a­bandon those who professe the same Religion, a slow wis­dome to permit the French (who were sworne enemies to the name of English, challenged the Realme of England, and enioyed at that time, in all places, an assured peace) to remaine armed in Scotland so neere England, and so op­portunely for the inuading of that side, where Nobles and Commons of England are most affectionate to the Romish Religion. That it were to deliuer cowardly in­to the Enemies hand, the safetie of particulars, and the peace of the generall. For that cause, it behooued not to stand vpon dreaming and slow Counsels, but to dispatch and take armes. That the prudence of England had al­waies beene accustomed to goe meete their enemies, and not to waite for them; and that it had euer beene aswell suf­fered to preuent dangers, as to expell them; to defend themselues with the same weapons that they are assayled with. That England was neuer assured, but when it was powerfull and armed; that it was more powerfull when it had nothing to feare but the Scottish coast; and that to take away this feare, it were meete to assist those which professed the same Religion, and chace the French out of Scotland, against whom Armes are very auaileable, but not Counsels. That for hauing contemned them too much heretofore, they had lost Calais with shame and hurt, and a little before, by surprize, Ableville, and [Page 43] the forts neere Bullen, whiles they fained to seeke a peace, which was the cause that Bullen afterwards was constray­ned to render, and that they should looke for no lesse of Barwicke, and the frontier Townes, if they tooke not armes the sooner, without staying to see what the French will doe, who looke as if they meant to make peace in Scotland; Their designe being hidden, their ambition infinite, their reuennew exceeding great, insomuch that it is growne a Prouerbe long agoe in England, that France cannot be three yeeres both without warre, and without meanes. Queene ELIZABETH also often alledged this saying of the Emperour Valentinian, Haue French for a friend, but not for a neighbour. It was resolued then, that it was iust necessary, and profitable, to driue the French out of Scot­land, as soone as could be possible.

In the end, a Nauy was sent into Borrough, The English are sent into Scotland, both by Land and Sea. which is now called Enden-borrough Frith, cōducted by W. Winter, master of the Nauall Artillery, who, to the great terrour of the French, set vpon their ships, which were there in the Road, and vpon the Garrison that they kept in the Ile of Inch-Keith. Likewise, presently, the Duke of Norfolke was esta­blished▪ Lieutenant generall in the Northerne parts to­wards Scotland; the frontiers of the East, and of the South, were cōmitted to the Lord Baron Gray, who, not long ago, had couragiously, but vnluckily, defended Guien against the French; and Thomas Earle of Sussex, who, in the reigne of Queene MARY, had beene Deputy of Ireland, is sent back thither, with title of Lieutenant, together with speciall command, to ouer-looke this Irish Nation, being so much the more superstitious, by how much lesse it was husban­ded and tilled, should not be stirred to rebellion, by the practices of the French, vnder pretext of Religion: to fur­nish Ophalie, with some small Forts, to giue to the old Sol­diers some lands, to be to them and their heires males be­gotten of their bodies; to receiue Sulij-Boy Scotsh-Irish, to [Page 44] hold the possessions which hee had claimed by hereditary right in the Countrey of Vlster, to hold in fee, and to doe homage and seruice for the same: to increase moderately the reuenues of the Prince, and reduce the treasury to the forme of that of England.

The death of Francis L. Talbot, Earle of Shrewsbu­rie.While these things passed thus, F. Talbot, the fifth Earle of the House of Shrewsburie dyed, who was one of the chiefe Councellors of the Kingdome, leauing for Heire, George his onely Sonne, by Marie, Daughter to T. Dacre of Gilsland.

THE THIRD YEERE OF HER RAIGNE. Booke 1. 1560. Anno Domini, 1560.

AS soone as the Duke of Norfolke was come to Barwicke, the Prior of Saint Andrews, the Baron of Rethuen, and others, came to meete him, and in the name of the Duke of Chastelraut and his Confederates, treated allyance with him for the Queene of England, in these termes: ‘Whereas, the French haue striuen, by right or wrong, A Treaty of peace in Barwicke. to subdue Scotland, and to vnite it to the Scepter of France: the Queene of England will take into her Protection, the Duke of Chastelraut, the Heire appa­rent [Page 46] to the Kingdome of Scotland, as long as the mar­riage of the King of France, and Mary, Queene of Scots shall last, and one yeere more: He shall set forth Armies by Land and Sea, with all sort of warlike Mu­nition, to chase and driue the French out of Scotland: He shall not make peace with them, but with condition that Scotland shal enioy its former libertie: The Forts which shall be taken from them by the ayde of the Eng­lish, shall be also presently demolished, or put into the hands of the Duke of Norfolke, according as hee shall thinke good. The English shall not fortifie any place in Scotland, but by the counsel of the Duke of Chastel­raut, and the Peeres of the Kingdome: The Scots shall assist the English to their vttermost endeuours, they shall hold their Enemies theirs, and shall not suffer that the Kingdome of Scotland shall bee ioyned to France, otherwise then by marriage, as now it is. If England be set vpon by the French, on this side Tine, the Scots shall send, at the Queenes charge, two thou­sand Horse, and a thousand Foot-men: If on the other side, they shall ioyne themselues to succour the English, with all the strength they are able to make, and at their owne charge for thirtie dayes, as they haue beene accu­stomed to doe for the defence of Scotland. The Earle of Argaehel, Iudge of Scotland, shall labour to reduce vnto due obedience the Northerne parts of Ireland, vn­der certaine Conditions which shall bee agreed vpon be­tweene the Vice-roy of Ireland and himselfe. Finally, it is determined, what the one and the other shall doe, if Iames Maconel, or others, raise any commotion in the Countrey of Hebride, in Scotland, or in Ireland. For establishing these things, Hostages shall bee sent into England, before the English Armie enter into Scot­land; which shall be changed at the discretion of the Scots, from sixe moneths to sixe moneths; or from foure [Page 47] to foure Moneths, so long as the Marriage betweene the King of France and the Queene of Scotland shall last, and a yeere ouer and aboue. That the Duke of Chastel­raut, the Earles and Barons Conferrates, shall ratifie these Co [...]entions vnder their Signes and Seales within twenty dayes and shall declare, that in all things, which shal not tend to the oppressing of their ancient Liberty, they shal yeeld obedience to the Queene of Scotland, and to the King of France her Husband, forasmuch as the Queene of England vndertakes not these things, but by way of friendship and neighbourhood, and to free the Scots from Bondage.’

It was already discouered by Messages from stranger Princes, and intercepted Letters, that the French were re­solued to set vpon England: Seb. Martigues, Martigues comes and brings French-men into Scot­land. a young Gen­tleman of the House of Luxembourg, with a thousand old Souldiers, and two wings of Horse, was come into Scot­land; and Doisel a Frenchman, assuring himselfe too much to be of the Councell of the Queene Regent of Scotland, had propounded to the chiefe of the Kingdome, at Ay­mouth, neere Barwicke, that ioyning their forces, they, at the very instant, would put the King and Queene of Scot­land in possession of England: but hauing considered the difficultie of the thing, and not willing to violate the Peace newly agreed vpon, they refused it: Neuerthelesse, Mar­tigues, being yong and liuely, did so burne in desire to at­tempt England, that with much adoe was he hindred by the wholsome councell of the Queene Regent: but this heat was quickly quenched, D'Elbeuf driuen by a Tempest. when it was knowne that a storme had so beaten the Marquis D'elbeuf vpon the coasts of Holland, who sayled towards Scotland with greater For­ces, that he was constrain'd to returne to Diepe, frō whence he departed, with losse of some Ships & of many Souldiers.

At that time, Ph. Stauel of Gl [...]ion, Knight of the Golden [Page 48] Fleece, and Master of the Artillerie, was sent into England, employed from Spaine, to expose the complaints that the French made against the Queene, touching the Affaires of Scotland; The Spani­ard counsels to Peace. and to counsell, in the name of the King, to Peace and concord: yet neuerthelesse, hee secretly counselled the Queene to pursue with courage, what she he had begun in Scotland, though contrariwise the Spaniard had openly forbidden to transport into England, those munitions of War, The Spani­ards detaine from the English their muni­tion. which she had couenanted for at Antwerp, insomuch as she was constrained to make a new prouision thereof in Germany. And the Proposition that Stauel made, was not without suspition, that some Companies of Spaniards should be sent into Scotland, together with the French, to suppresse the Scottish Rebels, and by the same meanes, the French themselues, if they should attempt any thing vpon England. At the same time, M. Seuerin, ordinary Embassa­dour of the King of France, instantly sollicited the Queene, to call backe her Armies both by Sea and Land from Scot­land; which she willingly accorded vnto, prouided, that the French should be recalled: but by delayes sought out of the one side and the other, the businesse is drawne in­to length, till the comming of I. de Mouluc, Bishop of Va­lence, who differed not much from the Protestants Religi­on; who, vpon his arriuall from France, being carried vn­to the place, said, that he was not furnished with any pow­er for this busines: and notwithstanding he was very elo­quent, The French doe endeuour to call the English backe from Scotland. strained himselfe to his vttermost, that those Armies should be recall'd from Scotland; and maintain'd, that it was not to defraud the Queene of England, that the King and Queene of Scots carried the Armes of England; but by that, rather to honour the Royall House. But not beeing able to perswade the one, as being absurd; nor the other, as dangerous; Seuerin desired Stauel, and the Bishop of A­quilé, Embassadour ordinary of Spaine in England, to bee present and witnesses, when he should protest against the [Page 49] Queene of England, that shee had violated the Treatie of Peace; to which they refused him, because they had it not in Commission: Neuerthelesse he made, The French protest a­gaing the English, that they are meerely cause that the peace is bro­ken. by a discource prolixe enough, his protestation; to which the Queene made an Answere, which was published, and set foorth, by which shee testified to all the world, That the vio­lating of the Treaties proceeded only from the French, and that nothing could happen to her more vexing and odious, then this Warre, and such like things, which might easily be drawne from what had beene spoken heretofore, and by a declaration in writing, which she had formerly caused to be published.

Notwithstanding that although she had receiued many wrongs and iniuries,
An Answer to them.
in that they had vsurped the Title and Armes of her Kingdome, she could not for all that beleeue, that it had beene done with the consent of the King or Queene of France, or the Princes of the Blood, but by the wicked deuices of the Guizes; who, abusing the King and riches of the French, were ready to wound England through the sides of Scotland: That shee could not abandon her safety, nor her Subiects.

And surely, it is not to be doubted, that the Guizes, for the loue which they bore to the Queene of Scotland, The Guizes are sworne and professed enemies to Queene Eli­zabeth. the hatred to Queene ELIZABETH, in regard of Religion; and the ambition to oblige France, by adding new King­domes vnto it, being assured of an English party, of contra­rie Religion to the Protestants, linckt themselues together obstinately, to ruine Queene ELIZABETH. But they were diuerted by meanes of discontentments, and hidden hatreds, which grew vpon the Subiect of the administrati­on of the affaires which were put into their hands, after they had taken them from the Princes of the Bloud. And the QVEENE went so prudently to worke, and [Page 50] vpon the nicke to meete the designes of her Enemies; that she hath beene alwayes had in admiration of her friends, and in terrour to her Enemies.

The same day that Gray entered into Scotland with an Armie, The French offer to ren­der vp Calis. Seuerin and Mouluc earnestly sollicited Queene E­LIZABETH to call it backe, giuing her hope that Calais should bee rendred, if shee did it. But shee answered very plainely, Her Ma­iesties An­swer to them. That she made no account of Calais, a small Fisher-Towne, in comparison of the safety of all Great Brittaine. And the same day, sent into Spaine, Anthony Browne, Vi­count of Montaigue, a man very remarkable for his wise­dome, She sends the Lord Ʋi­count Mon­taigue into Spaine. but very zealous in the Romish Religion, thinking, that for that consideration, he would bee more pleasing to the King of Spaine; together with Tho. Chamberlaine, Em­bassadour Ordinary; to iustifie, vpon how many iust causes she had sent an Armie into Scotland, to wit, those that I haue heretofore declared; and to shew, the Queen of Scot­land had beene married very young to a sickly King, vvho was without hope to leaue Issue; that Hamilton, Duke of Chastelraut, hauing beene by the authority of the Parlia­ment, designed of the Kingdome of Scotland, the Guizes had prepared Ambuscadoes for his Sonne, as he should passe through France: their designes were bent, to ioyne the Crowne of Scotland to the Crowne of France, and to con­serue it for the Queene. This matter the King of Spaine examined seriously, how dangerous it was to the Prouinces of the Low-Countreys, and of Spaine: that it behoued not blast with Rebellion, the assembly of the great ones in Scotland, which was made for no other end, but to keepe (as by duty they are bound) the Kingdome for the Queen and her lawfull successors; Who makes known to the Spaniard the cause of the Wars of Scotland. not induring to permit, that by the wiles of the Guizes, it should be ruined, or transferred to the French, without wronging them or theirs.

Vpon the beginning of Aprill, the English Armie, com­posed of an hundred Horse, and sixe thousand Foote, mar­cheth [Page 51] toward Lieth, which is a place situated neere Bodir ▪ where all the Seas of Great Brittaine doe beate, and the Ri­uer of Lieth spreading broader, dischargeth it selfe, and makes a commodious Rode for Ships, scarce two miles di­stant from Edenborrough, the Capitall Towne of Scotland. The French knowing this commodity, had fortified it, to retire thither, and there receiue the succour which might be sent vnto them: & the English shewing themselues there, Martigues goes as speedily out vpon them with some com­panies of Foote, to hinder their approach to a Hill, vpon which he supposed they intended to Campe: but, after a Skirmish of foure houres, where some were slaine, they driue them backe into the Towne: next after, he also excu­sed the Scots Confederates they make Trenches, and raise Mounts, from which they battered no lesse the Towne then the Ships. The French make many Sallies out, with more courage than strength, and shewe many proofes of Magnanimity. Amongst others, vpon the fifteenth day of Aprill, they tooke the Trenches, nayled three of the greatest Cannons, tooke and led away priso­ner, M. Berclé: But I. Croft, and C. Vaghan driue them backe as fast into the Towne; and it was not done without losse of men. Arthur Gray, sonne to the Lord Baron Gray, Arthur Gray, son & heire to the Lord Gray, is wounded. who had the principall command in the Campe, was shot into the shoulder.

After that, they bring the Campe neerer to the Towne, because the Battery was so farre off, that the Bullets, for the most part, fell without effect; and a short time after, Lieth is be­sieged. part of the Towne, and a great quantity of Corne, was burned by casuall fire, which was much encreased by the English, who placed on that side their biggest Cānons, and being in the meane time entred into the Ditch, tooke the height of the Wall; and the sixth of May (while the Eng­lish and the Scots were together of accord) hauing placed the Ladders on all sides, gaue three powerful alssaults to gaine the Wall, but because they were too short, and the [Page 52] waters higher then ordinary, the Sluces beeing shut, they were repulsed with a showre of Bullets, that ouerwhelmed them from aboue, and there were many slaine, yet more wounded. The English repulsed. Croft is ac­cused. This check was imputed to Croft's fault, be­cause he had stayed in his Quarter with his Armes foulded, as if he had reproued this expedition, seeing others doe, without putting himselfe in action to assist those who had neede thereof: and I cannot tell whether hee did it out of iudgement, or for affection which he bore to the French, or for hatred to Gray. But so it is, that Norfolke and Gray, accused by Letters which they writ to the Queene, to haue had secret consultations with the Queene of the Scots, and to haue oppos'd this designe; and in hauing sequitiuely bin brought in iustice, the gouernment of Barwicke was taken from him, and giuen to the Lord Baron Gray. But the Queene shewing him fauour, conseru'd it for him; and for his merit, established him afterward Controwler of her Maiesties House.

This first Mis-hap hauing abated the courage of the English and Scots, the Duke of Norfolke rais'd them as quick­ly vp againe, by new Troops which hee brought to strengthen; and since that time, there were some light com­bates, vntill that the King of France hauing aduice that his men were so blockt vp at Lieth, that all the Passages by Sea and Land were shut, also considering, that they could not send him succour in time requisite, for the great distance of places, and the seditions, which augmented from day to day in his Kingdome, gaue power to the Bishop of Valence, and De la Roche Faucaud, to accord the Affaires with Qu. ELIZABETHS Commissioners: esteeming, and the Queene of Scotland with them, that it were a thing vnwor­thy their Maiesty, to enter into equall dispute with their Subiects. And Queen ELIZABETH deputed as speedily into Scotland, W. Cecill, and N. Wotton, Deane of Canterbu­rie and Yorke. At the same time, the C. of Murray made [Page 53] some propositions. But Cecill thought that they ought not to be made by Subiects, nor agreed on by Princes.

During these debatings, the decease of Queene Marie of Lorraine, mother to the Queen, The Queene Regent of Scotland dyes. and Regent of the King­dome of Scotland, hapned: a pious & most prudēt Princesse, who was neuerthelesse ignominiously and vnworthily handled by hot-headed Preachers (as it may appeare euen by the Ecclesiasticall History of Scotland, which Queene ELIZABETH caused to be suppressed vnder the Presse) and by the Lords of the Assembly, who, as being borne Councellors of State, had, vnder the name of Queene of Scotland, and her Husband, suspended her from all admini­stration, as contrary to the glory of God, and the libertie of Scotland.

The Articles of which, the Commissioners, after the siege begun, agreed vpon, are these:

THe treaty of peace, The treaty of Eden­borrough. made in the Castle of Cam­bray, betwixt Queene ELIZABETH and Henry the Second the French King, shall be renewed and confirmed. They shall cease, both the one side, and the other, to make preparation of warre. The Fortresse of Aymouth in Scotland shall be demolisht. The said King and Queene Mary, shall quit the title and armes of England and Ireland.

The strifes touching the recompence of the iniurie done to Queene ELIZABETH, and the assurance of the first Article, are remitted to another Assem­bly, which shall be holden at London: and if they cannot then be agreed of, it shall be referred to the Ca­tholique King. The King and the Queene shall re­concile themselues, with the Nobles, amongst their Subiects of Scotland: the Confederates shall be there­in comprised, and aboue all, the Catholique King. [Page 54] This Treatie shall be confirmed within sixtie dayes: the intertayning of it sworne on both sides.

A peace is published.This Peace is published as well in the Campe as in the City, with a common reioycing of all: The English grow­ing weary of the warre, seeing their neighbouring Coun­trey vtterly spoyled: The French, because they were de­priued of all traffique & commerce: and the Scots, for not hauing beene payed their wages. And indeed it was hol­den for the weale, good, and well-fare of Great Brittaine, since Scotland retained his ancient liberty, and England kept the dignity and surety which it had gotten. And since that time, she hath beene really exempt and freed from all subiects of feare from Scotland side. The English haue mer­rily acknowledged, that Queene ELIZABETH was the founder of the surety; and the Protestants of Scotland, Restoresse of the liberty.

Queene Eli­zabeth is sought in marriage, by Charles, Arch-Duke of Austria.During all that time, Queene ELIZABETH, for the singular loue which shee bore to the parties, was so atten­tiue to the publique good, that shee razed from her heart the loue of powerfull Princes who sought her in marriage; to wit, CHARLES, Arch-duke of Austria, second Sonne of Ferdinando the Emperour, who made this suit by the Count of Elpheston: Of Iames Earle of Arran, who was recommended by the Protestants, the which propounded to themselues to vnite, by Iames Earle of Arran: by his meanes, the Kingdomes of England and Scotland, which were diuided; which was al­so quickly reiected, and, by Erric, King of Sueden: and neuerthelesse to her Maiesty, praise: Of Erric King of Sueden, who, to the same purpose, imploy­ed Iohn his Brother, Duke of Finland, to this end sent in­to England by Gustaue his Father, a little before his death, and grounding his hopes vpon this, that hee was of the same Religion as Queene ELIZABETH was, made himselfe so credulously importunate, that hee thought of nothing but England; notwithstanding that the King of [Page 55] Denmarke his sworne enemy, had resolued to take him in the way, thinking that it concerned him greatly, if England and Sueden, betweene which Denmarke lyes, should be ioyned by the meanes of a marriage. Queene ELIZABETH acknowledged and praised his singular and Soueraigne loue, and made him answer, that his comming should be very agreeable and pleasing to her: but she could not yet finde in her heart to marry, in changing her present condi­tion, which was vnto her much more delightfull, & pray'd him to proue her good wil in any other thing, assuring him, that although hee could not enioy his desires, neuerthelesse hee should perceiue that his loue had not beene ill placed; and admonished him not to deferre the time any longer, to make choyce of a Wife which might be worthy of him. With this answer, I. C. of Finland returnes into his Coun­trey. After, hauing imployed all kinde of meanes to make this marriage, in courting her Maiestie importunately, by bold demands, vsing of great liberality towards her Cour­tiers, captiuating the good will of the inferior sort, amongst which he often strowed pieces of Siluer; telling them, that when his Brother should come, he would distribute large­ly pieces of Gold to the common people in generall. Ne­uerthelesse, his Brother, suspecting that he had made this suit for himselfe, receiued and intertained him ill at his re­turne, and obstinating himselfe in his designe, ceased not to continue this suit two yeeres after, and made the condition of it to be propounded by Nicholas Guildenstain: but as hee was imprudent and light at the same time, hee demanded the daughter of Philip, Landgraue of Hessen, hauing beene refused, at last married with a Lady of meane condi­tion.

But as for Charles Duke of Austria, he conceiued such hope, that his House already allied by marriages with great Princes, would be much more augmented by the addition of the alliance with England, and that the ancient Religion [Page 56] should be tolerated, if not altogether established: which he so expected, as a thing which he could not faile of, and Qu. ELIZABETH tooke not at an instant this hope from him. For, her Ma tie shewed openly to euery one, protested in the presence of C. Elphinstain, and writ to the Emperour, that of all the illustrious marriages which were propounded to her, there was not any more or greater, than that of the Arch-Duke: that neuerthelesse, neither the storme of dan­gers had not power heretofore, nor the fauourable winde of honour could yet, for the present, diuert her from that manner of life, in which shee had settled her selfe. Not­withstanding, without being come so farre, as to renounce altogether the state of marriage, and that shee hoped that God, vpon whose goodnesse shee wholly supported her selfe, would addresse his ends in that, and in euery other thing, to the safety both of her and her Subiects.

Adolphe, Duke of Holsatia. Adolphe likewise, Duke of Holsatia, was stirred vp by Frederic the Second, King of Denmarke, his Nephew, to hinder her from marrying with the King of Sueden, and carried with hopes to be able to effect it, by the desire which her selfe had by her Letters witnessed vnto him, that he was possest with the same affection towards the Eng­lish, as he had beene long agoe towards the Spaniards, and by the promise that shee had most louingly made him, hee came into England, where she intertained him royally, ho­noured him with the Order of the Garter, gratified him with an annuall pension, and (through her extraordinary courtesie) profest vnto him, her Maiestie obliged for euer, a most illustrious Prince, who had purchased the renowne to be a most famous warriour, in a conquest lately by him wonne against those of DITHMARS.

There were also in her Kingdome certaine Lords, who, according to the custome of Louers, vainly prated con­cerning the marriage, Sir W. Pic­kering. ( viz.) Sir William Pickering, Knight of the Order, who had an indifferent good estate, but ho­nourably [Page 57] descended, hee, through his rare study and affa­bility, had gotten much honor, and no lesse applause, by his Ambassage in France and Germanie.

The Earle of Arundel, a man of a most ancient House, The Earle of Arundel. no lesse great in meanes than illustrious by birth, but grow­ing into yeeres: and Robert Dudley, Robert Dudley. the yongest Sonne of the Duke of Northumberland, whom Queene MARY resto­red to his right and honours, a noble young Lord, of most comely lineaments of body; who was as farre in fauour with the Queene, as his Father and Grand-father were ge­nerally hated of the people, out of a rare and royall clemen­cy which she professed towards him, in conferring & hea­ping honours vpon him, whose Father would haue at­tempted her death. Whether this might proceed from some secret instinct of those vertues apparant in him, or out of common respect, they both being prisoners vnder Queene MARIE, or from their first procreation, by a se­cret coniunction of the Planets at the houre of their birth, combining their hearts in one, no man can easily conceiue. Howsoeuer it were, it is most certaine, that onely Destinie causeth Princes to affect some, and reiect others. In to­ken of honour, and for the testimony of her well-wishing towards him, the first yeere of her reigne, Whom shee fauoured. (after she had made him her Champion) shee made him Knight of the Garter, which amongst the English, is the most honourable dignitie of all, with the Duke of Norfolke, the Marquis of Northampton, and the Earle of Rutland, at which euery one wondered. In the meane time, Vicount Montaigu, Ʋicount Montaigu, Ambassador to the King of Spaine. Am­bassadour for Spaine, moued him of the necessitie of the warres of Scotland, and laboured (what in him lay) to pre­uent the imputation of the Scots to be Rebels, shewed him, by the instructions wherein he was commanded, but cold­ly, in regard hee was a zealous professour of the Roman Religion, that that which was established in England, was conformable and grounded vpon the holy Scripture, and [Page 58] the Aecunomicke Councels, and intreated him to renew the alliance of the Burgundians, formerly contracted be­tweene the Kings of England and their predecessours. The Spaniard, howsoeuer it was agreeable and vsuall amongst Princes, to confirme such a renouation, in respect it giueth as it were life to their Alliances, and testifieth to the world their mutuall good will; and howsoeuer himselfe and Charles his Father, in the treaty of marriage with MARY Queene of England, in the yeere 1533. were bound to con­firme this alliance, answered (notwithstanding) that it was needlesse, lamented the alteration of Religion happened in England, seemed to distaste the raising of an army, and roo­ting out the Rebels in Scotland, and fained to be too late aduertized thereof. He fauoured notwithstan­ding Eliza­beth against the French. But for all this, hee still opposed the designes of the French, who laboured to excommunicate ELIZABETH, and brought it so to passe, that she could be no way subiect to excommunication without his con­sent, and to aduertise her, though it were too late, that they ought for her aduantage, to insert in the Articles conclu­ded with the King of France, that if the French should re­turne into Scotland, it might be lawfull for the English to expulse them, and, in expresse termes, to condition for the certaine assurance of the restitution of Calais. The Earle (notwithstanding) perceiued well, and so did the Queene, that he was displeased, as well by the circumstances I haue related, He re-deli­uered the order of the Garter. as principally for that hee re-deliuered into the said Vicounts hands, the tokens and ensignes of the order of Saint George. For, hee seemed hereby vtterly to breake off all amity and friendship with England: but shewed it much more by the refusall which was made him after­wards, how he practised by his Ambassadour, (as hee did intercede by Count of Feria, who had married the Daugh­ter of W. Dormer, which hee had by the Lady Marie Sidney) for that the Queene permitted certaine men, wo­men, and Children, to stay in Flanders, who for Religion [Page 59] were retired without leaue, ( viz.) to the Lady Iane Dor­mer, Daughter of Thomas Newdigate, and Widdow to Sir Robert Dormer, Knight, and to the Lady Clarence, Grand-mother to the Count of Feria, being very olde, who had beene Fauourite to Queene MARIE, and Al­moner for the particular reliefe of poore women; to Ri­chard Shelley, Prior of the order of Saint Iohn in England, of which wee will speake hereafter, and to Thomas Har­uie: all which were zealous professors of the Romish Re­ligion, and well beloued of the Spaniard.

This refusall was grounded vpon a restraint (by the anci­ent custome & Lawes of England) prohibiting any person (the Nobles and Peeres of the Kingdome excepted) vp­on paine of confiscation of their goods, He disdai­ned to be re­fused in things of small im­portance. to depart out of their Countrey, without speciall licence from the King, and to reside in forraine parts beyond a certaine time pre­fixed, and that, either for the recouery of their health, vn­der a more warme climate, or for the aduancement of their studies in the Academies, or for their practice in militarie Discipline.

Whereof there was no president extant of any tolerati­on granted to women, to be continually absent from their Countrey: and that moreouer, the thing in it selfe see­med to be of no great importance. Neuerthelesse, in respect that those who desired it, reaped not so much benefit thereby, applying it to their owne particular ends, as others were animated by their example, to the detriment of the common good, it was vnreasonable to condiscend vnto: as the Queene signified to the King of Spaine.

The Earle, stomaking this as a particular iniury, The Count Ferie whets his indigna­tion. to re­uenge himselfe, caused to be apprehended (as an Here­tique) one of the seruants of Chamberlaine, being there [Page 60] then Ambassadour ordinary for England, and cast him in­to the Inquisition, and rather (as it were) enuying the Queene, and the English, than the King himselfe, added more fuell to his fire, He incenses the Pope against the Queene. notwithstanding all the meanes his Wife vsed to disswade him. It was also knowne, that he was imployed to Pope Pius the Fourth, in the beginning of his Papacy, to presse the Excommunication of the Queene: yet neuerthelesse, the Pope, (vpon what good hope I know not) sent vnto her Vincent Parpalia, Abbot of Saint Sauiours, with diuers secret aduertisements, with a kinde Letter, The Pope writes to Elizabeth. all which I will here at large insert, how­soeuer I may seeme to sinne against the Law of Hi­storie.

TO OVR MOST DEARE DAVGHTER, The Pope Pius the fourth of that name, his Letter sent vnto Queene Eli­zabeth, by his Nuncio, Vincent Parpalia. IN CHRIST, ELIZABETH, Queene of ENGLAND.

MOST deare Daughter in Christ, Salutation, and Apostolicall Benediction. God, the search­er of all hearts, knoweth, and you may per­ceiue, by the aduice that wee haue giuen you, to behaue your selfe towards this our eldest Son, Vincent Parpalia, whom you know well, how much we tender, and desire, according to the duty of our Office of Pastorship, to prouide for your saluation & honour, together with the establishment of your Raigne, thereby exhorting and admonishing your Greatnesse, (most deare Daughter) that in reiecting those lewd Councellors, who loue themselues better th [...]n you, and aime but at their priuate ends: You implore the feare of God to your Councell, and remembring the time of your visitation, you obserue our fatherly admonitions, & wholsome Counsels, and we will promise you of our part, all th'assistance you can desire, not onely for the comfort of your soule, but for th'establishment and confirmation [Page 62] of your royall dignities, according to the authority, place, and charge committed to vs from God: And if (as wee most feruently desire and hope) you returne into the bosome of the Church, We will receiue you with the like affectionate loue, as the Father (of whom it is spoken in the Gospell) receiued his Sonne when he retur­ned to him: and our ioy shall be farre greater then the ioy of a Father for his sonne onely. But you, in draw­ing after you the whole people of England, shall heape with ioyes, not onely to your owne particular saluation, but to your whole Nation: Vs, and the Vniuersitie of our Brethren, whom you shall shortly (God willing) heare to be assembled in an Aecumenique and generall Councell, for th'extirpation of Heresies: and the whole Church together. You shall also cause the Heauens to reioyce, and by such a memorable act, purchase renow­ned glory to your name, and a far more glorious Crown then that wherewith you are already crowned: But of that, the said Vincent shall more amply certifie you, and fully demonstrate our fatherly affection toward you; whom we desire your Highnesse to receiue courte­ously and graciously, hearing him attentiuely, and giue such credit to what he shall declare vnto you; as you would vnto our selfe.

I haue not found what Propositions were made by Par­palia, for I cannot thinke that he was put in writing, nei­ther doth it please me to suppose, as ordinarily Historians doe. All the world knowes, Queene ELIZABETH liued like her selfe, and, ALWAYES THE SAME: and that the busines succeeded not to the Popes expecta­tion. [Page 63] The common fame also went for truth, that the Pope promised to cut off, as a thing vniust, the sentence giuen against the marriage of Queene ELIZABETHS Mother, to confirme out of his owne authority, the English Liturgie, and to allow in England the vse of the Sacrament vnder both kinds; prouided, that her Maiesty should ranke her selfe with the Roman Church, and to giue some thou­sands of Crownes to such as laboured in these things.

The time of confirming the Treatie of marriage at Edenborrough was then come; The King and Queene of France re­fuse to con­firme the Treatie for Edenbor­rough. Queene ELIZABETH hauing by solemne Oath, confirm'd, and sent vnto the King and Queene of France also, to ratifie the same on their part, as it was meete; Throgmorton, Ordinary Ambassadour in France, and Sir Peter Meuté, Knight, dis­patched after him for the same purpose, laboured to bring them to it: But they preuailed not, notwithstanding they had in expresse words, vpon the Faith, and royall word of a King, by Commission from the Bishop of Va­lence, deputed for passing this Treaty, promised to confirm it. The reasons they alledged to exempt themselues, were, The reasons. That the Scots had past thorow Barwicke with the English, not by Royall Licence, but of themselues; which they ought not to doe: that they past like Rebels, and that vnder colour of being Subiects, they falsly profest themselues loy­all, and had no way shewed the obedience promised by it.

Whiles they were disputing hereupon, Francis the second dyeth. Francis the se­cond, (king of France) not being yet eighteene yeeres of age, left the most high and mighty Princesse, Mary, Queene of Scotland, a Widdow: at which newes, I cannot well say whether the Papists more lamented, or the Protestants re­ioyced.

Queene ELIZABETH, now perceiuing her selfe more secure then euer before, to the end that the Church might subsist, and encrease in her partie, and that the Common­wealth might more & more flourish in honour and riches, [Page 64] proclaimed two most wholsome Edicts; by the first wher­of, she commanded all Anabaptists, and such other like He­retiques, The Edict of Qu. Eliza­beth against the Anabap­tists. who, vnder pretence of shunning persecution, were come from Countries beyond the Seas, to certaine Port Townes vpon the Coast of England, to depart the Kingdome within twentie dayes, whether they were na­tiue or strangers, vpon paine of imprisonment, and forfei­ture of their goods. Her Maie­sties Edict a­gainst sacre­ligious per­sons. And by the second Edict, her Maie­sty supprest a Sect of sacrilegious men, who, vnder colour of extirpating superstitions, had begun to demolish ancient Sepulchers, Epitaphs, and Ensignes of Noble Families, and other Monuments of reuerend Antiquity; which had e­scaped the furie of the prophane, vnder King HENRIE the Eighth, and King EDVVARD the Sixth, and to pull off the Lead that couered the Churches.

The Colledge of Westmin­ster founded.And moreouer, cōuerted the Monastery of Westminster, a most famous place for the sacring of the Kings of England, and the place where the Armes and Royall Ensignes were alwaies kept, into a Colledgiall Church, or (as I may bet­ter terme it) into a Seminary of the Church: And there instituted one Deane, twelue Prebends, one Master, one Vsher, fortie Schollers, whom they call the Kings Nurse­ries, out of which there be sixe euery yeere, or more, cho­sen for the Academies of Ministers, and Singers; twelue poore, &c. to the glory of God, and the increase of true Religion, and good Learning: And certainly, there comes out from thence, happily for Church and Cōmon-wealth, a number of Learned men.

The Coine brought to full value.Tooke away by little and little (whereby shee gained great Honour, and no lesse Glory) the course of money mingled with Copper, and brought in vse that which was pure & fine siluer, to restore the honour of the Kingdome, to preuent the deceit of those, which both within and without this, had corrupted the kinds, and chang'd things much auaileable for the good of the Common-wealth, in­to [Page 65] coynes of false money, and transported the good siluer into forraigne Nations: and to abate the prices of vendi­ble commodities, which were extremely inhaunc't, to the great preiudice of the Common-wealth, and aboue all, for Stipendiars, Soldiers, Seruants, and all such as are payde for their labours by hyer: and brought it most happily to passe in a few moneths, without making any stirre; first, in forbidding all persons to melt, or transport out of the Kingdome; as well the good and pure money, as that which was mingled with Copper. Moreouer, in bring­ing that which is so mingled, to his value, that is to say, the Penny to a halfe-penny; the two-penny piece to three­halfe-pence; the sixe-pence to a groat; and the rest to two and a farthing, because there was no more money: and finally, buying them for good siluer of all such as had any of it, prouided that they brought it within the time prefixt in the Table of money; which could not be done without losse to her: insomuch that wee ought to acknowledge it to proceede from Queene ELIZA­BETH, that the siluer was better and more pure in England during her Raigne, then in full two hundred yeeres before, and that it was not vsed in any other part of Europe.

She afterward caused good Coyne to bee stamped for Ireland, which we call sterling; of which, the shilling is worth twelue-pence in Ireland, and in England, nine: A matter (indeed) waighty, great, and most memorable, which neither King EDVVARD the Sixth could, nor Queene MARY durst enterprize, This was corrupted by King Henry the Eighth. His lauish expence. sithence King HENRY the Eighth was the first King that euer caused Copper to be mingled with Siluer, to the great shame of the King­dome, damage of his Successors and people, and notable token of his excessiue expence, sithence his Father had left him more wealth, then euer any other King left his Suc­cessor, and likewise he had drawne abundance of money, [Page 66] by the meanes of Tributes, and Imposts, (without groun­ding our selues vpon that which Cardinall Poole had left in writing: That he had drawne more then all the other Kings which had raigned since the Victory of the Normanes) and heapt vp an infinite deale; when, by the power of a Parliament, hee tooke vnto himselfe all the Lordships which the English, beeing absent, had held in Ireland; all the first Fruites of Ecclesiasticall Li­uings, and the Tenths, which were in England and Ire­land; all the reuennews, gifts, and goods belonging to Monasteries.

The Earle of Huntington dyeth.This yeere dyed Francis, Lord Hastings, Earle of Hun­tington, the second of that Race; who had by Katha­rine, the Daughter of Henry, Lord Montaigue, Brother to Reinald Cardinall Poole, Issue, Henry, who succeeded him, and diuers other Children, who agreed well in bro­therly loue, but not in Religion.

In Ireland, Shan, otherwise called O-Neale, a great and potent man in the Countrey of Vlster, and lawfull Heire to Coni O-Neale, who surnamed himselfe Baco (which is as much to say, as Claude) and was created Earle of Tyr-Oene by HENRY the Eighth, after he had put to death Mathew, Baron of Dungannon, his bastard Brother, who was taken for legitimate, spoyled his Father of his rule and domination, for which hee quickly dyed with sorrow, tooke vpon himselfe the Title of O-Neale, couering his head, after a barbarous manner, with that hee wore vpon his legges and feete, cast himselfe into Rebellion, for feare of beeing pursued by the Lawe: so as fiue-hundred Foote were sent out of England, to ioyne with two Companies of Horse, leuied in Ireland, Shan O-Neale stirs vp sedition in Ireland. against him. But after, hauing made some light Skirmishes, perceiuing himselfe vnable to resist the English, and to bee hated of his owne men, and that Surly-Boy, Iacob Mac-Connell, and Odonnell [Page 67] were risen against him, hee layde downe Armes at the perswasion of the Earle of Kildare, his Kinsman, and promised to come into England to aske par­don, as wee shall describe it in a more ample manner in its pro­per place.

Booke 1. 1561.THE FOVRTH YEERE OF HER RAIGNE. Anno Domini, 1561.

AT the beginning of the yeere, Fr. Earle of Bedford (hauing beene sent into France, to end the mourning for the death of Francis the second) to congra­tulate with King Charles for succeeding him; summoned often the Queene of Scotland, sometimes himselfe alone, and sometimes accompanyed with Throgmorton, The Queene of Scotland puts off the confirmation of the Trea­tie. to confirme the Treaty of Edenborrough, but all in vaine: For he could drawe no other Answer of it, but, That it behoued and was requisite, not to resolue vpon so great a thing, without mature deliberations; and that shee neither would, nor [Page 69] could confirme it without the Peeres of Scotland. Throg­morton neuerthelesse ceased not to presse her instantly, by all the meanes hee could deuise. In like manner, the Car­dinall of Lorraine, and all the other Guizes, her Vnkles, and Iames her bastard-brother, who was newly arriued in France. But whiles they thus did nothing, but deferd it from day to day, by forged reasons, Queen ELIZABETH, doubting lest they intended the ruine of England, resolued to suppresse them. Shee sent thereupon T. Randolph into Scotland, to perswade the Peeres to a mutuall amitie, groun­ded vpon the vnity of Religion, aduertising them, that the Princes of Germanie were vnited together against the Pope, and that shee desired nothing more, than that the English and Scottish were combined in this accord; shewed them, that the Queene of Scotland, being a Widdow, now was the onely opportunitie for the appeasing of all discords betwixt England and Scotland, who had so many Ages the one fought against the other, with so much bloud-shed on either part, whether in contracting a perpetuall League with the English, or in razing out of the ancient league with the French, those Couenants which were wont to breed discord betweene England and Scotland. Lastly, shee ex­horted them to beware, that the Queene (who was now a Widdow) should not dispose her selfe in marriage to a stranger Prince, by whose power shee might reuenge her selfe vpon those, who had lately resisted the French, and so expose their freedome to the hazard of seruitude.

In the meane time, the Queen of Scotland, who thought to retyre her selfe into her Kingdome, hauing sent before Doysell, a French-man, intreating ELIZABETH, by him, to giue her Highnesse leaue to passe by Sea, and to Doysell through England, vnder the common faith: The Queene of England denieth pas­sage to the Queene of Scotland. ELI­ZABETH vtterly denyed her, in presence of a whole mul­titude of her Assistants, alledging for excuse, that shee had not yet ratified the Treaty of Edenborrough, as shee had [Page 70] promised to doe, and assured her, that in case shee should performe all that shee might expect from a Queene, being her Cousin and Neighbour, shee might freely passe either by Sea or Land into Scotland. The Queene of Scots ex­tremely stomaking this refusall, She com­plained to Throgmor­ton Am­bassadour from Eng­land. called for Throgmorton, and intertained a great deale of discourse with him about this occasion, which I will briefly here insert, according to the Contents of Throgmortons Letters collected by mee, howsoeuer I must repeat diuers things, of which I haue for­merly spoken, to the end that the originall, and degrees of the secret grudges and hatred betweene two of the pruden­test, and most puissant Princesses of our Age, might more euidently and clearely appeare. Shee being then with­drawne a little aside, and there being no more but her selfe, and Throgmorton, she spake in this manner vnto him: ALthough I were so weake, that I did not sufficiently know it, nor whither the heat of my spirit might carry mee, yet am I not so weake, that I should desire so many witnesses of mine infirmitie, as your Mi­stresse not long sithence held discourses with my Ambas­sadour Doysell. Nothing vexeth mee so much, as to haue intreated her for that I could well haue beene without, and as I am come hither against her will, and notwithstanding the hinderance by her Brother EDWARD, I shall also be as well able, God willing, to returne into my Countrey, without asking her leaue. And I want not friends, nor friends that are willing and powerfull to bring mee backe thither, as they were to bring mee hither. But I chose rather to try her friendship than any others. I haue often heard you say, that it was chiefly necessary to our two King­domes to intertaine amity, the one with the other: and [Page 71] neuerthelesse it seemes that shee hath another meaning, otherwise shee would not haue refused mee so small a courtesie. But peraduenture she loues those Scots bet­ter which are Rebels to me, who am Queene of Scot­land, of equall Maiestie to her, her neere Kinswoman, and the most certaine Heire. Doe you thinke, that with so great a faith and loue which is betweene her and me, she should keepe correspondency with the Scots which rebell against me? Does shee thinke that I shall be forsaken of my friends? Truely, shee hath brought mee to that passe, that I haue reclaymed the ayde of those which otherwise I would not haue imployed, and I cannot maruell enough by what counsell she hath here­tofore assisted my Subiects against mee, and now that I am a Widdow, am hindered from returning into my Countrey. I stirre not vp any businesse, nor meddle with those of England, although I be assured that ma­ny English are not content with such as passe there at this present. She reproches mee for my small experi­ence. I confesse, age brings that: yet neuerthelesse I haue so much as to know how to carry my selfe louing­ly and iustly with my friends, I doe not cast at randome any word against her, which may be vnworthy of a Queene, and a Kinswoman; and, by her permission, I dare say, that I am a Queene as well as shee, and want no friends more than shee doth, and can carry my cou­rage as high as shee knowes how to doe: insomuch as it is fitting for vs to measure our selues with some equa­lity. But I leaue comparisons, which cannot be, but with debate and hatred. As for the Treaty of Eden­borrough, it was made in the life-time of the King my Husband, to whom I was bound by duety to obey in all things; and since hee deferred the confirmation of it, the fault ought to be his, and not mine. Since his death, the Councell of France hath left me to be guided [Page 72] by mine owne friends, and my Vnkles would not med­dle with the affaires of Scotland, for offending in any thing either Queene ELIZABETH, or the Scots. The Scots that I haue neere about me, are priuate per­sons, and are not such as I would aske their counsell in things of so great importance. As soone as I haue consulted with the States of my Kingdome, I will giue you a reasonable answer, and to giue it so much the soo­ner, I goe forward to returne to my House. But shee makes account to stop my passage, insomuch that shee her selfe is the cause that I cannot satisfie her; and per­aduenture she does it to the end, that there may not be any end of our discords. Shee often obiects vnto me, as to my shame, that I am young: and truely shee might rightly say it, both very young, and very ill-aduised, if I would treate of a businesse of that importance, with­out the consent of my States. A woman, as I haue learned, is not bound either by honour or conscience to her Husbands fact. But I will haue no dispute vpon that, and neuerthelesse I will truely say, that I haue done nothing to my most deare Sister, that I would should not haue beene done vnto my selfe. I haue ren­dred her all duties of friendship, but shee either beleeues them not, or despiseth them. I would to God that I were as deare to her, as I am neere to her, for that would be a precious kinde of proximitie. God par­don those which sow discords betweene vs, if there be a­ny. But you, who are her Ambassadour, say, if you dare, wherefore shee is so much offended against mee, who vntill this present neuer offended her, neither in word, nor in effect.’

Throgmor­ton's answer to the Qu. Mary of Scotland.To which, Throgmorton told her:

I Haue no Commission to answer to that, but to heare that which you haue to answer, touching the confir­mation [Page 73] of the Treaty of Edenborrough. But if it please you to heare the cause of this offence, hauing quitted the qualitie of an Ambassadour, I will tell it you in few words. As soone as the Queene my Mi­stris was sacred and inaugurated, you vsurped the name and armes of England, although you had not done it before in the reigne of Queene MARY. You shall iudge in your owne wisdome, if a greater offence can be done to a Prince. Surely priuate persons themselues doe not willingly digest these offences, much lesse Princes.

But (said She) my Husbands Father and my Hus­band would haue it so, commanded it. As soone as they were deceased, and that I was of my selfe, I present­ly quitted both the Armes and the Title. And not­withstanding I know not, if this be to defraud the Queene, that I, who likewise am one, and Grand-child to the eldest Sister of HENRY the Eighth, carry these Armes, seeing that others haue borne them, which are further off of kinne than I am.

Indeed Courtney, Marquis of Exceter, and the Dutches of Suffolke, Neece to HENRY the Eighth, by his yon­ger Sister, by a speciall fauour carryed the Armes of Eng­land, in adding to them the Limbes for a marke of diffe­rence.

The Queene of Scotland, Contestation betweene the Queene of Scotland, and Throg­morton, Queene Eli­zabeths Ambassador into France. not being able by these words to giue Qu. ELIZABETH content, who stedfastly beleeued that shee sought but delayes, to husband some new hope, seeing that at the holding of the States of Scotland, who had assembled twice since the death of Queene MARIE, shee had not made any proposition which concerned the confirmation of this Treaty: as shee was already vpon the way to come for Scotland, shee caused Throgmorton a se­cond [Page 74] time to come to her to Ableville, and asked him curteously, How shee might either by word or deed, giue satisfaction to Queene ELIZABETH. The Queene endeuours to content Qu. Elizabeth.

In ratifying (sayes he) the Treaty of Edenborrough, as I haue often told you.

Whereupon, she said vnto him: ‘HEarken then, to iudge, if this which shee thinkes to be delayes, and vaine excuses, are not most iust reasons. The first Article of this Treaty, which con­cernes the ratification of that which passed in the Ca­stle of Cambray, betweene England and France, toucheth mee nothing at all. The second, which con­cernes that of the Treatie passed in the same place be­tweene England and Scotland, hath beene ratified by my Husband and mee, and I cannot ratifie it more am­ply, if it be not concluded in my name alone, seeing my Husband is there expresly named. The third, fourth, and fifth Articles are already effected: for the prepara­tiues of Warre haue ceased, the French Garrisons are called backe out of Scotland, the Fort which was neere Aymouth, is razed. Since the death of my Husband, I haue refrained to carry the Armes and the Title of England, and it is not in my power to raze them out of the Vtensils, Edifices, and the Letters Royall which are dispersed through France, no more than I can send backe the Bishop of Valence, and of Raadan, since they are not my Subiects, to contest vpon the sixth Ar­ticle. As to the last, I hope that my seditious Sub­iects will not complaine of my inclemencie. But, as I see, shee which thinkes to hinder my returne, will goe a­bout to hinder that they shall not try my clemencie. What remaines now in this Treatie, which is preiudi­ciall [Page 75] to your Queene? Neuerthelesse, to heape her vp with satisfactions, I will write to her of it more amply, with mine owne hand, though shee vouchsafes not to write to mee, but by a Secretarie. As for you, Am­bassadour, I pray you to doe the duetie of an Ambassa­dour, rather to sweeten businesses, than make them sowrer.’

But these Letters did not giue Queen ELIZABETH any contentment, But in vaine. who had euer in her heart the iniury which shee had done her, in taking the title and armes of England, and at that time feared much that shee tooke them yet, if by the confirmation of this Treatie, and the Religi­on of the othe, shee was not bound to forbeare them.

In the meane time, She returnes into Scot­land. the Queene of Scotland finding the time fit, goes to Calais, and gets into Scotland, hauing the fauour of Heauen which was cloudy and darke, got the winde of the English Ships, that some thought had beene sent to Sea in honour to conuoy her, others to take Pi­rates, and others to take her: they grounding it vpon this, that Iames, her bastard-brother, a little before returning from France, and passing through England, had counsel­led Queene ELIZABETH to doe it, if shee would pro­uide for Religion, and her owne safetie: The which, Li­dington, being ioyfull that Doysell was retayned in Eng­land, perswaded, as his Letters make mention.

Lest, being returned, shee should stirre vp Tragedies, take away the commerce of letters and messages with the English, ruine the faction which was at their de­uotion, and exercise crueltie vpon the Protestants of Scotland, not vnder colour of disloyaltie, but of here­sie, euen as MARIE Queene of England had lately done.

[Page 76]Howbeit, her Maiestie being returned into Scotland, shewed all gentlenesse to her Subiects, shee changed no­thing in Religion, although tumultuously brought in; and begun to temper the Common-wealth by excellent Lawes and good Ordinances. Her Maiestie sent Liding­ton to Queene ELIZABETH, with Letters from her selfe, and from the Peeres of Scotland, by which shee refer­red to her all the care to make and intertaine the peace be­tweene England and Scotland, prayed her to seeke some good dispatch thereof, and gaue for her aduice, that shee did not thinke of a better and more certaine remedie, than that Queene ELIZABETH, dying without issue, should declare her Heire, to succeed her in the Kingdome of Eng­land, &c. by authority of Parliament.

This seemed strange to Queene ELIZABETH, who expected to receiue the Confirmation of the Treaty of E­denborrough, promised both by word and writing. Not­withstanding, she answers him: Elizabeth answers him.THat for concerning the matter of Succession, shee hoped that the Queene of Scotland would not violently take the Scepter from her, nor from her Children, if shee should haue any. Promiseth not to derogate in any manner from the right which she had to the Kingdome of England, howsoeuer by the precipitate and ouer-hasted ambition of others, shee had attributed to her selfe the Title and the Armes of the same, for which it were iust and requisit shee should make some satisfaction: And said, shee feared that the Designation of a Successour, would disioyne their friend­ship, rather than re-vnite it, by reason that those which rule, haue alwayes those in suspition which ought to suc­ceed them: That the inconstant people, vexing them­selues at the present state of things, turne away the eyes from the Sunne-setting, and looke toward the Sunne-ri­sing; [Page 77] and that those which are once designed Successors, cannot containe themselues within the limits of equitie, nor can keepe vnder the ill desires of their owne, and of others: insomuch that if she did confirme and assure the succession, she should depriue her selfe of all security, she should in her life-time set her winding-sheete before her eyes, yea, she should likewise make her own funerall, liuing, and seeing it.’

Hauing made this answere, Qu. Eliza­beth presseth the confirma­tion of the Treatie. she sweetly admonisheth her againe by Letters, which were deliuered her by Peter Meu­tis, to confirme the Treatie; which she refused not directly; but gaue him to vnderstand, that she could not commodi­ously doe it, vntill the Affaires of Scotland were well esta­blished. In the meane time, Queen ELIZABETH, with all maner of courtesie, entertaines Monsieur le Duc D' Aumale, the Grand Prior, and Monsieur le Duc D'elbeuf, Receiues the Guizes cour­teously. her Vn­kles, and other French Noble-men, which had conducted her into Scotland.

And yet notwithstanding, The Guizes vse the En­glish ill. Monsieur de Guize behaued himselfe in that sort, that the English Ships are taken vpon the Coasts of Brittanie, and the Marchants vnworthily handled, and labours againe closely at Rome, to procure Queene ELIZABETH to bee excommunicated. How­beit the Pope, Pius the fourth, aduised, that it behoued to deale more gently with her Maiesty; and as he had already sought by courteous Letters, as I haue said vpon the last yeere, hauing then also, to appease the discords which were for matter of Religion, assigned a day to the Councell of Trent, long sinnce begunne, and broken off by continu­all Warres, and drawing gently thither, all the Princes which had forsaken the Romish religion, hee deputed into England the Abbot of Martinegues, with Letters full of as­surance of loue.

But because that by an ancient Law, it is most expresse­ly [Page 78] forbidden the Popes Nuncio's to goe thither, before he had obtained leaue from thence, and taken Oath, not to worke any thing by subtilty there, tending to the preiudice of the King and Kingdome; The Abbot being vpon the way, stayed in Flanders, and demanded leaue to come hi­ther: But Englands Councell of State iudg'd, that it was not safe to admit him hither, in regard that so many people from all parts, nourished in the Romish religion, labou­red carefully, both within and without the Realme, to trouble the affaires thereof.

The Abbot not being permitted to come into England, the Bishop of Wittenberg, the Popes Nuncio, with the King of France, labours that Queene ELIZABETH should send Ambassadours to the Councell, and many Princes of Christendome, (viz.) the Kings of France, of Spaine, and of Portingall, Henry Cardinall of Portingall, and aboue all, the Duke of Albe, who yet bore good will to her Maiestie, counselled her, that in matters of Religion, which is the onely Anker of Christians, and stay of Kingdomes, she would rather asscent to the Oecumenique Councell of Trent, than to the particular opinions of a few men, al­though they be learned.

She answers them, That the right to as­semble a Councell belongs not to the Pope.That shee desired with all her heart, an Oecumenique Councell, but that shee would not send to that of the Popes, with whom she had nothing to doe, his authori­ty being vtterly beaten downe and reiected in England, with the consent of the States of the Kingdome. That it is not for him, but for the Emperour, to assigne a Councell, and that he hath no greater authority then a­ny other Bishop.’

At the same time (that this Abbot was denyed accesse into England, beeing the last Nuncio that the Popes of [Page 79] Rome haue sent hither) Sir Edward Carne, aforementioned, being a most iudicious and wise man, very well vnderstood in the right of Emperours, & by the Emperour Charles the fifth, honoured with the dignitie of Knight-hood, Carne dyes. he dyed at Rome, and was the last Ambassadour sent from the Kings of England to the Pope.

Chamberlaine, Ambassadour for England in Spaine, per­ceiuing that this answere did more and more alienate the affection of Spaine, who iudged it to bee iniurious to the Pope, and fearing no more, that England, Scotland, and Ire­land should fall into the hands of the Kings of France, since that King Francis was dead, began to make no more ac­count of the English, tooke leaue of him, and returned into England. Thomas Chaloner is sent in his place, who, as he was impatient of iniuries, and had beene many times Am­bassadour in Germany, where he had receiued all manner of courtesies, as soone as he was arriued in Spaine, instantly be­sought by Letters to be reuoked, complaining, that accor­ding to the custome of the Countrey, they had searched his Trunkes. But Queene ELIZABETH admonished him, How far an Ambassadour ought to beare an offence. that an Ambassadour must support all that which is of equity, prouided that the honour of his Prince were not wronged.

Queen ELIZABETH being then capable of good coun­sell, and very prudent and prouident, and Religion some­what wel established, to strengthen her selfe with remedies against forces, prouides for the safety of her selfe and of her Subiects; and to enioy Peace more sweetly, although she found the Coffers empty at her comming, began to esta­blish a Magazin of all sorts of Instruments of War, Qu. Eliza­beth pre­pares things necessary for Warre. and to that end, employed great summes of money in Germany, (The Spaniard retained those Furnitures which shee had a­greed for at a price, at Antwerpe) causeth many Cannons of Brasse and Iron to be cast, discouers in the Country of Cumberland, neere Keswicke, by a speciall fauour from God [...] [Page 82] on what occasion, how farre, and at what time shee should vse her liberality, and indeed, was prouidently bountifull to those that deserued it. For, notwithstanding that King HENRY her Father, howsoeuer charged with three Chil­dren, and EDVVARD and MARIE, who had none, had beene bountifull of the Crowne Land, shee neuerthelesse, hauing none neither, Qu. Eliza­beths hus­bandrie. gaue very little of it, and yet what she gaue, was vpon condition, that for default of issue it should returne to the Crowne; for which, both the Realme and their successors ought to remember her, and thanke her, as a carefull fore-seer.

Whilest this good correspondencie was betweene the Queene and her people (the Common-wealth seeming to take life and strength, to the common ioy of all) fell out a sad accident. S. Pauls Steeple burnt. A most rare Piramide of the Cathedrall Church of Saint Paul, in London, which was frō the ground to the top of the square Tower, 525. foote, & from thence 260. and was couered with wood, & ouer-laid with Lead) was strucken at the top with fire from heauē, which was so deuouring, and burnt downeward with such violence, (to the great terrour of all the Inhabitants) that in the space of fiue houres, it reduced it to ashes, with the whole couering of the Church, which was most ample and spacious, but the vaults, which were of solid stone, remained entire. Not­withstanding, all this couering was new made by the Queenes liberality, and to the effecting of the same, gaue great quantity of money and materials, beside the collecti­on of Ecclesiasticicall persons, and others: So all was re­paired, saue the Piramide.

The death of Earle Ba­thon.This yeere dyed Iohn Bourchier, a man of ancient No­bility, Earle of Bath, second of that name, and Baron of Fitzwarin, who, by Elenor, daughter of George, Baron of Rosse, had a great Progenie, and left his Sonne William (yet liuing) his Successor.

THE FIFTH YEERE OF HER RAIGNE. Booke 1. 1562. Anno Domini, 1562.

THe troubles of France begunne then to waxe hot, in the minority of Charles the Ninth, the Princes which enuied one another, pretending on both sides, the specious name, the defence of Re­ligion, and those of the reformed Re­ligion beeing grieuously oppressed. And herevpon, the Papists of England, by I knowe not what hope which they had conceiued thereby, to oppresse the Protestants; many discourses of importance were whis­pered very secretly in priuate assemblies, and all full of suspicion. Margaret, Countesse of Lenox, who had a se­cret intelligence with the Queen of Scotland, and the Earle of Lenox, her husband, were for a time put and detayned [Page 84] vnder the custodie of the Master of the Rolles. Arthur Pole and his Brother, Nephews sonnes to George, Duke of Clarence, Pole had vn­der exami­nation. King Edwards Brother, Anthony Fortescue, who had married their Sister, and others, were brought into ex­amination, for hauing conspired to withdraw themselues into France to the Guizes, and from thence to returne with an Armie into Wales, and declare the Queene of Scotland Queene of England, and Arthur Pole Duke of Clarence, as they at their Tryall ingenuously confessed, neuerthelesse protesting that they intended not to doe it while Queene ELIZABETH liued, and that they had been seduced by diuiners, to beleeue that shee should dye that yeere: for which they were condemned to dye; notwithstanding, for the respect which was had vnto their bloud, they were suffered to liue. But (as many haue thought) they vsed Ka­therine Gray very seuerely, though she was much neerer of kinne to the Queene, Katherine Gray impri­soned. being Daughter to the Duke of Suf­folke: For, hauing beene married to Henry, eldest Sonne to the Earle of Pembrooke, by him lawfully repudia­ted, and left long time in great contempt, finding her selfe with child, & neere her lying down, was put in the Tower of London, although shee protested that she was married to Edward Seimor, Earle of Hertford, and great by him. Hee himselfe being returned from France, whither he went for his pleasure, by the Queenes permission, hauing made the like acknowledgement, was also imprisoned in the same Towre; the Arch-bishop of Canterbury, and others, were appointed to examine and decide the Cause, without ap­peale: and when hee could not produce witnesse of his marriage within the time prescribed him, the Arch-bishop, by a definitiue Sentence, pronounced, That the Carnall company which he had had with her, was illegitimate and vnlawfull, and that for this offence, they ought both to be punished. This Sentence was impugned as wicked and vn­iust, by Iohn Hales, a man very opinatiue, but otherwise [Page 85] very learned, who maintained, that their sole consent did legitimate their coniunction; for which reason, he himselfe was committed. She was deliuered in prison of her first-borne, and afterwards, her Keepers being corrupted by the Earle of Hertfords deuice, Edward Warner, Lieutenant of the Towre, was punished, as conscious of the fact, He is fined. and displaced. Hertford is accused in the Starre-Cham­ber of three crimes, that he had deflowred a Virgine of the Bloud-Royall, broken the Prison, and had accompanied with her since. Whereupon, after hauing protested that hee was lawfully married to her, he confessed, that hauing found the doores of the Prison open, hee had visited her in the affliction which was caused by the sentence pronoun­ced against them, and had payed her the duty of wedlocke. For which cause, He is fined. hee was fined fiue thousand pound for e­uery offence, and kept Prisoner nine yeeres. Yet neuerthe­lesse, by perswasion of Lawyers, hee insisted against the Arch-bishops sentence, by interiecting an appeale, and continued to visit her priuily. But in this time, hee volun­tarily, and publiquely left it off: and she, after some yeeres, (to the end I may in the time of their separation speake ioyntly of them) fell into a grieuous sicknesse; after hauing in the presence of Hopton Lieutenant of the Towre, de­manded pardon of the Queene, in regard shee had married without her aduice, and with Prayers re-commended her Children to her trust, and Hertford his libertie; She dyed in Christ piously and peaceably.

Warre renewing then in France betweene the Princes of the Bloud, and the Guizes, vnder a feigned pretence of Religion, as I haue said, one sought for to strengthen both parties; Queene ELIZABETH began to feare lest neigh­bour-warres should intangle England therein: The Guizes practice a­gainst Eliza­beth. For she had learned, that the Guizes, to draw Anthonie of Burbone to their partie, had boasted to put him in possession of Na­uarre, to marry him to the Queene of Scotland, and to [Page 86] giue him in dowry the Kingdome of England, at the ex­pence of the Spaniard, and by the authority of the Pope, who would breake the marriage, because his Wife was an Heretique, and by the same meanes, depose Qu. ELIZA­BETH of her Kingdome, H. Sidney is sent into France. as being so. Vpon that, she sent H. Sidney, a man of great renowne, that he might informe himself more surely of these things, & to exhort vnto peace, the Conductors of these seuerall parties. But, the busi­nesse was come to such a passe, that the eares of both par­ties were shut against peace. Sidney being returned from France, After into Scotland. is forthwith sent to the Queene of Scotland, that the Colloque which shee desired to be holden in England with Queene ELIZABETH, might be prorogued vntill the yeere following, or vntill the Warres in France were abated.

They delibe­rate the in­ter-view of the Queene of Scotland.Now it is consulted on, whether it were expedient or not, that these two Princesses should speake together: in that the Queene of Scotland desired it the first, it was not without suspition she did it to serue her owne ends, and sought out stratagems in their season, or to affirme the right which shee pretended to haue in England, or to giue hope and increase of courage to the Papists of England, and to the Guizes in France. Some thought the contra­ry, that this would be a meanes to vnite them with a firme friendship, to decay by little and little the alliance with France, and to draw the Queene of Scotland to the Prote­stants Religion. Others obserued, that such communica­tions might rather sow seedes of emulation than of loue, and that the shew of riches and power of the one, would euer excite the enuy of the other, and that the presence not answering to the opinion and reputation of the body, of the grace in speaking, and of the gifts of the spirit, would leaue both to the one and the other, some thing of reprehension. Which puts her in doubt. The Queene of Scotland did likewise iudge, that it were not safe for her to expose her selfe into the [Page 87] power of Queene ELIZABETH, with whom shee had contended for the right of the Kingdome, and as shee had learned, that shee had openly declared her selfe for the Pro­testants of France: shee was likewise in doubt on what side to ranke her selfe, considering how shee her selfe had written, that of the Father side she had drawne her extra­ction from England, and of her Mother side from France: that shee had beene crowned Queene of France, and was Dowager of it: that shee was the most certaine Heire of England, and looked for the succession: that if shee were obliged to her Vnkles of France, who brought her vp, she would be no lesse to the loue of her Sister Queene ELI­ZABETH.

Notwithstanding, as shee was subtill of spirit, shee was afraid, if shee should tye her selfe with a stricter friendship to Queene ELIZABETH, to incurre the disgrace of the King of France, and to be abandoned of the Guizes her Vnkles, and lose the money which shee drew from France for her dowry, while shee should preferre this friendship which was vncertaine; and, as shee said her selfe, there is none but transgresseth, and of the friendship of the French she was assured. And that that was the cause, why the in­teruiew which had beene in deliberation many moneths, came to nothing, chiefly after she had declared by Letters, that shee altogether refused it, vnlesse, that, for to ground a certaine peace, Ʋnlesse it were vpon certaine con­ditions. and the vnion of the two Kingdomes so much desired, she were by authority of the Parliament de­signed Heire of the Kingdome of England, or adopted Queene ELIZABETHS Daughter: and that if these things were granted her, she promised to be wholly at the deuotion of Queene ELIZABETH, though she quitted all consideration and respect to the Guizes her Vnkles. Fur­thermore, she assured, that she did not presse these things, but vpon aduice which she had giuen her of the secret pra­ctices of some, vnder pretence of religion, intended to sub­orne [Page 88] some other Successour than her selfe, howbeit she to­lerates the Protestants Religion in Scotland.

The Cardi­nall of Lor­raine pro­poundeth a marriage to the Queen of Scotland. Queene Elizabeth ende­uoureth to diuert her from it.But, as the Cardinall of Lorraine treated at the same time with the Emperour Ferdinand, to marry her with Charles his Sonne, Arch-Duke, who then sought to haue Queene ELIZABETH, ELIZABETH declareth vn­to her, by Thomas Randolph, that if shee lent any eare to this marriage to the Cardinall, capitall enemy to the Eng­glish, she might dissolue the amity betweene England and Scotland, and peraduenture therewith to include the losse of the Kingdome of England: admonisheth her amiably, not to fall off, but to chuse her a Husband in England; first, to please her selfe, and afterwards for the contentment of her owne Subiects, and of the English, and to intertaine the friendship which was betweene them, and to prepare her selfe a way to a certaine assurance of the succession of England, of which, declaration could not be made, if it did not first appeare with whom she meant to marry.

All these cares held Queene ELIZABETH in great suspence, neuerthelesse she was altogether attentiue to the warres of France, to hinder that the flames of it in Nor­mandie should not be blowne into England, and, after ma­ture deliberation, receiued into her protection the King of France his Subiects, which were in Normandie, and implo­red her succour, by a Couenant which shee passed with the Princes of Condé, Rohan, Coligni, and others, to this effect, That shee would send them a hundred thousand crownes, and passe ouer sixe thousand Souldiers, of which, three thousand should be employed for the defence of Deepe and Roüan: That they would put into her hands for assurance, Ville-Franche, which is situated at the mouth of Sene, and was built by King Francis the First, (the French calling it Haure de grace, and the English, New-Hauen) to be kept by a Garrison of three thousand Eng­glish Souldiers, vnder the name of the King of France, vn­till [Page 89] Calais be rendred. The same day that this agreement past, to giue a reason of her designe, shee published a mani­festation to this effect.

That shee sent not an armie into Normandie,
Giues her reasons.
to recouer this Prouince, an ancient patrimony of England, which had been wrongfully vsurped, but to conserue it for the King of France, being but yet a Childe, and to warrant it against the Guizes, who had begun cruelly to ouer-runne those who professed the pure Religion, and iniustly to robbe her of her right which shee had to Ca­lais, and to take possesssion of the Ports of Normandy; from thence, they threaten next to fall vpon England, which they haue by hope deuoured already: insomuch, as shee could not chuse but meete their attempts, vnlesse shee should seeme to be fayling to the young King her Brother and Confederate, and his Subiects that are op­pressed, to enuy the quiet of Christendome, and, which is more, cowardly betray her Religion, her securitie, and her saluation.

And as Paul de Foix, Ambassadour of France in Eng­land, summoned her by vertue of the Treaty of Cambray, to deliuer into the Kings hands, the Vidame of Chartres, of Hai, and others, who had signed the accord, as Traitors to their Countrey: Shee excuses the French fugitiues. shee excused her selfe of that by her Let­ter to the King, discharging them of the crime, and charged the turbulent spirits of the Guizes for it, who had wrapped in the tempest of warre the Kings Father and Brother, and the King himselfe.

In the moneth of September, one part of the English Ar­my landed at New-Hauen, vnder the conduct of Adrian Poining, who was appointed Marshall, where they were with ioy receiued by the inhabitants: the other part lan­ded at Deepe. The Earle of Warwicke, Generall of the [Page 90] Army, arriued there later, hauing been by contrary windes twice driuen backe into England. Afterwards, they made diuers incursions into the Countrey neere thereabout, but to hinder the same, the Ringraue came and camped neerer. The English, and the French had notwithstanding often light skirmishes, and those which were men of warre, vpon the Sea, brought in rich spoyles, taking and bringing in e­uery day French ships, from the neighbouring harbors.

The death of the Earle of Oxford.This yeere, Iohn Vere, the Earle of Oxford, died, the six­teenth of that illustrious House, who, by his first Wife, Daughter to Ralph Neuill Earle of Westmerland, had Ka­therine, who was wife to Edward, Baron of Windsor: by his second Wife Margaret Goulding, Edw. Earle of Ox­ford, who ouer-threw and wasted his Patrimony, and Ma­ry, who was married to Peregrine Bartie, Baron of Wil­loughbie.

At the same time, Shan O-Neale came out of Ireland, to performe that which he had promised the yeere before, ha­uing for his Guard, a troupe of Galloglassorum, who had their heads naked, and curled haire hanging on their shoul­ders, yellow shirts, as if they had beene died with Saffron, or steeped in Vrine, wide sleeues, short Cassockes, and rough hairy Clokes. The English admired them no lesse, than they should doe at this day to see those of China, or America. Hauing beene receiued with all courtesie, hee cast himselfe at the Queenes feete, and with teares acknow­ledged his crime, asked pardon, and obtained it. After, being graciously questioned, Wherefore he had excluded Matthew his Brother from the succession of his great Grand-father, answered fiercely, as hee was vsed to doe in Ireland, that it was his right, and being the certaine and lawfull sonne and Heire of Cone, Defends his cause. borne of a legitimate wo­man, he had taken his succession. That Matthew was the issue of a Lock-Smith of Dundalke, married with a woman named Alison, after this marriage: and notwithstanding, [Page 91] had beene deceitfully supposed by his Mother Cone, to be her sonne, to the end falsly to take away the dignity of O-Neale. And although he should suffer it, some of the House of O-Neales would not. The grant which his father had made to King HENRY the Eighth, and the restitution that HENRY the Eighth had made vnto him, were no­thing considerable, seeing that Cone had nothing in the things granted, but during her life, & could not haue made this grant, without the consent of the Peeres, and of the people, who had elected him to the honor of O-Neale. That such Letters also could not be of any valew, vnlesse witnes­sed by the othes of twelue men, that hee was the certaine Heire of the House, which had not been done in this mat­ter. That by diuine and humane right, he was vndoubted Heire: moreouer, the eldest Sonne of his Father, begot in lawfull marriage, & designed O-Neale with a generall con­sent of the Peeres & people, by vertue of the Law of Tem­ster, which was his Countrey; by which, a man of ripe yeeres ought to be preferred before a Child, and an Vnkle before a Nephew whose great Grand-father out-liued the Father. To conclude, hee had not vsurped any authority ouer the Lords of Vlster, though in times past his Ance­stors, by a particular right, had vsed it. But of this I haue spoken else-where. Which when the Queene found true, he was sent home with honour, where he behaued himselfe both faithfully and industriously against the Irish Rebels.

Booke 1. 1563.THE SIXTH YEERE OF HER RAIGNE. Anno Domini, 1563.

IN the moneth of Ianuary, the States of the Kingdome assembled at Westminster, and established Lawes for the reliefe of the poore, for the increase of traffique by Sea, and for husbandry, to represse South-say­ers, Negromancers, Sodomites, Coyners, and Periury, and translated the Holy Bible and Liturgy in­to the Welsh Tongue: And, to maintaine the Maiesty of the Queene and Realme, tooke order, that the like inconue­niences might not happen to them, which shamefully fell out by the Popes vsurped authority; and, to curbe the vio­lence of those which vpheld it, declared them criminals lae­sae Maiestatis, whosoeuer, after three admonitions, should maintaine in print, in words, or in deedes, that any Prince, [Page 93] Prelate, or stranger, should haue any authority in Spirituall things, in England, or any other Countries of the Queenes Dominions; or whosoeuer should refuse twice to take the Oath which should be offered to him, for acknowledging of the Queenes soueraigne authority in Spiritual things, and ouer Ecclesiasticall persons; yet with this charge, without spilling of blood, neither that it should bee required of any Baron of this Kingdome, or of those of more eminent dig­nity, the Queene not doubting their fidelity, nor any o­thers: ‘Saue those which were, which had been, or hereafter should be of some Ecclesiasticall Order; or those, who after ha­uing bin aduertised of the forme of seruice of the Eng­lish Church, will not obserue it; or shall publikely in words or actions depraue it; which shall celebrate or heare Masse, with like things, which is seene in the Ordi­nance established for it.’

Now, to witnes the ioy which they had to see the pro­sperity of the times, the Clergie granted the Queene a Sub­sidie, and the Lay people another, together with two Tenths, and two fifteenths, in acknowledgment of her re­formation of Religion, establishment of Peace, deliuering England and Scotland from stranger Enemies, to put downe base money, repaire the Fleet, make preparation for Warre and Nauigation beyond expectation, and of the laudable designe which she had for France, to assure England and the yong King of France, and to recouer Calais. Fifteenths. Tenths. Now this Tenth and Fifteenth (that I may make it remarkable in the behalfe of strangers) is a Taxe, which long agoe hath bin imposed vpon euery City, Borrough, and village, not by the pole, but by generalities, according to the fifteenth part of the reuenew of the places. Subsidies. A Subsidie is that which is imposed vpon euery particular, for goods and lands [Page 94] which he possesseth. But neither of these two Taxes are euer imposed, but by the Parliament.

The Prence of Condé ta­ken in the Battell of Dreux.In the meane time, the Prince of Conde, who made haste to get into Normandy, to the English succour, is taken in the famous Battell of Dreux and with him Nicholas Throg­morton, who suffered himselfe voluntarily to bee taken by the Protestants, to communicate some secret designes vnto them. And beeing presently after set at liberty, he presen­ted the money which was promised to Coligni, who was marched forward with the Troupes of auxiliary English to the Castle of Cane which he then besieged, and easily com­pelled Cane, Bayeux, Falexe, and the Temple of Saint Lo, to render.

While things were thus carried in France, Queen ELI­ZABETH made knowne to the King of Spaine, by Chalo­ner her Ambassadour, that, to preuent the Guizes in time, who insultingly, and with deadly intent rais'd vp against her, pernitious things and dangerous Treaties, that shee had sent an Armie into France, and kept still in her hands Haure de grace, which was deliuered vp to her, till shee re­ceiued full satisfaction for Calais. The Kings answer. He answered her, That if she demanded onely the restitution of Calais, it was all shee desired from the beginning, but if she vndertooke this warre for Religions sake, he could not likewise abandon that of his Grandfathers and Predecessors. As for the Guizes, who are they, said he, for a most puissant Queene of England to feare, they beeing of no alliance to the King of France, as hereto fore they haue beene? Whereunto she made no other reply, but conformable to that English Pro­uerbe; which sayes, Euery one must looke to their own, when their neighbours House is on fire. And the King of Spaine vnderstood well inough, how shee politikely treated with the Protestant Princes of Germany, by the sollicitation of then Henry, but now, Lord Knowles, and Christopher Hill, for the Prince of Condé's reliefe, and to defend the com­mon [Page 95] cause of Religion, whereat being more highly offen­ded, he likewise secretly sought meanes against her, vnder the colour and pretext of Religion.

Withall, those French Hostages, Hostages gi­uen for the restitution of Calais, at­tempt to fly away. who were sent into England, for the security of the payment of [...]ne hundred thousand Crownes, promised, in case Calais were not resto­red, perceiuing all things enclining to a warre, laboured all they could to flye away: but beeing ready to take Barke, they were taken and brought backe againe, together with that famous Pylot, Iohn Ribant, who came secretly into England, to conuay them ouer. In the meane while, Peace made in France. peace was accorded in France, between the King, and the Prince of Condé, allured thereunto, out of hope that hee should haue the generall managing of all affaires, and marry the Queene of Scots; the Protestants, and the Queenes Maie­stie of England being no waies therein comprehended; all men, with one generall voice, protested, that if the English withdrew not themselues forthwith out of Haure de grace, the promise of surrendting Calais, intimated by the Trea­ty of Cambray, should be frustrate, and take no effect: and by publique sound of Trumpet, the French were permitted in this case, to assaile the English, to take, and pillage them, while they yeelded it vp. War proclai­med between the French and the En­glish. The Queenes Maiesty of Eng­land also, for her part, permitted the English to repute of the French-men as enemies, those onely excepted, that did inhabite in London, while they detayned Calais: and the English put to sea, with such a powerfull Nauie, as was in­credible, clozing it vp from all French nauigation, as also from the Spaniards, making so many, and such insolent sur­prizals of them both, as her Maiestie was vrg'd to excuse the same to the King of Spaine, and to divulge prohibitions, by publike Proclamation, to the English.

The Earle of Warwicke, Gouernour of Haure de grace, obseruing, how the fidelity and loyaltie of the French In­habitants began to wauer, and that vpon so weake a rumor [Page 96] of Peace, they held secret Councels amongst themselues, and that the Ryngraue was in the adiacent parts, with his forces, to surprize the Towne, and expell the English: he in like manner draue out all the French indifferently, both Pa­pists and Protestants, out of the Towne, and seazed on their shipping, which they tooke in grieuous ill part; com­plaining, that the English were not so carefull to protect the afflicted French-men, as to make themselues absolute Ma­sters of the place; and how they felt their oppression more heauy, then that of the Enemie himselfe. And cer­tainely, to speake but truth, nothing euer so alienated the hearts of the Normanes, those of Guyenne, the Poytouines, and all other Prouinces liuing vnder the subiection of the Kings of England, as because the English euer reputed, and entreated them like meere strangers.

The French-men had now studiously prepared all things to assaile the Towne: The Qu. Maiestie offers to surrender Haure de grace, for Calais. The King, and the Prince of Condé at the same time laboured hard, and very earnestly in Eng­land, by Brickmore and D. for the surrender of the Towne, and her Maiestie consented thereunto, vpon these condi­tions: First, That the King of Spaine should ioyne in Caution, for the restitution of Calais, within the time prefixed: Then, the Treatie of Cambray was to be confirmed by the Kings Oath, the Queene Mothers, and that of the Princes of the Bloud, & ratified by all the Parliaments of France, and Gentlemen of greatest note and quality, giuen for Pledges.’

The English Soldiers mo­lested with the Pestilēce.In the meane while, the Plague raigned very hot in Haure de grace, amongst the Soldiers of the Garrison; and two-hundred, sent for their reliefe and succour, were lost by ship-wracke, with Sir Thomas Finch, their Conductor, and two Brothers of the Lord Wentworth ▪ Wherefore, there being no great likely hood of maintayning and hol­ding [Page 97] the Towne, Sir Thomas Smith, ordinary Leager in France, receiued expresse Commandement, to propound the restoring of it, for Calais, and so in like maner, that the King of Spaine should arbitrate this affaire, who had marri­ed the King of France his Sister. But the French would in no wise giue any eare vnto it, alleadging, that the King of France acknowledged none for his Superiour, neither would hee commit his affaires to the arbitrement of any Prince. They detayned Master Nicholas Throgmorton, sent to moue these Conditions, suspecting he was returned into France, for the disturbance of proceedings (as hee could play his part well) grounding their Action vpon this, that he had no publique Commission, though he had about him Letters of Credit, besides others he had from the French Ambassadour Leager in England: and they would in no wise heare him, verily beleeuing, that Haure de grace would presently be recouered by maine force, by reason the Pe­stilence caused there such a fearefull mortality. Monsieur Memorancie was already come thither, with all the most remarkeable Nobility in his company. Not long after, arriued the Prince of Condé, with the whole Flowre of the Protestant Cheualrie: and the English wondring at this sudden alteration, answer was made them, that Peace was now generally established, and the forces of both par­ties ioyn'd in one, and now no motiues were made of fighting for Religion, but for defence of their Countrie.

A Trumpet was sent from Monsieur Memorancy, to the Earle of Warwicke, to summon him to surrender, and another returned from the said Earle, to the Constable Me­morancie, with a Gentleman, one Master Paulet, to certifie him, how the English were resolued to suffer all extremities, Haure de grace belea­gred and as­sailed by the French. rather than to yeeld vp the Place, without the Queenes ex­presse Commandement. Wherfore the Frenchmen ha­uing rais'd Mounts to make their Batterie, ruin'd and bat­tered the Towne for the space of many daies, broke vp all [Page 98] the Conduit-heads, and diuerted the water out of its pro­per Chanell, which was seated aboue the Sea: they applied all their endeuours to take the Towne by force: the Eng­lish, on the other side, with most loyall and couragious fi­delity, opposed theirs, daylie losing more men by the Plague, than by the Armes of their Enemies.

When Queen ELIZABETH heard of the lamentable and vnhappy estate of her people, no longer to expose such valiant spirits to slaughter, and pestilentiall Infection; after an approofe of her Captaines and Soldiers valours, in a publike Proclamation, she sent to the Earle of Warwicke, commanding him to compound with the French, vpon reasonable and equall Conditions. There were also incon­tinently delegated from the Earle of Warwicke, to Monsieur Memorancy, Master Paulet, & Master Pelham, with whom in a short time they came to an Accord, vpon these Capi­tulations ensuing: Articles for the restituti­on of Haure de grace.That the Towne, with all the war-like munition, should be surrendred to the King of France, and his Subiects. That presently Monsieur Memorancie should take pos­session of the greatest Towre within the Towne. That the prisoners both of the one and other side, should in­stantly be redeliuered. And that the English might de part with all freedome and liberty, carrying whatsoeuer belonged to their Queene or themselues, within the com­passe of sixe dayes, if the Winds would permit.’

For performance whereof, they deliuered for Hostages, Mr. Oliuer Mannors, Brother to the Earle of Rutland, Mr. Leighton, Mr. Pelham, and Mr. Horsie. The last remaining, was, Mr. Edm. Randolph, Marshall of the Campe, who, with a pitty and commiseration, neuer ouer-highly to be extol­led, ceased not to carry vpon his owne shoulders, poore, miserable, and weake Soldiers into the Ships.

[Page 99]And thus, Haure de grace, being more violently assailed by the Plague, then any enemie, was left to the French, ha­uing beene formerly in the Englishmens hands, about ele­uen Moneths; during which time, besides priuate Soldi­ers, there dyed of the Pestilence, these famous Captaines, Somerset, Zouch, Alb. Darcy, Drurey, Entwessel, Ormesby, Vaughan, Crookes, Cocson, Proud, Saul, and Kemish: and with the Sword, two Brothers of the Tremayns, Sanders, Bromfield, Master of the Ordnance, Robinson, Baylife of the Towne; Strangewaies, very expert in Sea-seruice; & Good-all, maruelous vnderstanding in casting of Mines.

For the so happy recouery of this little Towne, France re­ioyceth for recouery of Haure de grace. the King of France gaue publike thanksgiuing vnto God; the Pa­pists all ouer France, made Bonefires of ioy, exulting and boasting, in that the English-men were driuen out by the ayde and helpe of the Protestants, who first called them in, and that by this meanes, some seeds of discord were sowne betweene them and the Protestants of France; and the Chancellour of the Hospitall, in an ample Discourse, expressing to them the present felicity they thereby enioy­ed, and the generall contentment they ought to receiue, and testifie the same withall, for the amplification of this subiect; and, out of a false surmize, he reported to them, that the day before the Townes surrender, there was seene within the view thereof, an English Fleet, which came for ayde and succour: and he openly auerred, that by reason of this warre, the English were wholly frustrate of their right and demand, touching the restoring of Calais. The English Soldiers bring the Plague into London, and other parts of England. The infected Soldiers were transported into England, who so spred the face of this sicknesse, through a contagious and infectiue poyson, as all the Kingdome was therewith grie­uously afflicted, & onely in the Citie of London, consisting of an hundred twenty and one Parishes, within the com­passe of one yeere, an hundred and thirty thousand men, rather more then lesse, dyed.

[Page 100] Monsieur de Guize, Vncle to the Queene of Scots, dying while this Ciuill Warre lasted, the Queenes Maiesty of Scotland not beeing paid her Dowrie, Marquis Hamilton depriued of the Duchy of Chastelraut, and the Scottish Guard being excluded from the King of France, the Queen of Scots tooke it very much to heart. But the Cardinall of Lorraine, Marriage againe pro­pounded to the Queene of Scots. her other Vncle, fearing that this would bee a subiect which might cause her to reiect the French, and be­come friend to the English, sends her word againe by Croc, to marry with Charles of Austria, and to offer for her Dowrie, the County of Tyrol. Shee aduertiseth Queene ELIZABETH thereof, who counselled her, by Randoll (who I haue spoken on before) to make choice of a Husband, as heretofore I haue said: and withall (more plainely then yet shee had done) recommended Robert Dudley (whose wife (beeing heire to Robsert) had lately broke her necke) and promised her, The Queene of England recommends Dudley for her husband. in case that she would marry him, to declare her, Her Sister, or Daughter, and Englands Heretrix, by Act of Parliament. Foix, the French Ambassadour, made the Queene Mother, and her Vncles acquainted with this, who presently disdained the Party so much, as altogether vnworthy of that Race and Royall Maiestie, that they promised not onely to pay her Dowrie, but also, that the Scots should haue their ancient immunities, yea, and more, if shee would stand firme in amity with France, and reiect the marri­age which was offered her: telling her, that Queen ELI­ZABETH did not propound this marriage to her serious­ly, but with dissimulation, as hauing destin'd Dudley for her owne Husband: and that shee should not ground her hope vpon the authority of the Parliament, because that in England, The French diuert her. one Parliament abolisheth what another hath established. Furthermore, that the designes of the Councell of England were no other, but to hinder her from marrying at all.

[Page 101]She neuerthelesse referres it to the Colloque, being mo­lested with troubles in her Kingdome, to see that the Arch-bishop of Saint Andrewes had beene imprisoned by the command of the Earle of Murray, for not desist­ing to celebrate the Masse, who would scarce grant him pardon, though he asked it with flowing teares: and that the feruent Ministers, supporting themselues by Mur­rayes authoritie, did violence to the Priest who had ce­lebrated Masse in her Court (being allowed by the Law,) and were not punished. They insult ouer their Queene. And it was not possible for her to suppresse those which troubled the affaires, though all her care was wholy for the Common-wealth, granting a perpetuall forgetfulnesse of all that was past, increasing the stipend of Iudges, establishing wholesome Lawes, in­flicting capitall punishment vpon Adulterers, and often her selfe hearing causes pleaded in the Seat of Iustice, so that by an equall Law, shee gouerned both the great and the small.

In this vnlucky yeere dyed William Gray, The Baron of Gray dyes, Baron of Wil­ton, Gouernour of Berwicke, who had in warre purchased great glory, & much diminished his patrimony for the ran­some that he payed when he was taken prisoner in France. The Protestants lamented much for him, and Francis Earle of Bedford was substituted in his place.

Aluarus of Quadra, Bishop of Aquila, And the Bishop of Aquila, Ambassadour of Spaine in England, likewise dyes, who was no lesse la­mented by the Papists, whom he had fed with hope, that the Romish Religion should haue beene re-established. The Poles, of whom I haue spoken, were his intimates, whereby he made himselfe suspected to haue nothing else in his minde, but to trouble and disorder the affaires of England, and to breake the amitie which was betweene the Queene and the King of Spaine: whereupon, the Queene intreated the King to reuoke him. But hee excused it by his piety, and writ backe, that it would be a great incom­moditie [Page 102] to Princes, if at the first discontentment that is ta­ken at their Ambassadours, they should be constrayned to reuoke them. And to say truth, hee was displeased, that without giuing him notice, they had shut him vp in his House, subiect to be questioned and publiquely reprehen­ded, for no other cause, but that one Italian hauing shot a­nother with a Pistoll, he admitted him into his House, and conueyed him priuately away: whereupon, he was more prouoked against the English than euer tofore; The Spani­ard against the English. taking oc­casion thereby to say, that the English Pyrates molested the entries of Spaine, and prepared to goe for the West-Indies; and made it appeare manifestly, sending Richard Shelley, an English Fugitiue for Religion, (who was greatly bent against his Prince) vpon an Embassie of honour to Maximilian the designed King of the Romanes, to con­gratulate with him, and seyzed vpon some English Mer­chants Ships, in the Ports of Beotia, because the English pursuing the French, had intercepted some Spanish Ships.

Lord Paget dyeth. William, Lord Paget, who for his vertue was exalted to three eminent dignities, died. Hee was so learned, that HENRY the Eighth made him his Secretary, sent him in an Embassie to the Emperour Charles the Fifth, and to Francis the First, King of France, and he nominated him to be one of the Gouernours of the Kingdome, during the minority of his Sonne: Then Edward made him Chan­cellor of the Duchie of Lancaster, Controller of the Kings House, honoured him with the dignity of a Baron, grati­fied him with the Order of the Garter, which was reproch­fully taken from him, by Dudley Earle of Northumberland, but restored againe with honour by Queene MARIE, be­cause, by his prudence and sound aduice, he had done good seruice to the Common-wealth: and hee conferred vpon him the keeping of the Priuy Seale, which is one of the foure highest dignities of ciuill honour. For, HENRY the Eighth, by Act of Parliament, constituted the first in [Page 103] the Chancellor, the second in the Treasurer, the third in the Lord President of the Priuy Councell, and the fourth in the Keeper of the Priuy Seale, aboue all Dukes; The supreme dignities of honour in England. and in­feriour onely, to the Children, Brethren, Vnkles, or Ne­phewes to the King. Queene ELIZABETH, percei­uing that his old yeeres exempted him from being conuer­sant in matters of State, as formerly he had beene, remitted him of whatsoeuer belonged to publique administrations, and loued him affectionately, though hee stood zealously affected to the Romane Religion. Hee left behinde him, Henry and Thomas, his Children, who succeeded him one after another, in his dignity of a Baron: Charles, who pur­chased renowne to his name, and some Daughters, who were married into honourable Families.

Henry Mannors, or Manners, Earle of Rutland, died, Death of the Earle of Rutland. who was Sonne to Thomas the first Earle of that Family, Nephew to Iames, Baron of Rosse, who came of the Daugh­ter of Thomas S. Leger, and Anne his wife, who, by reason she was Sister to EDVVARD the Fourth, gaue wonderfull lustre and splendor to that name; Cousin-germaine to Ro­bert, who hauing married the Daughter and Heire to the Baron of Rosse, an honourable and ancient Family, aug­mented his owne with mightie reuenewes, and the title of Baron of Rosse: and he had by the Lady Neuill, Daughter to Ralph Earle of Westmerland, two Sonnes, Edward and Iohn, who were each of them, in their due times, Earles of Rutland: and a Daughter, who was married to William Courtney of Powderham.

Frances, Duches of Suffolke, Duchesse of Suffolke. Daughter to Charles Bran­don Duke of Suffolke, and Mary second Sister to HENRY the Eighth, and Queene Dowager of France, died, who was afflicted with many miseries during her life. She saw her eldest Daughter Ianes head cut off, after shee had beene proclaymed Queene, and presently after, her Husbands: her second Daughter, married to the Earle of Pembroke, to [Page 104] be diuorc'd and imprison'd: and her third Daughter, mean­ly married to Key, who in his time was Master of the Re­uels at Court: And then her selfe, forgetting from what degree she descended, to her great disho­nour, yet notwithstanding for her best se­curity, married with Andrew Stoakes, a meere priuate Gentleman.

THE SEVENTH YEERE OF HER RAIGNE. Booke 1. 1564. Anno Domini, 1564.

FRance then reioyced for the peace shee en­ioyed, which in some manner was main­tayned with the Queene of England, as being established, to shut vp all entry to the English, who began to flye out, in calling to mind the cruell slaughters made by them in former ages, when the Duke of Burgundie cal­led them in, for reuenge of his peculiar rancours and ha­treds. But this peace hauing rather slaked the feruent heat of warre, than fastned any true concord or amity betweene the English and the French; and the Queenes Maiesty per­ceiuing how the Protestants neglected and contemned her, ingratefully returning those pleasures and fauours shee had done them, resolued to trouble her selfe no more in others [Page 106] behalfe, to the preiudice and hinderance of her owne pro­ceedings. Wherefore, she bent all her care and thoughts to her owne occasions, deliberated to make peace, com­mended the ouerture thereof to Sir Thomas Smith, a wise and learned man; and the French, lending a ready eare to the same, gaue him Throgmorton for his Assistant, who was then in France a prisoner at large, to the end they might both together negotiate and procure the same. The French King for his part, assigned a Commission to Mor­uillier, Bishop of Orleance, and to Iohn Bourdin, one of his Secretaries. You may hereunder see the Articles where­upon they came to an accord, in the moneth of Aprill, within the Towne of Troyes in Champaigne.

Articles of peace accor­ded on be­tweene the English and the French.
THat one should not violently assaile the other, neither yeeld succours to any other that made assault either vpon the one or other, particu­lars onely should be lyable to their peculiar insults and offences. No Traytors nor Rebels of eyther side were to be receiued. All former iniuries were to be buri­ed in obliuion. Excepted all rights, actions, suites, and pretensions, which eyther they haue, or pretend to haue respectiuely one against another, shall remaine for­cible and entire, and so likewise all exceptions and pro­hibitions to the contrary.

These Articles concluded vpon, the day following they annexed these Couenants separately, and apart: That a certaine summe of money should be payd to the Queene of Eng­land, at daies constituted and appointed: The Hostages in Eng­land were to be deliuered after the satisfaction of fiue hundred crownes. And so this Treaty being ratified and confir­med, Throgmorton might freely returne into his Country. The King of France made Bone-fires of ioy, according to the custome, and after the Queene of England had ratified [Page 107] the same by oath in the presence of Gunor, and Foix, him­selfe likewise within a very small time confirmed it, in the presence of the Lord of Hunsdon, who, hauing at the same instant admitted his Maiesty to the Order of S. George, The King of France en­stalled in the Order of the Garter. he solemnely invested him with the Garter, the Robe of honour, a Collar of Esses, whereat hung the picture of Saint George, and other ornaments belonging to that Order.

In those dayes, there arriued in England, clad in the ha­bit and grauity of a Priest, to appeare more venerable, Diego or Drilaco, Guzman de la Forresta, a Canon of To­ledo, sent in stead of the Bishop of Aquilar, deceased some moneths before, during which internall, Roderic Gomez de la Forresta, out of an hatred to Religion, had bin the procu­rer of some rude entreaties of the English in Spaine, who notwithstanding was much qualified by the Duke of Alua, The English ill entreated in Spaine, no man being able truely to say, whether hee did it out of any loue he bare to the English, or hatred to Gomez. The like ill entreaty they also found in the Prouinces of the Low-Countries, that liued vnder the Spanish gouernement, And in the Low-countries. at the instigation of the Cardinal of Granuella, who, to sow dissention betweene them and the Flemmings, who held friendly and neighbourly commerce together, in hatred to the said Religion, he so brought it to passe, that the yeere before the Flemmings complayned by Assonuil, that the customes of England were enhaunst, (though this was per­formed during the reigne of Philip and MARY) and that by Act of Parliament, many of their handy-workes were there interdicted. The English on the other side, The mutuall complaints of the Eng­lish and Flemmish. they ex­hibited also Bills of complaint, how for small and trifling occasions, their goods were confiscated in Flanders, by vertue of new Edicts, which also prohibited the bringing in of certaine merchandizes, or to goe into Italie, and Germanie, by way of Flanders, with horse, Salt-Peter, and Powder. That they iniuriously exacted of them greater [Page 108] Imposts than euer were so much as mentioned in former times, and all this against that Treaty of Commerce here­tofore concluded on, which was called the Grand Inter­course.

English Merchants prohibited in the Low-Countries.In the meane while, the Princesse of Parma, Regent of the Low Countries, caused publique prohibitions to be diuulged: first, that no forbidden merchandize should be transported into England, and then presently after, for the importing of any English clothes into Flanders, co­louring it with the pretext of the plague, which not long before had spred it selfe all England ouer. But the naked truth is, all these things were managed, by the cautelous counsels and stratagems of Cardinall Granuelle, to cause the Clothiers, and other workemen depending on them, to rise, when they saw no clothes to be transported: and yet the traffique of Clothes was established in Flanders, The English constitute a Faire or Mart at Embden. to the preiudice of the English, who prouoked hereat, con­stituted a Faire of English cloth and merchandizes at Emb­den in East Frizeland, as if they feared the Spanish Inqui­sition, which now was entred into the Low-Countries, and fore-saw that troubles would presently ensue.

Against all this, the Regent published an Edict, impor­ting an expresse prohibition of all men, vpon paine of con­fiscation, to entertaine any traffique with the English at Embden, or any where else, or to transport into the Low-Countries, any Merchandizes bought of them.

Guzman la­bors to atone this diffe­rence. Guzman blam'd these proceedings, as beeing too strict and rigorous, dammageable both to the one and other part: For this wise man conceiued truely, what wealth dayly came into Flanders, by meanes of the English Taffique, euer since Lewis Malan, Earle of Flanders, about the yeere 1338. by a Grant of great immunities, had drawne the English, to settle a Mart, or Staple of English Wools at Bru­ges: for euer since that time, in a manner all Nations floc­king into Flanders, to buy Clothes, and other English Mer­chandizes, [Page 109] as also to sell their owne there, it is incredible, what Traffiques, Commerces, Nauigations, and Fishings, haue euer since flourisht among the Flemmings. So as this wooll was vnto them a true Golden Fleece: and that No­ble Order of the Golden Fleece, forcheth from hence its o­riginall, and the Dukes of Burgundy, their great wealth and Treasure. And questionlesse, in these very dayes wherein wee liue, (I speake according to the papers of Account) the Commerce that is betweene the English and the Flem­mings, hath amounted to aboue twelue Millions of gold each yeere: And the Clothes transported euery yeere to Antwerpe, (omitting to speake of Lead, Tinne, and other things) is estimated at fiue Millions of gold. Wherefore, vpon these considerations, Guzman employing all meanes possible, to atone this difference, at last hee obtained, that the Commerce lately broken off betweene the two Nati­ons, might be resettled in its former state, and that what­soeuer had beene ordained and decreed, from the first day of the first yeeres raigne of Queene ELIZABETH, both of the one side and on the other, should surcease, till,: by Deputies both for the one and the other partie, more am­ple prouision could be made. But the yeere following, when my Lord Mountaigue, Nicholas Watton, and William Haddon, Master of the Requests, Delegates for the English, Montigny, Assonuil, and Io. Egidius, for the Flemmings, had begunne twice to treate of these matters in the Towne of Bruges, the Flemmings falling into their precedent tumules, interrupted this Treatie, after an Agreement made, that this Commerce and Traffique should be free, while one of the Princes made an opposite denountiation to the other, the Marchants of both parties being aduertised forty dayes be­fore, to prouide and take some order for their liuing com­modities.

These things beeing thus ordain'd out of the King­dome, the Queenes Maiesty betooke her selfe to the plea­sure [Page 110] and recreations of the Countrey; and to this end shee visited the Vniuersity of Cambridge, which is one of the two resplendent Lampes of England, where beeing enter­tained of the Schollers, Queenè Eli­zabeth visits the Vniuersi­ty of Cam­bridge. with all manner of honours, and taken contentment in beholding their Comedies, Trage­dies, and exercises of Armes, she personally visited all the Colledges, and in a Latine Oration, gaue them great thanks for their singular loue and affection, highly commen­ded their profound and diuers E [...]uditions, exhorting them to apply their hearts to the studies of piety and learning, and for their vertuous stimulation, promising alwaies to fauour and cherish them.

Robert Dudley rai­sed to honors.When shee returned, the more to honour Robert Dudley, Sarlatan, a speciall Fauourite of hers, whō, with a secret de­signe, she made choice of for an husband to the Q. of Scots, she created him Baron of Denbigh, giuing him the Castle of Denbigh in property, with all the appurtenances of soyle, and Demeanes; and the day after, Earle of Leicester, to himselfe, and the heires males of his body lawfully begot­ten: hauing likewise before, for his sake, confer'd vpon Ambrose, his elder Brother, the dignities of Baron of Lisle, and Earle of Warwicke, to him, and his lawfull heires males, for euer. The Lord Dudley, exalted by all these su­pereminent honours, and to currey fauour with the Queen of Scots, whom he affected, and studied by all manner of Offices to deserue well of; presently, before Queene ELI­ZABETH, Dudley ac­cuseth Ba­con. he accused Sir Nicholas Bacon, Lord Keeper of the great Seale, of discussing the point of Succession, a­gainst the Queene of Scots, and that he was priuy to a Li­bell, wherein that same Hales, of whom before I spake, la­boured to intimate, that if the Queenes Maiesty of England, then liuing, dyed without Issue, the right of the Crowne came to the House of Suffolke. For which cause, he was committed prisoner; and as for Sir Nicholas Bacon, though he absolutely denyed it, my Lord Cecill resoluing to con­ceale [Page 111] what hee thought, vntill the Queene (whose Maiestie hee was assured, would neuer in this case impose on him a­ny demand) should command him to speake his minde: had much adoe to recouer him her fauour, and long time he was a compassing it; Diuers opi­nions about the point of Succession. for nothing could be more distast­full to her, then to heare any debatements about this Title of Succession. But so the wiser and wealthier sort were more carefull and studious of nothing then of this, they ob­seruing how by reason of the contrariety of Religion, the Protestants, transported with an ardent zeale, held opinion, that the Queene of Scots, being of an opposite Religion, (though otherwise her right was neuer so much as called in question) ought neuerthelesse, by the subtill construction of the Lawes, to bee reiected from succession: Some Pa­pists againe, and those who had reference to that which was iust and equall, maintain'd how she was to be receiued as the true, right, and vndoubted Inheritrix. Others there were, who prefer'd before her, MARGARET, her Aunt by the Mothers side, and Wife to Mathew Stuart Earle of Lenox, and her Children, of whom they conceiued good hopes, because they were borne in England. All this lay not hid from the Queene of Scots; who, to preuent it so farre as was possible, by the Countesse of Lenox, her Aunt, sent for Mathew, Earle of Lenox, to come into Scotland, The Queene of Scots cal [...] home the Earle of Le­nox into Scotland. vnder pretext to re-establish and settle him in the Inheri­tance of his Predecessors. But this was to consult further with him, who, by his Wiues meanes, obtained leaue, and Letters from Q. ELIZABETH, after he had bin banisht out of his natiue Countrey, for the space of 20. yeeres.

This Earle of Lenox (to the end that relating the same from the essentiall extraction of his eminent Nobility, The discent of the Earle of Lenox. I may giue the better light & lustre to things) was descended from the very same race of the Stuarts, as the Royall Pro­geny of the Scots came from; and moreouer lately by the Hamiltons, of the bloud-Royall: For Marie, daughter to [Page 112] Iames 2. King of Scotland, had by Iames Hamilton, Iames, who was the first Earle of Arraine, & Mary, who was wife to Matt. Stuart, first Earle of Lenox of that name. Iames, Earle of Arraine, being diuorced from his first Wife, tooke in her place the Lady Ienet Beton, Aunt by the Mothers side, to the Cardinall Beton, by whom hee had Issue, Iames Hamilton Duke of Chastel-Heraut. Marie, Sister to the Earle of Arraine, bore to Mathew, Iohn, Earle of Lenox, who being slaine by the Hamiltons, when hee attemp­ted to set King IAMES the fourth at liberty, left this Mathew, Earle of Lenox, whom King Iames the Fifth loued most dearly in respect of his Father.

When the King was dead, and the Hamiltons in full authority, Mathew went secretly into France; from whence, being sent backe, by the French King Henry the second, into Scotland, to preuent all detriment to the Scot­tish Common-wealth, through the practices of the Re­gent Hamilton, hee valiantly carried himselfe in this em­ployment. But being of an honest milde nature, and very open-hearted, permitting himselfe to bee out­reached by Hamilton, and the Cardinall Beton, in a small time hee lost the amity of the French, and when hee could neither tarry in Scotland, nor returne into France, he went into England, and committed himselfe in trust to King Henry the Eighth, who very graciously entertained him, as one that was powerfull & well beloued in the We­sterne parts of Scotland: Whervpon, he acknowledged him for next Heire to the Crowne of Scotland, after Queene MARY, who was then exceeding yong, (though neuerthe­lesse the Hamiltons condemned him, and confiscated all his Lands) gaue him to Wife the Lady Margaret Douglasse, his Neece by the elder Sisters side, with demeanes in England, which amounted in an annuall reuennew, to the summe of 1700. Marks, after hee had made promise to surrender into his hands, the Castle of Dunbritton, and the Ile of Buthe, [Page 113] with the Castle of Rothsay, which is in England. The which hee vndertooke with courage, but fayled in the successe.

The Queene of Scots, beeing a wise and prudent Lady, Causes of the Repeale of the Earle of Lenox. all whose drifts aymed at England, shee gaue him her safe conduct, and restored vnto him his Fathers goods, both that hee might oppose the designes of Iames, his bastard brother, whom shee had honoured with the Earledome of Murray, as also to cut off the hopes of others, by the meanes of Darley her Sonne, which they might any wayes foster and nourish, of succession to the Diadem of England. For shee feared, that be­ing of the Blood Royall, borne in England, and very well beloued of the English ▪ if hee were ioyned with a­ny puissant Family in England, relying on the English power and forces, hee might happely one day disturbe her right of succession to the Kingdome of England; ma­ny men reputing him for the second Heire apparant af­ter her: and shee affected nothing more feruently, then by his meanes, to bring the Kingdomes of England and Scotland, to fall into some Scottish Race, and Name, and so by him to propagate them to posteritie, in the name of the Stewards, his Ancestors.

Queene ELIZABETH well discerned all this, The Queene of England endeuours to preuent the Qu. of Scots proiect. and to preuent it, gaue the Queene of Scots to vnderstand by Ran­dolph, that this Marriage was so distastfull to all the English, as against the consent of her Councell, she was enforst to prorogue the conuentions of Parliament, to some o­ther fitter time, for feare, lest the States of the Kingdome therewith prouoked, should enact somewhat, to the pre­iudice of her right to the succession. And therefore, to cut off all occasions of this Issue hereafter, and to satisfie the English, she aduised her to thinke of some other mar­riage; and so by this meanes, shee once againe, and with great affection, commended vnto her the Earle of Leicester, [Page 114] for an Husband, who, for this speciall reason, she had exal­ted to the Dignity of an Earle.

Another commendati­on of the Earle of Leicester. A Treaty of Marriage betweene the Queene of Scots and the Earle of Leicester.For prosecution of this, the Earles of Bedford, of Ran­dolph, and of Lidington, were deputed to treat of this mar­riage at Barwicke, in the Moneth of Nouember. The English promised vnto her, a firme and constant Amity, a perpetuall Peace, and that vndoubtedly shee should succeed to the Crowne of England, if she married with the Earle of Leicester. The Scots on the other side con­tested; alleadging, That their Queenes Dignitie, who had beene sued vnto, by Charles, Sonne to the Empe­rour Ferdinand, the King of France, the Prince of Con­dé, and the Duke of Ferrara, could not permit her, so farre to embase and vnder-valew her selfe, as to match with a new-made Earle, a Subiect of England, and who propounded nothing but bare hopes, without any certaine Dowrie: neither stood it with the honour of the Queene of England, to commend such a man for an Husband to so great a Princesse, her neere Kinswo­man; but rather, shee should giue an infallible testimo­nie of her great loue and affection towards her, to giue her absolute libertie to make choice of such an husband, as might entertaine perpetuall peace with England, to as­signe her a yeerely Pension, and with the authority of the Parliament, confirme the right which shee had to suc­ceede. In all this busines, the extreme desire of Queene ELIZABETH was (although she made discreete haste) to assure, by such a marriage, the succession of the King­dome in an English Race. The Queene of Scotland seeing that this businesse had beene prolonged full two yeeres, and making account to marry Darley, doubted whether she was proceeded withall in good earnest, or no; and that Queene ELIZABETH did not propound this marriage, but to make a pre-election of the most worthy for herselfe, or to marry the more excusable with Leicester, She beeing [Page 115] absolute Queene, after she should haue really consented to marry him. But the Commissioners of Scotland, weighing these reasons, to maintaine their power with the Queene, had resolued to hinder, by all meanes, all kinde of marri­ages. Queene ELIZABETH admonisheth them to hin­der that with Darley; Leicester himselfe full of hope to en­ioy Queene ELIZABETH, by secret Letters, priuily warnes the Earle of Bedford, not to presse the thing, and with this hope, it is credibly thought, that hee secretly fauoured Darley.

Booke 1. 1565.THE EIGHTH YEERE OF HER RAIGNE. Anno Domini, 1565.

Darley goes into Scot­land. DARLEY in the meane time, by the in­tercession of his Mother, with Prayers and diligence to Queene ELIZABETH, obtained (though with much difficul­tie) leaue to goe into Scotland, and to stay there three Moneths, vnder pre­text, to be partaker of his Fathers esta­blishment; and came to Edenborrough in the Moneth of February, in the great winter, when the Thames was so frozen, that people passed dry ouer on foot. He is belo­ued of the Queene of Scotland. Hee was a Youth of a most worthy Carriage, fit to beare rule, of an excellent composition of members, of a milde spirit, and of a most sweet behauiour. As soone as the Queene of Scotland had seene him, she fell in loue with [Page 117] him; and to the end to keepe her loue secret, in dis­coursing with Randolph the English Ambassadour in Scot­land, she often-times intermixt her discourse with the mar­riage of Leicester, and at the same time, seekes a dispensati­on from Rome for Darley, shee being so neere in bloud, that according to the Popes Ordinance, they stood in neede of one. This being come to euery bodies knowledge, Asketh Qu. Elizabeths consent. shee sends Lidington to Queene ELIZABETH, to haue her consent to contract with Darley, and not to be any longer detained with a vaine hope of marriage.

Queene ELIZABETH propounds the matter to her most intimate Councellors; who, Deliberati­on vpon it. by the secret suggesti­ons of the Earle of Murray, easily beleeued that the Queene of Scotland had no other designe, but to strengthen her selfe by such a marriage, to carry the right which shee pre­tended for the Kingdome of England, and at length, to e­stablish it, and likewise the Romish Religion: that some did adhere vnto her, seeing that, by reason of her children, the succession was ascertained to her House; and others, for the affection which they bare to the Romish Religion, there being found more Eirenarch's in England deuoted to the Romish Religion, than to the Protestants. That to preuent these accidents, it was chiefly requisite, first, to pray the Queene to marry speedily, to the end that the affaires and hopes of England should not depend else-where, but of the certainty of Succession, which should come of her, and of her Linage: (for they feared that if the Queene of Scotland did marry, and should haue issue first, many would incline towards her for the certainty and assurednesse of succession.) Secondly, to ruine (as much as may be) the Romish Religion in England, and to aduance and careful­ly establish the reformed: the one, by vsing more mode­rately in things indifferent, such Protestants that are car­ried with a feruent zeale: the other, in setting Guards a­gaine vpon the deposed papisticall Bishops, who were then [Page 118] dispersed through the Countrey by reason of the plague, conferring vpon the other Bishops greater authority to execute the Ecclesiasticall Ordinances then they had, con­trary to the terrifying Praemunire which the Lawyers doe obiect, suppressing those Bookes which Harding, and the fugitiue Diuines had sent out of the Low-Countries into England, driuing out some Scottish Priests, who hid them­selues in England, depriuing the English fugitiues of the Ecclesiasticall Benefices which they enioyed vntill then, and compelling the Iudges of the Land, who were for the most part Papists, to acknowledge the Queenes Soueraigne authority, and to sweare vnto it: And that to hinder the marriage of Darley, it was fit to leuy Souldiers vpon the Frontiers of Scotland, to the end to raise a terrour: to for­tifie the Garrison of Berwicke: to set a guard vpon the Countesse of Lenox, Darley's Mother, and on Charles her Sonne: and to re-call out of Scotland into England, the Earle of Lenox and Darley his Sonne, vpon paine of losse of their goods, before they made any alliance with the French, or with Spaine: and to assist those which were bent against this match, and to receiue the Earle of Hert­ford and Katherine Gray somewhat into fauour: which thing onely was thought that the Queene of Scotland very much apprehended; in regard that shee likewise pretended a right to the Kingdome, and it seemed none other could bring a greater impediment to this marriage than she.

Throgmor­ton is sent to hinder.From hence, Throgmorton is sent to the Queene of Scot­land, to aduise her, that it behooued to deliberate long of a thing that can be but once determined on, and that a preci­pitate marriage was followed with repentance: to re-com­mend Leicester to her againe, and againe, and that it was altogether contrary to Canon Law, to contract with the Sonne of her Aunt by the Father-side: For Queene ELI­ZABETH desired aboue all, that some of the English Race should by her meanes succeed to both the Kingdomes, [Page 119] albeit there fayled not, who for matter of Religion, and for the two Kingdomes, made account to succeed, if shee dyed without issue.

She answers, That it was now past reuoking, He is answe­red. and that Queene ELIZABETH had no cause to be angry, seeing that by her Councell she had made choyce of a Husband which was no stranger, but an English man borne of the Royall bloud of both the Kingdomes, and the most noble of all Great Brittaine. Amongst these things, Lidington treateth of affaires in England, and dissembling with Lei­cester, often spoke vnto him touching marriage with the Queene of Scotland, as also to the Duke of Norfolke, (much more worthy to marry a Queene) who then refused it with a modest excuse.

The Qu. of England, Lenox and Darley are re-called out of Scotland. to interpose some hindrance to this so hastened marriage, calls backe Lenox, and his Son Dar­ley, as being her Subiects, according to the forme of the leaue which she had granted them. They excuse themselues. The Father excuses himselfe modestly by Letters; the Sonne prayes her not to hinder his aduancement, representing vnto her, that hee might be vsefull to England his dearest Countrey, and o­penly declared vnto her, that aboue all things hee loued and honoured the Queene of Scotland: To answere which loue, she had adorned him forthwith, with the dignity E­quitis Aurati, with the titles of Baron of Ardmanock, Earle of Rosse, and Duke of Rothesie; The Queene of Scotland marries the Lord Dar­ley. and fiue moneths af­ter his comming into Scotland, marries him with the con­sent of many Peeres, and declares him King. The Earle of Murray, who imbraced nothing so affectionately as ambition, and vnder pretence of Religion, had drawne to his faction the Duke of Chastelraut, a man without leauen, The Earle of Murray and others murmure. Murray murmuring exceedingly, and others storming and stirring vp such like questions: ‘Whether a Papist might be admitted King or no? If [Page 120] the Queene of Scotland might chuse her selfe a Hus­band? If the States might not impose their authori­tie?’

The Queene of England indures it with mode­ration.The Queene of England bare this peaceably, knowing the sweete and tractable nature of Darley, and the open heart of his Father, and taking pitty to see a kinsman and a Queene very young, to haue to doe with turbulent men, who hauing beene already more than twenty yeeres loo­sed from Royall command, could not indure Kings; and feared them not, seeing that the power of this Queene, who enuied her, was not increased by so meane a condition; hauing Darleyes Mother in her power: and fore-seeing that troubles in Scotland would spring out of this marriage, as it happened quickly after: for some great ones of the Kingdome, Some Scots take distaste about the marriage. and the chiefe of them, Hamilton and Mur­ray, disdaining this match; the one, because it had beene contracted without the consent of the Queene of England; the other, for the enuy which he bare to the House of Le­nox: but both the one and the other, pretending the con­seruation of Religion, to disturbe the marriage, brought their Ensignes into the field: insomuch as she was constrai­ned to raise forces to celebrate it in safety; and, with the helpe of the King her Husband, pursued the Rebels so swiftly, They are put to flight. that she constrained them to flie into England, be­fore the English troupes, which were promised them for ayde, were arriued: and the Queene of England, conni­uing with Murray, who was much addicted to the Eng­glish, assigned him a conuenient place to lye heere in safe­tie, and sent him money vnder-hand by the Earle of Bed­ford, vntill his returne into Scotland, which was the mor­row after the murder of Dauid Riz, as wee shall speake of it in its owne place. They are maintained in England. Now the reasons why shee receiued the Scottish Rebels into England, were these: Because the the Queene of Scotland had receiued into her protection, [Page 121] Yaxley, Standon, and Walsh, English Fugitiues, and the Irish Oneale, and that she had held Councels with the Pope a­gainst the English, and had not done iustice vpon Theeues and Pirates.

This marriage being accomplished, They coun­sell the Qu. of England to marry. those which labou­red most for Religion and Englands safetie, thought that Queene ELIZABETH could not doe better for that purpose, than to take away all hope of the Succession to England from the Queene of Scotland. And it fell very commodiously; for, at the same time, Maximilian the Second, Emperour, The Empe­rour recom­mendeth his Brother. sent word by Adam Smicorit his Ambassadour, of very honourable conditions for her to marry with his Brother Charles. But there arose instant­ly a most vehement hatred in the Court, betweene Sussex and Leicester, I know not whereupon, vnlesse about this marriage, It causeth hatred to grow in the Court. which Sussex sought very eagerly to bring to passe, and Leicester vnder-hand hindered, hoping to haue her for himselfe (verily great and vnsatiable hopes doe those conceiue, who haue obtained things beyond their hope.) Indeede Sussex iniuriously despised him as an vp­start, and, to detract him, would say, that hee could cite onely two of his pedigree, that is to wit, his Father and Grand-father, both being enemies to their Countrey, and attempters against the State, that put the Court in diuisi­on: Insomuch, as when the Earles went abroade, they drew great troupes after them, armed with Swords and piked Targets, which were then in vse, as if it were come to the extremitie. But, within few dayes, The Queene reconcileth them. the Queene re­conciled them, and rather smothered than tooke away their malice, but endeuoured what shee could to extinguish it quite. For, shee condemned dissention among Peeres, and that old prouerbe vsed by many, Diuide & Impera, and some, who were of opinion, that the force of command, is by the obeyers consent. And she delighted her selfe, at the emulation and grudging of inferiour women, yet not [Page 122] without making speciall good vse thereof.

Among these things, shee is not vnmindfull of the af­faires of Scotland. A moneth after the solemnization of the marriage there, she sent one Tamworth, a Gentleman of her Priuy-Chamber, to the Qu. of Scotland, to exhort her not to breake the peace, to expostulate about the marriage which shee had so rashly contracted without her consent, and withall, to send backe Lenox, and Darley his Sonne, according to the trans-action, and to receiue Murray into grace. Tamworth not admit­ted. She, perceiuing whereunto this tended, admitted not Tamworth, but by Articles in writing, They an­swere by writing.Promiseth, by the word of a Princesse, that neither shee nor her Husband would enterprise any thing to the preiudice of the Queene of England, or to her Chil­dren lawfully begotten of her bodie, or to the tran­quillity of the Kingdome, by admitting of Fugitiues, or making alliance with strangers, or by any other means; but, to the contrary, they would most freely contract such an alliance with the Queene and Kingdome of England, as should be commodious and honourable for both the Kingdomes, and innouate nothing in Religi­on, contrary to the Lawes and liberties of England, if they should happen to enioy the same. Notwithstan­ding, vpon condition that Queene ELIZABETH, on her part, should fully performe the same to her and her Husband, and, by authoritie of the Parliament, should confirme the Crowne of England vpon her and her issue lawfully begotten; and, for fault of such issue, vpon Margaret Countesse of Lenox, her Husbands Mother, and of her Children lawfully begotten. Moreouer, as soone as shee had resolued to marry, shee had assured the Queene that it should be with Darley, and had no answere from the Queene vpon it. That shee had satisfied her demands, seeing shee had married [Page 123] an English man, and no stranger, whom shee knew to be more nobly descended, and more worthy of her, than any in Great-Brittaine. But it seemed strange that shee might not retaine Darley by her, to whom she was bound in the sacred bond of marriage, or Lenox, who was naturally Earle of Scotland. As for Murray, whom shee had proued to be her sworne enemy, shee gra­ciously intreated her to giue her freedome ouer her Sub­iects, seeing she meddled not with the affaires of Eng­land.

Tamworth returned with this answere, not hauing been intertained according to his worth. And indeed being an impudent man, hee had wronged the reputation of the Queene of Scotland, and disdained to giue her Husband title of King.

At the same time, Queene ELIZABETH had this augmentation of honour, that at the report of her vertue, which was equally spred in all places, Cecillia, Cecillia, Queene of Sueden, comes into England. Henry the Second King of Suedens Sister, and Wife to Christopher, Marquis of Baden, being then great with Childe, came from the furthest part of the North, and a great iourney, through Germanie, to visit her. She intertained her and her Husband very magnificently, gaue him a yeerely pen­sion, christened his Sonne, and named him Edward the Fortunate. And Donald Mac Cartymore, one of the grea­test Peeres of Ireland, humbly submitted himselfe and his large Territories to the Queene, to hold them from her hereafter in fee for him and his heires males lawfully be­gotten, and for default of such issue, to the Crowne of England. This Princesse, who was borne to draw the af­fections of men, according to her humanity, most graci­ously receiued him, installed him solemnely, and like him­selfe, Earle of Glencar; and Tegue his Sonne, Creation of the Earle of Glencar. Baron of Valance; gaue them gifts, payed the charge of their voyage, [Page 124] and all this, to get a party against the Earle of Desmond, who was suspected to renouate new things.

Vice-Royes and Iustices of Ireland.The same yeere, Nicholas Arnold, of the Country of Glocester, Knight, was sent to gouerne Ireland with the title of Iusticiary, and had for his Garrison, onely one thou­sand fiue hundred ninety sixe Souldiers. But, within a while after, being called backe, hee gaue vp his place to Henry Sidney, who in the reigne of Queene MARY was Iudge and Treasurer of Ireland, and presently after, Pre­sident of Wales. Now, to note this by the way, the chiefe Gouernours of Ireland, which now in Latine are termed Proreges, Affaires of Ireland. since the first entrance of the English, vntill the time of Edward the Third, were called Iustices of Ireland, and their Lieutenants, Deputies. Since, according to the pleasure of the Prince, they are called one while Iustices, and another while Lieutenants, which is a most honoura­ble title, but for the most part of like authority. And with­out doubt, these chiefe Iustices of Ireland, as the Iustices of England, which were called at that time, simply, Iustices, were ordained to keepe the peace, and to doe Iustice to all and to euery particular, as, in times past, the Romanes had their Pro-Pretors and Pro-Consuls, which were sent into Prouinces with Soueraigne authority.

Sidney, being Gouernour of this Prouince, found the Countrey of Mounster, which lyes toward the South, in great confusion, Discord be­tweene the Earles of Desmond and Or­mond. in regard of great and sharpe troubles which were betweene Girauld, Earle of Desmond (who had faithfully promised to performe all the dueties of a loyall Subiect) and others, who were broken out into ci­uill warres. To extinguish these Controuersies, Queene ELIZABETH calls Desmond into England, and makes him Gouernour and Iustice of that Prouince, Chiefe Pre­sident of Mounster. with an Asses­sor, two Lawyers and a Clerke, and nominated Warham S. Leger chiefe President, a man that had beene long con­uersant in Irish affaires.

[Page 125]About the middle of October, the same yeere, dyed Tho­mas Chaloner, lately returned Ambassadour from Spaine, a famous man, borne in London, brought vp at Cambridge, The death of Sir Thomas Chaloner. who had addicted himselfe as well to Mars as to the Muses, and being but young, got honour vnder Charles the fifth, in the expedition of Alger, who hauing suffered ship-wrack, and had swomme so long, that his strength and armes fay­led him, saued himselfe, by taking hold of a Cable with his teeth, whereof he lost some: Vnder EDVVARD the Sixth, at Mussleborrough, where hee behaued himselfe so valiantly, that the Duke of Sommerset honoured him with the Dignitie of Knight-hood: And vnder Queene ELI­ZABETH, in an extraordinary Ambassie to the Empe­rour Ferdinand; and foure yeeres ordinary Ambassadour in Spaine, where he composed fiue Bookes in pure and lear­ned Verse, of the restauration of the English Common­wealth, which he called [ Hieme in fumo, aestate in horreo.] Hee was honourably buried at Saint Pauls in London, Cecill being chiefe mourner, when Thomas, his Sonne (who liued neere HENRY, Prince of Wales) was very yong.

Booke 1. 1566.THE NINTH YEERE OF HER RAIGNE. Anno Domini, 1566.

IN the beginning of the yeere, Charles the 9. King of France, sent into England to the Queene, Rambouillet, with the Robes of the order of S. Mi­chael, to bee giuen to two of the Peeres of England, whom shee pleased. The Duke of Norfolke, and the Earle of Leicester, Knights of the Order of France. She made choice of the Duke of Norfolke, as be­ing much more noble then a­ny other, and to the Earle of Leicester, louing him very well. Rambouillet hauing beene, for and in the Name of his King, placed honourably at Windsor, amongst the Knights of the Order of Saint George, inuested them solemnly [Page 127] in the Royall House at Westminster. This shee tooke for a great honour, remembring her selfe, that no English was e­uer honoured with this Order, saue HENRY the Eighth, EDVVARD the Sixth, and Charles Brandon, Duke of Suffolke. But when she exactly obserued all things that be­longed to the honour of it, she was at length much displea­sed, to see it so vilified, that it was prostituted indifferently to euery man. And shee busied her selfe, not onely in things concerning honour, but chiefely what was for the good of her Subiects: For, the Ayre beeing so intempe­rate that yeere, that experienced men feared a want of Corne and other victuals, Prouision of Corne. she did not onely prohibit any Corne to be carried out of the Kingdome, but tooke care that great quantity was brought in.

While these things past, Henry, Earle of Arundell, be­ing great and powerfull among the Lords of the Realme, The Earle of Arundel goes out of the King­dome. after hauing consumed much wealth vpon a vaine hope to marry the Queene, and the Earle of Leicester, who then was in great credit with her, and his friends, which had failed in the trust which hee reposed in them, taking a­way this hope quite from him, tooke leaue of her, and voluntarily went out of the Kingdome, vnder colour to recouer his health, but in effect, to strengthen himselfe a­gainst sorrow. But the other English, The English carry their Armes and their coura­ges to the Hungarian Warre. who for their natu­rall valour, thought themselues borne to liue in Armes, and not in idlenes, seeing the Nobility of all parts, did rise at the report of the warre against the Turke, and carried their Armes and Courages into Hungarie. Amongst whom, the most remarkeable were, Iohn Smith, cousin german to EDVVARD the Sixth, by the Sister of I. Seimor, the Kings Mother; H. Champernon, P. Butshid, R. Greuill, G. George, T. Cotton, &c.

In Iune following, the Queene of Scotland had a most au­spicious and happy Deliuery, The birth of King Iames the sixth of Scotland. for the eternall prosperity of Great Brittaine, IAMES her Sonne, who is now Monarch [Page 128] thereof: whereof she gaue present notice to Queene ELI­ZABETH, by Iohn Meluin. Queene ELIZABETH, howsoeuer angry to see her out-strip her in honour, who enuied her, as speedily sent H. Killigrewe, to congratulate her lying in, The Queene of England reioyceth. and the birth of her Sonne: and to admonish her, not to fauour any longer Shan O-Neale, who rebelled in Ireland, nor to assist Roquerbay, an English Fugitiue, and to punish some theeues that rob'd vpon the Borders.

After, hauing vn-wearied her minde by a Progresse, to shew herselfe as fauourable to the Muses of Oxford, as well as of Cambridge, Visits the V­niuersity of Oxford. betweene which there was then a sincere emulation, goes toward the Vniuersitie of Oxford, where she was magnificently entertained, and staid there full se­uen dayes, taking pleasure in the pleasant aspect of the place, at the beauty of the Colledges, in the spirits and learning of most exquisit Schollers, which passed the nights in Co­medies, and the dayes in learned Disputations; for which she gaue them ample thankes, by a most sweet discourse in Latine, and a most louing farewell.

Holds a Parliament.As soone as shee was returned to London, the States of the Kingdome assembled there the first day of Nouember, beeing the day assigned, and after hauing established a Sta­tute or two, they begun to dispute among themselues, of the Succession of the Kingdome; seeing that the Queene hauing vowed Virginity, had already reigned eight yeeres, without thinking seriously of an Husband: that on the one side, the Papists made account of the Queene of Scots, who had lately had a Sonne: that on the other side, the Protestants being deuided, some of them made account of one, and some of another, and euery particular prouiding for their safety and Religion, presaged the stormes of a most fearefull time, if shee should dye, without assuring a Successor. And the keener sort of spirits proceeded so far, as to blame her, as if she abandoned both her Country and Posteritie: and to teare, by reprochfull & defaming Libels, [Page 129] wicked Councellor therein: and to curse Huic, her Phi­sicion, because he disswaded her to marry, for I know not what womanish infirmity. The Earles of Pembroke and Leicester were openly, and the Duke of Norfolke, couertly, of opinion, that a necessity of marriage should be imposed vpon her, or else publikely to appoint a Successor by au­thority of the Parliament, whether she would or no: which caused them to bee forbidden to enter into the Priuie Chamber, or come neere the Queene, who neuerthelesse granted them pardon, as soone as they demanded it.

They neuerthelesse being much troubled, The States sollicite her to marry, and to de­clare her Successor. and all the rest of the vpper House of Parliament, touching the Succes­sion; all with one mind, by the mouth of Bacon, Keeper of the great Scale, according to the dutie which they ought vnto God, the fidelity to their Prince, and the charity to their Countrie, so to doe; that as by her meanes they then sweetly enioyed all the benefits of Peace, Iustice, and Cle­mency, they and their posterity might by her meanes like­wise enioy the same assuredly and continually. But with­all they shewed her, that it could not bee done, except she married, or designed a certaine Successor. For which cause, they desired, and, aboue all things, besought her to be ioy­ned by the sacred bond of Marriage, with whom she would, in what place she liked, & as soone as she pleased, to the end to haue Children, for helps to the Kingdome: withall, to ordaine with the States of the Realme, a Successor certaine, in case that shee, or the Children which she might haue, should dye without Children, which God forbid. The mode­stie of the great Ones. And for the obtaining of these things so much the more easily, being so necessary, they represented vnto her many reasons for the same: the feare, which of fresh memory had sei­zed vpon them with such a sicknesse, of which they had beene but newly recouered; the opportunity of the time, the States of the Kingdome beeing then assembled, which might maturely deliberate of so great matters; the terrour [Page 130] which she should giue to her enemies by this meanes, and the incredible ioy which she should fill the hearts of her Subiects withall. They praise the examples of her Ances­tors, who in like cases prouided for the suretie of their Po­sterity, condemning this saying of Pyrrhus, who would leaue his Kingdome to him that had the sharpest sword. And moreouer shewing her, with what a storme England were threatned, if she should dye without designing a cer­taine Successor: there would follow impetuously vpon it, seditions, and intestine Warres, of which the Victory it selfe is most miserable: and that Religion should bee dri­uen out, Iustice ouerwhelmed, the Lawes trodden vnder­foot, there beeing no Prince (who is the soule of the Law) and the Kingdome a prey to strangers. They numbered and exaggerated many other like calamities, which would inuolue all sorts of Families, if she should dye without Is­sue. And modestly they added counsels, Precepts, and ex­amples, drawne from the holy Scriptures.

The popular sort eagerly.But those of the Lower House debated of these things more tumultuously; Bell, and Monson, Lawiers of great renowne, Dutton, P. Wentworth, and others, refuted Roy­all Maiestie too much; and among other things maintai­ned, that Kings were bound to designe a Successor; that the loue of Subiects was the most strong and inexpugnable Rampart of Princes, their onely stay and Support. That Princes could not obtaine this loue, if they did not pro­uide for the good of their Subiects, not onely while they liued, but after their death. That that could not be done, if a Successor did not plainely appeare. That the Queene, for lacke of designing one, prouoked Gods wrath, and a­lienated the hearts of her Subiects. That then, to gaine the fauour of God, and haue Subiects most affectionate and obliged, and to raise her vp Statues in the hearts of men, which would neuer perish, shee should declare a Successor. Others, that shee should knowe, that they did [Page 131] hold her, not for a Mother and a Nurse, but for a Step­dame and a murderesse of her Countrie, seeing shee loued her selfe better than England (which then breathed by her spirit) would expire with her, rather then subsist aliue. That there were neuer, but cowardly Princes, haters of their Subiects, and fearefull weake women, who concei­ued feare because of their Successors; and that such as be enuironed with the loue of their Subiects, ought not to apprehend the danger which might bee stirred vp against them, by a declared Successor.

These things she heard with a great deale of displeasure, The Queene is angry. but shee contemned them for a time, and for a time kept them hidden. For, as vse had instructed her, she well knew what danger there is to designe a Successor; insomuch that Queene MARIE reigning, many of the Nobility, and of the people, had cast their eyes and hearts vpon her, as beeing to succeed her: that euen as any thing had bin said or done in her most holy Cabinet, or secret Councell, they reported it to her; and that Wyat and others, misliking their state, and desiring to innouate things, had conspired against her, to set her vpon the Royall Throne in her place. Shee knew that the hopes of Competitors were better restrai­ned, and they kept in their duety, while she suspended the wayting of euery one, and made no declaration of any. That by a precipitate desire to reigne, euen Children haue tooke Armes against their Fathers, and that shee could not looke for lesse from her kindred. She had obserued in rea­ding, and when she disputed of that, remembred inconti­nently, that it was rarely found, that the Successors had bin declared in the collaterall line. That Lewis, Duke of Orle­ans, had neuer been declared Successor in the Kingdome of France, to Charles the Eighth; nor Francis, Duke of Angoulesme, to Lewis, yet neuerthelesse they succeeded without any noise. That such designation had alwaies in England beene the ruine of the designed, and that Roger [Page 132] Mortimer, Earle of March, designed Heire by King Rich­ard, had not beene so soone extinct, and his sonne Edmond constituted and kept prisoner twentie yeeres together, but for this cause: That I. Polhem, Earle of Lincolne, declared Successor by Richard the 3. & after the death of his sonne, by Henry the Seuenty, was alwaies suspected, and finally killed in warre, as he was weauing of innouations, and his brother Edward beheaded vnder HENRIE the Eighth. But these things make vs goe from the purpose.

But as some ceased not with prouoked spirits, and sharpe contention, daily more and more to cry aloud, these things which I come to tell, and other things which had a grea­ter sting, the Queene hauing commanded that choyce should be made of thirty of the Vpper-House of Parlia­ment, and as many of the Lower, and that they should ap­peare before her; She swee­tens the mo­ued spirits. Shee, with a light reproose, made them milder, and by force of her most worthy Maiesty, diuer­ted them from their designe, promising them with many words, not onely the care of a Princesse, but also the affe­ction of a Mother. And the States hauing offered her for Subsidies, more than they were accustomed to doe, vpon condition, that she would designe a Successour: Shee vt­terly refused it, as being too much, receiued the ordinary, commending their affection, Giues backe part of the Subsidie. & remitted the whole fourth payment of the granted Subsidie, saying, That her Subiects money was as well in their owne coffers, as in hers.

The last day of these Sessions, she spoke thus in few words, which I will shut vp in fewer.

Chides the States.
SEeing that the words of Princes doe often penetrate deepe into the hearts and eares of men, heare these from mee. As I haue simply cherished truth, so haue I alwayes thought that you would ingeniously haue cherished [Page 133] her: but it hath beene in vaine. For I haue discoue­red, that dissimulation thrusts her selfe into these as­semblies, vnder the maske of libertie, and of succession. There are some of them among you, who are of opinion, that I ought presently to grant, or vtterly to refuse libertie to dispute of the Succession, and to establish it. If I should haue granted it, those would triumph ouer mee, hauing their wishes: If I refused, they had thought to haue excited the hatred of mine own, which my grea­test enemies hitherto could neuer doe. But their wis­dome was out of season, their designes too farre aduan­ced, and they haue not regarded the euent. And I haue easily discouered by these things, who haue beene iust on my behalfe, and who haue not, and doe see well, that all your Assembly is composed of foure sorts of per­sons. For some haue beene Architects and Authors, others Actors, who with sweet words haue perswaded: who being perswaded, haue accorded to that which was propounded: others, who haue maruelled at this audacitie, kept silence; and those in truth are the more excusable. Thinke you that I contemne your good and safetie, that you ground vpon a Successor? or that I will infringe your libertie? So farre am I from that, that I haue not so much as thought of it. For I haue considered, that it behooued you to retyre from the pit into which you runne head-long. Euery thing hath his season. Peraduenture you shall haue after me a wiser Prince, but not that loues you more than I doe. I know not if I shall liue to see such Assemblies once more: but take heede of offending the patience of your Prince: and notwithstanding, take it for a certaine truth, that I haue a good opinion of the most part of you, and that I loue you all with all my heart, as here­tofore.

[Page 134]Thus, the wisdome of a Woman quieted these stirres, the time which became clearer, caused such a calme, that, beside the seditious and timorous, few were since found, to storme for a Successour. And certainely all men, what face soeuer they set vpon it, doe not penetrate more deepe­ly into publique affaires, than they finde it necessary for their owne particular. Yet that the Successour should more plainely appeare, Maketh it plainely to appeare, that the Queene of Scotland had the right of Succession. which shee thought could not be doub­ted of, she imprisoned Thornton, Reader of the Law at Lincolnes Inne in London, because the Queene of Scotland had complained, that he called her right in question.

In these Assemblies of the States, besides other things, which were for the good of the Common-wealth, it was declared with the generall consent of all, The ordina­tion of Bi­shops is con­firmed.THat the election, consecration, and instalment of Arch-bishops and Bishops of England, (which many, by calumniating them, had cal­led in question) was lawfull, and well and duely con­secrated, according to the Acts and Statutes of the Realme: And ordained, that all these, and those which for the time to come, should be consecrated as they had beene, were and should be holden well and duely conse­crated, notwithstanding any Law or Canon.’

For the Papists had detracted them as false Bishops, peraduenture because the Vnction, the Ring, and the Cro­zier were not vsed with the Benedictions: and, as if they had not beene solemnely instituted to this Order, by three Bishops, which could bring their ordination, rising from the Apostolique authority receiued from Christ, although they most truely could, as appeares by the Registers, ha­uing beene consecrated with godly prayers, deuout inuo­cation of the holy Ghost, the imposition of hands of such Bishops, the preaching of the Word, and celebration of the Lords Supper.

[Page 135]About that time (after they had restrained the insolen­cy of some Ruffians, who violated these delators, which the vulgar call Promoters, pursued them through the streetes with cryes and clamours, Promoters supprest. and killed them) came the day appointed for the baptizing of the Prince of Scotland. The Queene hauing beene intreated to receiue him at the sa­cred Font, sent the Earle of Bedford with the Lauor made of massie Gold, for a Present of State, The Earle of Bedford sent Ambas­srdour to the Queene of Scotland, for the bapti­zing of her Sonne. and commanded him expresly, & all the English which accompany him, to take heed that they honour Darley with the Title of KING.

The ceremony being ended, the Earle, according as he had beene commanded, treated with the Queene of Scot­land, to haue the Treaty of Edenborrough ratified, and to accord the domesticke discords which were betweene her and her Husband. For some ill-willers, both to the one and the other, had by craft ruined this agreeable societie of life and loue which was betweene them. Shee refu­sed to make this ratification, alledging this reason, That there was in that Treaty, some Articles that did derogate the right which shee and her Children had to England: neuerthelesse, promised to send Commissioners into Eng­land, which should treat about it, for the altering of some things; to wit, that she should leaue off the Title and armes of England, as long as Queene ELIZABETH, or any of hers should liue, (as if the Treaty had imported, that she should giue it ouer altogether,) and they they should let her see what iniuries shee had receiued by the wicked pra­ctices of those which too much abused the ingenious cre­dulitie of her Husband. And, finding her selfe vnhealth­full, shee recommended her Sonne to the trust and Gar­dianship of Queene ELIZABETH, by Letters bea­ring, ‘That although shee knew well, (I vse her owne termes) [Page 136] shee was by right the vndoubted Heire of England, af­ter the Queene, and that many at their pleasure forged many things against this right;’

She promised neuerthelesse, she would not presse her a­ny more to a declaration of it, but that shee would assist and adhere to her alwaies, and against all, with all her af­fection.

The death of I. Mason, and Sir R. Sackuile.In the yeere 1566. there dyed two of the Lords of her Maiesties most honourable Priuy Councell, (both in one day) I. Mason, Treasurer of Queene ELIZABETHS houshold, a most learned, iudicious, and graue personage, most diligent and carefull to the preseruation of benefits. In his place and office, was preferred Sir Francis Knolles, who had married the Lady Katherine, Cousin-Germane to her Maiesty, by the Lady Mary of Bulleine, & Richard Sackuile also, Cousin to her Maiesty, by the Lady Anne Bulleine her Mother. Sir Walter Mildmay, an vncorrupt and considerate man, succeeded in his place.

THE TENTH YEERE OF HER RAIGNE. Booke 1. 1567. Anno Domini 1567.

A Little before the Commissio­ners from the Queene of Scot­land were arriued, The murder of the Lord Darley, who was married to the Qu. of Scots. a moneth or two after the christening of the Prince of Scotland, the King, at the age of one and twenty yeers, was strangled in his bed, in the dead time of the night: a dread­full and horrible wickednesse, which was detested of all honest men: afterwards throwne into his Garden, the House be­ing blowne vp with Gun-powder. The report of it being spread through both the Kingdomes, the crime was cast vpon Morton, Murray, and their Confederates, who in­sulting [Page 138] ouer the weaker Sex, laide it vpon the Queene. Which by bookes, as also a Libell, written by Buchanan, which was imprinted, none can be ignorant of: But be­ing of the party, and carryed away by Murray's bountie, the bookes were condemned to be false by the Councell and State of Scotland, Buchanan condemned for falshood by the States of Scotland. to which more credit is to be giuen: and, as I haue heard, he himself to the King, whose Schoole­master he was, reprehended himselfe for it, that hee had vsed so poysonous a penne against the Queene, and being ready to dye, he wished but to liue so long, that hee might take away the staine which he had spread vpon the Queene, or to cleanse it with his bloud, vnlesse (as he said himselfe) his slanders might be accounted vaine, by reason of his do­ting age. Giue me leaue that the other side may be heard, by diuers that writ thereof, and at that time publisht it in print: but such writings were soone call'd in, both in fauor of the Earle of Murray, and in hatred of the Queene, and likewise by Ambassadours Letters worthy to bee belee­ued.

A digressi­on from Scottish af­faires.In the yeere 1558. at the marriage of Francis the Dol­phin of France, and Mary Queene of Scotland, Iames, the Queenes Bastard-Brother, commonly called the Prior of Saint Andrewes, (Metropolitan of the Order of Saint An­drewes) despising that title, Iames, Pri­or of Saint Andrews. was ambitious after a more splendid one: but when the Queene, by the aduice of the Guizes, refused it him, hee returned into Scotland discon­tented, wherein, vnder a faire pretext of reforming Reli­gion, and to establish the liberty of Scotland, hee begun to trouble the State, and effected it; and so brought it to passe (without the knowledge of the Queene, in a Conuenticle of Confederates) Religion was changed, and, by the cal­ling in of ayde from England, the French were driuen out of Scotland. Francis, King of France, being dead, he pre­sently went to his Sister into France, and hauing put away all suspition tending to her preiudice or dis-reputation for [Page 139] the affaires of Scotland, swore vnto her, (calling GOD to witnesse) to performe all dueties that a Sister could expect from a Brother, and vpon the hope which he had, that shee being brought vp from her tender age in the delicacies of France, would not returne into Scotland, Hee seekes to be Regent of Scotland. workes with the Guizes to appoint some Noble-man of Scotland to be Re­gent there, and almost poynted at himselfe to be the fit­test man of all. But, hee being sent backe into Scotland, without any authority, but Letters of Commission, by which the Queene gaue power to the States to assemble, and consult for the good of the Kingdome, and seeing himselfe deiected from his hope, returned much vexed; and passing thorow England, made it there knowne, that if they wished well to Religion in Scotland, to the peace of England, and the security of Queene ELIZABETH, Being fru­strated of it, vnder-hand opposes him­selfe against the Queene. they ought by all meanes to hinder the Queene of Scot­land to passe into Scotland. Shee neuerthelesse being safe­ly arriued in Scotland, the English Ships being disappoin­ted by obscure weather, and being there, embraced her Brother with all signes of fauour and good-will, and in a kinde of manner, committed vnto him the generall admi­nistration of affaires. Notwithstanding all this, the bran­ches of his ambition are not cut off, which grew daily, and appeared both in words and deedes. For, hee could not containe himselfe, but often, among his friends, deplored that the warlike Scottish Nation was no lesse subiect to the command of a Woman, than the English was, and by the instruction of Knox, whom he esteemed as a Patriarke, of­ten debates, that Kingdomes were due to merit, and not to linage, and that Women should be excluded from suc­ceeding, and that their gouernement were monstrous. He treated likewise with the Queen, by his friends, Makes his ambition to be openly and euidently knowne. that she should substitute foure of the Royall House of the Stew­ards, who, if she dyed without issue, should succeed to the Crowne one after another, without regarding who were [Page 140] legitimate or no, thinking he should be one, seeing he was the Kings Sonne, though vnlawfully begotten.

But the Queene, wisely considering that such a substitu­tion was contrary to the Lawes of the Kingdome, to de­fraud the right Heires, a most pernicious example, dange­rous for her Subiects, and would be an hinderance to her selfe for her second marriage, she mildely answered, That she would more aduisedly deliberate with the States of the Kingdome, about a matter of such weight & consequence; and to testifie her fauour and bounty towards her Brother, shee honoured him with the title of Earle of Mar, after­wards, He is crea­ted Earle of Murray. with the Earledome of Murray, (for the dignity of Mar was then in controuersie,) being ignorant all this while, that he aymed at the Kingdome, and affirmed him­selfe to be the lawfull Sonne of Iames the Fifth. To make the easier way hereunto, by meanes of the extraordinary fauour the Queene shewed to him, He perse­cutes the great men of Scotland. he supprest the most no­ble Family of the Gordons, powerfull in vassalage and com­mand, whom he both feared in respect of themselues, as al­so by reason of the reformed Religion, which adhered vn­to him: he expelled Hamilton, Duke of Chastelraut, out of the Court, who was reputed next Heire to the Crowne, imprisoned the Earle of Arraine his Sonne, banished Count Bothwell, into England; dismissed all opposites of their honourable offices, and places, and retained the Queene vnder his power and suruey, as a Gardian might doe his Ward: aboue all other things being carefull, that Shee might not negotiate, nor intend any marri­age.

And when he saw, that of the one side, the Emperour sollicited her, Hee dis­swades the Queen from marrying. for his Brother, and the Spaniard on the o­ther part for his Sonne, he absolutely disswaded her both from the one and the other, alledging vnto her, how the ancient immunities of Scotland would not permit nor in­dure a strange Prince, and whensoeuer the Scepter fell into [Page 141] the hands of Women, they neuer made choyce of an Hus­band, but within their owne Countrey of Scotland. But in conclusion, he perceiuing that all the Scots generally affe­cted her marrying, and discerning that by the perswasion and inducement of the Countesse of Lenox, she desired to marry with the Lord Darley, hee himselfe likewise then commended him vnto her for an Husband; hoping, in respect of his youth, and for that he was of a tractable na­ture and disposition, he would be euer at his direction and dispose. Neuerthelesse, when hee saw how dearely the Queene loued him, & himselfe to fall by little and little out of her fauour and grace, hee repented of the counsell and aduice he had giuen, and admonished Queene ELIZA­BETH to crosse this marriage by all the meanes possible that she could.

Presently after the Nuptials were accomplished, and the Lord Darley proclaimed KING, the King then presently reuoked such gifts, as during his minority, the Queene had conferred both vpon him, and others: whereupon, being nigh associated with them, He takes armes a­gainst her, after shee was mar­ried. he tooke vp armes against the King and the Queene, pretending that this new King was dis-affected to the Protestant Religion, and how she con­tracted this marriage without the consent of the Queene of England. But, hauing scarcely made any triall of the fortunes of warre, he fled, as I said, into England, where, despayring of all succour, He flies into England. He seekes to sow discord betweene the Husband and the Wife. he laboured by Letters to Mor­ton, a man of great subtilty, and another like himselfe, to effect, that seeing the marriage could not be broken off, yet that the affection and loue of the married couple might be abated, by some secret practices: and a fit occasion offe­red it selfe: for after some domesticall and priuate grudg­ings, to quaile the courage of this young King, which boyled a little too hot, and to preserue entyre her owne Royall prerogatiues; in all publique acts, shee began to set her Husbands Name after her owne, and altogether to [Page 142] leaue out and omit it, in Moneyes and Stampes.

Earle Morton, who was a notable Make-bate, by his flat­teries easily perswaded this young King, to set the Crowne of Scotland vpon his owne head: yea, though the Queene wold not giue her consent therunto, & to shake off the do­mination and controll of a Woman, because women were borne to obey, and men to command: he hoping, that by meanes of this counsell, he should make the King, not one­ly to lose the Queenes affection, but further, the loue of all the great Men of the Kingdome, and the people. To make him lose the Queenes heart, first he instigated him by diuers calumniations, to kill Dauid Rice, a Pie-moun­taine, and by doing this, to preuent the crossing of their designes, by his reaching and subtile spirit. By profession he was a Musician, and came the yeere before into Scot­land, with the Ambassadour Moret, and then grew to be admitted into the Queenes House, and fauour, in that hee was industrious, and obseruant, and in the Secretaries ab­sence, he assisted, and dispatched Letters into France, and managed secret consultations. Then, the more to exaspe­rate this businesse, he brought him to be present in person, at this Murder, in company with Rauen, and the other mur­derers, who entring with himselfe into the Queenes Cham­bers, their swords naked drawne, as she was sitting at the Table, with the Countesse of Arguile, and this man, stan­ding by a Buffet-stoole, was eating somwhat taken off from the Table, as ordinarily Wayters of the Dining-chamber will doe, bending also a Pistoll against the Queenes brest, who was then with Childe, so as vpon the sudden affright­ment shee thought to haue miscarried in the place, The murder of Dauid Rice in the Queene of Scots sight. they layde hold of him in her presence, and drawing him in­to an outward Chamber, most cruelly they murthered him, and shut vp likewise the Queene within the same Chamber.

Murray is repealed.This Murder was cōmitted, the day before that the Earle [Page 143] of Murray was assigned to make his appearance before the Assembly, and in hearing of the States, there, to an­swere an Accusation of Rebellion, which was informed and put in against him. Hee appeared the day following, and no body sate, neither came any witnesses against him, by reason of these great garboyles and troubles in the State: that, (as it might seeme) this murder was purpose­ly vndertaken for Murrayes security and safety. Not­withstanding, the Queene, at the Kings intreaty, receiued him into fauour, and was confident in his brotherly loue. But when the King had more deliberately waighed the quality of his offence, and the Queene began to take it deepely to heart, he repented himselfe much of this rage and fury, and with many teares and sighes, humbly on his knee craued her pardon, confessing freely, that he was ex­cited to so bloudy a crime by Murray and Morton: from which time, euer after hee conceiued so mortall an ha­tred against Murray, that he thought on nothing else, but how to be rid of him: Earle Morton, and the other Homi­cides, by reason of this Murder, being fled into England, Earle Mor­ton flies into England. with Letters of recommendation, which Murray had writ­ten in their behalfe, to the Earle of Bedford. But the pas­sionate affection of his youth not being able to reserue his most secret thoughts, and his high respect to the Queene, curbing all boldnesse, for the executing of him, at last hee was satisfied, to let her vnderstand thus much, that for pub­lique good, and the security of her owne house, shee must remoue him. The Queene in all sort detesting this course, disswaded him there-from, yea euen with threates, for hauing moued this vnto her, and putting him in hope to make a perfect reconciliation betweene them. And yet notwithstanding, in that shee could not but with great spleene digest the authority this Bastard vsurped ouer her, transported with wonderfull impatience, shee opened this designe to others: which, comming to Murrayes vnder­standing, [Page 142] [...] [Page 143] [...] [Page 144] to preuent her, hee laid many secret ambushes in waite for her, vnder colour of shewing himselfe to be very officious and diligent, vsing herein Earle Mortons coun­sell and aduice, though he were then absent.

Dissention set betweene the King and the Queene.Their Resolution ioyntly was, that the Queene must be cleane alienated from the loue and affection she bare to the King, while this affection was not yet well knit, and re­ioynted. Then to draw into their society Earle Bothwell, who, not long before had beene reconciled to Murray, vpon promises, that he should be diuorc'd from his owne Wife, and be married to the Queene, when she were a Wi­dow. For effectuall performance whereof, and to warrant and defend him against all others, they bound themselues in writing, subscribed and sealed, perswading themselues, that at one blow, they could cut off the King, depraue the reputation and good opinion which the Nobility and peo­ple held of her, suppresse afterwards Bothwell, and so be possest themselues of the whole and absolute Administrati­on of all affaires.

Lord Dar­ley the Queenes Husband, murdered.Earle Bothwell, who was of himselfe a wicked man, and blinded with Ambition, which made him bold and daring, readily intertained these hopes propounded to him, and most trecherously performed this bloudy Assassinate, ha­uing hardly fifteene houres warning, to prouide a sufficient number of Complices if need had beene, (for Earle Mur­ray was gone farre off, to prosecute his owne businesse) and to lay the whole suspition and imputation vpon the Queen. When hee was returned to the Court, both hee, and all those of the Conspiracy, commended Earle Bothwell to the Queene; Earle Both­well com­mended to the Queene, to marry him. and, to perswade her to make choyce of him for her Husband, they intimated by all meanes vnto her, how hee was most worthy and deseruing of her loue, both in respect of the eminency of his Family, his valiant At­tempts against the English, and the many infallible proofes and trials of his fidelity. Moreouer, they layd open vnto [Page 145] her, that being alone, and without any helpe, or assistance, she was not able to pacifie those troubles and tumults that were then raised, to discouer the plots that might be pro­iected against her, and to discharge the administration and gouernement of the Kingdome. And therefore she should doe very well, to admit to the societie of her bed, & coun­sell, such an one, as had both will, power, and courage, to oppose them: So as, they wrought thus farre with her, that she yeelded her consent, trembling for feare, and dan­ted with horror, for hauing beheld such direful occisions, & calling to minde what fidelitie Bothwell had euer shewed both to her and her Mother, and not knowing whither to haue recourse, but to her Brothers faith and loyaltie. But neuerthelesse, with speciall prouiso, carefully to intend the safety of her young and tender Sonne, that Bothwell should first cleare himselfe of the murder of the King, and be di­uorc'd from his former Wife.

I am desirous here to set downe, what the Earle of Hunt­ley and Arguile, who are the principall of all the great No­bility of Scotland, testified hereof, as I coppied it out of a Writing seal'd, and subscribed with their owne hands, which they sent to the Queene of England: ‘BEcause Earle Murray, and others, Testimony of the mur­der of the Lord Dar­ley. to couer their owne Rebellion against the Queene, whose authori­tie they vsurped, openly imputed her, as culpable and guiltie of her Husbands death: wee publikely protest, and testifie this which ensues. In the Moneth of De­cember, 1556. the Queene being at Cragmill, the Earles of Murray and Lidington acknowledged in our presence, that Morton, Lyndsay, and Rauen, murdered Dauy Rice, to no other end, but to preserue the Earle of Murray, who the same day was to be pro­scrib'd. Wherefore, that they might shun the note of ingratitude, their desire was, that Morton and others [Page 146] banished by reason of this murder, might be repealed. But withall they implyed, that this could not be done, except the Queene by a Diuorce were separated from her Husband, and they promised to doe it, if wee would yeeld our consents. After that, Earle Murray pro­mised to me, of Huntley, that I should re-enter the in­heritances of my Ancestors, and haue the perpetuall loue and affection of the banished, if I did but further and procure this Diuorce. Then they went likewise to Earle Bothwell, to draw also from him his consent and liking: and lastly, they went to the Queene, whom Lidington in the name of all the rest, instantly reque­sted, to release Morton, Lindsay, and Rauen, of their banishment: in very outragious termes, he exaggerated the Kings faults, and the offences hee had committed against the Queene, and the Realme, prouing how the Queene, and the State, were deepely interessed, in procuring speedily this Diuorce: because the King and Queene could not liue securely together in Scot­land. Her Maiestie made answer: That she had rather for a time returne into France, while her Hus­band did more truely discend into the errours and vn­staidnesse of his youth, not willing any thing should be done to her Sonnes preiudice, or her owne dishonour. Whereunto Lidington replyed: Wee of your Councell will looke to this well-enough. But in any wise, (said Shee) I prohibite you to performe, any thing that may in the least manner blemish my honour, or burthen my conscience. Let things stand as they doe, till God from aboue vouchsafe some fitter remedie. I much feare, lest, that you iudge requisite for my good, may re­dound to my hurt. A few dayes after, when the King was murdered, after a most execrable manner, wee are assured, out of the inward touch and testimony of our Consciences, that the E. Murray and Lidington were [Page 147] the Authors, Proiectors, and Plotters of this abomina­ble Parricide, whosoeuer the other were, that put it in execution. This is that which they affirmed in writing.

The Confederates aymed then at nothing else, Bothwell is freed of the murder of the King. but how to free Bothwell of this Parricide: Wherefore, a Session of Parliament was ordained for this onely cause, and appre­hension of their bodies enioyned, of whom the least su­spition was conceiued, and the Earle of Lenox accusing Bothwell, and feruently vrging, that he might come to a triall before the States were assembled, it was granted, and so command imposed vpon the Earle, to appeare within twenty dayes. But within the compasse of this time, ha­uing receiued no instructions nor aduertisements from the Queenes Maiestie of England, and in that hee could not liue without danger of his life, in a place replenished with his enemies, Earle Bothwell made his appearance, and ha­uing Morton for his Aduocate, preuayled in the cause, and so was sent away absolu'd, by the Sentence of all the Iudges.

This businesse being thus contriued; He marries the Queene. the other Com­plices so wrought, that diuers of the Nobility consented to the marriage, whereof they made a Draft in Writing, subscribed and sealed, for feare, that if it should euer be broken, Bothwell might haue accused them to be the Au­thors of all that villany. This marriage thus solemnized with Earle Bothwell, who was created Duke of the Orca­des, caused euery one to surmize that the Queene was guil­tie of this murder, and the Conspirators strengthened the same opinion, by Letters sent into all parts, as likewise they held assemblies at Dundagh, They con­spire both a­gainst him, and the Queene. where they conspired to depose the Queene, and destroy Earle Bothwell. Although Murray, because he would not appeare to be one of this Combination, obtained leaue of the Queene to goe into [Page 148] France, and for the remouing of all distrust, hee re-com­mended to her Royall care, and Bothwell's fidelitie, all his proceedings and occasions whatsoeuer in Scotland.

Earle Mur­ray retyres into France.He was scarcely arriued in France, but they, who ab­solued Bothwell of that crime, and gaue consent to this marriage, tooke vp armes, as if they would haue seyzed on his person. Earle Both­well is ex­pelled. But in effect, vnder-hand, they priuily admo­nished him speedily to with-draw himselfe, for feare lest being taken, he might haue reuealed the whole Complot, and that from his flight, they might draw argument and subiect whereof to accuse the Queene, for the murder of the King, The Queene emprisoned. they seyzed on her person, and entreated her so ignominiously and disgracefully, that although shee had nothing on, but a very homely night-Gowne, yet they so clapt her vp in prison at Lake-Leuin, vnder the custody of Earle Murray's Mother, who was Iames the 5. his Con­cubine, who further persecuted her with most shamelesse malice, during her restraint, boasting how shee was lawfull Wife to Iames the 5. and her Sonne lawfully descended from him.

Queene Eli­zabeth complaines.So soone as Queene ELIZABETH had certaine no­tice of all these proceedings, detesting in her heart this vn­brideled insolency of Subiects towards a Princesse, who was her Sister, and Neighbour, terming them perfidious, rebellious, ingratefull, and cruell: Shee sent into Scot­land, Nicho. Throgmorton, to complaine hereof vnto the Confederates, and to consult of some meanes how to re­store the Queene to her former liberty and authority, for the punishments of the Kings murderers, and that the yong Prince, might bee sent into England, rather than into France for his more secure preseruation, and safety. For that which passed successiuely while Throgmorton lay in Scotland, I will deliuer it faithfully, euen as I collected it out of his owne Letters, which questionlesse are very sin­cere, and well approued of.

[Page 149]Many in Scotland were very much incens'd against the Queene, insomuch, as they absolutely refus'd to behold her, as likewise Villeroy, and De Croc, Ambassadours for France. Yet the Conspirators could not agree among themselues, how to dispose of her. The Lord of Liding­ton, and some others, were of opinion, to haue her re-esta­blished in her authority vpon these conditions: That the Murderers of the KING should be punished according to the Lawes; and the young Prince his safety procured. They con­sult what is to be done with the Queene pri­soner. That Bothwell should be separated from her by a firme Di­uorce; and Religion established. Others perswaded a perpetuall banishment of her, eyther into France or Eng­land, so the Queene of England, or King of France, would be content to be Cautions and Pledges, that shee should transferre all the Regall authority to her Sonne, and some other great and eminent persons of the Kingdome. A­gaine, some would haue cited her to a peremptory triall, haue had her condemned, committed to perpetuall prison, and her Sonne crowned KING. Finally, there wanted not others, who for her summary chastisement, and punish­ment, would haue had her depriued both of her Royall Authority and life. And this was vsually preach'd and di­uulged by Knox, and some other Ministers, in the open Pulpit.

Throgmorton produced against this, Throgmor­ton defends the Queenes cause. many reasons and Arguments taken out of the holy Scriptures, touching due obedience and submission to superiour power, who retaine the Sword of Authority in their hands: arguing very strongly and constantly, How the Queene was vnder no other Tribunall, but that of the heauenly IVDGE, nei­ther could shee iuridically be constrayned to appeare and an­swer in the Court of any earthly Iudge. That in Scotland the same authoritie which the Queene had not delegated, nor made ouer to any other, was nothing, and by her reuocable.

But the Scottish-men replying, alledged the peculiar rites [Page 150] and priuiledges of Scotland, and that in extraordinary oc­currents, they might extraordinarily determine, euen as they had collected out of Buchanans reasons, who, by the Earle of Murrayes perswasion, The Scots maintaine the contrary out of Bu­chanans reasons. then writ that Dialogue of the Right of Reigning or gouerning among the Scots, who was condemned: wherein he maintained, against the Te­stimony of the Scottish Histories, that the people were pri­uiledged, to create or depose their Kings. Notwithstan­ding, Throgmorton ceased not importunately to sollicite them, for the Queenes re-establishment, and that himselfe might visit her, though he no sooner opened his mouth in this poynt, but they all replyed, how this by no meanes could be granted him, because herein they had denyed the French, and that by this meanes they would not di­staste the King of France, to please and satisfie the Queene of England, who (as often experience heretofore had taught them) laboured for nothing, but her owne peculiar interests, when shee was a meanes to driue the French a­way out of Scotland, and lately shewed her selfe but nig­gardly, and sparing of her fauours towards the Scottish Ex­iles. Whereupon, he thought it fit to take heed, lest this importunity might vrge them, to embrace the amity of the French, and shake off that of the English; when, according to the French Prouerbe, Qui quicte la partie la perd, He that leaues his partie, loseth it: aduised and counselled the English to be carefull and iealous, how they forsooke and lost the Scots.

After this, by a Writing vnseal'd, filled with variety of discourse, which they committed to Throgmortons hands, they vowed and protested, that the Queene was remoued, and restrained to a close place, for no other end, but to disioyne her from Earle Bothwell, whom shee most entyre­ly loued, till this heat of affection, and her wrath concey­ued against them, might somewhat slacken: and therefore they requested him to be satisfied in this Answer, while [Page 151] some other Nobles of the Kingdome were assembled: and yet neuerthelesse they restrayned the Queenes liberty, eue­ry day more and more, though with teares shee intreated them to vse her more fauourably, if not as Queene, yet as shee was a Kings Daughter, and Mother to their Prince: and so hee many times requested, that hee might goe and visit her, but all in vaine. Briefly, not to rip vp in parti­cular all the iniuries and disgraces offered her, at last they made triall, whether by milde and faire meanes, they could induce her, freely to giue ouer the gouernement, either by reason of her weakenesse and indisposition, or in respect of the trouble and annoyance it brought her to, to reigne and gouerne: which indeed they deuised for an excuse, or else as others counselled her, with more drift and subtil­ty, to the end that being more weakly and gracelessely gar­ded, shee might the more safely and easily make her escape. But when all this tooke no place, they threatned to bring her to a publique triall, to accuse her that shee had led an incontinent life, murdered the King her former Husband, and practised tyranny in violating the Lawes, and ancient priuiledges of their Country, especially those which De R. and De Oisel had enacted in the King of France his name, and her owne. Finally, through feare of death, and with­out euer hearing her answers, They extort from their Queene a Resignation of the Go­uernement. they forced her to seale three Patents: the first of which contained, that shee as­signed the gouernement ouer to her Sonne, who was scarcely thirteene moneths old: the second comprehen­ding, how shee constituted Earle Murray to be Vice-Roy, during her Sonnes minority: and the third implyed, that in case Murray refused this charge, shee ordayned for Re­ctors and Protectors of her Sonne, the Duke of Chastel­raut, and the Earles of Lenox, Arguile, Athol, Morton, Glencarne, and Mar: But then shee presently certified the Queene of England by Throgmorton, how shee had sur­rendred the gouernement of the Kingdome by compul­sion, [Page 152] and against her will subscribed to the Patent thereof, by Throgmortons perswasion, who informed her, that any Grant extorted from her during imprisonment, which causeth a iust and true feare, was inualidious, and of no ef­fect. But I will relate these things more at large in the yeere ensuing, according as they may be faithfully extra­cted out of the Accusations, and Answers of parties, which were propounded at Yorke before the Commissioners, to whom the absolute determination of this businesse was referred.

Iames the 6. consecrated and inaugu­rated King.Fiue dayes after this Resignation or Grant, IAMES, Sonne to the Queene, was consecrated and crowned King, Iohn Knox then preaching publiquely, after the Hamiltons had protested, how it was without any manner of preiu­dice to the Duke of Chastelraut, in the right of Succession, against the Family of Lenox. But Queene ELIZABETH forbade Throgmorton to be present hereat, to the end that by the presentiall assistance of her Ambassadour, shee might not seeme to approue this vniust deposition of the Queene.

Murray re­turnes into Scotland.Twenty dayes after, Murray returned out of France into Scotland, where hauing remained onely three dayes, he went to the Queene with certaine of the Conspirators in his company, he obiected vnto her many crimes, and like a religious Confessor, layd open vnto her many de­monstrations, to moue her to conuert vnto God with true repentance, and to implore his mercy. Shee shewed her selfe penitent for the sinnes of her life past, confest part of them obiected to her, extenuated some, and excused o­thers, out of humane fragility and weakenesse, but abso­lutely denyed the greater part, entreated him, to assume the mannaging of affaires vnder her Sonne, and coniured him to be tender of her reputation and life. Whereunto he made answer, how this lay not in his power, but shee must sue for it, from the Estates of the Kingdome, perswa­ding [Page 153] her notwithstanding to obserue these things, if she re­garded either her life, or honour. That she should not di­sturbe either the peace of the King or Kingdome: Hee pre­scribes the Queene what shee should doe. not to attempt the breaking of her imprisonment: no wayes to excite the King of France, or Queene of England to any domesticall or externall Warre: no more to affect Both­well, and neuer to seeke any reuenge against them that were his enemies.

So soone as he was proclaimed Vice-Roy or Regent, Hee is e­stablished Regent, or Vice-Roy. he obliged himselfe by Writings vnder hand and seale, to attempt nothing that should concerne either war or peace, the person and marriage of the King, or the Queenes liber­ty, without the consent of the other Complices: and hee caused the Lord of Lidington to informe Throgmorton, that he should no more intercede for the Queene, and that both himselfe, and all others, made choyce rather to in­dure any thing else, than to permit that shee enioying li­berty, should still retaine Bothwell about her, expose her Sonne to danger, the Countrey to molestation, and them­selues to banishment. We well know (said hee) what you English men can effect by a warre, if you harrasse our fron­tiers and wee yours: and are well assured out of the anci­ent alliance they haue alwaies entertained, will neuer for­sake vs. Neuerthelesse, hee denied Ligneroll the French Ambassadour Leager, to see the Queene, while Bothwell were taken: and contrary to that which he had promised to the King of France, he daily intreated this miserable Queene most rigorously, for all the good shee had former­ly done him. Hitherto, so much as I could collect out of Throgmortons Letters.

Presently after, Some of the murderers of the King, are put to death. Earle Murray put to death Iohn Hep­borne, Paris, French Dowglas, and some other of Bothwels seruants, who assisted in the murdering of the King. But when they came to their excution, they protested before God, and his Angels, (whereunto he gaue no eare) that [Page 154] they heard Earle Bothwell say, how himselfe and Morton were the originall Authors, and discharged the Queene of all suspition. They acquit the Queene of all suspi­tion. As also, Bothwell himselfe, when hee was prisoner in Denmarke, had often protested, both during his life, and at his death, with a most sincere and religious at­testation, that she was innocent thereof: and foureteene yeeres after, when Morton came to vndergoe his last pu­nishment, he confest: that Bothwell sollicited him to con­sent thereunto, and he vtterly refusing to attempt the same, except he first saw an expresse command in writing from the Queenes owne hand, he replyed, that this in no manner could be compassed, but excluded it must be with­out communicating of it formerly to her.

The Queene of England, and the King of France, la­bour to pro­cure her libertie.Queene ELIZABETH, and the King of France, be­ing much incensed with such a precipitant deposition, and the Conspirators obstinacy against the sute of their Am­bassadours, it turning as it were to the reproch of Royall Maiesty, they began to fauour the Hamiltons, who still held the Queenes party. Pasquier also, Ambassador Leager for France, treated with Queene ELIZABETH, to procure her re-establishment by force of Armes, who thought it most expedient, first to prohibit the Scots all commerce with England and France, while she were deliuered: that so, some diuision might grow betweene the Nobility and the people, which Nobility seemed to conspire against her. But for a while, to passe ouer these affaires of Scot­land.

Queene Eli­zabeth de­mands the restitution of Calais.Question being then made of restoring the Towne of Calais to the English, according to the Treaty of Cambray, seeing the eight yeeres therein specified were now expi­red, Smith being sent into France, with G. Winter, Master of the Nauall Artillery, after the sounding of a Trumpet be­fore the gate of Calais, which lookes towards the Sea, with a lowd voyce, & in the French Tongue he demanded, that, according to the Articles of that Treaty, the Town & [Page 155] Territory, with some Canons, might be surrendred into his hands: he also at the same time, drew an Act, by the hand of a publique Notary, in the presence of some Ger­mane and Flemish Merchants, who were accidentally there at the same time, and taken for witnesses, and then he went presently to the King of France, at Castell de Fossat, where, with Norris, Ambassadour Leager, he made againe the same demand. The King sent to his Councellors, a­mongst whom M. de l'Hospitall, Lord Chancellor, Prolo­quutor for the rest, with a graue and well compiled dis­course, spake to him in this manner: ‘THat if the English had any right to lay claime to Calais, The French maintaine, how they ought not to doe it. they might as well challenge and pretend title to Paris, for by the fortune of Warre, they had conquered and lost both the one and the other. That the right they pretended to Calais, was but new, whereas that of the French, tooke beginning with the Kingdome it selfe. And though the En­glish possessed it for the space of three and twenty yeeres more or lesse, yet the originall title euer remained to the King of France, as well as that of the Duchies of Guyenne, and Normandy, which the English like­wise detayned for a long time, by the force of their Armes. That the French did not conquer, but ra­ther recouered Calais, with their Armes, euen as they did their former Dukedomes. That the prescrip­tion of times, alledged by the English, tooke no place betweene Princes, but their right lay alwayes in their force, and in the Law of the twelue Tables: for one might eternally challenge his owne properties out of the hand of his enemie. That the English, though suffici­ently instructed in Treaties and contractations of af­faires, were neuer mindefull of Calais, in the Treaty which passed not long since, at Troyes, though they [Page 156] enterprised a warre principally for the recouery there­of: so as hereby they manifested, that they had giuen ouer all pretence to the same. That this Treaty of Troyes was a Renouation, by meanes whereof that of Cambray was in some poynts reformed, notwithstan­ding the clause of the Reseruation of rights and claimes, because that touched onely inferiour and petty Priui­ledges and claimes, whereas that of Calais was held for one of the most principall, and important. That, notwithstanding any thing which Francis the Second attempted in Scotland, this would not accrue to the preiudice of Charles the Ninth. That in some speci­all cases, the attempts of particular men, were subiect to the Lawes, but in the proceedings of Kings and Princes it tooke quite otherwise. That, for whatsoeuer was vndertaken in the Kingdome of Scotland, made ouer in dowry to King Francis, the English, who by surmi­zes aymed at his, and the Queene of Scots proiect, they should rather complaine vnto her, seeing they entred Haure de grace, which is in France, vnder a colou­rable pretext of the Kings preseruation, where placing a strong Garrison, and diuers warlike munitions, they held it by force of Armes, and furnished the Prince of Condé with Moneyes: for which cause, they lost the claime which they had to Calais. That, GOD per­mitting the French to recouer the same, resolued in his heauenly prouidence, that it should be a meanes, to end the warres that had beene betweene them, in that they were seuered and separated by the Sea, which run­ning betwixt both coasts, serues for iust borders and li­mits: as that Poet sings,’ And the English, who are certaine Nations, Seuer'd by Sea, from other Regions.

[Page 157]

That the Queene of England should take a better course, in embracing Peace with the King of France, then by see­king to recouer Calais. Finally, that no man should dare to moue a word to the King, about surrendring it to the English, but if any were so presumptuous, that he deserued extreme punishment, yea, greater torments then those of hell fire.

Whereunto Smith made answere: Sir Thomas Smith's an­swere. That it nothing con­cerned him, and to search out what right and title the French had in former times to Calais, one must rip vp wonderfull ancient and absolute Antiquities; but well he perceiued at last, that what the French laid hold of, either by right or wrong, they take it for their own, as if their claimes and titles lay in nothing but Armes, and little car'd, whether they possest a good or bad con­science. That they resolued to hold Calais, by that Law of Nations, which permits captiues to release them­selues from their enemies, and recouer former libertie, though the other held it by vertue of a solemne Con­uention and Accord. And that they cal'd not to conside­ration, how after the first, there was another, so as they determined in no wise to performe their promise giuen touching the restitution of Calais. And yet neuer­thelesse, this was of more waight and consequence then the most important reasons that could bee alleadged. That they euer tooke to themselues, and denyed the English, the glory and honour which then they willing­ly ascribed to them, for beeing capable and apprehen­siue in Contractations. That this renouation of Contract, was but a meere Antistrophe, which might iustly bee returned vpon the French, because the reason why the Queene redemanded Calais, was for nothing else, but in that the French attempting and innouating by their Armes in Scotland, had lost the right they pretended [Page 158] thereunto: because the Queene of England, vpon this, surprized Haure de grace: As if in so doing, the one Prince minded not to yeeld one iot to the other. We, said he, accorded a Peace at Troyes; which, if it induced any nouation or change, this innouation or change, cut off the right which the French had to Calais, and con­firmed the English Title, which the English could not as yet iustly claime, because the eight yeeres were not then fully expired. Whereupon rising, and turning toward the Councell of France; I appeale, saith hee, to your faith and conscience, seeing your selues were then present, when wee insisted in making a Reser­uation, by expresse termes, for our right to Calais, you labouring as much to haue it omitted, because the full time was not expired: Is it not true, that the Accord was made betweene vs, with this prouiso, and secret re­seruation, exprest in this Clause, All other respectiue intentions and demands to remaine solid and en­tire, and so likewise, the exceptions and prohibiti­ons both of the one and the other side reserued. As for Haure de grace, the English entred it with­out one blowe strucke, at the intreaty of the Inhabitants, and the Normane Nobility, and after a solemne prote­station, that it should bee kept and held to the King of France his behoofe, so as heerein they vndertooke no­thing against him by course of Armes, nor innouated not any thing to the infringement of the former Treaty. As for the moneys lent to the Prince of Condé, and his Confederates, this was done with no other drift or intention, then to satisfie the Almaine Souldiers, who mutined for their pay, and to detaine them from for­raging those Countries, that liued vnder the King's o­bedience, which the King himselfe acknowledged to haue beene done to a good end, and for his owne speciall seruice.

[Page 159]And thus you see what Sir Thomas Smith vttered, with diuers such matters and allegations.

Whereupon, Monsieur Memorancy, beeing Constable of France, holding vp his Sword on high, the Scabbard whereof was set with Flowers-de-Luce, for a marke and embleme of his high Office, and vsing many words of the great warlike preparations which the English brought be­fore Haure de grace, as if they had not only beene able to defend a small Towne, but further to haue taken in all Normandy.

No man (said Smith) need to wonder, because the English­men, being a maritime Nation, vnderstanding that they haue no command ouer the Winds, who are Lords of the Sea, they prouide plentifully and in due season for time to come.

Then the Frenchmen complaining, that conformable to the Accord, the Protestants that fled out of France, were refused to bee deliuered to the French Ambassadour, who had demanded them: this busines was put off till another time, and so by little and little, came to be buried in silence, the Ciuill Wars instantly renewing in France. And cer­tainely, the French-men were resolued among themselues, neuer to deliuer vp Calais againe: For they no sooner tooke it, but they razed all the old Fortifications, began to make new, let houses and grounds for fiftie yeeres, and granted a perpetuitie in others.

While these matters thus passed in France, the Count of Stolberg came into England, from the Emperour Maximi­lian, to treate of a Marriage with the Arch-duke, for which end likewise, the Queenes Maiestie not long before had sent to the Emperour, the Earle of Sussex, with the Order of the Garter; who, for the loue he bare to his Countrey, and hatred to the Earle of Leicester, employed all his best [Page 160] endeuours, to bring to passe, that the Queene might marry with a strange Prince, and Leicester by this meanes to bee frustrated of his hopes; this alwaies readily comming out of his mouth, The Earle of Sussex is sent to the Empe­rour. That whether in respect of honour, power, or meanes, a strange Prince was to be preferred before the most noble Subiect of the Kingdome of England. Which made one of a contrarie opinion, vpon a certaine time, vt­ter ingeniously these words in his presence: That in mar­riages, wherein respect is had to three things, to honour, power, and riches, the Diuell, and the World were the Paranymphes and Solliciters. Notwithstanding, Leicester conceiuing good hopes, found meanes to suborne the Lord North, whom the Earle of Sussex had chosen to accompany him in his voyage, that he should giue an eare to what he spake, cast a vigilant eye ouer what hee did, and vnder-hand to plucke backe the Marriage of the Arch-duke, as fast as hee aduanced and set it forward: letting him vnderstand, that the Queene was farre from it, whatsoeuer shew shee made of a willing mind, and what face soeuer Sussex set on it. As also himselfe laboured incessantly in Court, to diuert the Queene from any such resolution, he hauing the command of her eare, and to this end, he representing vnto her all the discommodities which might accrew, Leicester hinders it. by her marrying out of the Realme.

Representing to her all the discommodi­ties that might happē if she marri­ed a stranger
The Marriage of late memory that her Sister MARY contracted with the King of Spaine, whereby shee cast her selfe into perpetuall sorrow, and England into dan­ger of comming vnder the Spanish seruitude. That it was vnpossible to discouer the manners, cogitations, and inward inclinations of strangers, though these things ought to be lookt into in the person of an Husband, who by an inseparable band, is one and the same flesh. How it was an extreme misery and griefe, to be dayly conuer­sant with a man of strange maners and language. That [Page 161] Children begotten in such marriages, tooke from their birth, I know not what kind of extraordinarie propertie and disposition. That frequent commerce with stran­gers, brought into the Common-wealth strange maners and fashions of life; and that Ladies Princesses, by these Marriages, in stead of augmenting their owne Kingdomes, added to those of their Husbands, submit­ted themselues and their Subiects to their commands, and laid open to strangers the secrets of their Kingdoms. That a strange Husband, out of the naturall affection he bare to his owne Countrey, would preferre his owne Subiects, before the Subiects of England. That Eng­land had no need of the helpe of any stranger, beeing strong enough of it selfe, to defend the Kingdome, and the riches thereof, and to repell any forraigne Force. That the annexing of another Kingdome, would breed but charge, care, and trouble, and how Kingdomes, as well as humane bodies, fell many times by their owne waight. That some alleadged in scorne of the Nobility, That the Queene marrying within the Kingdome, should somewhat impaire her Royall dignity; whereas her Maiestie, who by her vertue opened a way to rise vnto this Soueraigntie, was extracted from Nobility, and that yet there are some Nobles of the Royall Blood, who are like Sprigs of the same Royall Branch or Arme, and hereupon, the Kings of England haue euer in their Letters, honoured Dukes, Marquisses, Earles, and Vicounts, with this Title of Cousins.

In the meane while, the Earle of Sussex, taking his Iour­ney by Antwerp, Cullen, Magunce, Wormes, Spire, Vlme, and Ausberg, came into Austria with a great and mag­nificent Traine: who beeing honourably entertained, he there remained fiue moneths at the Emperours charge, ha­uing daily conference with him about serious and waighty [Page 162] matters, and touching the Marriage of Charles; and on a day appointed, he inuested him with the Order of the Gar­ter, at an Euening Prayer, refusing, through scruple of con­science, Articles of the marriage propounded. to bee present at the celebration of Masse. In this affaire, many difficulties presented themselues about Reli­gion, and the Arch-duke's mayntenance, the stile of King, and the succession to the Kingdome; and many points were argued both of the one side and the other: For the Title and Stile of King, it was accorded he should haue it. For the Succession, in that hee could not enioy it by the Lawes of the Kingdome, in that it was preiudiciall to the Children, hee should haue the tutelage and gardianship of them. And that nothing more was granted to Philip, King of Spaine, when he married Queene MARY. As for his maintenance, if hee would furnish them at his charge, whom he should bring with him and retaine in the Court, the Queene, out of her Royall Dignitie, would abundant­ly discharge the rest, yea, and that too, if he required it. But one scruple still remained touching Religion: For the Emperour demanded, as also Charles himselfe, that he might haue a publike Church granted him, whither hee might repaire with his Court, to the celebration of diuine Seruice according to the Romane forme. But this beeing refused, the Emperour was satisfied with an indifferent mo­tion, which was, That hee might haue a peculiar place or­dained within the Court for this purpose, where he might quietly performe his Deuotions, as euer it is permitted the Ambassadours of Romane Princes, with a prouiso that the English should not bee thereto admitted, and that neither hee nor his Followers did oppugne the Religion receiued in England, neither fauour any opposites. If any discon­tentment grew about Diuine Seruice, hee should for a time forbeare his ordinary exercise, and with the Queene re­paire to that celebration performed according to the Church of England. When this Treatie had beene sagely [Page 163] discussed of in England, (that I may not relate any further of the negotiation) the Queene made answere, That if shee yeelded to this, she should offend her owne Conscience, and openly violate the publike Lawes of the Kingdome, to the extreme perill both of her dignitie and safety: But if Charles were pleased to come into England, to see her, he should reape fruites worthy his trauell and paines. And thus the Emperour dismissed the Earle of Sussex with great honour: and the Earle of Sussex turning a little out of his way to see Charles, tooke his leaue of him at Gratz; and the Arch-duke Charles, expecting to receiue a more fauoura­ble Answere, found himselfe frustrated of his intention. For this prosecution was giuen ouer by little and little, which made a progression of seuen whole yeeres, with di­uers intercourses of honourable Embassies: it leauing not­withstanding a mutuall loue and amity betweene the Prin­ces, so cordiall and inherent, that the Emperour alwaies crost the Popes designes against Queene ELIZABETH. Not long after, the Arch-duke married Mary, Daughter to Albert the fifth, Duke of Bauaria, by whom, amongst other Children, he had two Daughters, whereof the one was Queene of Spaine, the other of Poland.

About this time, came into England, Ambassa­dours sent from the Em­perour of Muscouie. from the mightie Emperour of Russia and Muscouie, Ioh. Basilius, E. Twer­dico, and T. Pogarella, with most Martlet, Sable, and Er­myne Skins, whereof at that time, and in precedent ages, the English made great account, both for ornament and health: and they promised to the Queene and the English Nation, continuance of that affection which the Empe­rour had manifested, and what great studie and care he had taken for the English, euer since they frequented those parts, whereof you shall hereunder see the beginning.

In the yeere 1553. certaine Marchants of London, the principall of whom were An. Iudd. G. Barnes, and A. Husay, shaping out a course for Cathay, by the frozen or [Page 164] Hyperborean Sea, vnder the conduct of Sir Henry Willow­bie, who was frozen to death in the Iourney, Ro. Chance­lour, The English opened the way to goe to Russia by Sea. his Lieutenant, happily opened the passage of Russia, before this time vnknowne, running vp with the Riuer of Duina, till he came to sixtie degrees of the Pole Articke, where a little Monasteerie is seated, consecrated to Saint Nicholas. When the Emperour heard of it, he sent for him to the Mosco, in Caroches made after the manner of the Countrie: he entertain'd and dismist him with many graces and fauours, promising the English great immunities, if they would trade into his Empire, and reioycing that hee had met with a meanes to transport by Sea into Russia, forraign merchandize, which the Russiās could not come by before, but with great difficultie, by the Narue, and the Kingdome of Poland, enemies. When Robert Chancelor vpon his re­turne gaue inforamtion thereof, and of what high esteeme the Clothes of England were in those parts, the low rate of Hempe and Flaxe, whereof they made their Cables and cordage, The Compa­ny of Mus­couie Mar­chants. and what rich Skins they affoorded, these Mar­chants raised a society or company, by Queene MARIES permission, in a faire Building appropriated to their vse, which at this day we call the Moscouie house; and Basilius granting them many immunities, they haue since that time, sent euery yeere a Fleet of Ships, and maintained traffique, the which likewise hath been greatly augmented since the yeere 1569. when out of his loue to Queene ELIZA­BETH, he granted them, that none but the English of this Company, might traffique into the North part of Russia, and they onely should sell their merchandizes throughout the whole extent of his Empire, which is large and spaci­ous, as in fit place shall be declared.

An. Ienkinson returned with these Ambassadours into England, who had obseruantly runne ouer all this Coun­trey: he described the same in a Geographicall Map, and was the first man of the English, that cross'd the Caspian [Page 165] Sea, and landed in the Countrey of the Bactrians. The Emperour committed vnto him secret matters, which hee would by no meanes communicate to any of his owne people, which was, A secret message from the Empe­rour of Muscouy. seriously to treat with Queene ELI­ZABETH in his name, that she would enter into mutuall league with him offensiue, and defensiue, against all the world, and that she would send into Russia, Ship-wrights, Mariners, warlike Munitions, and to oblige her selfe by solemne oath, courteously to receiue him, with his Wife, and Children, if he were driuen out of his Empire, eyther by rebellious Subiects, or open enemies. And thus this Tyrant, whom no man could trust, seemed to be distrust­full euen of himselfe: and though he were somewhat mo­ued with the short and ambiguous answer that her Maie­sty returned, yet did he not giue ouer solliciting of her in these things, both by Letters and Ambassies, as hereafter shall be expressed, requesting her continually, to send him backe that same Anthony Ienkinson, who, as he thought, had not beene so faithfull, as in matters of so great waight was requisite.

The first Moneth of this yeere, dyed Nicholas Wotton, The death of N. Wot­ton: a Doctor of the Ciuill Law, and Deane of the Churches of Canterbury and Yorke: a very honourable person, for his parentage, but much more for his prudence: whereof he had giuen ample testimony both within and without the Realme. For, hee was one of the Priuy-Councell to the Kings, HENRY the Eighth, and EDVVARD the Sixth; as also, to Queene MARY, and Queene ELIZA­BETH. Nine times he went Ambassadour to the Empe­rour, the Kings of France and Spaine, and other Princes. Three times he was a Commissioner to make peace be­tweene the English, French, and Scots; and one of the six­teene, whom HENRY the Eighth chose for Executors of his last Will and Testament. And the Duchesse of Norfolke.

There dyed also El. Leyborne, third Wife to Thomas, [Page 166] Duke of Norfolke, and formerly Widdow to the Lord Da­cres, hauing brought him forth no Children. But she had one by her first Husband, George the Baron: who dyed young, with a fall off of a Vauting-Horse of wood, when he learned to vaut: and three Daughters, who were all af­fianced by promises of performance to the Dukes three Sonnes.

I told you, how Shan O-Neale, lawfull Sonne to Cone-Oneale, surnamed Bacon; that is to say, Lame; the migh­tiest man in the North part of Ireland, which is called Vl­ster, was come into England, and craued pardon for his of­fence, in the yeere 1563. When hee was returned into his Countrey, hee valiantly defended that part of Ireland a­gainst the Scots which landed there out of Cantria, and He­bride: Shan O-neale raiseth troubles. and he slew 10. Mac O-Neale, his father in Law, and Anny his Brother, who conducted them. This vi­ctory causing him to be insolent, he began to exercise ty­ranny vpon other petty Lords of Vlster, not of so power­full a command as himselfe: hee burnt Armach, the Me­tropolitane City of Ireland, for hatred to the Arch-bishop, draue Mac-Guire out of the inheritance of his Predeces­sors, pilled and sacked Mac-Genisse, and others; and the English, receiuing them into their protection, hee spred rebellious colours against Queene ELIZABETH. He rebels. But he presently wrapt them vp againe, at the instigation of Cu­sac, a Knight of the Order, yeelded vp his Sonne in Ho­stage, and submitted himselfe. And Queene ELIZA­BETH, to containe him within bounds, hauing rent and torne all those Letters, by which HENRY the Eighth declared Matthew falsly reputed for his Sonne, to be Heire to Cone, she resolued to conferre vpon him, the honourable titles of Earle of Tyrone, and Baron of Dungannon, as being the vndoubted Sonne and Heire. But this man altogether impatient of repose, and peace, perceiuing that he was a­ble to bring into the field a thousand Horse, and foure [Page 167] thousand foot of his Vassals, and Tenants, and he had al­ready fiue hundred of his Guard, with barbarous pride hee reiected such titles of honour, in comparison of the name of O-Neale, but caused himselfe, by his owne people, to be styled King of Vlster: He trayned vp the Peasants to War, offered the Kingdome of Ireland to the Queene of Scots, and conceiued such a mortall hatred against the English, that hauing built a Castle vpon the Lac Eaugh, he named it Feognegall, which is to say, the Hatred of the English, and strangled some of his people, because they ate the bread of the English, though hee would neuer speake otherwise than honourably of the Queene.

Sir Henry Sidney was commanded to arme against him, Sir Henry Sidney armes a­gainst him. and Randolph, a braue Conductor, sent by Sea, vpon the Northerne Frontiers of Vlster, to Derry, which is a small Episcopall See, neere to Loygh-foy, with a troupe of horse, and seuen hundred foot, to assaile him vpon the backe, when the Vice-Roy would come vp, and set vpon him in his Van. Shan vnderstanding this, hotly beleaguerd Dun­dalk, but was repelled by the Garrison, with great losse of men: as he was likewise from Wittscastell, where hee met with no lesse losse. Then being about with fire and sword to waste the Earledome of Louth, with the ouerthrow of a number of men, he was rowted by a small troupe of the English: when, making towards Derry, he forraged all the Countrey round about, He is dis­comfited. and prouoked the English Garri­son to fight, who ranging themselues in battell, fell on all sides vpon this disordered multitude, disarrayed, ouer­threw, and put them to open flight. But the victory pro­ued but sorrowfull, by reason of a lamentable accident that light vpon Randolph, who was slaine fighting valiant­ly among the thickest of his enemies: as braue a Gentle­man questionlesse, as our present times haue seene, and none euer purchased greater respect, ioyned with loue, a­mong Souldiers, than this man had done. S. Lo being [Page 168] constituted in his place, he much endammaged the Rebels in that quarter, till on a day, when the Fort by an vnhappy accident, was set on fire, with all the Munition, and Pow­der, which blew vp many Souldiers. For then, embarking all his foot in shipping, and with a wing of Horse, com­manded by one Haruey, he past through the middest of his enemies, who continually galled him, and, by a way of foure dayes iourney, went to the Lord Deputy, who, to honour Randolphs vertue, solemnized his Obsequies, and was himselfe in mourning.

And raising forces presently to goe into Vlster, Shan re­tyred with his men into the Woods and Forrests, re-amas­sing againe together at seuerall times, here and there, the rest of his men, about Clogner, and Castell Salmon, belong­ing to Turlogh-Leinich, who then had left it. But when the Lord Deputy had constituted Garrisons, settled Odo­nel againe in his State, and was returned to appease the dif­ferences between the Earles of Ormond and Desmond, who in an ill time bandied one against another, Shan re-assu­ming courage, Shan re-assumes cou­rage. after he had spoyled and ranged farre vp into the Countrey, he againe besieged Dundalch, which he was presently constrained to giue ouer with great losse, and shame, many of his men being slaine: insomuch, that enraged with fury and madnesse, he practised most barba­rous cruelty against them: He vseth cruelty to his men. for, many had forsaken him, and he perceiuing that his number was greatly diminished, (for besides those that left him, he lost a thousand in fight) and how the passages were stopped, and all places of re­treat seyzed vpon by the English, he resolued to prostitute himselfe at the Deputies feet, He meanes to yeeld. and to craue pardon with an Halter about his necke. But, being disswaded by his Se­cretary, and first to try the amity of the Scots of Hebrides, who were returned into Clande-boy, from whence he had formerly driuen them, and were there re-entred into an hot warre, vnder the conduct of A.Oge; which is to say, [Page 169] the youngest, and M. Gillespic, whose Brethren, Anne, and Ioh. O-Neale, himselfe had slaine in fight: he first sent vnto them, their Brother Surley-boy, that is to say, Surley the Redde, to recouer their fauour, and then went to them himselfe, with the Wife of Odonel, whom he had stolne a­way. They, boyling with choller, to bee reuenged for their brethren, and cousins, whom he had slaine, entertay­ned him but with feigned courtesie, but presently leading him into their Tent, in drinking they quarrelled with him, vpon some obscene speeches he vsed of their Mother, and so falling vpon him with their naked swords, He is slaine. slew both himselfe, and many others of his company.

And thus you may see, what a bloudy end this Shan came to, in the middest of Iune, after he had taken away all gouernement from his Father, and life from his bastard-Brother. A man wonderfully polluted with Homicides, and Adulteries, a great gourmand, and an infamous drun­kard, who, to refresh his body inflamed with too-much Wine, and Vsquebagh, he was faine to bury himselfe of­ten-times in ground, vp to the chin. He left behinde him, Henry, and Shan, his Sonnes, that he had by his Wife, and many others whom he begot on the Wife of Odonel, & his other Concubines. His possessions and goods were con­fiscated by the Parliament of the Kingdome of Ireland, and Turlogh-Leinich, the mightiest man of the Family of O-Neale, and of a stayed spirit, proclaimed O-Neale, by the Queenes permission, and the peoples election. Neuerthe­lesse, the Queen, for an opposite to him, if he should chance to exceed the bounds of his duety, Hugon, who was after­wards Ba­ron of Dun­gannon. receiued to grace Hu­gon, Nephew to Shan, by reason of Matthew his Brother, who was commonly called the Baron of Dungannon, a young man then of small note, and yet afterwards he pro­ued the Tempest, yea the very Plague and Pestilence of his Countrey.

Thus peace was concluded vpon Vlster. But in the meane [Page 170] while, new troubles grew in Munster, through the debate and secret grudgings, about their seuerall limits and bor­ders, Troubles in Munster. which fell out betweene the Earles of Ormond and Desmond, so as they came to hand-blowes neere to Dro­mell, and were both summoned into England, to plead their causes before the Qu. Priuy-Councell. But they, the matter much encombred, sent them backe to the Vice-Roy in Ireland, where they might haue both their titles and te­stimonies neere at hand. Both of them being equall in the number of warlike subiects, in courage, and friends at Court, contemning the decision of Lawes, they resolued to end their suite by the sword. The Vice-Roy hindred it as much as he could, both by his authority and armes. But Ormond, who would be thought to haue the best cause, so wrought, that the Vice-Roy was blamed for bearing too-much with Desmond, and commanded to seyze his person, which he did, when hee least thought of it, and together with himselfe, he tooke Ioh. Desmond, his Vnkle by the Fa­thers side, neere to Kilmalec, and so, he sent them both into England, where, they had a strong Guard set about them.

THE ELEVENTH YEERE OF Her Reigne. Booke 1. 1568. Anno Dom. 1568.

WHen Tho. Harding, N. Sanders, and T. P. The Papists absolue many. Diuines, and Fugitiues out of England, boldly exercised the Episcopall Autho­rity they had lately receiued from the Pope: ‘IN iurisdiction of conscience, to absolue all those Eng­lish that would returne into the bosome of the Ro­mane Church, to dispence in cases of irregularity, ex­cept in poynts proceeding from voluntary manslaugh­ter, or growne to a contentious iurisdiction, and of ir­regularitie, by reason of Heresie, so the absol­ued abstaine for three yeeres, from ministring at the Altar:’

[Page 172]On the other side, it hapned, that Colman, Button, Hal­lingham, Benson, and some others, who with ardent zeale professed the more pure Religion, The Jnnoua­tors shew themselues. reprehended whatsoe­uer was performed without authority out of the holy Scriptures, and, whether transported with a desire of pu­rer doctrine, of nouelty, or of dissentions, but, in the open view of all men, they questioned the Discipline of the English Church, authorized and receiued the Liturgie, and vocation of Bishops, expresly condemning them, as senting too strongly of the Romane Church, with which to hold any thing in common, they daily preached to be a singular impiety, vsing all meanes and endeuour that mat­ters in the English Church might be reformed, according to the forme of Geneua. And, although the Queene com­manded them to be clapt vp in prisons, yet they had an in­credible number of Followers, who were presently bran­ded with that odious style of Puritans: Puritans. And in all places they encreased, out of a wilfull obstinacy, the imprudence of the Bishops, and the secret fauours of some of the No­bilitie, who barked at, and maligned the riches of the Church.

Second ciuill warre in France.And, when some French likewise laboured after refor­mation of Religion, and fearing lest the Papists would en­ter into league against them, they repayred to the King with armes in hand, by reason of the iust feare they stood in, and in this manner presented vnto him a Supplication. A second ciuill warre hapned; for cessation whereof, the Queene commanded her Ambassadour Norris, to sollicite the King; and so, hereupon, a Peace was agreed vpon, but, questionlesse hollow, and full of deceit, and stratagem. At the same time, the Queene, mother to the King of France, shewing great affability and grace, both to the Ambassa­dour himselfe, and diuers of the English, couertly shee v­sed some speech, as pretending to treat of other affaires, that shee was desirous to marry Henry, Duke of Anjou, [Page 173] her Sonne, to Queene ELIZABETH, who was hardly seuenteene yeeres old, to diuert her, as diuers supposed, from assisting the Protestants of France, in the third Ciuill-Warre, which shee plotted presently to be set on foote. The Duke of Aniou, com­mended to Queene Eli­zabeth. for an Hus­band. The English Ambassador disgracefully vsed in Spaine.

But then in Spaine, Man, the English Ambassadour, was disgracefully entreated: For, it beeing imputed to him, that he had spoken vnreuerently of the Pope, hee was pro­hibited the Court, afterwards banisht from Madril, to a little Village among boorish and rusticall people; he is for­ced to heare Masse, and the exercise of his owne Religion forbidden him. Wherein, I am not able to say whether the Spaniards shewed greater hatred to Queene ELIZA­BETH, or to Religion, considering that at the same time, she vsed all manner of humanity to Guzman, the Spanish Ambassadour in England, permitting him the exercise of his religion: Her Maiestie was wonderfully moued with this Insult, esteeming it offered to her own person, in that they vsed her Ambassadour so, as likewise for the iniurie which was done at the same instant to one Iohn Hawkins. Hawkins ill intreated by the Spa­niards in America. This man went to traffique at the Port of S. Iohn de Vlua, within the Mexican Gulfe, hauing fiue Ships laden with merchandize, and some Negro slaues, of whom the Eng­lish then made ordinary sale, hauing learn'd it of the Spani­ards: but I know not with what honour they might so doe. The day after his arriuall, came in also the King of Spaine's Fleet, which (because he would not violate the Peace) he suffered peaceably to enter into the Port, though he might haue hindred it, obtayning first a firme promise of security for himselfe and his people, vpon certaine prouisoes and conditions. The Spaniards thus entered, scorning to haue conditions imposed vpon them in their owne Proprieties, obserued a fit time, and falling vpon the English, slew ma­ny of them, seized on three of their Ships, and made pil­lage of the goods; a victory notwithstanding that cost themselues much blood. This treacherous Action, caused [Page 174] the Souldiers and Sea-men of England to murmur, vrging them to call out for warre against the Spaniard, and dayly exclaiming, how they were breakers of Peace and Accord, because it was agreed vpon between the Emperour Charles the fifth, and HENRY the Eighth, that commerce should bee free betweene their Subiects, in all and each of their Kingdomes and Dominions, as also in the Ilands, not ex­cepting so much as America, which then appertayned to Charles.

The Queene of Scots e­scapes out of prison.About the same time, the second day of May, the priso­ner Queene at Lake-Leuin, made an escape out of prison, and retired to Hamilton Castle, by meanes of George Dow­glasse, to whose Brother shee was committed in guard; where, vpon the testimonies of R. Meluin and others, and with an vnanimous consent of all the Nobles, who flockt thither in great numbers, Sentence definitiue was vttered, That the Grant or Resignation, extorted by meere feare from the prisoner Queene, was void from the beginning: and the Queene her selfe beeing present, tooke a solemne Oath, that it was extorted and forced from her. By meanes whereof, in two dayes such multitudes of men repayred to her out of all parts, as she raised an Army of sixe thousand braue Souldiers, who notwithstanding, when they came to ioyne battell with Murray, She is van­quished. & fighting rather hare-braind­ly, then with wit or discretion, they were soone discom­fited. This timorous Lady, beeing daunted with that hard successe, betooke her selfe to flight, and rode the same day threescore miles; when comming by night to Maxwel's house, Baron of Heris, she had rather expose herselfe to the mercy of the Sea, and rely vpon Queen ELIZABETHS Protection, than vpon the fidelity of her Subiects: But yet before her embarking, shee sent vnto her, Iohn Beton, with a Diamond that Queen ELIZABETH had former­ly giuen her for a gage of their mutuall loue and amitie, to the end to aduertise her, that shee meant to come into Eng­land, [Page 175] and demand succour of her, if her owne Subiects any longer pursued her by course of Warre. Queene ELI­ZABETH promised her all the kindnesse and loue of a Royall Sister: but she not staying the returne of the Mes­senger, committed her selfe to a small Vessell, against the aduice and counsell of her friends, and so the seuenteenth of May, with the Barons, Heris and Flemming, and some fewe others, came to Werrington in Cumberland, neere to the mouth of the Riuer Derwenton: and the same day shee wrote to Queene ELIZABETH a Letter in French, the principall heads whereof, I thinke good to set downe, e­uen as I extracted them out of the originall Copie it selfe, which comprehend a Relation of that which passed a­gainst her in Scotland, more at large then what before I haue deliuered.

MY most deare Sister, you very wel vnderstand,
She writes to Qu. Elizab.
how some of my Subiects, whom I haue raised to soueraigne degrees of honor, haue conspired to suppresse and imprison both mee and my Husband: as also, that when by force of Armes I had expelled them out of my Kingdome, I receiued them againe into grace, at your entreatie; notwithstanding all this, they violently entred into my Chamber, and though I was great with Child, cruelly slew mine owne seruant in my presence, and shut vp my selfe vnder guard and close keeping. When I pardoned them of this crime, then pre­sently they perpetrate another, the which, though it were plotted by them, and had obliged themselues to the exe­cution thereof, by seal'd writings, subscribed with their owne hands, yet they imputed it to mee, and were ready with armed power to seize vpon me. But beeing confi­dent in mine owne innocence, for the sparing of blood, I was content to yeeld my selfe vnto them: Foorthwith they committed mee to prison, beeing depriued of all my [Page 176] seruants, except two wayting-Maides, a Cooke, and a Phisician; enforcing me, by menacings and terrors of death, to resigne ouer the gouernment of the Kingdome, refusing to heare either me or my Attourneys, in a Con­uention of the Estates, summon'd by their owne authori­ty onely, stript off all my goods, and denyed the meanes to speake with any. After this, by Gods direction, I vsed a course to escape this imprisonment, and beeing assisted with the whole Flowre of the Nobilitie, who cheerefully made recourse vnto me out of all parts, I put mine enemies in minde of their duety, and of the fideli­ty they had sworne vnto me, offered them pardon, tooke order that each partie might bee heard in the Conuenti­on of the Estates, to the end the Common-wealth might no longer bee rackt and tormented with intestine mis­chiefes; and for this effect, I sent towards them two Messengers: But they imprisoned both of them, pro­claimed them Traytors that assisted me, and ordayned that they should presently forsake me. I entreated them vnder publike warrant and safety, to negotiate with the Baron of Boyd, for the according of these differences: but in this motion they also refused me. Neuerthelesse, I conceiued some hope, that they might bee brought vn­der obedience by your procurements: but when I saw that I must either dye, or vndergoe another imprison­ment, I thought to goe to Dunbritton, and was onward in my way: They opposed and way-laid me, beat and ouerthrew my people, my selfe beeing constrained to flie. Then I retired to the Baron of Heris, and with him re­payred into your Kingdome, relying on your Princely and Royall affection, that you will ayde me in my need, and by your example inuite others thereunto. Where­fore, I request you in all kinde affection, that beeing so deepely plunged in many distresses, as at this instant I am, you will cause mee to be conducted out of hand to [Page 177] your presence, and if you be pleased to commiserate my case, I will at large informe you of all. God grant you a long and happy life, and me the patience to attend that comfort I hope for from Him, by your gracious meanes, and dayly Prayer for, with all my heart.

Queene ELIZABETH returning her great comfort in Letters, and by the mouth of Francis Knowles, and o­thers, promised her assistance, according to the equitie of her cause: but neuerthelesse she refused her accesse, because shee was commonly taxed with many grosse crimes, and commanded she should be conuayed to Carlile, where shee might remaine in greatest security, if her Aduersaries at­tempted any thing against her, by Lowder, Lieutenant Go­uernour of the place, and the Gentlemen of the Countrey. Hauing receiued this answere and refusall, she once againe made her request by Letters, and by the mouth of Max­well, Baron of Heris, to this effect: ‘THat she would admit her in her own presence, She writes againe. to report the iniuries and indignities had been of­fered her, and to answer those crimes laid to her charge: Intimating to her Maiesty, how it was iust that Qu. ELIZABETH, who was so neere vnto her in blood, should giue care to her in her banishment, and to re-esta­blish her in her Kingdome, against those, who hauing beene expelled for their offences committed against her, by Queene ELIZABETHS intercession they were againe restored, and to her owne finall ruine, if the storme were not out of hand preuented. Wherefore shee requested her, that either shee might bee admitted to speake personally to her, and to grant her some ayde, or else to permit and be pleased that she might presently de­part out of England, to seeke for succour some where else, and that she might not be detained any longer time [Page 178] in the Castle of Carlile, in that shee came voluntarily into England, vpon the confidence shee had in the loue and affection which had so many times beene honoura­bly promised her, by Messengers, Letters, and Remem­brances.’

Queene E­lizabeth pit­ties her.These Letters, and Heris words, seemed (for who can diue into the secret thoughts of Princes? and wise men lay them vp in their hearts) to moue Queene ELIZABETH to compassion of a Princesse, her neere Kinswoman, and so deepely distressed, who hauing been surprized by her own Subiects with force, and Armes, committed to prison, brought to extreme danger of her life, condemned, and de­priued of her Kingdome, without beeing heard, (although no Iudgement can passe vpon a priuate man without for­mer hearing) shee was retyred into England vnto her, with infallible hopes of finding ayd and succour. And the free offer which this vnfortunate Queene made, to pleade her owne cause in her presence; the charge she tooke vpon her, to conuince her Aduersaries of the same malefacts where­of they accused her, (though most innocent) were to her hopefull and encouraging motiues thereunto.

The priuy Counsell consult of it.What pitty and commiseration soeuer Queen ELIZA­BETH had of her, the Councell of England deliberated grauely and aduisedly, what in this case was to bee done. They fear'd, that if shee remained any longer in England, hauing a perswasiue and mouing tongue, she might drawe many to her partie, who fauoured the Title which she pre­tended to the Crowne of England, who might peraduen­ture inflame her ambition, and attempt all meanes to main­taine her claime. That forraigne Ambassadours would be present at her Consultations, and the Scots would not in this case forsake her, seeing so rich a booty to offer it selfe. Besides, they considered, that the fidelity of her Guard might be doubtfull; and, if shee chanc'd to dye in England, [Page 179] though it were of some infirmity or sicknesse, many slan­ders might be rais'd, and so the QVEENE should be day­ly encumbred with new cares. If she were sent into France, the Guizes, her Cousins, would againe set on foot the Title whereby she laid claime to the Crowne of England. That, what opinion soeuer was conceiued of her, she might pre­uaile greatly in England, with some, for pretext of Religi­on, with others, for the probability of her right, as before I told you, and with the most part of men, out of their preci­pitate affection of Nouelties. That the Amity betweene England and Scotland, so behoofefull and beneficiall, would be broken, and the ancient Allyance between Scotland and France renewed, which would then bee more dangerous then heretofore, because the Burgundians, who had no infal­lible friends but the Scots, should bee linckt to the English by a firme Alliance. If shee were sent backe into Scotland, those that tooke with the English partie, should thereupon be banisht, and that of France rais'd to the publike admini­stration of gouernment of Affaires, the young Prince ex­posed to danger, Religion chang'd, the French, and other strangers still retained in Scotland, Ireland would bee more grieuously molested by the Scots of Hebrides, and her selfe exposed to the perill of life within her owne Kingdome. Wherefore the greater part ioyned in opinion, that shee was to be retained in England, The Councell resolues she should be re­tained in England. as beeing taken by the Law of Armes, and not to bee releast, till shee had giuen ouer her present claime to the Crowne of England, which shee tooke vpon her, and answered for the death of the Lord Darley her husband, who was a naturall Subiect of England. For the Countesse of Lenox, mother to the Lord Darley, The Coun­tesse of Le­nox com­plaines of her. blubbered all ouer with teares, had, not long before, pre­fer'd a Petition about her and her husband, to the Queene of England, with supplication that she might be brought to Iudgement for the murder of her Sonne. But the Queene graciously comforting her, admonisht her, that she would [Page 180] not accuse so great a Princesse, who was her very neere Kinswoman, of a crime which could not be prooued by a­ny euident testimonies: intimating vnto her, how the times were bad and wicked, and hatred blind, imputing offences oftentimes to the Innocent.

The Baron of Heris in­terceds for her.On the contrary, the Baron of Heris was a suiter to Qu. ELIZABETH, that she would suddenly beleeue nothing to the preiudice of truth, and that Earle Murray might not hurrie vp Assemblies of Parliament in Scotland, to the iniurie and wrong of the Queene, who was expelled, and the absolute ruine of her good Subiects. But though the Queene of England much pressed this point, Earle Murray, the Vice-Roy, summoned them still in the Kings name, banished some that remained yet behind of her partialitie, and vented the malice hee bare to them, vpon their de­meanes and houses. The Queene of England beeing here­with mightily incens'd, certified him in expresse termes by Mildemay, that she could not endure, for a most pernicious President to Kings, that the Royall Authoritie of sacred Maiestie, should bee esteemed vile and abiect amongst the Subiects, and trampled vnder-foot at the will and pleasure of men turbulent and factious. That howsoeuer they forgot the duety and fidelitie which Subiects owe to their Prince, yet for her part, shee could not bee vnmindfull of that pitty and Commiseration, which obliged her to a Sister, Earle Mur­ray is com­manded to yeeld a rea­son of the Queenes de­position. and a neighbour Qu. Wherefore she wisht him ei­ther to come in person, or to substitute vnderstanding men, to answere those complaints which the Queene of Scots would exhibit against him and his Confederates, and to yeeld some iust cause and reason of his deposing her. If not, that herselfe would presently set her at liberty, and employ all her forces for her re-establishment. And so likewise she admonished him, not to sell her precious habits and ornaments, though the States of the King­dome had permitted him.

[Page 181]Earle Murray obeyed: there being no other way, to call in question his administration and gouernement, but those that came out of England, and the great Men of the Kingdome refusing any manner of deputation. Where­fore, he came himselfe in person to the City of Yorke, a place appointed for this proceeding, with seuen of his most inward friends, being Deputies for the Infant-King; that is to say, the Earle of Morton, the Bishop of Orcades, Deputies for the King of Scots: the Gouernour of Dunfermlin, the Baron of Lindsay, 10. Mac­gill, and Henry Barneuay, accompanied with the Earle of Lidington, whom Murray drew thither with faire promises, in that he durst not leaue him behinde in the Kingdome, and George Buchanan, who was wholly at his deuotion and becke. And the very same day came thither the Duke of Norfolke, and the Earle of Sussex, who not long before was constituted President of the North, and Sir Ralph Sadler, a Knight, and one of the Priuy-Councell, who were no­minated, to heare, and examine the cause, why the Queene of Scots was deposed. The Bishop of Rosse, For the Qu. of Scots. the Barons of Leuingstone, and of Boyd, the Gouernour of Kenivinin, Iohn Gordon, and Iohn Corburne, appeared there for the Queene of Scots, who was wonderfully wroth, that the Queene of England would neither see nor heare her, hauing comman­ded that her owne Subiects should stand vp against her be­fore the Commissaries, in that being an absolute Princesse, she stood not bound, except she listed, to make answer to her Subiects accusations, and obiections.

Being assembled on the seuenth of October, and read the Commissions, both of the one side, and the other, Li­dington, who was there present, turning towards the Scots, admonished them, with a marueilous free and plaine dis­course: ‘That seeing it seemed, Lidingtons declaration to the Scots. the Queene of England preten­ded no other thing by the authority shee had conferred [Page 182] vpon the Commissaries, but to staine the honour, and impaire the reputation of the Queene, the Kings Mo­ther, and to interpose herein her owne censure, as an ho­nourable Arbitratrix: but that they should weigh and well consider, what a perill they exposed them­selues vnto, and how they were like to purchase not one­ly the hatred of the Scots, who continued deuoted and affected to the Queene, but further the ill-will of o­ther Christian Princes, and of such affinitie as shee had in France, in criminally accusing and hazarding her reputation, in such a publique and iuridicall Tryall before the English, sworne enemies to the Scottish name; and what account could they giue to the King of such a presumptuous and insolent accusation, which could not but redound to the preiudice of Scotland, when, being of riper yeeres, hee shall repute both him­selfe, his Mother, and countrey hereby dishonoured? And therefore hee thought it very fitting, to let fall this odious accusation of so great a Princesse, except the Queene of England had contracted with them a mutuall League, offensiue, and defensiue, against those that should in case molest or trouble them. And thus much (said hee) out of his loyaltie and dutie, a Scottish Secretarie hath aduertised you of. Hereupon, loo­king vpon one another, they remained not vttering one word.

The prote­station of the Queene of Scots De­puties.The Queene of Scots Deputies, who had the honour to speake first, before the taking of their Oath, protested, That though the Queene of Scots thought good, to haue the cause betweene her Maiesty and her disloyall Subiects, handled before the English, yet neuerthelesse they concei­ued not themselues herein to be vnder the command of a­ny but their owne Princesse, seeing Shee was free and ab­solute, and ought neither faith nor homage to any other. [Page 183] The English, in like manner, protested, How they accep­ted not of this protestation, to the preiudice of any right or prerogatiue, which the Kings of England haue hereto­fore challenged, as Soueraigne Lords of the Kingdome of Scotland.

The next day, the Queene of Scots Deputies put in their Declaration in writing: A declara­tion for the Queene. ‘HOw the Earles of Morton, Mar, and Glencarne, the Barons of Hume, Lindsay, Reuthen, and Sempil, and others, had raysed an Armie in the Kings name, against the Queene her selfe, taken her, vsed her disgracefully, and clapt her vp in prison, at Lake-Leuin: They broke open the Mint, carried away all sorts of Coyne, Gold, and Siluer, Money or no Money, crowned the King her Sonne, who was yet but an In­fant: and the Earle of Murray, vnder the title of Vice-Roy or Regent, vsurped his power and authority, and seyzed on all the wealth, munition, and reuenewes of the Kingdome. Afterwards, they alledged, that the Queene being escaped out of Prison, after shee had beene there restrayned for the space of tenne dayes, de­nounced publiquely vpon her oath, That whatsoeuer shee had yeelded vnto during her imprisonment, was extorted from her against her will, by force, threats, and terrour of death. Notwithstanding, to prouide for common tranquillitie, shee had giuen authoritie to the Earles of Argathel, Eglenton, Cassil, and Rothsay, to accord all differences with her Aduersaries, who, for all this, forbare not with a strong and armed hand to seyze on her person, as shee retyred by priuy wayes to­wards Dunbritton: they slew the most of her loyall Subiects, and, for those remayning, some they carried away prisoners, others they banished, and all this for nothing, but onely in that they had faithfully ser­ued [Page 184] their Princesse: And that for these inhumane outrages, shee was constrained to repaire into England, to implore of Queene ELIZABETH that ayd and succour, which shee had oftentimes promised her, that so shee might be restored to her Countrie and former dignitie.’

A few dayes after, Earle Murray, Vice-Roy, and the Deputies for the Infant-King, (for so they were nomi­nated) put in their Answer: which was; The anwer of the Kings Deputies.THat Lord Darley, the Kings Father, beeing slaine, Earle Bothwell, who was reputed the author of this Murder, had so bewitched the Queenes heart, as hee carried her away by force, remo­ued her to Dunbar, and, after a separation from his owne Wife, married her. That the Nobles of the King­dome, being moued herewith, they thought they could not discharge a better office, than to punish Bothwell, the author of this assassinate: for, all ouer the Country, it was imputed to a generall conspiracy among the prin­cipall of the Nobilitie, to restore the Queene to her for­mer libertie, to dissolue this vniust marriage, and to prouide for the young Kings safetie, and the quiet and tranquillitie of the Kingdome. When the matter was so exasperated, as they were readie to come to hand-blowes, the Queene caused Bothwell to retire out of the Realme; against the Nobilitie shee thundred out such threats, and threatned such reuenge, as they were enforced to commit her to a guard, while they could finde out, and execute Bothwell. But shee, weary of reigning with so infinite many disturbances, had wil­lingly resigned, and transferred ouer the Kingdome to her Sonne, constituting the Earle of Murray for Vice-Roy. That hereupon, her Sonne was solemnely conse­crated [Page 185] and crowned King, all confirmed and ratified in Parliament, by the States of the Kingdome. That, by reason of Iustice, which was equally ministred, the Scottish Common-wealth had recouered some vigour, and strength, while some particulars, who could not en­dure the publique repose, had, contrary to their oath, cautelously released the Queene out of safe custodie, and taken vp Armes, violating herein the fidelitie they owe to their King, and though (thankes be to GOD) they obtayned victory ouer them, yet notwithstanding, with an hostile and disloyall heart, they presumptuously enterprized against their Countrey and Prince: and therefore, the Royall Authoritie must needes conforma­bly haue beene supprest by such tumultuous and muti­nous Subiects.’

After a reiteration of the former protest, the Queene of Scots Deputies replyed in these words: ‘THat what Earle Murray and his Complices al­ledged, The Queens Reply. for hauing taken vp Armes against the Queene, in that Bothwell, whom they ac­cused of killing the KING, was in great grace and authoritie about her, could not iustly brand them with the marke of disloyall Subiects, seeing there was no eui­dent proofe of his murdering the King; but contrari­wise, by sentence of the Peeres, hee was cleared there­of, and this absolution confirmed by Act of Parlia­ment, with their very approbation and consent, who at this time accuse him, and that then perswaded the Queene to take him for her Husband, as beeing more sufficient than all others, to sway and gouerne the Kingdome: they obliged vnto him their fidelitie in Writing, and not so much as in words, disallowed of this marriage, while they had drawne to their partie [Page 186] the Captaine or Gouernour of the Castle, and the Maior of Edenborrough. For, then in the night, which was a very vnfit season, in hostile manner they assayled the Castle of Bothwick, where the Queene was, and shee, retyring her selfe, by the fauour of the night, they pre­sently raysing an Armie, vnder pretext of her de­fence, went themselues into the field, way-layde her, as shee went to Edenborrough, and aduertized her, by Grange, whom they sent to her, that shee should shake off Bothwell, while hee had appeared in iudgement, and cleared himselfe: all which shee willingly did, to a­uoid effusion of bloud. But Grange, vnder-hand, ad­monished Bothwell to with-draw himselfe, promising him with oath, that no bodie should pursue him; so as hee made away with their owne consent, and (beeing minded) they might easily haue taken him after­wards. But, when they had once gotten the Queene into their hands, for the mannaging of their ambitious designes, they made no great reckoning of him: and it is no great wonder, when they beeing the Queenes Sub­iects, and hauing vowed fidelity to her, shee bitterly rebuked them, hauing so basely and vnworthily entrea­ted her Royall Maiesty. Shee freely referred the mat­ter to the whole Estates of the Kingdome, and made a declaration thereof vnto them, by Lidington her Se­cretary. But, they would not so much as giue any eare vnto it, but conueyed her away secretly by night, and emprisoned her at Lake-Leuin. In saying, that wea­ried with her Reigne, shee resigned and gaue ouer the Kingdome, is a most palpable inuention, because shee is neither too-much broken with yeeres, nor of such a fee­ble and weake constitution, but equally vigorous both in bodie and minde, to mannage weightie and great affaires: but most certaine it is, that the Earles of A­thol, Tubardine, and Lidington, who were also of [Page 187] her Councell, aduized her to seale the drafts of Resigna­tion, to auoyd death, where-with shee was daily threat­ned: and this was not done with any preiudice eyther to her selfe, or her Heires, because shee was then a priso­ner, and imprisonment is a iust feare; for, according to the opinion of Ciuilians, a promise made by a pri­soner, is of no worth. Hereunto also she was perswa­ded by Throgmorton, who presented vnto her a draft written with his owne hand; whom shee entreated to informe the Queene of England, that shee did it con­strained, and contrary to her will. That when Lind­say presented to her the Patents, for her to subscribe vnto, hee terrified her with feare and horrour of death, and so by this meanes, enforced her to seale with wee­ping eyes, not hauing so much as read the Contents. That the Lord of the Castle of Lake-Leuin, vnderstan­ding, and seeing apparantly, that shee had subscribed and sealed against her will, hee would not set to his hand, as also this Resignation was most vniust, be­cause shee had nothing hereby assigned her for her owne behoofe and entertainement, neither grant of libertie, nor assurance of life. That whosoeuer will but equally ballance things, hee cannot but iudge this, to be a weake infringement of Royall Authoritie; because, when the Queene was at libertie, in the presence of many No­bles of the Kingdome, shee declared how shee had done it out of meere constraint. And what they boast to haue effected by Act of Parliament, can no wayes pre­iudice her Royall prerogatiue, because in this tumultu­arie Parliament, there were present but foure Earles, one Bishop, two Abbots, and sixe Barons, though aboue an hundred, betweene Earles, Bishops, and Barons, haue a voyce in the Parliament of Scotland: and yet of so small a number, some protested, that what was done, should not redound to the preiudice of the Queene [Page 188] or her Successours, because shee was a prisoner. That the Ambassadours of France and England, could ne­uer be certified from her, though they had many times instantly vrged it, whether she voluntarily resigned o­uer the Kingdome or no. And so farre the Common-wealth hath beene from beeing iustly gouerned, vnder the vsurping Vice-Roy; that on the contrary, all man­ner of impieties neuer bare a greater sway: for hee hath beene seene to demolish sacred buildings, to ruine illu­strious Families, and to afflict and grinde the faces of the miserable poore. And therefore, they humbly entreated the Queens Maiestie of England, to be assist­ing with her best fauour, counsell, and ayde, to the Queene her neere Kinsewoman, so lamentably opprest. Thus farre I copied out of the proper Writings of the Commissioners.

These matters thus heard, the Commissioners enioyning Murray to produce and proue with more solid reasons, the occasion of so strange a rigour vs'd to an absolute Queene, because all formerly alledged, had no pregnant testimo­nies, but only ambiguous and improbable Letters: and Li­dington hauing priuily made known, that he himself had of­ten counterfaited the Qu. Murray re­fuseth to yeeld an account of the Queenes deposition. hand: Murray would no further prosecute before strangers, the accusation he had framed a­gainst his Sister, except the Queene of England promised of her part, to take vpon her the Protection of the Infant King, and wholly abandon the Queene of Scots. But the Deputies, by vertue of their Delegation, hauing no autho­ritie to promise any such matter, two on both parts were sent vp to London; to whom Queene ELIZABETH made knowne, that shee could not yet discharge the Sub­iects of Scotland of the offence they had committed against their Princesse, but notwithstanding, that shee would re­quest her in their behalfe, and also heare them, if they could [Page 189] alledge any thing for their iust excuse. Earle Murray, who presently followed them, absolutely refused to insist by Accusation against his Sister, Authoritie of the Com­missioners reuokt. but vpon the conditions hee had mentioned at Yorke. The Commissioners were pre­sently called home, and their authority disanulled; where­of, the Duke, who alwayes fauoured the Queene of Scots, was very glad, and thought he had nothing more then to effect, but only to brand her with an eternall infamy, The Duke of Norfolke glad. to ex­clude her, with her young Sonne, from all right of successi­on to the Crowne of England, and that hee had auoided two dangers: for, in giuing sentence against her, he feared to ruine her, and violate his owne conscience; and de­nouncing Iudgement on her side, to vndergoe the vnplaca­ble wrath of his owne Queene, and of all those, who, for Religions sake, and any other consideration, were opposite to the Queene of Scots.

But when Earle Murray saw, that the friends shee retai­ned in Scotland, disturbed all affaires, and that his presence was requisite, he framed his Accusation in the presence of the Queene, Sir Nicholas Bacon, Lord Keeper of the great Seale, the Earle of Leicester, Clynton, Lord Admirall, Ce­cill, and Sadler, who by new letters were constituted new Commissioners; New Com­missioners granted. and to proue the Queen of Scots culpable of her Husbands murder, hee produced some probable and coniecturall Articles, the Depositions of some Witnesses, the Acts digested in the Assemblies of the States, but a­boue all, certaine Loue-Letters and verses, written (as hee affirmed) with the Queenes own hand: as also he brought foorth Buchanan's Booke, entituled, [ The Discouery] to be openly read: but the greater number of the Commissio­ners gaue not much credit thereunto, it proceeding from a partiall man, and one that had made sale of his fidelity. As for the Verses and Letters, because they had no names, subscriptions, nor dates, and so many Impostors there be, who can counterfait others hands so naturally, as the one [Page 190] can hardly be discerned from the other, Queene ELIZA­BETH would in no wise affoord them beliefe or credit, though shee were much instigated out of feminine emula­tion, wherewith that Sex is many times violently transpor­ted: remaining satisfied, that these Accusations had im­posed vpon the Queene of Scots some reprochfull Asper­sions.

Her Deputies hearing that shee was dayly accused by Murray, presented themselues to make answere; but shee had now reuoked their authority, which was but Delega­torie, as shee had beene secretly informed by certaine Eng­lish Ciuilians; and this shee might doe by Law, seeing that of the Duke and others had beene so formerly reuoked. Afterwards shee peremptorily refused the new Commissi­oners, The Queene of Scots, wil not submit her cause to their hea­ring. two of whom shee suspected, except the Ambassa­dours of France and Spaine were ioyned in commission with them, that shee might be admitted to defend her own innocency openly in the presence of the Queen of England and them, except Murray were restrained, & called to a Tri­all: auerring how she could conuince him, and proue that he was the author of the Lord Darleys murder. The Duke of Norfolke, But vpon certaine con­ditions. the Earles of Arundel, Sussex, Leicester, and Lincolne, esteeming this to be but iust and equall, Qu. ELI­ZABETH grew into wonderfull choller, and told them openly, that the Queen of Scots could neuer want an Ad­uocate, till the Duke of Norfolke came short of his life; and shee was contented to impart those crimes, whereof Mur­ray imputed her, to euery one of her priuy Councell, and to the Earles of Northumberland, Westmerland, Shrewsbury, Worcester, Huntington, and Warwicke, whom shee conuoca­ted to this end, vnder an oath of silence exhibited, not to damnifie either of the parties. And because Murray was called backe into Scotland, and 'twas commonly bruted a­broad, The Procee­dings dissol­ued. that Boyd attempted to release the Queen of Scots of her imprisonment, this Proceeding was deferr'd to some o­ther [Page 191] time, Queene ELIZABETH, so farre as seem'd pro­bable, sharply reprehending the insolency of the Scottish-men, in deposing their Queene.

At that time, Hamilton, Duke of Chastelraut, Debate a­bout the Go­uernment of Scotland. came out of France, sent vnder-hand by the Guizes, to oppose Murray in the gouernment and administrations of the Kingdome during the yong King's minority, and maintayned before Queene ELIZABETH, that beeing neerest of blood to the King, he should be preferred before Murray, who was but a Bastard. Contrariwise, Murray, and the Kings Am­bassadors alleadged, that the gouernment of the Kingdome was not to bee assigned alwaies to those neerest of blood, but to such, who by a generall consent of the States, were elected and chosen, as most sufficient and capable of that Charge. That it were a most vniust course, to put the King, who was young, into his hands, who by proximity of blood aspiring to the Kingdome, might easily be temp­ted to violate right, out of a desire to rule and reigne▪ And how this was greatly to be feared, especially of the Hamil­tons, who had practised many enmities against the Earles of Lenox, the Kings Grandfathers, wickedly slaine his great Grandfather by the Fathers side, expell'd Mathew, his Grandfather out of Scotland, after he had reduced him to low pouerty; and also of himselfe, who made this motion, who with bitter and implacable hatred, wonderfully mo­lested Henry, the Kings Father, and, the more easily to enioy the Kingdome, he married his Maiesties Mother with the King of France. The which when Queen ELIZABETH vnderstood, shee made knowne to Hamilton, how his de­mand was most vniust, and forbade him to depart out of England, till Earle Murray were returned into Scotland.

Murray, a little before his departure, was so subtill, as that secretly by his man Meluin, he offered the Duke of Norfolk to marry with the Queene of Scots, and her he promised to re-establish in her Kingdome, as presently we will declare. [Page 192] Notwithstanding, to conceale it from Queene ELIZA­BETH, he caus'd a rumor to be spred, that shee had made ouer her claime of the Kingdome of England, to the Duke of Aniou, Murray of­fers to marry the Duke of Norfolke to the Qu. of Scots. He disper­seth rumors against her. and how this alienation was confirmed at Rome: he shewed certaine Letters shee had written to those of her partie, wherein shee blamed Queene ELIZABETH for fayling of her promise, and vaunted, that shee expected succours otherwise then from her. Whether these reports were true or fained, I am not able to say: But certainely, Queene ELIZABETH was much moued herewith, who could not imagine from whom she should attend these new reliefes, because ciuill warre was so hotly kindled in France, as the Bishop of Rhemes, sent by the King, entreated her that she would not haue any hand in those affaires, and the Duke of Alua, who was come the yeere before into the Low-Countries to supplant the Protestant Religion, staid still there, by reason of the troubles.

But as afterward it proou'd apparant, and as H. Catene writ to Cardinall Alexandrine, Pope Pius 5. not daring to send an open Nuncio, had suborn'd R. Ridolpho, a Flo­rentine, who had lyen a long time Factor in London, vnder­hand to stir vp the Papists against Queen ELIZABETH, as questionlesse he very industriously performed, and with great secresie. A slender, but maruelous weake suspition was rais'd of some priuie conferences were held at Yorke, betweene the Earle of Lidington, The Duke of Norfolke suspected. the Bishop of Rosse, and the Duke of Norfolke, who being sollicited to employ his aduice and care for the safety of the afflicted Queen, by the Earle and the Bishop, who promised to marry him to her; with a modest answere he made refusall thereof, promising neuerthelesse, that hee would not forsake her in her ad­uersities, so far as might safely stand with his honour, and the dutie and fidelity he ought to his Prince. This suspici­on was greatly augmented by meanes of Ligan, one of the Dukes seruants, being a great Papist, by reason of the dai­ly [Page 193] goings and commings he made to Bolton Castle, which belonged to my Lord Scroope, where the Queene of Scots was kept by Francis Knowles, vnder colour to visit and sa­lute his wife, who was the Dukes Sister. And though no­thing was yet certainely knowne, neuerthelesse the Queene was remooued from Bolton, where a number of Papists dwelt neere together on all sides, to be conducted to Tudberry, situated in the heart of the Kingdome, and was committed to the keeping of the Earle of Shrewsburie.

Queene ELIZABETH was then the more carefull, both of her owne, and of the safety of Religion and the Common-wealth, because the Guizes in France, and the Duke of Alua in the Low-Countries, had begun to put in execution those Dessignes they proiected formerly at Bay­on, touching the vtter extirpation of the Protestants Reli­gion. For the Propositions of Peace, set downe in France about the beginning of this yeere, came to nothing: For Edicts were publisht, whereby the exercise of the Prote­stant Religion was absolutely prohibited; they that made profession thereof, depriued of their publike places; the Mi­nisters commanded to depart the Realme within a prefixt time; they were threatned with warre all ouer, runne vp­on in euery place, and cruelties practised against them: The third Ciuill-war in France. though Queene ELIZABETH vsed many and importu­nate intreaties by her Ambassadour Seris, to bring them to a firme and solid Peace, perswading the King not to excite mens stomacks by vnseasonable courses, and that he should take heed of them, who by remouing from about him his faithfull Subiects, laboured so to breake and dis-vnite the Forces of France, that it might be exposed as a prey to o­ther Nations. When he made no account of her Entrea­ties or Remonstrances, and forbare not to draw out of I­taly, Germany, and Spaine, both money and men; to re-en­force Queene ELIZABETH also, not to abandon them who ioyned with her in one and the same cause, she sent [Page 194] an hundred thousand Crownes, in pieces of gold, cald An­gels, with great warlike preparations, to the Protestants, who then professed religiously, that they tooke not vp Armes to make warre vpon the King, but onely to defend themselues; and shee with all humanity entertain'd the French that made their refuge into England, as also the Flemmings, who seeing that the Duke of Alua breathed nothing but blood and slaughter, were in great multitudes retired thither, as to an Asyle, and planted by permission, both at Norwich, Glocester, Sandwich, Maidstone, and Southhampton, to the singular benefit (certainely) of Eng­land: For they were the first that brought in the Art and knowledge of making those light Stuffes which are called Bayes and Sayes, Who did good to Eng­land. with other such like of linnen and wool­en.

But because I must often commemorate the warres of Flanders, as linkt and combin'd with the interest & affaires of England, I shall not digresse much from my purpose, if I heere relate how they tooke their beginning.

The begin­ning of the Wars in the Low coun­tries.When the Spaniard would by no prayers nor intreaties mitigate his bloody Edicts against Religion, and those who made profession thereof in the Low-Countries, but in stead thereof exercised all manner of cruelty against mens con­sciences, by the meanes of the Spanish Inquisition, prohibi­ted all the Assemblies of the States Prouinciall of the Low-Countries, which is the onely and most vsuall remedy for the appeasing and according of their differences: but go­uerned the Common-Wealth by Acts digested in Spaine, and not by the Councels of the people of the same Coun­treys; it so happened, that a few of the very scumme of the Vulgar sort, tooke certaine Images in euery place out of the Churches, and tumultuously brake them in pieces, and though this Tumult was as soone appeased as excited, yet following their counsell who desired to impose a yoke on this Nation strongly bent to liberty, and taking occasion [Page 195] from the temerity of some few particulars, he entoyled all the people with a publike Delict of manifest Rebellion; and as if they had then lost all their liberty; to inuade the Go­uernment, he sent Ferdinando Aluarez, Duke of Alua, The Duke of Alua. a cruell and bloody man, who beeing constituted supreme Gouernour, contrary to the ancient customes and immu­nities of the Countrie, though hee was in no sort a Prince of Blood, rais'd a long and fearefull Warre, abridging the Authority of former Iurisdictions, erecting new Tribu­nals, condemning the Nobility of the Country, by the ministery and prosecution of such as were not their Iudges, putting them to death, placing Spanish Garrisons in the Bor­roughs and Townes, building Citadels, and for each alie­nation and commotion, drawing by force out of their pur­ses, the tenth part of their immouables, and the twentieth part of their mouable goods.

At the very selfe-same time it happened, Moneys sent into the low-Countries detained in England. that certaine Marchants of Genoa and other parts of Italy, sent out of Spaine into Flanders, a quantity of coine, to haue it put out to vse, in a great Ship of Biscay, and foure lesse, which the Spaniards tearme Zabres, which beeing chased by Chasteler, a French-man, and defended by Winter, an English-man, had much adoe to saue themselues, in the Ports of Plimouth, Fawmouth, and Southhampton in England. So soone as the Queene was aduertised of it, she commanded all the Magi­strates of those Ports, to vse the Spaniards very kindly, and to defend their Shipping from the French: and G.D'espes, Knight of the Order of Calatraua, Ambassadour Leager of the King of Spaine in England, fearing the French, obtay­ned of the Queene, who thought verily that this money had belonged to the Spaniard, that new Mandates might bee sent downe, for the defence of these ships against the French, who lay in wayte for them: and afterwards hee vsed the meanes to haue this money brought into England, and from thence to Antwerpe by Sea. But in the meane [Page 196] while the French had almost taken away one of the Ships, which had bin perform'd, but that they were repell'd by the English: And therefore it was thought expedient to land it, for better security, which was done out of hand. But not­withstanding it was not all brought on shore: for D' Espes supposing the Queenes intention to be other then is was, gaue the D. of Alua to vnderstand, how she had seized vpon it. While he was in Consultation with him, Odet de Chastil­lon Cardinall; who was retired into those parts by reason of the troubles in France, certified the Queene, that this mo­ney belonged to certaine Marchants of Gen [...]a, and not to the Spaniard, and that hee would seize on it against their wils, to employ it to the ruine of the Protestants. And this was the reason the Councell made a question whether they should detaine it or no; and the greatest of them that sate in Councell were of opinion, that it should bee sent into the Low-Countries, for feare of prouoking the Spaniard, who was a great Prince, and stood already but hardly affected to England. But Queene ELIZABETH, beeing assured by two of them to whom it belonged, that the Marchants were onely interessed in it, the King of Spaine nothing at all, she resolued to take it vp of the Marchants by way of loane, and giue them caution for it, as Princes many times vse to doe with such goods as they find in their Ports, and the Spaniard, not long before, had done the like. And when the Spanish Ambassadour shewed her the Letters the Duke writ vnto her, for the transportation of this money, she told him, she had taken it by loane, and religiously protested to restore it againe, The English mens goods detai­ned and sei­zed vpon in the Low-Countries. so soone as she should truely vnderstand that it belonged to the King of Spaine. The very same day, which was the twentie ninth of December, the Duke, in hot rage and furie, seiz'd on the English-mens goods, all the Low-Countries ouer, where he found any, and taking their persons prisoners, committed them to the guard of his Souldiers. So that euery one may conceiue, by comparing [Page 197] the times, that he did this to terrifie the English, what sa­tisfaction soeuer the Queene gaue afterwards for the mo­ney. But her Maiestie, nothing at all daunted with this, The like done to the Flemmings in England. commanded likewise the Flemmings goods to be seyzed vpon in England, their merchandize and shipping, which was much more than those of the English, that the Duke light vpon in Flanders: so as he repented too late, that hee had vnseasonably enlarged that wound, which in the be­ginning might easily haue beene cured.

The last day but one of this present yeere, The death of Roger Askham. (pardon mee this short digression, for the memories sake of an honest and vertuous man) who beeing borne in the Countie of Yorke, and brought vp at Cambridge, was the first of our Nation that refined the Greeke and Latine Tongues, and the puritie of the Stile, with singular commendation for his eloquence. Hee was sometimes a Reader to Queene ELIZABETH, and her Secretarie for the Latine Tongue. And yet notwithstanding, in that he was giuen to play, and Cock-fighting, he both liued and dyed not very rich, lea­uing behinde him two elegant Bookes, as monuments of his rare wit and vnderstanding, one of which was styled, Toxophilus; the other, Scholarca. But let vs returne to our Historie.

Booke 1. 1569.THE TWELFTH YEERE OF Her Reigne. Anno Dom. 1569.

A Procla­mation tou­ching goods detained. THe sixth of Ianuary, there was a Proclamation publiquely read in London, concerning goods detayned by the Duke of Alua, wherein most of the circumstances I formerly mentioned were exprest, and the fault laide vpon D'espes; and another Writing diuul­ged by him to the contrary, in which hee alledged, Another declaration against the former Pro­clamation. That this Proclamation came not out by the Queenes Order, but from the authority of some disaffected to the King of Spaine, in the behalfe of the Flemmish Rebels: he highly commended the fauour that the Queene had alwaies beene [Page 199] ready to shew to the Spaniards, grieued that shee was alie­nated in her affection for nothing, and much stomacked that no more credit was giuen to him being Ambassadour, and to the Duke of Aluae's Letters; as also, hee wondred the Money was detained, considering the Queene, (as hee said) had more reason to furnish the Spaniard with money against the Rebels, than to take any from him: and final­ly, taxed her with offering the first wrong, excused both himselfe, and the Duke of Alua's proceedings, and not resting there, he spred abroad infamous Libels, wherein hee offended the Queenes reputation, vnder the title of A­madis Oriana.

Some great men of England, Practices a­gainst Cecil. among whom was the Marquis of Winchester, the Duke of Norfolke, and the Earles of Arundell, Northumberland, Westmerland, Pembroke, Leycester, and others, laboured to lay the blame of this de­tention of the Money, vpon Cecill, as formerly they did that which was sent to the Protestants in France; and in effect, they did so: for they could not digest the great pow­er and authority he had about the Queene: they suspected he fauoured the House of Suffolke for the succession to the Crowne, and feared hee would oppose himselfe to their designes. Wherefore, they consulted one with another to imprison him, at the suggestion of Throgmorton, his emu­lator, who gaue them to vnderstand, that if hee were but once clapt vp, he might easily be ruinated. But some one, whom I cannot name, discouered this proiect to the Queene; and Cecill, by the fauour of this Princesse, who bare a very great liking and affection to him, without any difficultie, ouercame those plots that were prepared for him, and at the same instant, cut off another more secret intention they had, which was, to proclaime the Queene of Scots, vndoubted next Heire apparant to the King­dome, after Queene ELIZABETHS death, against a certaine Libell that was written, and published, in the [Page 200] behalfe and fauour of the Earle of Suffolke.

D'Assonuil came at that time from the Duke of Alua, to demand the money which was detained; The money detayned in England, is demanded. but, hauing no Letters to that effect from the King of Spaine, Queene E­LIZABETH referred him to her Councell, to whom, at first hee was not willing to addresse himselfe. Where­fore he went presently to them: and when he was heard, about a moneth after hee returned, without doing any thing in the businesse.

Free traf­fique establi­shed at Hambor­rough for the English.The English Merchants carry their Merchandizes to Hamborrough in Germanie, as to a place lately ordayned for free traffique. The Duke of Alua perceiuing this, prohibited absolutely all commerce with the English, and keeping all things from being imported or transported out of the Low Countries, hee suborned certaine Spies, a­mongst whom, Doctor Story taken. one Iohn Storie, a Doctor of the Ciuill Law, was very subtilly industrious, who before, had pra­ctised with Prinstal, an impostorous Magician, against the life of his owne Prince, and sent aduertisements to the Duke of Alua, for the inuading of his owne Countrey. But, being purposely brought into a Ship, which was re­ported to haue brought heretical commodities and bookes out of England, the Marriners presently setting sayle, hee was thither conueyed, and afterwards executed, as shall be declared in proper place.

The Duke of Alua en­raged a­gainst the English.The Duke of Alua not satisfied with this, prohibited all shipping to goe out of Flanders, who were not armed, and he commanded them to seyze on the English, where­soeuer they met them: and gaue directions that the like should be done in Spaine; where, the English Merchants and Saylors goods were confiscated, themselues put into the Inquisition, and condemned to the Gallies. The Spa­niard also, by Letters written to the Count De Mont-A­gond, Gouernour of Boetia, forbade the transportation of Oyle, Allum, Sucker, Aromatiques, and all other such like [Page 201] things, into England, supposing, that if the English wanted these things, they would readily rebell: and so vpon this, he likewise treated with the Duke of Norfolke, and the Earle of Ormond, by secret messengers, to the end the lat­ter might hold the Queene play in Ireland, and the former in England. But they freely discouered his motions, out of the fidelity and loyalty they bare to the Queene. When the inhabitants of the coasts of England heard of these things, it is incredible to see with what ioy they made our to Sea, and how resolutely they put in execution their Let­ters of Mart against the Spaniards: so that, to depresse them, Proclamations were faine to be published, Men of war called in. prohibi­ting the buying of any Merchandize of such as came by it by way of reprizall.

As the English men were denyed traffique in the Low Countries, Traffique of Russia hin­dred. so were they no lesse debarred the same in Rus­sia, as well through the false dealing of Factors, and bad intelligence that past betweene them, as out of the enuy of the Germanes and Russians: the Russians complaining of fraudulent commodities, and that the price of Merchandi­zes was enhaunsed; and the Germanes, of their monopoly and societie. To remedy these euils, Thomas Randolph was sent thither the yeere before, who, (though with no liking to the Emperour of Russia, because, whereas hee should haue treated of the amity hee desired to entertaine with Queene ELIZABETH, whereof wee spake in the yeere 1567. hee onely employed himselfe carefully in the matter of traffique,) neuerthelesse obtayned so much by his sollicitations, that the Emperour, for the sin­gular good will he bare to the Queene, and the English na­tion, granted to the Company of English residing in Rus­sia, immunities from customes, with Commission to sell their commodities ouer all the Countrey where they would, within the extent of his Empire, Liberties of the English in Russia. which is ample and large, and to transport them into Persia and Media, [Page 202] by the Caspian Sea, though Merchants of other Nations were permitted to goe no further than a mile beyond the Citie of Mosco: hee allotted them houses to winde and twist their Ship-tacklings, with Wood for their yron-workes: and he receiued the English for OPPRISM [...]Y; that is to say, the elect seed, and choyce of his people.

Their traf­fique into Russia:Wherefore, they began to trauell more confidently ouer all those Countries, and to transport their commodities to Vologda vpon the Dwine, in Vessels made of one entire peice, drawne by force of arme, against the current of the water, by an handiworke gouerned with Oares, and long Piles: & from thence to Yeraslaue, which is ten daies iour­ney by Land: afterwards into Germanie, for 30. dayes and nights trauell, downe the riuer of Volga, which is about a mile in breadth, and runnes along a clay soyle, set with Oakes and Bouleaux: And into Persia, by the Caspian Sea. and when they had built Boats, they oftentimes crossed the Astracane, and the Caspian Sea, that in many places may be waded ouer, and so by the Defarts of Hercania, and Bactriana, they came to the Teueres and Casbine Cities of Persia, out of an assured confidence they should at last open a way and passage to Cathay. But, the warres that suddenly grew betweene the Turkes and Per­sians, and frequent robberies of the Barbarians, cut off this commendable designe of the London Merchants: and, as for the Emperour, he sent backe Randolph with gifts and presents, and with him An. Gregoritzki, an Ambassadour, in very honourable equipage certainely for the custome of that Countrey, who was receiued of the Londoners with great festiuities, and of the Queenes Maiestie with much honour.

A Russian Ambassador in England.This Ambassadour exhibited a formall Writing in the Russian Tongue, and required, that the alliance and amitie might be confirmed in his presence, in the same termes, & a secret Letter which hee propounded, translated into the Russian Tongue, with all the Letters subscribed with the [Page 203] Queenes Hand, and sealed with her Seale; and that shee should likewise send an Ambassadour into Russia, recipro­cally to receiue from the hand of the Emperour, priuy Let­ters, written in the same words, which in his presence should be sealed with his Seale, and confirmed with a kis­sing of the Crosse. The Queene agreed to this Alliance, reseruing onely this Clause: ‘So farre as that formerly contracted with other Princes, might permit.’

That they might so ayde one another against their com­mon enemies, Alliance of Russia. that nothing be performed vniust or vnlaw­full: and, by the word of a Christian Princesse, in the pre­sence of the Ambassadour, and the most honoured of her Priuy-Councell, shee promised inuiolably, whereof like­wise hee had Letters sealed with her owne Priuy-Seale; that if accidentally eyther by his owne Subiects or stran­gers, he brought to such a poynt, as to forsake his Coun­trey, she would receiue and entertaine both himselfe and his children, with al the honour befitting so great a Prince; shee would assigne him a peculiar place for his residence, permit him freely to exercise his Religion, and to depart at his pleasure. For these things hee earnestly required in his secret Letters. But this was so far from satisfying this harsh-natur'd and sauage man, who held for all right and Law, meerely his will & pleasure: that he, by numerating and setting out at large, by Letters, the sundry benefits and good deedes which hee had done to the English Nation, The Empe­rour of Mus­couia, and of Russia, is ir­ritated and inflamed a­gainst the English. and reproaching them with such fauours and friendships, growes angry, and is irritated against Queene ELIZA­BETH, for not sending an Ambassadour, with his, to take the Oath; blames her Maiestie, that shee made no greater account of her selfe; saying, shee was ouer-much giuen to Merchants affaires, (as much vnworthy to be so much re­spected [Page 204] of a Prince) and suspecting the Marchants to be op­posite to his designe, as being ouer-base, vpbraided them in contemptible, despitefull and iniurious manner, as sordid people, who respect their owne profit and priuate gaine, more then the Honour and credit of their Soueraignes, threatning them in a most barbarous manner, to suppresse and abolish all former Priuiledges by him granted to them. Which neuerthelesse hee effected not, beeing moderated and appeased by the courteous and kind Letters that Qu. ELIZABETH wrote vnto him, which were sent by Ien­kinson: he shewed himselfe all his life time most diligent and carefull to please her Maiestie, cherishing and honou­ring her as a Sister, often vrging her to confirme more straitely and firmely that Alliance, and lou'd singularly the English, far aboue all other Nations.

Murray had then procured a safe returne into Scotland, propounding vnto the Queene herselfe and the Duke of Norfolke, and the rest of her friends in England, her re-esta­blishment in the Kingdome of Scotland, who to that end had hindred and kept in awe the Scots who sought to kill him, Murray ap­peased the friends of the Queene of Scotland. by straitely charging and prohibiting, not to hinder his comming. Being first arriued in Edenborough, he sum­mon'd all such Nobles as fauoured the Queene, vnder pre­tence and colour to consult with them about her re-esta­blishment. But the Lord Hamilton, Duke of Chastelraut, (then made Lieutenant of Scotland by the Queene) and the Baron of Heris, were perswaded by the Letters of the cre­dulous Qu. But Murray, fearing to be deceiued by them, circumuents them, and claps them vp in prison, not ex­pecting the comming of others, Rumors spred through-out Scotland a­gainst Mur­ray. and pursued grieuously, in oppressing all the fauourers of the Queene with all the ri­gors of Warre.

This Act produceth rumours through all Scotland, That Murray had agreed and determined with Qu. ELIZABETH that the young King IAMES should be giuen her to be [Page 205] brought vp, and educated in England; and that the Castles of Edenborrough & Sterling, were to be fortified with Eng­lish Garrisons, Dunbriton also taken by force for the vse and profit of the English, and Murray be publisht and declar'd true and lawfull Successour of the Kingdome of Scotland, if the King should happen to dye without Issue, and to hold the Kingdome, as Tenent to Queene ELIZABETH. These rumours increased, ran, and were divulg'd in this manner, and through a certaine probability, strook in such fashion, the spirits of men all ouer Great Brittaine, that Qu. ELIZABETH thought herselfe obliged to take away and clense all such spots, both for her honour, Queene Eli­zabeth is di­ligent, and endeuours to quench such false rumors. and Murray's sake. To which end, her Maiestie declar'd by a Royall Speech, published and set forth in Print, That these things were farre opposite to the Truth, and meerely forged and inuented by such as enuyed the Peace and tranquillitie of both Kingdomes. That since the last departure of Murray from England, there was not any such thing propounded, nor such Paction past, either by word of mouth, or wri­ting, betweene her Maiesty, or any of her Officers and him, that came to her knowledge. But that the Earle of Lenox, Grandfather to the yong King, had prayed her Maiesty that he might be sent into England, if hee could not bee se­cure in Scotland from the plots of the wicked. Likewise her Maiestie affirmed, that she held the Compact as false, which was reported to bee betweene Murray and the Earle of Hartford, to wit, that they had both agreed and resolued together, mutually to helpe and giue assistance one to an­other, for to enioy the Crowne of both Kingdomes: and to conclude, that it was not her fault, that the affaires and businesses were not ended betweene the Queene of Scot­land and her Sonne; but rather she still endeuoured that it might be finisht: and though her Maiesty was in a con­flict, through feare and inueterate emulation, which neuer dyes betweene Femall Princesses, yet out of the remem­brance [Page 206] and recordation of the misery of Scotland, and the commiseration of humane frailety, she sincerely laboured to effect it.

The Queene of Scots made an addition to that her pious pitty, and sollicited her with many kind Letters, in which she solemnly protested, that in regard of the kindnesse she had found, and the propinquity of their affinity, she would attempt nothing against her, neither be willing to owe re­stitution to any other Prince for her re-establishment. This caus'd Queene ELIZABETH, by Letters sent by Wood, to deale with Murray and other Scots, for her re-establish­ment to her Royall Dignity; She deales by Letters con­cerning her restoring. or if that could not be gran­ted, that shee might bee permitted to leade a priuate life, and spend her daies at home freely and honourably; which notwithstanding could not any wayes moue Murray, ha­uing brought his busines to perfection.

There was a rumor at this time, amongst those of better sort, that the Duke of Norfolke should be linked in Hymens bonds with the Queene of Scots, the which was desired of many, the Papists expecting by it the aduancement of their religion, & others hoping by that meanes for the welfare of the Common-wealth. Truely, many which saw the Queene remote and farre from marriage, and the for­raigne Princes, which were deadly professors to England, did settle their eyes and hearts vpon the Queene of Scots, as the true and vndoubted heire of England; they esteem'd, (for to ground their rest and tranquillity, and to keep there­by the Queene of Scotland within the bounds and limits of her Kingdome) it was much more behoofefull and expedi­ent that she should be married with the Duke of Norfolke, who was the most Noble, and the greatest Peere of Eng­land, beloued of the people, educated and brought vp in the Protestants Religion, then to a forraigne Prince, by whose meanes both Kingdomes should be in danger, and the hereditary succession by him apprehended, which they [Page 207] had alwayes and from the beginning wisht to be re-vnited in an English Prince of the blood, the yong King of Scot­land happening to dye, whom they propounded to send into England, to the end, that as he was the true apparent heire thereof, and being educated and brought vp there by the English, he should be to them dearer and more beloued, all scruple of Religion taken away, and Queene ELIZA­BETH hauing him in her power, were free from all feare and apprehension, both of the Duke of Norfolke, and the Queene of Scots. Moreouer, lest the Duke should attempt any thing against her, but should more dearely affect her, they resolued, that Margaret, the only Daughter of the Duke, should bee marryed afterward to the young King of Scotland. Amongst these were the Earles of Northumber­land, Westmerland, Sussex, Pembroke, Southampton, and ma­ny other Barons: and Leicester himselfe, (it being doubtfull whether aiming & intending the destruction of the Duke) thought it fit, first to acquaint the Queene with it, and to commit it to her iudgement & censure, and that she should prescribe and make wholsome Lawes, salutiferous to her selfe, Religion, and the Kingdome. But this, if you please, you may haue written more at large, in the Dukes Con­fession, and the Commentaries of the Bishop of Rosse, which was a great part of this businesse.

When as the Deputies and Arbitrators put in trust with those affaires, had met at Yorke, Lidington, The first mention of of this mar­riage. and the Bishop of Rosse, in their Enquirie, acquainted the Duke with the in­tended Contract, as Murray himselfe did also at Hampton Court: who in his priuate conference with the Duke and some others, dissembled, Murray's proposition to the Duke of Norfolke. and did seeme that he desired and wisht for nothing more, then that all differences being en­ded in Scotland, shee might be restored to her former Dig­nities, prouided that she should truely and heartily affect her Subiects, as she had done formerly, all iniuries on both sides beeing forgotten, forgiuen, and buryed in obliuion. [Page 208] Notwithstanding hee feared, that if (as shee desired) shee should marry a man out of France, Spaine, or Austria, shee would reuenge her former iniuries, make an alteration of Religion in Scotland, and much damnifie the State of Eng­land. To preuent all which, he promised his assistance and best endeuours, that she, who formerly had beene married to a Child, an improuident young man, nay more, a furi­ous young man, should now be contracted to the Duke, a man of stayednesse & mature iudgement, the which would conduce (to the welfare of both Kingdomes) the peace of either Prince, and chiefly for the aduancement of Religion, since he, who was so great and worthy in Queen ELIZA­BETHS estimation, should make friendship betweene the Scots and the English, and might more easily perswade the Queene of Scots to the true Religion which hee had em­braced.

Murray also, by the meanes of Robert Meluin, imparted this closely to the Queene of Scots, and officiously promi­sed his assistance: but the Duke answered, that he could not determine any thing of the marriage, till she could cleare her selfe from her suspected crimes, and wipe off those in­famous aspersions: but Rosse notwithstanding persisted in his perswasion, and ceast not to draw him (though vnwilling) to it.

Throgmor­tons counsell.Not long after, Nicholas Throgmorton met the Duke in Westminster, who professing himselfe as euery way obliged and bound to performe all dueties of obseruance, said, that he vnderstood that Leicester dealt with the Duke concer­ning the match twixt him and the Scots: which seemed strange, and moued admiration in him, since Leicester him­selfe not long since had beaten the same bush, and gone a­bout it, and friendly aduised the Duke, that hee should put it off to Leicester, who formerly had sought the honour of that marriage: but if that could not be done, that he should refuse it, in regard the Scots accused her of many crimes: [Page 209] but Throgmorton said, that hee wisht that shee might bee ioyned to him in marriage, that it might be prosperous to Religion, and that she might wholly and soly depend and rely vpon Queene ELIZABETH. But I doe premonish you, that if you proceede in this matter, Leicester may pre­cede and goe afore you in counsell: for by your owne meanes onely you cannot procure the assent and good will of the Queene.

Two dayes after, Propositions of the match, made by Lei­cester to the Duke. the Earle of Leicester propounded the affaire to the Duke, and receiued of him the answere that Throgmorton had forged and inuented afore-hand, and when it came to the crimes, he did moderate them accor­ding to the instructions and assurance that he had receiued of R. Cauendish; of whom, though suspected yet he recom­mended him to the Duke, to make vse of his seruice. After this, he acquaints therewith the Earle of Pembroke, who giues notice thereof to the Earle of Arundell, and they all, with Throgmorton, doe write to the Queene of Scotland, re­commending vnto her Maiestie the Duke of Norfolke for her Husband, as likewise Murray had formerly done. The Duke himselfe also writes, and witnesseth his loue vnto her, offering her Maiestie louingly his humblest seruice: and from that time he still communicated vnto them all such Letters as past betwixt them. As for them, they had ordinary and familiar discourses with the Bishop of Rosse, concerning the meanes whereby they could effectuate and bring this marriage to passe; and the twentieth of May, 1558. a Proposition was made to the Queene of Scotland by Cauendish: These ensuing Articles were written by the owne hand of the Earle of Leicester: The Arti­cles of mar­riage pro­pounded to the Queene of Scotland. ‘THat she should not vndertake any thing in the succession of the Kingdome of England, preiu­dicious to Queene ELIZABETH, or the is­sue her Maiestie might that haue; she should passe [Page 202] an offensiue and defensiue League 'twixt their two Crownes. That she should settle and firmely establish the true Protestants Religion in Scotland. That she should receiue to her mercy, all such Scots as then were against her: she should reuoke the assignation that she had giuen of the Kingdome of England, to the Duke of Aniou, She agreed them in some manner. and that shee should take to her Husband some of the English Nobility, and namely, the Duke of Norfolke.

And they promised her, that in case her Maiestie should conclude and agree the Articles, to re-establish her anew in her Kingdome, with all possible speed as could bee, and to confirme her in the succession of the Crowne of Eng­land. The Queene of Scots accorded them presently, ex­cept that concerning the Allyance, shee excus'd her selfe, as not able to answere to it, except shee had first consulted with the French King: and concerning the assignation of the Kingdome of England, she protested that she had neuer made any, yet neuerthelesse shee would labour (if they should desire it) that the Duke of Aniou should renounce it: Admonishing them, to procure aboue all things, the will and consent of Queene ELIZABETH, for feare the af­faire should turne, and be preiudiciall both to herselfe and the Duke of Nolfolke, as shee had formerly experimented in the match with the Lord Darley, priuately contracted without Queene ELIZABETHS consent. Yet they neuerthelesse esteemed fit, first to sound the will and affe­ction of many Noble-men, who for the most part gaue their voice and consent, prouided, their Queene also to grant hers: and likewise the Kings of France and Spaine were not against it; but they onely had an apprehension of Murray: and forasmuch as he had beene the first to pro­pound this affaire, promising to employ himselfe therein with all his might, he should bee the first now to hinder it. [Page 203] They yet notwithstanding were all of a mind, that Liding­ton, who then was lookt for, should first sound the intenti­on and disposition of Queene ELIZABETH. In the meane while the Duke declares to the Lord Baron of Lum­ley, all that was done and past in this businesse; and with much adoe could hee obtaine from the Earle of Leicester, leaue to take further consultation and aduice of his other friends: he neuerthelesse made Cecill acquainted with it, the Earle of Pembroke consenting thereunto.

At the same time, A dessigne to free the Qu. of Scotland. the Lord Dacray resolued in himselfe to steale away the Queen of Scotland, who at that time was prisoner at Winfield in the County of Derby, vnder the kee­ping of the Earle of Shrewsburie. The Earle of Northum­berland, who was of his counsell, gaue notice thereof to the Duke of Norfolke, who forbade to doe it, fearing they went about to marry her to the Spaniard, being then vpon hope to obtaine the loue and consent of Queene ELIZA­BETH.

The rumors and pretence of this match, Notice is gi­uen there­of to Queene Elizabeth. arriued pre­sently to Queene ELIZABETHS eare, beeing told her by some of those craftie and curious courtizans, who smell and find out soonest the secrets of Louers. The Duke know­ing it, labours with his vtmost power, to make a proposi­tion thereof to the Queen, and to that end employed there­in the Earle of Leicester, the Earle of Pembroke, and Throg­morton, putting it off, and deferring it from day to day, as if he expected a fitter time and opportunity. But Cecill seeing the said Duke perplexed in his mind, counselled him himselfe to declare the businesse to the Queene, for to take sooner away all scruple. But the Earle of Leicester, contrary to that opinion, is against it, promising him to propound the same to her Maiestie, when she should walke abroad in the fields. But whilest that hee by such sweete courtesies deferred the affaire from time to time, Queene ELIZABETH beeing at Farnham, causeth the Duke to [Page 212] approch neere vnto her Table, and with a most graue and serious smile, warned him, ‘That hee who was repos'd, and rested himselfe vpon a Cushion, should take heed, and looke to himselfe.’

And finally, the Earle of Leicester beeing at Tichfield, found himselfe ill, (or else he counterfaited the sicke) and being visited and graciously comforted by the Queene, The Earle of Leicester reueales the whole busines to the Queen at Tichfield. he was seized with such feare, that her Maiestie could easily discerne it, beholding his blood and vitall senses to shrinke in himselfe: which was the cause, that after he had asked pardon, and implored forgiuenesse with sighs and teares of the Queene, he declared vnto her all the businesse from the beginning.

In that very same time, the Queen tooke the Duke aside into a Gallery, She rebukes the Duke of Norfolke. where she rebuked him sharpely, for hauing sought the Queen of Scotland in marriage without her leaue and permission, commanding him to free himselfe of it, for the fidelity and loyalty sake which hee ought to beare vnto his Soueraigne. The Duke most willingly promised the same, as if he had despised the match; and fear'd not to assure, that his reuennues and commings in heere in Eng­land, were not whitlesse to those of the Kingdome of Scot­land, then miserably exhausted by the Warre; and that when he was in the Tenis-Court of his Palace at Norwich, he seemed in some fashion to be equall, and not inferiour to some Kings. But in a short space, this courage begunne to grow weake and flexible, discerning by the aspect and speech of the Queene, that her Maiestie was irritated a­gainst him, and that her anger rather augmented then di­minished, The Duke parts from the Court without leaue. also that many Noble-men withdrew themselues by little & little from his familiarity, saluting him but with much adoe, and breaking off in haste their discourses: At this, the Duke tooke his iourney to London, without leaue, [Page 213] and vpon the way, tooke his lodging at the Earle of Pem­broke's house, who counselled him to be cheerefull, to hope well, and gaue him solace and consolation in his affliction. That very day, Queene ELIZABETH moued with an­ger, refused to set at liberty the prisoned Queene, to the Scottish Ambassadour, who implored it of her Maiestie, and commanded that she should behaue herselfe peaceably, or else she should see shortly, those vpon whom she most re­lyed, cut off and beheaded.

Now, Cecill findes out the mat­ter. when as the rumor of the match had more in­creased, and the fame of it was euery where diuulged, and the Ambassadour of the French King, (more by the per­swasion of some English than the command of his Prince, as it afterwards appeared) did earnestly labour, and vehe­mently vrge, that the Queene of Scots might haue her li­bertie; new suspicions were generally raysed, and Cecill, who was alwaies diligently carefull, and studying for the well-fare of Religion, was desirous to finde out the mat­ter; he dealt therefore with Sussex by Letters, who was then President of the North Countries, and a deare friend to the Duke, that if so be he vnderstood any thing concer­ning the Dukes marriage, he should certifie the Queene of it; what he answered, I am vncertaine. And when it ap­peared that the Duke had priuate conference at Hampton-Court with Murray, the Vice-Roy of Scotland, George Carie, the sonne of the Lord of Hunsden, was sent to en­quire if the Duke had imparted any thing to him concer­ning the marriage.

In the meane time, The Duke of Norfolke goes into Norfolke. the Duke affrighted with the false rumor of the rebellion and insurrection in the North, and being certified of Leicester, that he should be committed to prison, went into Norfolke, till his friends at Court (as they promised) had stilled the storme, and he pacified the offen­ded minde of the Queene with submissiue supplicatiue Let­ters.

[Page 214]When hee found no comfort amongst his owne, and Heiden, Cornwallis, and other of his traine, perswaded him, that if he were guilty, should flye to the Queenes mer­cy, he was almost distracted with sorrow.

Feare caused in the Court through Norfolke.In the meane time, the Court was sollicited and possest with feare, lest hee should haue made Rebellion: which if hee did, they report it was determined to cut off the Queen of Scots.

But hee, out of his innate goodnesse, and a most pious conscience, had not offended against any Law of her Ma­iestie (that Statute made in the Reigne of HENRY the Eighth, which prohibited the marrying any of the chil­dren of the Kings Sister, Brother, or Aunt, without the consent and knowledge of the King, being abolished and nullified by EDVVARD the Sixth) and also out of a feare that they should vse the Queene of Scots more hardly, sends Letters to his friends at Court; in which, he certified that he went into the Countrey for feare of imprisonment, that through time and absence, he might finde a remedy against ill reports and defamations, which the Court was ready to intertaine: hee most submissiuely intreateth pardon, and forthwith prepareth to goe to the Court.

He returnes to the Court.In his returne, hee being at Saint Albons, Owen, the Earle of Arundels man, was sent priuately to him from Throgmorton and Lumley, who formerly had beene in cu­stody, aduising him, that hee should take all the blame on himselfe, and not lay any fault on Leicester or others, lest he should turne them from being friends, to enemies. There Edward Fitz-Gerald, brother to the Earle of Kildare, Lieu­tenant of the Pensioners, went before, drew him from thence, and brought him to Burnham, about three miles from Windsor, where the Queene was: to whom, foure dayes after, Murray dis­couers the businesse. the Abbot of Dunfermline deliuered Letters in the behalfe of Murray, importing, how the Duke had se­cretly treated with him in the Royall Mannor of Hamp­ton-Court, [Page 215] to procure his fauour to this marriage; on the contrary, greatly menacing him in case he did refuse. That to auoyd the dangerous practice of one Norton, who watcht to kill him, at his returne, he gaue his promise to the Duke; That the Duke assured him, neither Norton, nor any o­ther, should attempt any thing against his life: and a little while after, being sollicited by Letters written in Cypher, to giue consent to this marriage, he gaue him to vnderstand by Boyd, that he would neuer abandon the Queene of Scots: and moreouer, how her Maiesties owne Officers had in some sort perswaded the Vice-Roy, that Queene ELI­ZABETH gaue also her liking and approbation to this marriage, and putting the same Queene of Scots in hope, that shee should succeed to the Kingdome of England. Renowned Queene ELIZABETH perceiuing also very euidently, that to draw some great men of England to her partie, shee gaue them expresly to vnderstand, how she was taking a course for the Queenes Maiesties securitie, and the infallible safety of the whole Kingdome.

The Duke, who subtilly held correspondency by Let­ters with the Bishop of Rosse, Leicester, and Throgmorton, causing them to be priuily conueyed in bottles of Beere, being at the same time strictly examined about the poynt of this marriage, after his confession of the greatest part, and a bitter checke giuen him for departing the Court without leaue, and being further accused of Innouation, was sent to the Tower of London, The Duke is imprisoned. vnder the guard of Ne­uill, a Knight of the Golden Order. Two dayes after, the Bishop of Rosse was likewise examined, and Ridolph, that Florentine Councellor, of whom, both hee and others made familiar and common vse, committed in keeping to Sir Francis Walsingham: And others. the Earle of Pembroke comman­ded to betake himselfe to his House, and reserued to a pri­uate examination. But, by reason of his Nobility, and old age, it was agreed, that by reason himselfe could not write, [Page 216] his Confession should not be taken in writing. After this, some great men were prohibited the Court, as Complices, who exhibited their petitions, and demanded pardon, when they had acknowledged, Their Com­plices craue pardon. that they were consenting with the Duke to this marriage, which Murray had for­merly propounded: yet after such a manner, as the Queene of Scots, the Duke, and all the others were aduertized, how the matter was first imparted to the Queenes Maiestie of England, before any treatie of it. The Earles of Northum­berland and Westmerland being Confederates in this des­signe, made in like manner their submissions to the Earle of Sussex, then Gouernour in the North parts, whom they intreated to sollicite the Queene for them. Libels a­gainst this marriage. Many Libels were in like manner dispersed against this marriage, the Queene of Scots, and the right and title, whereby she layde claime to the Crowne of England, as next heire apparant, with such shamelesse insolency, as the Queene resolued to send out prohibitions, by a seuere Proclamation to the contrary, and playing at hood-winke with the Bishop of Rosse, she appointed him to answere them, as hee did by a­nother Booke, intituled, Morgan Philips, wherein hee maintained the honour of the Queene of Scots, her right of succession, and that the Kingdome might be swayed and gouerned by women, as this poynt was also called in que­stion. But since, he ingeniously confest in his Commen­taries, that his reasons he set downe, about her right of succession, he drew out of Sir Anthony Brownes bookes, chiefe Iustice of the common Pleas, and of Carrell, both very vnderstanding Gentlemen in the common Lawes of England.

Chapin Vi­telli comes into Eng­land, and why?In those daies, there came from the Duke of Alua, Cha­pin Vitelli, Marquis of Ceton, with Letters from the Spa­niard, (who seemed to haue cleane loft his writing) vnder pretext to accord some differences about commerce, but really to obserue the issue of this rebellion, which was pre­sently [Page 217] to be raised, and to command the Souldiers priuily to march downe into Flanders, according to the Duke of Alua's promise, who likewise sent for his fore-runner, Le Mot, Gouernour of Dunkerke, apparelled like a Mariner, that he might the better discouer and found the Ports, as himselfe since hath auerred. But when it appeared, how this Marquis was onely substituted by the Duke of Alua, who was the principall partie himselfe, wherein the other was but a meere Lieutenant, a doubt was made whether they should treatie with him, as an Ambassadour. Not­withstanding all this, the Queenes Maiestie made knowne that she would acknowledge him for the Ambassadour of Spaine. But when he made shew of no further Com­mission, than to re-demand some moneys detained, the Queene affecting peace, aduised him to procure a larger Commission for the ordering of affaires: while hee stayd, and attended the same, the rumor of that Rebellion to be excited in the North Countrey, was daily augmented.

To relate the matter more originally, there ran a great fame and brute of this Rebellion, Rebellion in the North. about the beginning of Autumne, which at the first being contemned, it present­ly strengthned and encreased, by reason of the frequent meetings of the Earles of Northumberland, Westmerland, and some others: so that the Earle of Sussex, then Gouer­nour, and Deputie of the North, cited them before him, and interrogated them precisely, about these reports and rumors. They could not deny, but they had heard of it, marry so, they were in no wise guiltie or culpable, with many and deepe protestations, offering to lose their liues in the Queenes seruice, against any Rebels whatsoeuer: and thus he sent them backe to their owne houses, with autho­ritie to enquire and search out the authors of this report, which neuerthelesse daily so augmented, as her Maiestie, conceiuing that nothing was rashly to bee credited of so great men, so commanded them by the Lord of Sussex, to [Page 218] repaire presently to London, for the remouing of all suspi­tion. Notwithstanding, my Lord of Sussex, I know not for what drift or policy, enioyned them to come and meet him, as if he meant to consult with them about some oc­casions of that Prouince. At the first they drew backe, but presently after, expresly refused to repaire thither. This ministred occasion to the Queenes Maiestie, to command them by peremptory Letters which shee writ, and caused to be conueyed with all expedition, that laying apart all delayes and excuses, they should incontinently appeare in her Royall presence; and this onely to terrifie and abso­lutely diuert them from entring into this Rebellion, or at least, that they might precipitantly vndertake the same, be­fore they rallied their forces, or that the matter grew to a­ny maturitie. For they relyed vpon some secret succours, which the Scots Leaguers, and the Duke of Alua were to land at the Port of Herripoole, within the Bishopricke of Dunelme, as afterwards it was manifested.

So soone as the Earle of Northumberland had read these Letters, being of a tractable nature, guiltie in his owne conscience, deepely affected to the Romane Religion, and excited to choller, by reason that out of the prerogatiue Royall in Mynes, a rich Copper Myne found in his owne grounds was taken from him, wherein hee thought him­selfe to be wronged: but neuerthelesse, fed with notable hopes of the Queenes clemency, hee was in a wonderfull perplexitie, whether he should flye, or openly rebell. His Friends and seruants being now prepared for a reuolt, and seeing him floating in these ambiguities, came vpon him a certaine night on a suddaine, and headlongly and conti­nually beating into his eares, how Oswell, Vlstrop, and Vaughan, his enemies, were arriued with a troupe of ar­med men, ready to take him prisoner, they vrged, entrea­ted, and coniured him, that he would not forsake himselfe, his friends, and the Religion of his fore-fathers, assuring [Page 219] him, how the Catholiques were then in armes all England ouer, to re-establish the Romane Religion: and to stirre vp the multitude, they tumultuarily sounded a Larum bell in all the Countrie Townes and Villages, though 'twas not yet time to attempt any such matter. Affrighted, hee pre­sently start out of his Bed in the Chamber, retyred to a Gallerie, which looked into a Parke neere to Topcliffe, and the night following, he went to Blanspeth, to the Earle of Westmerlands House, where many were assembled, who knew not what the matter was.

For to amasse, and draw together an ignorant multitude, they commanded some to take vp armes for the Queenes defence: others were made beleeue, that all the great men of England conspired with them, to re-erect the Romane Religion: othersome they told, Pretext of the Rebels. how they were enforced to take vp armes, for preuention that the ancient Nobility of England might not be trampled vnder foot by late start-ups, and their Countrey yeelded as a prey to strangers. This carried them violently into a manifest Rebellion, They runne violently in­to a Rebelli­on. and they were the first, who disturbed the publique peace of this Kingdome, which had continued vnshaken for the terme of eleuen yeeres, vnder the happy Reigne of Queene ELIZABETH, they being boldly and powerfully inci­ted hereunto by Nicholas Morton, a Priest, sent from the Pope, to denounce Queene ELIZABETH for an Here­tike, and therefore depriued of all power and gouerne­ment. Suddenly likewise, they diuulge by a publique Ma­nifestation, That they tooke vp armes to no other end, Their de­claration. but to set vp againe the Religion of their Ancestors, to remoue from about the Queenes bad Councellors, to restore the Duke and some other great Men, who were dismissed of their places and dignities, to former libertie and grace. But as for the Queenes Maiestie, they would attempt nothing against her, but vowed, that both then, and at all times, they would perseuer and continue her most obedient Sub­iects. [Page 220] They writ also to the Papists, dispersed throughout the whole Kingdome, to ioyne their forces together. But, in stead of cohering to them, the most part sent to the Queene, They write to the Pa­pists. both their Letters, and the Bearers: All the parti­cular men of the Kingdome, and the Duke of Norfolke himselfe, both their seruice and meanes, and to be employ­ed against them. So that, vpon this occasion, shee made a iust triall of her Subiects singular and vnspotted fidelitie, and of Gods rare clemency and protection, for which shee gaue him great and vnfaigned thankes.

They rent, and tread vnder-foot the Bible.The Rebels went presently to Durham, the next Episco­pall See, where they rent and trampled vnder foot, the sa­cred Bibles, and Bookes of the Liturgie, written in the English Tongue, as they light vpon them in the Churches. Afterwards, they celebrated Masse, wheresoere they went; they leuied and brought into the field many men, vnder flying colours, Their Co­lours. wherein were painted in some, the fiue wounds of our Lord; in others, the Challice of the Eu­charist; Robert Norton, a venerable and graue Gentleman, who was old and bald, carried the Crosse, with the Colo­nell ensigne: they came by small dayes marches, to Chif­fordmore, which is not farre from Wetherbie, where, ma­king a generall muster of their Army, vpon the two and twentieth day of their Rebellion, they could make no more but sixe hundred Horse, Their num­ber. and foure thousand foot: and when they heard that the Queene of Scots, (for whose re­leasement out of imprisoment, they had principally taken vp armes) was conducted from Tudberie, to Couentrey, a strong Citie, and committed to the guard and custodie of the Earles of Shrewsburie, and Huntington: that the Earle of Sussex of the one side of them, had raised a mightie Ar­mie, to set vpon them: that Sir George Bowes lay at their backes, with chosen and maine troupes, and had fortified Bernard-Castell: and how the Earle of Cumberland and the Lord Scrope had manned and secured Carlile, and dayly [Page 221] leuied more forces, they retired from those quarters, and returning speedily, in a manner the same way they came, they came before Rabie, which is the principall house and seate of the Earles of Westmerland; They re­turne. They take Bernard Castle. from whence depar­ting, they straitly beleaguerd Bernard Castle, which in a short time yeelded to them for want of prouision & victu­all, all, and Sir George Bowes, with Robert Bowes his brother, and all the Souldiers of the Garison, issued out with their Armes.

They were formerly proclaimed Traitors, by sound of Trumpet. The same very day, my Lord of Sussex, accom­panied with the Earle of Rutland, & the Lords of Hunsdon, Euers, and Willowbie of Parham, marched against them with seuen thousand men. When they saw they were come to Ackland, being terrified and daunted, they fell to flight, and fell backe toward Hexham, They fly. which place also leauing speedily, they crossed along by vnbeaten paths, that so they might creepe couertly vnder the hedges, and came to the Castle of Naworth; where, vnderstanding that the Earle of Warwicke and the Lord Clynton Vice-Admirall, followed close at their heeles, with twelue thousand men, drawne out of the South parts of England; the two Earles fled into the neerest parts of Scotland, with a few men, vn­knowne to the rest, where the Earle of Northumberland ob­scured himselfe for a while, about Harclaw, in the little countrey Hamlets, amongst the Grymes, most notable Theeues, who deliuered him afterwards into the Earle of Murray's hands. The Earle of Westmerland found some meanes to hide himselfe about Carry Furnhurst, and Buck­lie, and at last scapt into Flanders, with some other English in his company, where he liu'd a long, but a poore life, vp­on a small Pension which the King of Spaine allowed him. The rest saued themselues, some by flight, some by lur­king in holes and dennes. For example and terrour, sixe inferiour Magistrates were hanged at Durham, and others, [Page 222] among which, one Plumtree a Priest, was a man of greatest note. There were formerly executed at Yorke, Digbie, Fal­thrope, Some are put to death. Bishop, and Pouenham. And certaine moneths after, Christopher and Thomas Nortons, brethren, were put to death at London, and some others in other places.

The rest are banisht.After this, the most apparāt & notable Rebels, were con­demned of high Treason, and banisht, as namely, the Earles of North. & Westm. the Countesse of North. the Daughter to the Earle of Wigorne, Edward Dacres of Morton, Iohn Neuill of Leuerserg, Io. Swineborne, Tho. Marquenfield, Egre. Ratcliffe, brother to the Earle of Sussex, Char. Neuill, Ro. Norton of Nortonconniers, Christ. Marmaduke, and Thomas of the Family of the Nortons, Ro. and Na. Tempests, George Stafford, and about some fortie others of Noble and wor­thie Houses, whose conuiction and banishment was con­firmed by the whole house of Parliament, and pardon granted to some, who had no Estates, nor euer went out of the Kingdome. And thus the flame of this Rebellion was in a short time quencht, Chiapine Vitelli, who was priuie to it, as I told you before, openly admiring the same in the presence of her Maiestie, and many great men of the King­dome, but (no doubt) inwardly greeuing this Rebellion was so easily and suddenly supprest, and that so his owne comming into England tooke so little effect.

A new Re­bellion.From the combustions of this Rebellion, thus co­uered and extinguisht, as out of the ashes of that former fire, a little flame began to kindle at Naworth in Cumber­land, neere to the Valley of Seuerus, which was raised by Lau. Dacres, second sonne to Geor. Lord Dacres of Gilesland. This man, after the death of the young Lord Dacres his Nephew, because he was the sonne of his elder Brother, being angry that so large a Patrimonie should by Law di­scend vnto his Neeces, whom the Duke of Norfolke their Father in law had betrothed to his three sonnes, hee com­menced suite against them: but perceiuing that it would [Page 223] come to no prosperous issue on his side, hee secretly com­bin'd with the Rebels, and attempted to carry away the Queene of Scots, but all in vaine. But the Rebels being de­feated sooner then he expected, and proclaimed Traitors openly, whilest himselfe lay in Court, after he had obtai­ned the fauour to kisse the Queenes hands, hee promi­sed to employ himselfe with his whole power against them; wherevpon he was sent home to his own house. But when he was in the way (as was discouered afterwards) hee im­parted vnto them his dessignes by messengers, which re­new'd their spirit and courage, making them many promi­ses in the behalfe of diuers Ambassadours to strange Prin­ces; and amongst others, perswading them, that with such men as he would raise in the Queenes name, he would kill the Lord Scroope, Gouernour of the West Borders, and the Bishop of Carlile. But not being able to effect it, he fol­lowed the Earles who were fled with Letters recōmenda­torie to the Scots, surprized Gristock Castle, and other hou­ses belonging to the Dacres, fortifyed the Castle of Na­worth, as if he had some right and interest in it, and vnder pretext of defending his owne goods, and opposing the Rebels, hee got together three thousand theeues of the borders, and others, who stood best affected to the Dacres, much esteemed and respected in those quarters.

The Lord of Hunsdon, with the most expert Souldiers of the Garrison of Barwicke, went into the Field against them, who trusting to no fortifications, went still forward, and with an Armie rang'd in Triangular forme, and flan­ker'd with Horse, they attended them, neere to a little Ri­uer called Gelt, where (questionlesse) they had a sound fight, both for the one part and the other; and Leonard, though he was lame, came short of nothing required in a valiant and resolute Captaine. The Rebells are defeated. But when the greatest part of his men were slaine, he left the Victory to my Lord of Hunsdon, not greatly pleasing to him, and so retired into [Page 224] the neerest places of Scotland, from whence, not long after, he crost ouer into Flanders, where hee died poore at Lo­uaine; so that the curses imposed vpon him by his dying Father, prooued true. The Lord of Hunsdon commended the keeping of those Castles taken from the Rebells, to the Duke of Norfolks men, and the Queenes Maiestie by a pub­like Proclamation, granted a generall pardon to all the multitude which he had excited to Rebellion.

Qu. Eliza­beth lends succours to the reformed Churches in France.Though this Rebellion raisd many tumults and distur­bances within her Kingdome, yet would not her Maiestie neglect the Protestants in France, their State beeing at that time wretched and deplorable: For the Princes of the same Religion hauing much importuned her to defend the common cause, she furnisht the Queen of Nauarre with money, vpon some Iewels and other ornaments, and per­mitted Hen. Champernoune, Brother by the Fathers side to Gawyn, who married the Earle of Mountgomeries Daugh­ter, to conduct into France a Company of an hundred Noble voluntary Gentlemen, vnder one Guydon, who had written on it this Motto, ‘La vertu me donne fin.’

Among whom, were Phil. Butshed, Fr. Barkley, and Gual­ter Raleigh, who was but yong, and tooke his first say and taste of the wars. The K. of France conceiu'd, that either to draw vp, or at least to diuert to some other employments, the great wealth of England, which was abundantly dis­burs'd in ayde and succour of the Protestants; he resolued to kindle a new warre against England, by assisting the Scots, who kept the Castle of Dunbriton for the Queene of Scotland. In which Seruice, Monsieur de Martigues was employed, a Souldier who then liued in the very prime of his Reputation; but he being slaine with an Harquebuzada at the siege of S. Iean d' Angeli, this Proiect vanisht, & tooke no effect.

[Page 226] Ireland in those times, was no more free from Rebellion: For Ed. and Phil. Butler, brothers to the Earle of Ormond, who had iniuriously entreated their neighbours in Munster, refused to obey the Lawes, molested true Subiects with Pillories and wastel, and colleagued themselues with Ioh. Fitz-Morris of the house of Desmond, Macartimore Fitz-Edmond, Steward of Imoquell, and others who had negoti­ated with the Pope and the King of Spaine, to re-establish the Romane Religion in Ireland, and to suppresse Queene ELIZABETH: For which cause they were denounced Rebels against the State, and Sir Pe. Carne continually gal­led them with light Skirmishes, wherein Fortune was va­riable. Neuerthelesse, hauing made an head of many Gal­loglasses, they beleaguerd Kilkennie, and commanded the Inhabitants to deliuer into their hands the wife of Warham of Saint-Leiger: but being repelled by the Garrison, who issued out vpon them, they miserably forraged and wasted the whole Countrey round about. The more to excite and spread the flame of this sedition, Iohn Mendoza came secretly in the behalfe of the Spaniard; and out of England, to extinguish it, the Earle of Ormond, who perswaded his Brothers to submit themselues, who were neuerthelesse imprisoned. But the Earle obtained of the Queen, through his continuall and dayly intercession, that their Triall and Iudgement might be desired, and not be brought to the ri­gour of the Law, though their crimes and offences had de­serued it: the which he tooke grieuously, not beeing able to endure, that at their occasion, such infamie should be vp­on their most Noble and illustrious house, so neere allyed to Queene ELIZABETH, who reioyced and glorified so often, that the Nobility of that House had euer beene pure, and their blood vntainted. But the Lord Deputie pursuing liuely the remainder of that Rebellion, dissipated it in a very short space of time.

Some Troubles were also moued and stirred vp in Vlster [Page 226] by Turlogh-Leinich, who, through inconstancie, embraced sometimes warre, and sometimes peace; according to the headstrong desire & rash pleasure of his Followers, Officers and Seruants. But he was kept in awe & within the bounds of duety, not so much by the English Garrisons, as by the Hebrideans, who of those poore and meagre Islands, seized vpon his earthly possessions. Against whose incursions, there was sent out of England a great deale of money, to fortifie and strengthen the Sea-Coast: but in vaine, out of a misfortune, common as well to England as Ireland, where, for the most part, men intrude themselues, and are admitted into those publike places, who basely respecting their owne priuate gaine, doe neglect the publike weale, and generall commodity of the Kingdome.

The end of the First Book of the Annals and History of that mighty Empresse, Queene ELIZABETH, of most happy and blessed memory.
THE HISTORIE OF THE …

THE HISTORIE OF THE MOST HIGH, MIGHTY, AND Euer-glorious Empresse, ELIZABETH, Inuincible Queene of England, Ireland, &c. True Defendresse of the Faith, of immortall Renowne, and neuer-dying Fame and Memory.

OR, ANNALLES OF ALL SVCH REMARK­able things as happned during her blest Raigne ouer her Kingdomes of England and Ire­land; as also such Acts as past betwixt her MAIESTY and Scotland, France, Spaine, Italy, Germany, and the Netherlands.

The second Booke.

Faithfully translated out of the French, and publisht in English, with the KINGS leaue and Authority, granted by his most Excellent Maiestie to ABRAHAM DARCIE.

To my Noble and wel-deseruing Friend,

Mr. ABRAHAM DARSSIE
Admire I would, but dare not, lest that I
Be thought to flatter, speaking VERITY.
Reason bids attribute to worth its due,
And he detracts, that spares to speake what's true:
How shall I shunne (if shunne the Truth to shame)
A Parasites, or a Detractors name?
Much care I not, yet this much dare I say,
DARSSIE, thou hast done well, deseru'st thy pay,
A Guerdon due to thy laborious Pen,
Raising ELIZA's Royall Fame agen:
Such as thy worke, such honour as is due,
Shall to thy well-deseruing Pen accrue:
In making vulgar now this matchlesse Story,
England shall euer eternize thy glory.
THOMAS GASNALL.

To the worthy Patternes of true Nobilitie, and Noble Fauourers of LEARNING. • Theophilus, Lord Ho­ward, of Walden, Heire apparent to the Earle­dome of Suffolke.

This Noble Fa­mily was ho­noured with the dignity of Lord Howard of Walden, by Queene Eliz.

 , • The Lady Elizabeth, Vicountesse of Waling­ford, his noble and vertu­ous Sister. , • Oliuer, Lord S t. Iohn, Baron of BLETSO. , • Lady Dorothy St. IOHN Countesse of BATH, his Right honourable sister.

Their most an­cient House was honoured with the title of Ba­ron of Bleso, by Qu. Eliz. As also, this noble Coun­tesses Hus­bands Prede­cessor, was also graced with the Earle­dome of Bath, by her MA­IESTIE.

 , • George,

This Noble Lord is most highly borne from a most Honourable bloud, being by his Father-side descended from the illustrious Lord William, Berkeley, Earle of Nottingham, Vicount Berke­ley, of Berkeley-Castell, and also Lord Marquis of Berkeley, Earle Marshall of England.

Lord Berke­ley, Baron of Berke­ley-Castell. , • And the most learned Lady,

An illustrious Branch of the Noble House of the Caries, created Baron of Honsdon, by Qu Elizabeth.

Elizabeth Berk­ley, his Most No­ble Mother. , • The Lord Mount-ioy Blunt, Baron of Mount-ioy.

Descended fro [...] Charles Blunt Earle of Deuon­shire, Lord Deputy and Lieutenant of Ireland, a braue valiant Nobleman, who expulsed the Spaniards there, and compelled the Irish Rebells to submission: he was created Baron of Mount-ioy by Queene Elizabeth.

 , and • SIR Fulke

Knighted by Queeene Eli­zabeth at Kil­lingworth.

Greuill Baron of Beauchams-Court, and Lord Brooke. 

ALthough a History, There is great differen­cy and diuer­sity, tending to the manner of describing Stories: First, there is Chro­nology, Chro­nicles, Ephe­meride, Epi­tomies, Rhop­sodies, Abridg­ment, History, and ANNALS. Chronology hath two con­ditions, both particular and necessary: called by the Greekes, Ala­thea, and Apa­thia, which is the truth of things set forth without any passion. The Chro­nicle aymes at the origi­nall of mat­ters, and to seeke the im­memoriall Time, from the first anti­quity and foundation of peoples and Nations, as Herodole for Greece, Titus Liuius for the Latine, Lemaire in the illustrations of the Gauls, Mr. Speed for England, and others. The Epheme­rides describes that which hath been said or done be­twixt two per­sons. (Right Noble & Il­lustrious) bee most dangerous, and no lesse troublesome to write, yet there is no­thing more commodious, beneficial and [Page 230] salutiferous to men, sith it is the Testi­mony of Time, the light of Truth, and the preseruer of Life; suffering scarce no mens Names to dye, nor their re­nownes to be buried in obliuion: for by the recordation of the deedes which they haue inacted in Times past, they are committed to future Times, eterni­zed to the perpetuall honour of immor­tall fame, and neuer-dying glory: Nay more, they seeme as Alexander, Scipio, Pompey, Iulius Caesar, Charles the Great, and diuers other whose memory is fresh and euer-liuing: nothing else, but the eternall monuments of Annalls deli­uered Hercules, and freed other worthy men (who liued well and singularly profitable to their Countrey) from fa­ding and perishing, though dead and forgotten: It was this therefore which caused Princes, and other great men to desire nothing more, then that their [Page 231] worthy deedes and noble acts iudici­ously performed in time of Peace, Rhapsodis and Epittonnes are short obserua­tions of Hi­story. Annalls and History is dif­ferent from all those, for they describe all the memora­ble deedes and particular actions that hapned yeere­ly, and from time to time: such as Xeno­phon was in Greece, Sa­lust among the Latins, Froissard in France, and Mr. William Cambden in England, and so diuers others. The seuerall and yeerely acts must be described without any passion or affections. as well as generously in Warre, should be carefully written, and so propagated to all posterities by some learned Historio­grapher: as appeareth by Alexander the Great, who when a messenger came to him, exulting with ioy, and running with a chearefull countenance fully to relate the prosperous successe of his for­tunate affaires, made him this answere, What greater and better newes can you participate and vnfold vnto mee, vnlesse by certifying mee that Homer is liuing? Intimating thereby, that all the glory of his Heroicke actions, were like to wi­ther and be forgotten, except some such a one as Homer was, should reuiue, to sing worthily his Encomiums, & sound his Praises and Victories with the shrill sounding Trumpet of Fame.

Neuerthelesse, confessing my selfe [Page] vnable (though much desirous to doe you that seruice, I haue vndertooke the translation of the Heroick Annals of that euer blessed Queene Elizabeth of most happy memory, by which I aime at the preseruation of her glory, Such courte­sie from your Honours will ingraue your worth in the Temple of Eternity, ma­king your names thereby immortall, sith it is onely this or such like seruice, that can make you liue againe in your graue, keepe your noble fame fresh, and your happy memo­ry from fa­ding, sith it wil cause your ashes to bring forth Laurell, and Palme flourish and spring out of your Tombes, when the base ignorant con­temners of learning, (which doe a­bound in this iron age) will wither and fade: they seeme now only to liue on earth, but to warre against Vertues; much like vnto wormes in Li­braries, to de­stroy and de­uour learning, which they should cherish. and to the perpetuall honor of your names, vnder whose honorable banner, I haue sought to shelter these my poore labours: To shew aswel the dutiful seruice of a poore Stranger to these Kingdomes in gene­rall, as his humble and sincere affection to all your Honours in particular. The worthines of the Subiect, makes me not doubt of your noble acceptance, & in­uites mee to bring my Oblation to the Temple of your Vertues; where, after vnfeigned Prayers for your Honours perpetuall happinesse, as well spirituall as temporall, I, with the lowest step of dutie, take my leaue; vowing euer to remaine

Your Honours humblest deuoted obseruant, ABRAHAM DARCIE.

THE HISTORIE OF THE MOST High, Mighty, Booke 2. 1570. and Inuincible Prin­cesse, Queene ELIZABETH, of most happy and neuer-dying memory: OR ANNALLES Of all the most remarkable things that happened during her blessed Raigne ouer the Kingdomes of England and Jreland, &c.

The 13. yeere of her Raigne, Anno 1570.

REbellion being then extinct in England, the Earle of Murray, The Earle of Murray de­mands that the Qu. of Scotland might be put into his hands. Vice-roy of Scotland, with much care and policie, per­swaded and industriously la­boured that the Queene of Scots might bee resigned and deliuered into his hands; prof­fering to that effect hostages and pledges: withall, the bet­ter to incite a condiscending to this his demand, hee pro­mised [Page 234] that the Earles of Northumberland and Westmerland should be immediately deliuered backe. In the meane time, he wrought with such diligence, that the Bishop of Rosse, as an Author, Fauourer, and Assister of the Rebels, was committed into the safe guard and custody of the Bishop of London. And further to oblige Queene ELIZABETH by some speciall seruice, he powerfully entred with an Ar­mie vpon the frontier Prouinces of England, there to seeke out the English Rebells; He pursueth the English Rebells. but apprehending some fewe of small note, in the conclusion finds out the Earle of Nor­thumberland (whom he found hidden and disguised among a company of Out-lawes and Fugitiues) by the meanes of his Oast that discouered him: The Vice-Roy much re­ioycing in his Noble Prize, sent him as Prisoner to Lake-Leuin, safely there to be kept in guard, whilest he persist­ing in his reuenge, with much rigour afflicted the inhabi­tants of those Frontier parts.

But vnfortunately retyring himselfe to a Towne called Limnuch (which vulgarly passeth by the name of Lithquo) there resoluing with himselfe, after so many wearisome tra­uails, and excessiue iournies, to giue a quiet repose to his ouer-charged spirits; the neuer-changing doome of hea­uen had there set downe the period of his dayes▪ for, ri­ding through the Streetes, little suspecting the disaster that attended him, The Earle of Murray is suddenly kild he was suddenly slaine by the stroke of a bul­let vnder his nauell, sent from the fatall hand of the Lord Hamilton, who by present flight saued himselfe in France, where he remained certaine yeeres, oftentimes protesting, that the strength of his patience no longer able to hold out against the many insolent iniuries done him by the Earle, he made his owne hands the author of his owne reuenge: For the Vice-Roy knowing him to be one of the Queenes partisans, banished him, and afterwards imprisoned him, and by many threats and menaces of seuere punishment, constrained him to release to one of his Tenants, a little [Page 235] Countrie Farme, which befell to him by reason of his wife that became lunaticke. These inforst him to such rage, that hauing by some strange meanes broke his prison, hee committed this murder.

After this exploit, liuing in France, he was there reputed to be a very fit and ready instrument for such actions: yet could he neuer be perswaded or procured to doe the like to the Admirall Coligni; often answering, that he had him­selfe taken vengeance of his owne iust griefes and iniuries (of which he repented himselfe) yet neither reward nor in­treaties should any way preuaile so much with him, as to be the instrument of anothers reuenge.

The rumor of this murder being straight diuulged and spred ouer Great-Britaine, there arose various opinions, Diuers opi­nions are had of him. and diuers strange iudgements vpon the same; and among other surmizes, his mothers dreame was then recalled to memory, of a Lyon and a Dragon combating in her wombe, after she had beene priuately knowne by Iames the Fifth. Diuers were the opinions and censures of most men, but especially of those of sounder iudgement and ap­prehension, according to their diuers affections: of some he was much commended, because he was very studious for the expelling of the Romish Recusants out of Scotland, for so carefully preseruing the King, being yet an Infant, and likewise for his great and liberall bounty to men of learning; and aboue all, to Bucchanan: on the contrary part, hee was of other-some greatly condemned, because he, vnder the colour and couerture of Religion, enricht himselfe and his friends with the spoiles of the Church; and with a most iniurious ingratitude, insulted and tyranni­zed ouer the imbecillity of his Sisters weake Sexe, hauing before obliged him to her by many benefits. And of these, some would presage, through their suspicious coniectures, grounded vpon the mischieuous inclination which is inci­dent to most bastards; That that man would not spare the [Page 236] Sonne, that had bereaued the Mother of her Kingdome. The Queen of Scots exprest much sorrow for him, because such a violent and vnexpected death had snatcht him away before (as she said) he had by serious repentance expiated the multiplicity of the sinnes hee had committed against God, his Countrey, and his Prince. But forasmuch as hee greatly fauoured such English as were affected to the Duke of Norfolke, hee was thought and accused to bee a faigned and dissembling Politician.

The Scots & Rebels make incur­sions vpon England.The next succeeding night to this murder, T. Carrey of Fernihurst, and Walter a Scottish-man of Buchlui, two of the hardiest and valiantest of those Frontiers, and so much af­fected to the Queene of Scots, that for their deuout follo­wing of her faction and party, they suffered banishment, with the confiscation of their goods, breathing forth de­fiance and vengeance against the Queene of England, be­cause the Vice-Roy in her fauour, had so cruelly afflicted the Frontier inhabitants; they violated the peace, and by force entred into England with a rout of Scottish and some English Rebells, consuming and deuasting with sword and fire, the neighbouring Countries, as though they would haue made them desolate like Desarts: whereupon T. Ran­dolph was incontinently dispatcht into Scotland, there, in a publike Assembly of the Lords of the Realme, to giue no­tice of this iniurious outrage: And if by reason of the ma­nifold troubles wherewith Scotland was at that present in­cumbred, they could not represse the disturbers of the Peace, the Queene would reuenge and right herselfe by force of Armes, of that insolent affront which she had re­ceiued; without any way indamaging others, saue those that had deseruedly incurred her vengeance. To this was only answered, That as yet there was no Vice-Roy chosen or designed amongst them: Neuerthelesse, that the iniuries done to the Frontier inhabitants might bee redressed, a command was giuen to the Lord of Sussex, to leauie a com­petent [Page 237] Armie, and march against the Lords of Buchlui and of Fernihurst, to pursue and chase with deserued rigour, onely those that with the rebellious English had ouer-run & pillaged those of the Frontiers. Now the Earles of Hunt­ley and Argathel, that had all this while laboured in the behalfe of the Queene of Scots hearing of his approach, sent vnto him one Trebon, to demand a Truce, and that they might obtaine so long respit, vntill they should acquaint Queene ELIZABETH with their affaires. But they per­ceiuing that they could by no meanes wrest him from his dessignes, they began first to vse threatnings, thinking to deterre him, but that not preuailing, they were enforst to vse submissiue intreaties, that he would become an arbitra­tour for the abolishing of certaine ordinances which had beene created in Scotland, some two yeeres before.

Neuerthelesse, Sussex about the midst of Aprill, The English take reuenge thereof. entred into Scotland with the Baron of Hunsdon, Drury, Marshall of Barwicke, and the English Armie: where they burned through the whole Countrey of Tiuisdale, the houses and villages of Buchlui and Carrey, ouerthrew and destroyed their countrey, and vtterly ruinated Fernihurst and Craling, two of the principal Forts of T. Carrey. At the same instant, the Lord Scroope likewise entred vpon the East parts of Scot­land, laying desolate on euery side, through the Earledome of Anaudale, the possessions of Ionston, & others that had in like maner fauoured the English Rebells, such was his expedition at his first cōming, that there were 300. houses con­sumed by fire, & 50. Forts at least laid leuell with the earth. They succou­red those in Scotland that were of the Kings partie.

A few dayes after, the Lord of Sussex entred further in­to Scotland, with the Baron of Hunsdon, where they besie­ged the Castle of Hume, which was the chiefe refuge of the English Rebels which yeelded vp as soone as the great Artillery, were planted against it. But there were found in it but two of the Rebells, which they caused presently to be hanged; and placing a Garrison in it, Drury was [Page 238] forth-with commanded to batter downe Fast-Castle, which was also a prime Fortresse of the Baron of Hume, which likewise without resistance was yeelded vp.

The English Rebells then retired into the heart of Scot­land, associated with diuers other Rebels, there with fire and sword they threatned the Frontier inhabitants of Eng­land, and those in like manner of Scotland, that were of the Queenes partie: the Lord of Sussex againe sent forth Dru­ry, who returned within seuen dayes with 1200. foote, and 400. horse. Drury receiued from Collingham, cer­taine hostages for the Earles of Angus, of Morton, of Mar, of Glencarne, and for the Barons of Reuuen, and of Lindsay, who with diuers others had recalled the English. Then Sus­sex himselfe, accompanied with G. Carrey, P. Manours, R. Constable, which hee had honoured with the order of Knighthood with Druray, A. Bowes, G. Knolles, T. Brich­well, R. Gam, Elrington, Carnill, with other Captaines and Commanders in the Armie, marching toward Edenbor­rough, ioyned his forces with those Earles, and the Duke of Lenox, then newly returned from England, who before was suspected to be of the partie with the Duke of Norfolke and the Queene of Scots. Thus marching through Lim­nuch towards Glasco, where the Lord of Hamilton, Duke of Chastelraut had retired himselfe, and from thence towards the Castle Hamilton, They take the Castle of Hamilton. which, after they had mightily batte­red with the Cannon, and almost beaten it downe, was yeelded vp in a small space. Then were the houses of the Hamiltons, with their stately and magnificent buildings, defaced and consumed with remorcelesse fire, ransacking their demaines of Cluisdale, and at their chiefe Mannour house, situated neere Limnuch.

Thus the Hamiltons with the rest, that tooke part with the deposed Queene, beeing extirpated and put to flight, the Lords of Scotland, and those of the Kings part, beeing ready to assemble about the election of a new Vice-Roy, [Page 239] they sent to demand counsell of Queene ELIZABETH, who sent them this answer: That because she would not preiudicate against the Queene of Scots (her cause not as yet being iudged of) she would not intermeddle with that election. Vpon which answere, they chose Lenox first of all Inter-Roy, and presently after Vice-Roy, The Earle of Lenox is e­stablisht Vice-Roy of Scotland. the Queene of England not any way gaine-saying it; because she knew well, that he was naturally addicted to loue the King his Nephew, and was also assured that he was well affected to the English by reason of the many benefits receiued from them, and would alwaies be at her deuotion, in respect that his wife remained in her power.

In the meane time that the Queene thus fauoured the Kings party in Scotland, The King of Spaine giues suc­cours against those who were of the Kings side. the Spaniard failed not in any point towards the imprisoned Queene; but at the motion of the Lord of Hamilton, Rector of the Church at Dunbar, sent vnder the hands of the Gouernour of Flanders, certaine prouision for warre, as a certaine quantitie of powder, with seuen Peeces of great Cannon, and some small summes of money, to the Earle of Huntley, Gouernour for the Queene in the North parts of Scotland. Wherevpon the Earle of Huntley, the Duke of Chastelraut, and the Earle of Argathell, by a common aduice and consent, with the approbation of the Queene of Scots, whose Lieutenants they were, did send this Ambasie to the Duke of Alua, by the Baron of Setone, who thus in the Dukes presence pro­posed his message in these termes: ‘THat he was sent from a Realme, which, The Lord Setone his Ambassage to the Duke of Alua. by the treacheries of rebellious Subiects, was depriued of its publike peace, and a most gracious Prin­cesse; and that the tenour of his Ambassie was, to de­mand and entreat assistance and succours, to recouer her from a miserable Captiuity, being detayned in a strange Land, and the Realme from the oppression of strangers: [Page 240] That the Scottish Rebells might not be suffered to traf­fique in the Spanish Confines, and that there might bee deliuered to the Queene the tenne thousand Crownes that were assigned vnto her: shewing also, that shee did wholly cast her selfe into the hands of the King of Spaine, well knowing that he did alwaies harbour in his heart a sincere loue to true honour, iustice, and piety; obiects most worthy and sitting for a Catholike Prince; and employed for Intercessor the Duke D' Alua, who she knew would endeuour himselfe to accomplish his desires. That he propounded not to the King of Spaine any pro­fit or commodity that might redound to him, beeing a thing vnworthy of so great a Maiesty, but onely offers to him from an vnfaigned heart, the perpetuall amity and humble seruice of his most Illustrious Queene, and her most warlike Countrey-men, the Scots. That the Glory of Charles the Fifth, his Father, would for e­uer liue eternized, for re-establishing the Duke of Fer­rara, and the Mahumetan King in their first dignity. But if hee should re-establish the Queene, being a con­stant Professor of the true Catholique religion, and an absolute Princesse, of the consanguinity and alliance of the greatest Princes of Christendome, and an vndoubt­ed Heire to two flourishing Kingdomes, it would bee to him an euer-liuing glory, and an incomparable argu­ment of most Christian piety. That in so doeing, hee should not onely binde France, Denmarke, Lorraine, the Guizes, S. Peter, and all Christendome to his loue, but also make his fame equally celebrated with his Fa­thers, nay, euen surpasse him farre, in relieuing and re­establishing by his example, Princesses that are iniustly and treacherously deposed from their lawfull Thrones: That being himselfe the greatest Monarch in Christen­dome, and hauing vnder his command and obeisance farre distant Countreys, which might giue occasion [Page 241] with great ease of such and so insolent arrogance, yet getting by this meanes interest in all Princes, they may with more ease be supprest; That this pernicious exam­ple of deposing Kings, was neuer left vnreuenged; That he should be a most excellent and fruitfull modell of rare Iustice, and that if he should re-establish her that flieth and sueth to him for succour, hee should tye in most fast bands of Amity and Alliance to himselfe, a Queene Dowager of France, absolute of Scotland, and most certaine Heire to England; with her the Scottish Na­tion, which since Charles the Great, haue manifested themselues to all the world most firme, constant, and faithfull in their Alliance with France. And fur­thermore, that now occasion was offered him, to reuenge the many iniuries which hee had receiued from the Queene of England, that aideth and fauoureth the Re­bels of the Netherlands, that hath vniustly seized vp­on his Coine, and the goods of his Subiects, and also e­uill-intreated and abused his Ambassadours. That to sit still any longer, and see the Scottish Nation fall vnder the subiection of the English, would be a lazie slumber, and absurd sottishnes. That through the in­crease of power and domesticke strength which that Wo­man hath acquired, shee will at last proue terrible to her neighbours, and as she is of a Masculine courage, and of a sexe couetous of command, shee may easily finde a meanes to entangle the King of Spaine in a long and troublesome warre. But if shee were preuented in this, she might easily be kept vnder her proper feare. That there are but a very few in Scotland that will oppose the imprisoned Queene. That all the Catholikes, and the greatest part of the Nobles, are fauourers of her cause. That she hath all the Ports & Hauens in her po­wer, and that the Pope would not spare the very goods of the Church, to maintaine a warre so iust and holy. And [Page 242] that it meerely depended vpon the Catholike King, who was to muster his forces, and shew his power in so iust, pious and salutiferous a cause, and that all the Catho­likes of Great Brittaine expected from him onely, in this occasion, either their comfort or vtter ruine.’

The answere of the Duke of Alua.To this the Duke of Alua answered, that he was ready, and addrest himselfe to the King of Spaine for the aduance­ment of this affaire, but could not deny traffique with the Scottish Rebels, because that might infringe the liberty of Flanders; promised to supply them for the most part with money. In the meane time, Setone, the deeper to oblige the King of Spaine and the Duke of Alua, passing ouer to the Flemmings Confederats in disguised manner, procured by soothing flatteries, feastings, and other-like meanes of corruption, the Scottish Companies vnder them, to reuolt, and as he was ready to be questioned about it, and in great danger of his life, saued himselfe with much adoe, vnder the Duke of Alua, who promised to furnish him with ten thousand Souldiers for sixe moneths: but in vaine, in re­gard they were so full of troubles in Flanders, that they could not transport any Souldiers for Scotland.

The Bishop of Rosse is set at liberty.Whiles these things were a doing, the Bishop of Rosse, who had meritoriously laboured the affaires of the Queene of Scotland, in England, and had beene committed to the custodie of the Bishop of London, about a secret practice of Rebellion, being now set at liberty, brought it so to passe, that the King of France, by his Ambassadour De Monluc, laboured most earnestly with Queene ELIZABETH for the re-establishment of the Queene of Scotland, Laboured the liberty of the Queene of Scots. complay­ning that she was more strictly handled then formerly, vn­der the custodie of the Earle of Huntington, her sworne e­nemie and emulator, who (as well as she) had secret aimes to the Kingdome of England. The Ambassadour of Spaine also at the sollicitation of the Bishop of Rosse, prest that [Page 243] point very hard, in the name and behalfe of his King. But the Queene, after shee had seriously reuolued the cunning deuices that they all practised to free the Queene of Scots, and had couertly giuen out, that she was ioyned with them in the Rebellion lately appearing, answered him, ‘THat it was an inconsiderate and dangerous fol­ly, to free one that so apparantly aspired by ill practice to the Crowne of England. That she had need more straightly then ordinary to looke vnto her, and discharge some of her Seruants, whom she had (for the most part) chosen for her own proper dessignes, and to giue for an assistant to the Earle of Shrewsbury, whom she had appointed for her Keeper, who began to suspect the loyaltie of these people, the Earle of Hun­tington, whom she neuer knew to haue any title to the Kingdome, but onely out of some relation to her in affi­nity: and that neuerthelesse, she had discharged him long sithence; promiseth to omit no meanes of agree­ment with the Scots, and protesteth to prosecute no iniuries receiued by her. That she euer hoped, that the King of France, the King of Spaine, and the Queen of Scotland, would not take it in ill part, that she onely prouided for the peace and safety of her selfe & her sub­iects, since nature, reason, and the honour of her Royall Name, did of right require the same at her hands: And that if any of them knew any way more expedient to pre­uent that imminent menacing danger, shee would not onely heare, but most willingly embrace it.’

After this, They consult about the freedome of the Queene of Scotland. they sate in Councell often hereupon at the Court, whether it were best to send the Queen of Scot­land backe into her Countrie, or retain her stil in England, and how they might best prouide for the safegard both of the Queene, and their Religion. Whiles they were con­sulting [Page 244] hereabout, William Herbert, Earle of Pembroke, hap­pened to dye, being issue to Richard, son to R. Herbert the eldest Earle of Pembroke, being in the Climactericall yeere of his age, as if he had presaged what mischiefe should befal him, if hee had longer liued: leauing behinde him three children, Henry, Edward, and Anne. Hee was buried in S. Pauls Church, with stately and honourable Rites, and a most glorious Tombe erected for him; a Noble person, who out of his owne meanes rais'd a Fortune to himselfe: For he so wrought into the fauour of HENRY the Eighth, that he made him one of the Gentlemen of his Chamber, and by his owne prudence increased his meanes, especially after the King had married Katherine Parre, his wiues Si­ster. And vnder EDVVARD the Sixth, hee procured (whiles the Court was distracted in seuerall factions) to be of the Order of Saint George, Knight of the Garter, the honour to be the Kings Squire, the Title of Baron Her­bert of Cardiffe, and the dignity of the Earle of Pembroke. He was Generall, vnder Queene MARY, of her Troopes she sent against Wyat, and for the English Armie at S. Quin­tin, President of Wales, twice Gouernour of Calais: vnder Queene ELIZABETH, he was constituted Steward of her houshold, whose fauour he lost for a time, in regard that hee was the first moouer of the match betweene the Duke of Norfolke and the Queene of Scotland, notwithstan­ding his intention and will were no way ill affected therein, and failed narrowly a little before his death, of being que­stioned vpon certaine euidences at large dilated, and pre­sumptions secretly found out.

Hitherto Pope Pius the Fifth had laid a foundation of abstruse & darke conspiracies for Queene ELIZABETH, and the yeere before, she hauing no warning thereof, nor cited by a Bull declaratorie, priuily sends forth an Anathe­ma, and excites Rebellion, and causeth the said Bull to be fixed to the Palace Gates of the Bishop of London, in these words.

THE SENTENCE Declaratory of the Holy Father Pope Pius the Fifth, against ELIZABETH the pretended Queene of England, and those Here­tiques adhering to her: And finally, all such as obey her, to be insnared in the same.

PIVS, Bishop, a seruant of the seruants of GOD, for the future memory of the businesse.

HEe that rules in the Heauens aboue, and to whom all power is giuen both in Heauen and Earth, gaue vnto one onely vpon Earth, viz. to Peter, the chiefest amongst the Apostles, and to the Pope of Rome, Peters Suc­cessor, a holy, Catholique and Apostolique Church, (without which there is no Saluation) to gouerne it in the fulnesse of power. And this he ordayned as chiefe aboue all Nations and Kingdomes, to pull downe, de­stroy, disseuer, cast off, plant, and erect: to combine in the vnitie of spirit, his faithfull people, connext toge­ther [Page 246] through mutuall charitie, and present them whole and sound to his Sauiour. Which charge, Wee, who through the grace of GOD, are thereunto called, sub­mitting our selues to the gouernement of the same Church, cease not with all our best labours and inde­uours, to preserue this vnitie and Catholique Religion, which hee, (who was the Author thereof) so suffered to be incumbred, for the triall of the faith of his, and for our correction. But the number of the ungodly is so great in power, that there is not a corner left vpon the whole Earth now vntainted with their wicked Do­ctrines. Amongst which, ELIZABETH, preten­ded Queene of England, is, aboue all, the shelter and refuge of Error, and most noysome enemies. It is She, who after shee had possessed the Kingdome, vsurping (monster-like) the place of the chiefe Soueraigne of the Church in England, and the principall iurisdiction and authoritie thereof, hath throwne into miserable ru­ine the whole Kingdome, when it was euen brought to the Catholique faith, and began to bring forth good fruits. For, shee with a powerfull hand prohibiteth the exercise of the true Religion (which was heretofore o­uerthrowne by HENRY the Eighth, the forsaker ther­of, and afterwards repayred with the helpe of this See, by MARIE, lawfull Queene of England, of famous memorie) and embraceth the Heresies of obscure per­sons; the Royall Councell once composed of the English Nobilitie, shee hath broken off, oppresseth such as made profession of, and exercised the Catholique Religion, re-established the wicked Ministers and Preachers of im­pietie, abolished the sacrifice of the Masse, Prayers, Fa­stings, the diuiding of the Meates, the Celibate, and all Catholique Ceremonies, sent Bookes ouer her whole Kingdome, containing manifest Heresies, commended to her Subiects the prophane Mysteries and Institutions [Page 247] which shee had receiued, and obserued from the decree of Caluin, displaced the Bishops, Rectors, and Catho­lique Priests from their Churches and Benefices, and disposed of them to Heretiques, and is bold to take vpon her to iudge and determine Ecclesiasticall affaires; for­bade the Prelates, the Clergie, and people, to acknow­ledge the Roman Church, or obserue her Commande­ments, and canonicall duties; inforced diuers to sweare obedience to her detestable Ordinances, to renounce the authoritie due to the Roman dignitie, and acknowledge her the onely Soueraigne ouer temporall and spirituall things; imposed penalties and taxes vpon such as were refractory to her Iniunctions; inflicted punishments vp­on those who persisted in the vnitie of the faith and obe­dience, imprisoned the Prelates and Gouernours of the Catholique Churches; where diuers being, with a tedi­ous languishing and sorrow, miserably finished their vn­happy dayes. All which things beeing thus euident and apparant to all Nations, and so manifestly proued by the graue testimony of diuers, that there is no place left for any excuse, defence, or tergiuersation: Wee, perceiuing that these impieties and mischiefes doe still multiply one by another, and that the persecution of the faithfull, and the affliction of the Church doth daily in­crease, and waxe more heauy and grieuous, and finding that her heart is so obstinate and obdurate, that she hath not onely despised the wholesome Prayers and admoni­tions which the Christian Princes haue made for her better health and conuersion, but that shee hath denyed passage to the Nuncio's, who, for this end, were sent from this siege into England; and being compelled to beare the armes of Iustice against her, Wee cannot moderate the punishment that Wee are bound to inflict vpon her, whose Ancestors merited so well of the Christian Com­mon-wealth. Being then supported by His Authoritie, [Page 248] who hath placed Vs vpon this Soueraigne Throne of Iustice, howsoeuer incapable of so great a charge, out of the fulnesse of our Apostolicall power, doe pronounce and declare the said ELIZABETH an Heretique, and fauourer of Heretiques, and those who adhere vn­to her in the foresaid things, haue incurred the Sentence of Anathema, and are cut off from the vnitie of the bodie of Christ. That shee is depriued of the right which shee pretends to the foresaid Kingdome, and of all and euery Seigniorie, Royaltie, and priuiledge there­of: and the Peeres, Subiects, and People of the sayde Kingdome, and all others vpon what termes soeuer sworne vnto her, freed from their Oath, and from all manner of dutie, fidelitie, and obedience: As Wee doe free them by the authoritie of these Presents, and ex­clude the said ELIZABETH from the right which shee pretendeth to the said Kingdome, and the rest be­fore mentioned. Commanding moreouer, & enioyning all, and euery the Nobles, as Subiects, people, and others whatsoeuer, that they shall not once dare to obey her, or any her directions, Lawes, or Commandements, bin­ding vnder the same Curse, those who doe any thing to the contrary. And forasmuch as it may seeme diffi­cult for them to obserue these Presents in euery place where they haue occasion for them, Our will is, that Co­pies hereof being written by some publique Notarie, and sealed with the Seale of some Ecclesiasticall Prelate, or of his Court, shall be of as good effect through the whole World, as these Presents might doe, if they were exhi­bited and represented. Giuen at Rome, at S. Peters, the 5. of March, in the yeere of the Incarnation of our Sauiour 1569. and of our Pont. the 5.

Caesar Glorianus.

[Page 249]This caused new iealousies to increase, that some Mon­ster was a breeding: also, it manifested a new Rebellion presently begun in Norfolke, which neuerthelesse was as­soone extinct as kindled. Certaine of the Nobles of Nor­folke, to free the Duke, whom all the World did with an especiall loue affect, practised a designe of collecting a great number of people together, at the instant as they were flocking to a Faire at Harleston, Rebellion in Norfolke assoone ended as begun. vnder colour of expulsing the Flemmings out of England, who to escape the tyranny of the Duke of Alua, were fled into this Country in great numbers. Some of them being apprehended, were brought to iudgement, and condemned of high-Treason: ELIZA­BETH, neuerthelesse, to testifie her clemency, would suffer but onely three to be punished, amongst whom, I. Throgmorton was most remarkeable, who being examined by the Iudge, would answer nothing, but being brought to execution, cleared the rest, and acknowledged himselfe the principall author and perswader thereof.

I. Felton, who stucke vp the Popes Bull vpon the Bi­shop of Londons Gate, Felton puni­shed for sticking vp the Popes Bull. making no great difficultie of rety­ring, and sauing himselfe, was presently taken, and brought to iudgement, and confessing boldly the deede, howsoeuer no way acknowledging it as a fault, was hanged hard by the place where hee had stucke vp the Bul, affecting a vaine kinde of shew of a glorious Martyr. For the rest, the mo­dester sort of Papists misliked this Bull, The Papists reproue the Bull. because no lawfull admonition had preceded, & that She had formerly gran­ted to them free exercise of their Religion in their particu­lar Houses with securitie; or such as made no scruple of conscience to bee present at the Seruice in the English Church, fore-seeing a huge weight of dangers thereby to hang ouer their heads, continued euer after firme in their due obedience, perceiuing that the neighbour Princes, The greatest part cōtemne this Bull. and Catholique Prouinces, neglected not the Queene, notwith­standing this Bul, but seemed to contemne it as a vain sound of words.

[Page 250]The same day that Felton was arraigned, the Duke ac­knowledging his errour to proceed from inconsideration, testified his repentance so farre, that hee did not onely seeme to disclaim any thought of marriage with the Queen of Scotland, but that his eares abhorred the remembrance of it, and promised vnder his hand, neuer to thinke further of attayning it, was freed out of the Tower of London, (where the plague was already begun) and sent to his owne House, to the great ioy of euery one, to be vnder the free custodie of Henry Neuill. Neither truely could they plead against him by right of her Maiesties Law, from the 25. yeere of Edward the Third, Cecill adui­seth him to marry. as Cecill aduertiseth, who out of the affection he bare vnto him, laboured to espouse him to another Wife, to the end to put by his thought of compas­sing the other, and to prouide for the publique peace. But, after a few daies, many things that hee suspected, discoue­red themselues: and their faith, who were of his most se­cret counsell, either with hope, or by corruption, was bro­ken.

Diuers are imprisoned.The times then were full of suspitions and conspiracies. For T. and Ed. Stanley, the two youngest sonnes of the Earle of Darbie, by the Duke of Norfolkes Daughter, Ger­rard, Rolston, Hall, and others of the Countie of Darbie, conspired to free the Queene of Scotland out of prison; but Rolstons Sonne, who was one of the company of the Gentlemen guarders, discouered the conspiracy, and the rest were imprisoned, except Hall, who saued himselfe at the Ile of Man, and from thence was sent ouer to Dun­britton, with re-commendation to the Bishop of Rosse, where hee was afterwards taken at the surprize of the Ca­stle: and lastly, put to death at London. The Bishop of Rosse himselfe, being lately in custodie, and set at libertie, is againe committed to the custodie of the Bishop of London, for intertaining clandestine conferences with the Earle of Southampton, a most deuoted man to the Romish Religion.

[Page 251]In the meane time, Sussex, accompanied with the Lord Scroope, with Companies of Souldiers being gone againe into Scotland, burn'd the Villages in the Valley of An­nandale, ruined the Castle of Annandale, which belong­ed to Heris, and the Castle of Caer-Laueroc, belonging to Maxwell, who had made some pillaging incursiōs into Eng­land, and brought them to such distresse who continued on the Queene of Scotlands side, that the Duke of Chastelraut, and the Earles of Huntley and Argathell, send them a pro­mise in writing sealed vnder their hands, obliging them­selues thereby no longer to maintaine warres, and to aban­don the English Rebels. This being done, hee forthwith returned, and for their valour Knighted Hastings, Russell, Browne, Hilton, Stapleton, and Musgraue, and himselfe af­terwards, for his approued wisdome and vertue, Sussex cho­sen a Priuy-Councellor. was admit­ted to be of the Queenes Priuy Councell.

ELIZABETH, hauing her thoughts full of doubts, with various suspitions, by reason of this Bull, and Nor­folkes conspiracy, sent vnto the Queene of Scotland, Treaty with the Queene of Scotland. being then at Chettesworth, in the Countie of Darbie, Cecil, and Walte [...] Mildmay, who, in regard the waters were risen a­boue measure, it being in the Moneth of October, came thither with much difficultie, to consult with her about the most conuenient meanes how to compound the variance in Scotland, for the restoring of her to her former estate, to secure ELIZABETH, and prouide for the safetie of her young Sonne. Shee could say nothing, but deplore her afflicted condition, and complayned of the fraudulent de­uices of Count Murray, iustified the Duke of Norfolke, and reposed all her hope on the courtesie of ELIZABETH, vnderstanding that shee had the generall gouernement of the affaires of Scotland, as well as of England. They pro­pounded vnto her, that to conclude a certaine peace be­tweene the two Kingdomes, she ought to oblige her selfe, to confirme the Treatie of Edenborrough, and disclaime [Page 252] the title and right which shee pretended to England, so long as ELIZABETH, or any issue of her body should liue. Not to renew or entertaine any alliance with any Prince whatsoeuer, against England; Not to admit any for­reine troupes into Scotland, nor hold any Councell with the English or Irish, without notice first giuen to ELIZA­BETH; To send backe the English Fugitiues and Rebels, to satisfie the dammages done vpon the Frontiers; To make search, according to the Law, of the Murder aswell of Dar­ley her Husband, as of Murray, and deliuer her Sonne into England for a pledge; Not to contract her selfe in marriage with any English man, without acquainting the Queene of England, nor with any other, contrary to the Ordinances of Scotland; That the Scots might not goe for Ireland, with­out leaue of the Queene of England; That for the perfor­mance of these things, the Queene, and the Commissio­ners appointed for the same, shall thereto set their hands and Seales; Six Hostages, whom the Queene of England would nominate, should be sent into England; That if the Queene of Scotland, or any other by her procurement, at­tempted any thing against her, she should in that re [...]pect a­lone, be cut off from all right which shee might claime in England; That the Castles of Hume, and Fast-Castle, were held from the English for three yeeres space; That shee should deliuer into their hands certaine Forts in the Coun­trey of Galloway, or Cantire, to the end that the Borderers on that coast might not inuade Ireland: And lastly, that the State of Scotland should confirme al these things by Act of Parliament.

To these things, her selfe suddenly with great dexteritie and wisdome, made answere: neuerthelesse referred it to be answered more fully by the Bishop of Rosse her Ambas­sadour in England, Alexander Gorden, Bishop of Galloway, and to the Baron Leuinstone, deputed by Her, lieutenants of Scotland; who afterwards allowing some of these Ar­ticles, [Page 253] and reiecting others, made answer, as here follow­eth: ‘THat it was reasonable to confirme the Treatie of Edenborrough, The An­swer to the proposition of the Eng­lish. and renounce the title of England, during the life of ELIZABETH; but as concerning the ancient alliance of France, it was to be considered, that if they did not intertaine that still, the Queene should lose her dowrie, the 100. armed Men, and the 124. Souldiers of the Scottish Guard, being Archers, the Merchants, Schollers, and many who are to haue inheritance, their pensions and immu­nities which they enioy, shall be cast out, and depriued of them, and of the loue and assistance of a most puis­sant Nation: which things, if the English did not am­ply satisfie, the Queene of Scotland could in no manner renounce this alliance. But that shee would not enter­taine any forraigne souldiers, vnlesse such rebellion might happen, which could not be suppressed by the strength of the Countrey. That she would haue no in­telligence, or keepe correspondancie with any of the Eng­lish, to the preiudice of England, prouided that the Q. of England on the other side intertayned none with the Scots, to the preiudice of Scotland. That if there were any English Rebels, and Fugitiues in Scotland, they might demand them of the Scottish Rebels who were for the more part neere as they, to examine by deputies the dammages which they had receiued, and make in­quiry, according to the Lawes of Scotland, of the death of Darley and Murray. That shee could not deliuer the King in pledge, in regard hee was in their custodie, who vnder his name coloured the Rebellion against the Queene. That it was a strange innouation, that a free Princesse should receiue Lawes from a stranger-Prince, or his Subiects, for her marriage. That the Scots should [Page 254] not passe into Ireland, to any preiudice of the Queene of England, prouided that the Irish were by a recipro­call Law obliged not to passe into Scotland. Agreed for confirmation of the securitie, to giue such pledges as the Queene of England should nominate, the Duke of Chastelraut, and the Earles of Huntley, Argathell, and of Athole excepted. Furthermore, it shall be in their power to exclude the Queene of Scots from all right of Succession in England, if shee should goe a­bout to doe any thing contrary to the right and autho­ritie of the Queene of England, so that the Queene of England would be bound in the like penaltie, if shee should doe any thing against the power and priuiledge of the Queene of Scotland. They demand that resti­tution be made of Castle-Hume, and Fast-Castle, to the Baron of Hume, being the Lord to whom by right they appertaine, and the English to hold them no lon­ger. To deliuer vp the Forts in Galloway and Can­tire, were to no other end, but to minister a new occasion of warre.’

They cannot agree.When these things could in no wise bee agreed vpon, neither any Commissioners came from the Vice-Roy of Scotland, in the meane while it was divulged all abroad, that the Pope, the King of France, and the Duke D' Alua, was importunately sought vnto for ayde, to set the Queene of Scotland at libertie; and the English Rebels, the Earle of Westmerland, and the Countesse of Northumberland, and others (whom the Pope had supplyed with 12. thousand Crownes by the Bishop of Rosse) were come backe out of Scotland; It is cleare that this Treaty brought forth no­thing: but that ELIZABETH, (euen as one chosen by consent to sit at the Sterne of all Great-Brittaine, com­mands by her owne authority, that the Assembly of the States of Scotland should be prorogued, and Truce often [Page 255] talked of. The Commanders doe grieuously vexe and tor­ment all parts of Scotland.

Rosse sends the Articles of this Treaty to the Pope, The Bishop of Rosse re­quires helpe to free the Queene of Scots. to France, and to Spaine, and certified that the Queene must necessarily consent vnto them, vnlesse their succour and counsell came in time to relieue her, which he vehemently craued, but in vaine. For indeed their heads were posses­sed with other affaires; Spaine was preparing to marry Anne of Austria, daughter to Maximilian the Empe­rour, his Niece by the sister-side, who at the same time departed from Zealand, to goe for Spaine. To whom, E­LIZABETH, for a chiefe testification of honour and loue to the House of Austria, sent Charles Howard with a warlike fleete, and choyce Nobilitie, to conduct her thi­ther through the English Sea.

The twelfth yeere of ELIZABETHS reigne beeing now happily finished, in which the Papists expected, accor­ding to the prediction of their Diuines, the euent of a gol­den day, as they said; all good people were ioyfull, and happy, and with a delightfull ioy began to celebrate the seuenteenth day of Nouember, (being the day of her com­ming to the Crowne) with Prayers and Thankes-giuing, which were performed in the Churches, vowes were mul­tiplied, ringing of Bells, Carrolls, Turneyes, and publique solemne ioy euery-where. And this hath continued euer sithence she liued, in testimony of the loue and obedience that her Subiects did beare her.

In the middest of these things, dyed H. Clifford, The death of the Earle of Cumber­land. Earle of Cumberland, the Second of the name, Henries Sonne, whom HENRY the Eighth had raysed to the honour of an Earle, in the yeere 1525. being otherwise of a very noble and an­cient House, and hauing gotten a great increase of honour by marriages, which he contracted with the heires of Ves­ciores and Viponts or Vieux-ponts, who had beene anciently hereditary Vicounts of Westmerland, who by his first Wife [Page 256] begot Eleanor, the second daughter of C. Brandon, Duke of Suffolke, and of Mary, Sister to HENRY the Eighth, Mar­garet, who was married to Henrie the Earle of Darbies Son, of much hope, and with great pompe, beeing the onely heire of that House. But hauing by his second Wife, Anne Dacrey, two Sonnes, who were successiuely heires to their fathers honour, this hope vanished.

The death of Throgmor­ton.There dyed also N. Throgmorton, of whom I haue of­ten spoken, the fourth Son of G. Throgmorton, the Golden Knight, and of Katherine, daughter of N. Baron of Vaux; a man of great experience, of solid iudgement, and of a sin­gular dexteritie of spirit, who, stirring many things vnder the reigne of MARY, with great difficultie, by his pru­dence and eloquence, saued his life: afterwards vnder E­LIZABETH, hee was imployed in many Ambassies, wherein he got much honour, vntill, for the gaining of the Earle of Leicesters fauour, hee opposed Cecill, who was his Emulator, for thereby hee could attaine but to very small meanes, and triuiall preferments, as chiefe Butler of Eng­land, and Treasurer of the Queens Chamber. Being at Sup­per in the Earle of Leicesters House, and eating sallads, hee was suddenly taken with an inflammation of the Liuer, as some haue affirmed, or with a Catarre, as others say, and not without iealousie of being poysoned, whereof hee dy­ed in a good time, both for himselfe and his, being then in great danger both of losing his life and goods, beeing a man of a stirring and working spirit.

In Ireland, Connogher, O-Brien, Earle of Twomond, not able to endure Edward Fitton, Gouernour of Connaught, who began to gouerne the Prouince something more se­uerely, Rebillion in Ireland quenched before they saw the day. and to take away from the great Ones, and chiefe of the Countrey, all hope of polling the Subiects of Ire­land, had secretly plotted Rebellion with others, but it was preuented by a happy chance. For, hauing appointed the day to take armes, comes in Fitton, who knew nothing, and [Page 257] courteously aduertised the Earle, that he would lodge the morrow following with him, with certaine of his friends. The Earles conscience accusing him, and beeing possest with a strange feare, (an ill signe in doubtfull things) thin­king that he was now discouered, and that the Gouernour came to him rather like an enemy then a guest, retired him­selfe forth-with into France, leauing them all in doubt what was become of him. The Conspirators, fearing that he was gone into England to discouer the plot, continued in obedience, whereof he vnderstanding, shewed himselfe wise at last, and hauing confest all the busines to Norris, then Ambassadour in France, imployed him to mediate Queene ELIZABETHS fauour, with whom he found such Grace, that he was restored againe to his Estate.

But Stukeley, an Englishman, a riotous Prodigall, Stukeley fli­eth out of Ireland. and vaine-glorious fellow, who after he had consumed all his estate, retired into Ireland, hauing lost all hope of getting the Marshall-ship of Wexford, and perceiuing himselfe to be despised of euery one, and being vnable to raise any com­motion, after belching vp most vnworthy reproches of his Princesse, who had done him many fauours, slipped o­uer into Italie, to Pope Pius the fifth, and by his flattering tongue, insinuated beyond all credit into the fauour of this pernicious old man, who breathed out the ruine of Queene ELIZABETH, making great blags, and promising that with three thousand Italians, he would driue all the Eng­lish out of Ireland, and burne the English Fleet; which he afterward villainously attempted, but to his owne ruine, as hereafter we will shew.

Booke 2. 1571.THE FOVRETEENTH YEERE OF Her Reigne. Anno Dom. 1571.

IN the first moneth of the yeere, Queene ELIZABETH entring into London in Royall State, visited that faire Cloi­ster called the Bourse, which T. Gresham, Knight, a Citizen, and a Marchant Royall of London, had caused to be built for the vse of Marchants, and by the voice of a Cryer, and with sound of Trumpets in dedicating thereof, named it

The royall Exchange.The Royall Exchange.

A few dayes after, howsoeuer She were very sparing in the disposing of Honours, hauing made in twelue yeeres space, The ereation of Baron Burghley. not aboue foure Barons, she solemnly graced Willi­am Cecill with the Title of Baron of Burghley, hauing on Barons Robes, and with these formall words, [Page 259]AS well in regard of the long seruice which he hath done in the time of our Progenitors, the Kings of England, The manner of creating Barons. as also for the faithfull and agreeable obedi­ence, which he hath alwaies and in diuers waies testifi­ed vnto vs from the beginning of our Raigne, not ceasing dayly, not onely in our great and waighty af­faires to afford vs counsell, but generally in all dessignes concerning the Kingdome; as also in respect of his vi­gilancy, valour, prudence, dexterity, integrity of life, fore-knowledge, care, and fidelity: out of our speciall fauour, certaine testimony, and meere motion, we haue created, establisht, and raised him to the state, dignity, and honour of Baron Burghley, and haue imposed vp­on him, and giuen and granted vnto him the name, stile, and title of Baron of Burghley, to haue and to hold the same foreuer, to him and the heires males which shall be borne from his body.’

Of whom I haue already freely spoken, and will againe make mention, as well as of others whom shee hath raised to the state of Barons, because it is amongst the most ample degrees of Honour. For the Barons of the Parliaments of England, are borne Peeres, and great Councellors of the Kingdome, and enioy diuers immunities and Priui­ledges, which are not to be mentioned in this place, but I haue noted else-where.

A little after, Ridolph, a Florentine, who had vsed trading for fifteene yeeres space in London, deliuered secretly vnto the Queene of Scotland, Letters from the Pope, Letters from the Pope to the Queene of Scotland. importing promises to imploy himselfe for the aduancement of the Catholique Religion, and Himselfe willed her to giue cre­dit in all things to Ridolph, and to learne from him, who was then going for Italy, what meanes might be best for the re-establishing of the Catholique Religion, and appeasing of the mischiefs in England. Ridolph also sollicited the [Page 260] Queene, by the seuerall Letters which he wrote vnto her, to aduise herevpon with the Duke of Norfolke & his friends, and to recommend it to them. But shee deferred the re­turne of any answer, vntill she might perceiue how the Treaty which was already begun, would take effect, not­withstanding the Kings of France and Spaine, and the Duke of Alua had written to her to the same purpose. For the Earle of Morton, Petcarne, Abbot of Dunfermelin, and I. Macgill, were come to treat about the affaires of Scotland, in the Kings name, and hauing receiued command from Queene ELIZABETH, more cleerely to vnfold the cau­ses of the Queenes deposing, and to proue them to be iust, exhibited a prolix Cōmentarie, by which, with an insolent freedome, Edict of the Scots a­gainst the authority Royall. and vehemencie of words, they strained them­selues to proue by ancient and moderne examples, searcht out of all places, that according to the ancient right of Scot­land, the people of Scotland were vnder the King, and that by the authority of Caluin, the Magistrates were appointed to bridle their vnrulie appetites, and had authority to pu­nish wicked Kings by imprisonment, & depose them from their Kingdomes; and vaine-gloriously boasted to haue shewed the Queen courtesie, in permitting her to substitute her Sonne in her place, and appoint him Tutors. That it was not in respect of her innocency, that shee subsisted, but out of the mercy of her people, with diuers other things, which factious spirits are accustomed to alledge against Royall Maiesty. Condemned by the Qu. of England. Queene ELIZABETH not able with a­ny patience to read this, secretly condemned it, as iniuri­ous to Kings; and as for the Deputies, she answered them, that she could not yet perceiue any iust cause why they should so vexe and trouble their Queen, and therfore wisht that they would rather seeke out some meanes to quench the discord in Scotland.

In the prosecution whereof, it was propounded in the house of Bacon, Lord Keeper of the great Seale, to the Bi­shops [Page 261] of Rosse and Galloway, and to Baron Leuiston, Depu­ties for the Queene of Scotland, that for the safety of the Kingdome and Queene of England, and the Nobles of Scotland who were of the Kings part, that the Duke of Cha­stelraut, the Earles of Huntley and Argathell, of Hume, of Seris, and another Baron ought to be giuen in pledge, and the Castles of Dunbriton, and Hume deliuered for three yeeres vnto the English, before the Queene could be set at liberty. To which they answered, ‘THat it need not be doubted, The demāds of the Eng­lish for the freedome of the Qu. of Scotland. that the Queene of Scotland, who had voluntarily put herselfe vnder the Protection and guard of the Queene of England, would willingly giue contentment in any thing which might conueniently be done. But to deliuer such great persons in pledge, with such Forts, were nothing lesse then in depriuing a miserable Queene of the helpe of her faithfullest friends, and her strongest places of defence, to be exposed as a prey vnto her aduersaries.’

But they offered to giue in pledge the two said Earles, and two Barons: And as for the Forts, they said, that ac­cording to their Couenants with France, they could not giue them to the English, that they could not grant them also to the French. But, said Bacon, The English refuse the of­fers of the Scots. the whole Kingdome of Scotland, the Prince, the Peeres, and the Forts, are not suf­ficient security for the Queene, and the most flourishing King­dome of England: and therefore, what security soeuer the Scots might propose, the Queene of Scotland ought not to be set at li­berty.

Hereupon the Scots forthwith began to coniecture, and spake openly, that now they fully perceiued, that the Eng­lish had resolued to hold their Queene perpetually in Eng­land, and by the same meanes interrupt the Treaty, sithence they stood so stiffly in demanding such security, as Scotland [Page 262] could not any maner of way performe. Howsoeuer, the other Councellours of England protested to desire nothing more then the freedome of the Queene of Scotland, proui­ded, that they gaue good and sufficient security; and in this nature they treated hereupon, and to haue the King, with Morton and his Companions. Who plainely answered, that they had no power nor authority to treat, whether they ought to receiue the Queene into Scotland, or deliuer the King. Alteration among the Scots. But her Deputies reiected such flying off, as friuo­lous, iudging that those who were the authors of deposing her, had power sufficient to free her, without asking the other Conspi­rators, sithence the fault of one, equally polluteth all the Confe­derates. As for the Prince, who was yet scarce fiue yeeres of age, he could giue no power at all. And as for the Vice-Roy, that he had left all his affaires to the pleasure of Queene ELI­ZABETH: They prayed them, either to bring in the others who were sworne, into consultation, or to proceed without them vpon equall conditions.

But Queene ELIZABETH knowing well, that they could conclude of nothing for her security, or for the King and Queen of Scotland, if th'one and th'other consen­ted not, thought it reasonable, that the States of Scotland, who ought forth-with to assemble, should make choice of certaine men, who might labour the mediation of the peace. Whereupon the Bishop of Rosse and his Colleagues openly complayned, Complaints of the Scots against the English. that certaine Councellors of England had abused the vnderstanding of their Queene, and the pa­tience of the Queene of Scotland, deceiued the Stranger Princes, and soothed the Scots with a preiudiciall hope; the Queene of Scotland her selfe being full of indignation and griefe, to see such delayes, called home the Bishop of Galloway, & Count Leuiston, & notwithstanding that Qu. ELIZABETH had commanded the Bishop of Rosse, to depart from London, she countermanded him to continue still there, which was not without ielousie to those who [Page 263] were of her part in Scotland, who determined to take vp Armes, and giue no more credit to those hurtfull truces, and assembles.

For whilest they treated of these things in England, they receiued great dammages in the punishments of many, and murdering of others, the taking of Dunbrittō, situated neere Glotte or Cluide, vpon an arme of the sea, beeing the stron­gest and best fortified Castle in all Scotland: I. Hamilton, Arch-bishop of S. Andrews, brother to the Duke of Cha­stelraut, was hanged, as a confederate of murdering the King, without being brought, according to the custome of the Countrey, to Iudgement, onely vpon the testimony of a priest, who iustified, that vpon taking confession of the assassinates of the King, he heard them say that he was of the confederacie.

The Queene being prisoner, could no longer harbour in her heart what shee had a long time concealed, perceiuing herselfe out of all hope, plunged in a deepe sorrow, that of all her seruants they had left her but onely 10. and a priest, to doe her seruice, and that all meanes both for her health and liberty (being euer most charitable) seemed to bee ta­ken away. She sent thereupon secretly vnto the Duke of Norfolke a forme of her dessignes, A remem­brance sent from the Q. of Scotland to the Duke of Norfolke. which shee had written long before, and certaine amorous Letters, written in a particular Character only betweene them two, with other Letters, to perswade him still to rely vpon the Pope and the Spaniard, by Ridolph, whom shee recommended vnto him, as one most affectionate to his seruice, and very neces­sary to be employed in his Affaires.

But Higford, the Dukes Secretary, who copied out this remembrance, and those Letters in the vsuall Character, being commanded to throw them into the fire, hid them secretly vnder the mats in the Dukes Chamber, for some further Dessigne as it seemeth This Ridolph being one day in the Dukes presence, spake, and made Barker often ite­rate the same.

[Page 264]THat he had obserued, that there was as well a­mong the Nobles as meaner sort in England, three sorts who studied nouelties; some were such as had flourished vnder the authority of MARIE, and were then but few in number; others, who beeing zealous of the Romane Religion, fretted that they were not permitted the free exercise thereof: others, who be­ing transported with a new hope, grieued at their pre­sent fortune, who to enterprize any thing that would be propounded vnto them, wanted nothing but a Leader of some Noble Race, money, and forraigne assistance. That there could not be found one more illustrious, and capa­ble in such respect, then the Duke, who had the generall fauour of the people, and that it stood with reason, that he should reuenge the iniuries done him, in that they had so long kept him prisoner, against the Lawes of the Countrie, and that they had not called him to the As­sembly of Parliament, sithence hee had his place and voice, as beeing chiefe amongst all the Peeres, & Earle Marshall of the Kingdome of England.

And with the greater efficacie to perswade him to these things, shewed him a Catalogue of the Nobles, who had deuoted both themselues and their fortunes to his seruice, if hee vndertooke this; assured him, that for forraigne helpe, the Pope would be at all the charges of the Warre, prouided that the Catholike Religion might bee aduan­ced, hauing to this end disbursed the yeere before a hun­dred thousand Crownes, when the Bull was publisht, of which he himselfe had distributed to the English Fugitiues 12000. promised, that the Spaniard (prouoked by the in­iuries of the English) would send him for aide 4000. horse, and 6000. foot, which might very conueniently be brought in about the beginning of summer, at Harwich, a Port in Essex, at whose approch, the Duke had a great number of [Page 265] strong ships; and without suspicion, because about the same instant, the Duke Medinoe-Coeli was to come into Flanders with a great Fleet. Concluded lastly, that this might be supposed to be a meanes to free the Duke from all suspicion of attempting the Kingdome, and to prouide for the safety of the Queene of England; prouided that she em­braced, or at least-wise tolerated the Romane religion, and consented that the Queene of Scotland should marry the Duke.

The Duke conceiuing these things somewhat probable, gaue eare vnto him, but neuerthelesse refused to subscribe the Letters of Credit, which were offered him by Ridolph being vpon departure, and would not harken to the counsel which the Bishop of Rosse suggested to him by Barker, after he had often reuolued it in his minde; ‘TO seize vpon the Queene on the suddaine, The counsell of the Bishop of Rosse. with a number of choise Gentlemen, & to disturbe the Par­liament being then assembled. And that this might easily be done, considering the opportunity of times, since this Assembly afforded him so many Gentlemē at his de­uotion, which could not be conuented in any other place without suspition. That he had iust cause to be mooued hereunto, in regard they had kept him so long prisoner, against the Lawes of the Countrey, and that they would not admit him to the Parliament, and that they had sought out most seuere Lawes against the Papists. And by pregnant examples, sithence Castriot in Italy, and others in all Countreyes, hauing inopinately enter­prized waighty affaires, haue happily succeeded in them. And if not long since, fiue Gentlemen of Scot­land were able to breake off the Parliament, by which Murray was to be banished, and bring the Queene vn­der their power; they might by the same meanes, and as easily, if they would lay hold of the occasion offered [Page 266] vnto them) seyze vpon Qu. ELIZABETH, accom­plish the marriage of the Qu. of Scotland, and prouide in England for the Catholique Religion, without any great noyse or need of forreine assistance.’

The at­tempts of o­others.The Duke, who of his naturall good inclination was far from offending, reiected this counsell from his heart, as most pernitious and dangerous. But now H. Percy offered the Bishop to imploy himselfe about the deliuerance of the Queene of Scotland from prison, prouided that Grange, and Carre Farnihurst, should receiue him at his entrance into Scotland, and that the Earle of Northumberland, (his Bro­ther) who was prisoner, should be set free. Howsoeuer, be­ing suspected, because of his great familiaritie with Baron Burghley, and for that hee so long deferred the enterprise, they gaue as little credit to this counsell, as to that of Pow­els of Stanford, one of the company of the Gentlemen of the Guard, and to that of Owen, one of the vassals of the Earle of Arundell, who should haue vndertaken this, but the Bishop of Rosse perceiuing they were vnable to effect it, being men of no note, hindered them. As for other busi­nesses which were closely done in these passages, wee will omit, vntill the light discouer them.

A great Earth­quake.Whiles all these things were secretly handled in London, there happened a most feareful Earth-quake in the Easterne parts about the Countie of Hereford, neere the Towne of Kinaston. For, vpon the twelfth of March, about sixe of the clocke in the euening, the Earth opened, and a Mountaine with a Rocke vpon which it was situated, after a hideous noyse, and strange crash, that it was heard by the Neigh­bours a great wayes off, raised vp it selfe, as if it had wake­ned out of a profound sleepe, and forsaking his deepe bed below, mounted vp into an higher place, carrying with it the Trees which were rooted thereupon, the Shepheards Tents, and the Flockes of Sheepe feeding thereon. Some Trees were almost quite couered with Earth, as if they had [Page 267] but newly taken root there. It left in the place from whence it departed, an ouerture of fortie foot wide, and 80. elles long: the whole field was twenty Akers or thereabouts. It ouerthrew a little Chappell neere vnto it, carryed from the East into the West, an Yew-tree which was planted in the Church-yard; and, with its violence, draue vp before it high-wayes, with Shepheards Caues, with Plants and Trees which were thereon. It made mountaines leuell, and arable grounds mountainous, as if then they had took their beginnings. And thus from Saturday at night, vntill Munday noone next following, it rested not, till at last, as if it were then tyred with the long way, and wearied with its weighty burthen.

A little before, there was celebrated in France at Mesi­res sur Meuse, the marriage betweene Charles the Fourth King of France, and Elizabeth of Austrich, the Daughter of Maximilian the Emperour, with great and royall pompe. Elizabeth, to testifie her ioy with honour, accor­ding to the entyre affection shee bore vnto the Emperour, whom she honoured as her father, and to shew her loue vn­to the King of France her Neighbour and Confederate, and for her owne honour, sent into France T. Sackuil, Ba­ron of Buckhurst, who, according to his owne worth, The Am­bassage of Baron Buckhurst. and his Princes dignitie, was magnificently intertained. Hee was accompanied with Guido Caulcancius, a Florentine, a man of great experience, with whom the Queene-Mo­ther of France, mannaging the affaires of her and her chil­dren, openly treated of a match betweene ELIZABETH, A proposi­tion of a match be­tweene Eli­zabeth, and the Duke of Aniou. and Henry the Duke of Aniou her Sonne, and gaue him withall certaine Articles to present vnto ELIZABETH: and after that, the King of France made earnest suit for his Brother by Mauluoisie his Ambassadour ordinary, La Motte, F. Archant, and de Foix, who bestowed a whole yeere in solliciting ELIZABETH, sometimes all together, and otherwhiles seuerally. This marriage did something for­tifie [Page 268] their hope, that the Romane Religion had taken no firme root in the Dukes heart, as well in respect of his ten­der yeeres, The hopes which they conceiued. as being educated vnder Carualet, who was much inclining to the Protestants Religion: the hopes which they had by little and little to win him to the pro­fession of it, and the suppositions of the benefits which this marriage might bring to the reformed Religion: hee being a young Prince, and of a warlike disposition, might, by vniting the Forces of Germany and England, bring the refractory Papists to obedience, establish a perpetual league of peace betweene England and France, and interrupt the designes of the Queene of Scotland, the King of Spaine, the Pope, and the Irish Rebels, sithence hee might ioyne vnto the Crowne of England, the Dukedomes of Aniou, Burbonnions, and Auuergnia, yeelding great Reuenues: And it appeared that hee might adde greater things here­unto. Lastly, if this match were refused, neuer would there be a more honourable match offered.

Articles of marriage.After diuers debatings, the French propounded three Articles: the first of which concerned the crowning of the Duke: the second, the gouernement of the Kingdome ioyntly with Queene ELIZABETH: the third, the to­leration of their Religion: To which, answer was made; The An­swer.THat the Queene could not agree, without the consent of the State of the Kingdome, that hee should be crowned after the marriage was ac­complished, but that she would willingly consent (if the States thought good) that vpon termes of marriage, he should be graced with the matrimoniall Crowne, (so She termed it) without doing any preiudice to her Ma­iestie, nor to her Heires and Successors: And that she would not fayle to make him discerne a most ample ho­nour when hee was once her Husband. As for the common gouernement, shee thought it not vnfit, to take [Page 269] for a Companion, and Coadiutor in a coniunct admi­nistration, him whom shee had honoured with the title of a King, and her Husband. And as for the tolera­tion of the Religion which hee profest, that shee could not giue her consent thereto for certaine causes, which (as I haue collected them out of the Letters of Queene ELIZABETH, were these:) That how­soeuer the externall reuerence of Religion might bee to­lerated between the Subiects of the same Kingdome vn­der diuers manners and formes, neuertheles, this strange forme, most repugnant of all, which should bee betweene the Queene, the head of her People, and her husband, seemed not onely dangerous, but of all most auerse and disagreeing. That She desired the King of France, and the Queene, his Mother, equally to weigh in euen Ballance, the perill which she should vnder-goe, and on the other side, the honour of the Duke of Anio [...]: And that in tolerating his religion, she violated the Lawes establisht in her Kingdome, beget a distaste in her good Subiects, & lightened the heart of the wicked, all which she verily should vndergoe for the honour of the Duke.’

But the French-men vrged, that if she liued without exer­cise of Religion, shee seemed to haue none at all, and that she would not for her Honour bee accounted an Atheist. She on the contrary replyed: ‘THat if she did but husbandize those seedes of pure Religion which were in him, and receiue increase thereof, he should see within a short time, that it would redound greatly to his Honour.’

In the end they came so farre, that if the Duke would as­sist with the Queene in the celebration of Diuine Seruice, [Page 270] and not refuse to heare and learne the Doctrine of the Pro­testants, She would condiscend, that neither hee nor his people should be constrained to vse the Ceremonies and Fashions accustomed in the English Church, nor molested if they vsed other Ceremonies, not vtterly repugnant to the Word of God, prouided that they vsed them in priuate places, and that they ministred no occasion to the English of violating their Lawes establisht. De Foix, vpon these words, To the Word of God, paused a little. Queene ELI­ZABETH, to giue them content, commanded that in stead of those words, they should put in, To the Church of GOD; but the one pleasing no more then the other, he desired that To the Catholike Church might be put in. Queen ELI­ZABETH would no way assent thereunto: and hereupon this matter began to waxe colder by little and little.

To what end this marri­age was pro­posed.Some are perswaded, that this Match was not seriously vndertooke by the King of France, and the Queene, his Mother, but onely to the end that the remembrance of a match contracted with a Protestant Princesse, might bee a testimonie vnto the Protestants, of their sincere meaning vnto them, and to preuent the match which they suspected to be treated of with the King of Nauar, whom the King of France would haue married to his Sister. The like opini­on was of Queene ELIZABETH in England, and that shee had not treated of this marriage, but to cause the King of France, his Mother, and Brothers, to shew themselues more fauourable to the Protestants in France, breake off the hopes of the Queene of Scotland, and the plots which the Spaniard and the Irish practised against England, by the negotiation of the Cardinall of Lorraine, and to auoid the Thunderbolts of the Pope, by the interposition of the French: For about this time, the Earle of Leicester, who saw more cleerely into the deepest thoughts of Queene E­LIZABETH then any other, wrote vnto Walsingham, Am­bassadour in France, [Page 271]THat the Queene had a desire to marry, but that she was not very hot vpon it; and that she was of opinion, that it was more necessary then her desire was to effect it: & moreouer, that when the Duke of Aniou went from the Article concerning the tolera­tion of Religion, which Queen ELIZABETH would with such caution haue bound him to, that he no longer persisted in his suite.’

As the French tooke care and paine to make vp this Match, certaine of the English laboured no lesse, They hasten the mariage of the Qu. of Scotland. to aduance that betweene the Queene of Scotland and the Duke of Norfolke, which through their wicked counsels they had a­gaine reuiued, contrary to his promise, which first of all was discouered by these meanes.

Ridolph the Florentine, who we told you was sent vnto forraigne Nations, about the affaires of the Queene of Scotland, had declared vnto Charles Bayliffe, a Flemming, one of his houshold seruants, all that he had laboured with the Duke of Alua, and put into his hands a packet of Let­ters, written in counterfait Characters to her, to the Am­bassadour of Spaine, to the Duke of Norfolke, to the Bishop of Rosse, and to Baron Lumley, which hee carried with him, notwithstanding the Bishop commanded him to leaue it with the Gouernour of Callais to keepe. But hee had no sooner landed at Douer, but hee was apprehended and imprisoned, and the Packet sent to the Lord Cobham, Gouernour of the Cinque Ports: The Bishop, who first of all knew it, wrought so quickly and craftily with Cob­ham, who was partly of counsell in the dessignes of the Duke, that he deliuered him this Packet, and another in stead thereof was sent to the Queenes Councell, where­in were old-dated Letters, tending to small purposes, and aduertised Bayliffe thereof, who being brought into questi­on, neuerthelesse confessed something of what had past, [Page 272] and amongst the rest, that this Packet had past through the Bishops hands, who beeing aduertised thereof, forthwith sent away Cutbert his Secretary, to disperse amongst his friends the counterfait Characters, and all that might doe hurt; so as when Sussex, Burghley, Mildmay, and Sadler came to search his house, they could finde nothing at all, nor get any thing out of him by examination, he standing vpon it, that an Ambassadour ought not to giue an account of his dealings to any but his Prince. He was notwithstan­ding committed for two daies after to the Bishop of Ely, and a little while after that, carried to the Isle of Ely: Stan­ley and Gerard, Knights, and Rolston, of whom I haue spo­ken, The Bishop of Rosse and others com­mitted. were clapt vp in the Tower of London, and Howard, who aspired to the Arch-bishoprike of Yorke, was deliuered vpon suspicion to the custody of the Arch-bishop of Can­terbury.

Money sent into Scot­land.The Queene of Scots, hauing about this time sent a cer­taine summe of money to the Ambassadour of France, to be conueyed to those that were of her partie in Scotland, the Ambassadour deliuered it to Barker and Higford, who aduising with the Duke, put it into the hands of one Browne of the Towne of Shrewsburie, a seruant to the Duke, to be deliuered in Scotland to Baron Heris, by Banister and Low­der; Browne beeing a crafty fellow, perceiuing by the weight, that in stead of Siluer they, had giuen him Gold, deliuered it ouer to the Councell of State. Hereby the wi­ser sort began to obserue, that the Duke had already begun to trespasse against her Maiesty, in lending ayde to Heris, and to the Scots her professed enemies, who had for [...]aged the Frontier Inhabitants of England. And hereupon Hig­ford was committed to prison, who presently confessed all the businesse concerning the money, and shewed where the Letters and other writings were, and the secret Characters, and the remembrances and instructions of the Qu. of Scot­land, of which I haue spoken, hidden vnder Ma [...]land Tiles, importing, [Page 273]THat the French approued of the intended meeting with the Scots, but that the Proposition of marri­age of the Duke of Aniou with Queen ELIZABETH, was to no other end, but onely the better to colour the as­sistance performed to the Queene of Scotland, for her re-establishment. That they secretly preuented any con­tract with Iohn of Austria, but fauoured the other with the Duke of Norfolke very much, for the hatred they bore to the Spaniard. That the Duke of Alua did so farre disproue the Designe of sending the Queene backe into Scotland, that it would certainely be the ruine of her selfe, and of the Catholique Religion through all Great Brittaine; because, shee being returned, must of necessity, either hazzard the danger of beeing besieged, or try her fortune of the warres against the Rebels, who by the aide of the English, might easily bring her vnder their power, before such time that any Forraigne forces could arriue. That being then in no safety in Scotland, and no hope to be expected from France, so pestred with intestine warres, he thought it more expedient to pro­cure ayde from the Spaniard, who had made an offer of marriage with Iohn of Austria, which notwithstan­ding she neuer intended, sithence she had promised, by meanes of the Duke of Norfolke, to re-establish the Romane Religion in Great Britaine: And moreouer, to send her Sonne out of Scotland into Spaine, where he might be safely preserued, and instructed from his Infancy in the Romane Religion, and by this meanes, all pretence taken from the Scots, who shaddowed their re­bellion vnder colour of him: and lastly, for the effect­ing of these businesses, presently to dispatch away Ri­dolph, with caution, first, to conceale these things espe­cially from the French.

The Councell hauing receiued these instructi­ons, [Page 274] the Letters whereof I spake, and other dispatches from the Pope: and Barker who was surprized, hauing confest all these particulars, they commanded Sadler, with a Com­pany of armed men, to goe vnto the Dukes house in Lon­don, which was then at Charter-House. Two dayes after, the Duke, who was altogether ignorant that those peo­ple had confessed any thing, and confident that those Let­ters and Remembrances were burned in the fire, beeing questioned, denyed all that they had confest: and there­vpon was brought backe the seuenteenth day of September, by Sadler, Smith, Neuill, and Wilson, (to the great griefe of the people) vnto the Tower of London, from whence he was but the yeere before deliuered. Afterwards they im­prisoned Banister, a Lawyer, whose counsell the Duke had taken and followed; after that, the Earles of Arundell, and Southampton, Baron Lumley, and Cobham, and Thomas his brother, Percy, Lowder, Powell, and Godier, who all decla­red what they knew, in hope of pardon.

Assoone as the Councell had produced their Confessi­ons in the Dukes presence, the Queene of Scotland and the Bishop of Rosse's Letters, with the said Remembrance, hee was very much deiected, & considering this remembrance, and those Letters, which through a weake credulity he sup­posed to bee burned, he sighed, and brake out into these words; I Haue beene betrayed and vndone by mine owne peo­ple, in fayling to distrust, which is the onely sinnewe of Wisedome.’

But he humbly besought the Councell to mediate the Queenes fauour in his behalfe, promising to conceale no­thing of what he knew, and seriously protested, that he ne­uer approued of any thing, which was to the preiudice of the Qu. or Kingdome. But on the contrary, from the ve­ry [Page 275] bottome of his heart, condemned the designe of seizing vpon the Queenes person, or the Towre of London, and the setting at liberty of the Queene of Scotland: and that hee neuer harboured a thought so much of bringing forraigne Troupes into Great Brittaine, but only to suppresse certaine of the Scots, rebelling against the Queen. Being this day ex­amined vpon 50. Articles or thereabouts, hee answered without dissimulation. After that, they penned the sub­stance of the whole businesse, in the Star-Chamber, before a great Assembly of Noble-men, in presence of the Lord Maior and Shiriffes of the Citie of London, & from thence, in the Palace of London, in view of all the inhabitants, by G. Fleetwood, Recorder of the Citie.

And forasmuch as by all these confessions, especially by the Dukes, the Bishop of Rosse was conuicted as Author of these Plots: they seriously consulted what was best to bee done: For (as they doe ordinarily that haue such charges) he conceiued, that it was lawfull for him to vse any meanes for the aduancement of the affaires of his Princesse; and that by the oath and inuiolable right of an Ambassadour, he was not bound to acknowledge the authority of any o­ther: and relying hereupon, exposed himselfe to the liber­ty of diuers turbulent Actions, kindling of seditions, and taking counsell in the night with the Earle of Southampton, and afterwards inclining to the English Fugitiues in Flan­ders, the Duke of Alua, the Spaniard, and the Pope, about the inuasion of England. They proposed hereupon vnto Lewes, Dale, Drury, Aubrey, and Iones, men of sound iudge­ment in the Ciuill-Lawes. In the first place, ‘WHether an Ambassadour mouing sedition against the Prince vnto whom he is sent, may enioy the priuiledge of an Ambassa­dour, or not? and whether he be not subiect to punish­ment as an Enemy?’

[Page 276]To which they answered, that by the Common Lawe of Nations, and Ciuill-Law of the Romanes, such an Am­bassadour was falne from all priuiledge, and was subiect to punishment, as an enemy.

WHether a Minister or Agent of a de­posed Prince, another being crowned in his place, ought to haue the priui­ledge of an Ambassadour?

They answered, that if such a Prince be lawfully depo­sed, his Minister cannot challenge the priuiledge of an Am­bassadour, forasmuch as none but absolute Princes, which haue soueraigne power, can constitute Ambassadours. In the third place, ‘WHether a Prince being come into another Kingdome, and kept in hold, may haue his Agent? and if this Agent ought to be accounted an Ambassadour, or not?’

They answere, That a Prince may prohibit an Ambas­sadour to enter into his Kingdome, and command him out of his Kingdome, if he doth not containe himselfe within the limits prescribed to Ambassadours, but in the meane time he ought to enioy the priuiledge of an Ambassadour, for the authority of his Ambassie.

Vpon the answers of these Ciuill-Lawiers, the Bishop of Rosse being called backe from the Isle of Ely, and sharp­ly reprooued, the Councell denounced him not to be ac­knowledged an Ambassadour, but to be punished as a per­nicious Malefactor. To which he answered; ‘THat he beeing Ambassadour to an absolute Queene, vniustly deposed, had, according to his duty, labou­red [Page 277] for the libertie of his Princesse, and for the good of both the Kingdomes: that hee was come into Eng­land with ample authoritie, vnder publique testimony, which hee exhibited, and that the sacred Rites of Am­bassadours ought not by any meanes to be violated.’

Whereupon, Burghley grauely shewes him, that neither the Rites of the Ambassies, nor publique Letters of Cre­dit, are of validitie for Ambassadours which offend against the publique faith, but are subiect to penall actions, and that otherwise it should be permitted to wicked Ambassa­dours to attempt against the life of Princes, vnpunished. He on the contrary, opinatiuely maintained, that the authority of Ambassadours had neuer beene violated by way of Rite, but onely by way of fact (to vse his owne words) and boldly admonisheth them not to deale with him more sharpely then the English Ambassadours had beene dealt with, Throgmorton in France, Randolph and Tam­worth in Scotland, who had apparantly excited and nouri­shed rebellions, and were acquitted vpon command to de­part within a certaine time. They began to presse him vp­on the witnesse of some English-men: He declines from the English wit­nesses. he gently intreated them not to doe it, because (saith hee) that a receiued cu­stome doth establish it selfe for a Law: ‘An Englishman ought not to beare witnesse against a Scottishman, nor a Scottishman against an English­man.’

After some arguings hereupon, whether such custome tooke place elsewhere then vpon the Frontiers of both the Kingdomes, and whether English Ambassadours had stir­red Rebellion or no; Rosse is carried to the Tower of Lon­don, where being straitly kept, within a few dayes hee briefly made answere to all the interrogatories, with this caution, that his answeres might not be preiudicious to a­ny. And first, he excused the Queene of Scots, (who be­ing [Page 278] prisoner, and in the prime of her age) seeking to escape by any meanes, ELIZABETH hauing excluded all from seeing her, and barred her from all hope of libertie, and o­penly supported all her aduersaries: afterwards excuseth the Duke, that hee had not treated marriage with her, but by the aduice of many that were of Queen ELIZABETHS Councell, nor could he relinquish her, although he had vn­der his owne hand-writing promised to doe it, forasmuch as before that promise, a former promise of marriage had passed betweene them: And finally, excuseth himselfe, that being Ambassadour and Minister, could not without blame leaue the duety of his charge, and be wanting to his Princesse in her afflictions, and that he had propounded the seyzing of the person of Queene ELIZABETH, to no o­ther end, but to try whether the Duke had a minde prepa­red to doe a mischieuous act: and verily hee craftily exte­nuated the offences of the rest, and would neuer discouer the names of the Nobles which offered themselues to the Dukes seruice, for the seyzing of the Queenes person; one­ly confessed, that by the commandement of the Queene of Scots, he consulted with the Earles of Arundel, Lumley, and Throgmorton, and by Lumley, and the Vicount of Mountague, because that he was to deliuer into the hands of the English, the Castles which were in Scotland, the Hosta­ges, and the King of Scots, to renounce the title to Eng­land, and the English Rebels. But for this matter, enough is spoken of this yeere; and the particularities of it, may be drawne from the Dukes confession, and the memoriall sent to the Queen of Scots, written by the Bishop of Rosse's own hand.

At the same time, Mathew, Earle of Lenox, Vice-Roy of Scotland, and great Grand-father to the King, hauing appoynted the assembly of States at Sterlin, and thinking to be safe there, was surprized by the Lords of the contra­ry faction, which met together by the Queenes authoritie [Page 279] at Edenborrough, and hauing yeelded himselfe to Dauid Spencer, who laboured very hard to protect him, was slaine with him by Bell and Cauder, Lenox Ʋice-Roy of Scot­land is slain. after hauing with much trou­ble and paines ruled the Kingdome for the King his Ne­phew, the space of foureteene moneths, more or lesse: at what time France tooke the Queenes side, and Queen ELI­ZABETH the Kings, not so much to get their friends the victory, as to keepe them from being ouercome. Queen ELIZABETH hoped that the young King should haue beene deliuered into her hands, and the French thought that Dunbriton and Edenborrough should be giuen them: whereupon some Scottish Merchants were very much trou­bled, and traffique in France was denyed them, which drew a great partie to the Queenes side, in hope thereby to haue freedome of trade there againe. In Lenox his place, The Earle of Marre is elected Vice-Roy. by the common consent of the people, Iohn Areskin, Earle of Marre, was elected Vice-Roy, a man of a calme spirit, and a great louer of his Countrie, who beeing no lesse afflicted with the turbulent counsels of his friends, then by the in­sultings of his aduersaries, for very griefe dyed, when hee had gouerned thirteene moneths.

The iniquitie of these times, and the loue which the people of England bore to their Queene and Countrey, drew the States to Westminster, where they made a Law to preuent the plots of the seditious, Lawes a­gainst di­sturbers. by which it was orday­ned by ancient authoritie: ‘THat if any did attempt to ruine or hurt the Queene, to make warre, or excite others to doe it in any part of her dominions: or affirme that shee had no right to the Kingdome, but that it were more iustly due to another; or said, that shee was an Heretique, a Schismatique, or Infidell; that shee did vsurpe the right from another that was liuing; or that the Lawes and Statutes were not of power to define and [Page 280] tye the right of Succession, It should be Crimen laesae Maiestatis. If any one during the life of Queene E­LIZABETH, should expresly affirme either by wri­ting or Booke printed, that any one is or ought to bee the Queenes Heire or Successour, except the naturall Line which should proceede from her owne body; or that should publish, print, or sell Bookes written vpon this Subiect, he, and his maintainers, for the first time should suffer a whole yeeres imprisonment, and lose halfe their goods, but returning to the same offence a­gaine, they incurred the penaltie of a Praemunire; which is, losse of all goods, and imprisonment during life.’

This seemed grieuous vnto some, which thought that the tranquillity of the Kingdome ought to be strengthened by the designation of an Heire, but it was beyond beliefe, what iests the maliciously-curious made of this clause, [ Naturally begotten of her body,] because the Ciuill Law calls those Children naturall, which are borne out of marriage, and that nature onely, and not the honesty of wedlocke begot them: and the English Law, [ Legiti­mate,] those that are lawfully begotten. And I remem­ber being then young, to haue heard it spoken aloud, that this word was prest into this Law by Leicester, that some bastard-sonne of his should thrust in as one of neerest kinne to Queene ELIZABETH.

Lawes a­gainst Pa­pists.It was also ordained, that those who had by any Bull or writing from the Pope, reconciled any to the Church of Rome, should vndergoe the punishment of Crimen laesae Maiestatis. Those who sustaine the Reconcilers or bring­ers into England of Agnus Dei's, Graines, Crucifixes, or a­ny other things consecrated by the Pope of Rome, should lose all their goods, and indure perpetuall imprisonment: and those that shall conceale and not detect these Reconci­lers, [Page 281] were holden guiltie of Misprision of Treason. Fur­thermore, those goods and lands, which were conuicted for Rebellion in the North, beeing in the possession of Iames Pilkinton, Bishop of Durham, who challenged Regall power betweene the Riuers of Teise and Tyne, were ad­iudged to the Queene and her Successours, because she had with great cost deliuered both the Bishop and the Bishop­ricke from Rebels, yet so, as that in time to come it shall not be preiudiciall to the Regall rite of that Church of Durham. It was also ordained, that to meete with the in­solencies of such as were deuoted to the Pope, and despi­sing the authority of the Lawes, and their obedience to their Princesse, who day by day with-drew themselues in­to forraine Countries, without the Queenes licence, (ho­ping in time with a great number, and to innouate some­thing) they should returne within a certaine time, and make their submissions, and that the fraudulent conueyances which they had made, should be burnt. So much for the Papists.

On the other side, by wholsome Lawes they suppressed as well the couetousnesse of certaine of the Clergie, who, as if they had beene borne onely to themselues, with a no­torious malice to their Successours, wasted the goods of the Church, and let out the Lands for many yeeres, as the impudencie of others, who, with a desire to innouate, op­posed themselues to Articles of the Synod of London, for the abolishing of Schisme, in the yeere 1562. It was like­wise againe propounded, that if the Queene of Scots should againe offend the Lawes of England, she might be procee­ded against, as if she were a Peeres Wife of the Realme of England. But the Queene by her authority, hindered that from being made a Law.

In the beginning of Iune, the Parliament being ready to be dismissed, they sate vpon Iohn Story, a Doctor of Law, and Spie to the Duke of Alua, of whom I haue made [Page 282] mention in the yeere 1569. to know whether Iohn Storie being an English-man, should be found guilty Laesae Ma­iestatis, for hauing conferred with a stranger-Prince in Bra­bant, for the inuading of his Countrey, and shewing the meanes to doe it. The learned'st sort in the Law did af­firme, that hee might be accused Laesae Maiestatis. Where­upon hee was called vnto iudgement, for hauing conspi­red against the life of his Princesse with one Prestoll, a man much addicted to magicke, and in giuing thankes at the Table, alwayes cursed her, and the King of Scotland, to the fiends of Hell, and demonstrated to the Duke of Alua's Secretary the meanes to inuade England, to make Ireland reuolt, and at the same time to bring the Scots into Eng­land. He refused to submit himselfe to be iudged by the Lawes of England, maintayning, that being a sworne Sub­iect not to Queene ELIZABETH, but to the King of Spaine, Iohn Storie condemned to dye. the Iudges of England had no power ouer him. But hee was condemned according to the forme of ( Nihil di­cit) because no man can free himselfe from the Lawes of the Countrey where he is borne, nor renounce his naturall Countrey nor his Prince, and suffered as a Traytor.

Differences appeased be­tweene the English and the Portu­gals. Guienne.There was then for certaine yeeres, controuersie be­tweene the Portugals and the English, during the com­merce betweene them and the Moores for pure Gold, from the yeere 1552. in that part of Africa called Guienne, and others who had first discouered those Coasts, hindered as much as they could by force of armes, so as they fought sometimes by Sea, and detained Ships on both sides. But Sebastian, King of Portugall, being newly come to age, to make a peace, sent Francis Gerard into England, who made a Couenant with the Queene almost in these very words: ‘THat a perfect amitie may be made, and free com­merce had on both sides, the one shall not attempt [Page 283] any thing to the preiudice of the other, nor lend suc­cour to their enemies, Rebels, or Traytors; the Mer­chandize, Moneyes, and Ships, which are vnder ar­rest, to be restored. And Queene ELIZABETH, to gratifie the King of Portugal, prohibiteth the Eng­lish to vse any Nauigation in the Seas, or to the Lands which the Portugals had conquered. And that if they should doe otherwise, it should be vpon their owne perill, if the Portugals should depriue them both of goods and liues: The Kingdomes of Portugal and Argarbe, also the Iles of Azores and Madera excep­ted, in which, free Nauigation was permitted.’

This yere, W. Parre, Marquis of Northampton, The Mar­quis of Nor­thampton dyes. being very old, peaceably departed this life, a man much conuersant and well read in the delectable studies of Musicke, and in­tertainement of Louers, and other courtly iucundities, who was first raised to the dignitie of Baron Parre of Kendal, af­terwards he married Anne Bourchier, sole daughter & heire to the Earle of Essex, at the same time when the King mar­ried his sister; and afterwards b [...] EDVVARD made Mar­quis of Northampton; vnder the reigne of MARIE, hee was condemned of High-Treason for taking armes on the behalfe of Iane Grey, who was brought in by subornation to be Queene, but was shortly after pardoned, and restored to his inheritance, as he was afterwards to his honours by Queene ELIZABETH. He had no Children, but left to be his heire, Henrie Herbert, Earle of Pembroke, his other Sisters Sonne.

Iohn Iewell, The death of Bishop Iewell. a man of an excellent spirit and exquisit lear­ning in Theologie, and of great pietie, died the same yeere, being hardly fiftie yeeres of age, descended of good Pa­rents in Deuonshire, and commendably brought vp in Cor­pus Christi Colledge in the Vniuersitie of Oxford, who, in Queene MARIES reigne was banished into Germanie, [Page 284] and afterwards by Queene ELIZABETH beeing made Bishop of Salisburie, put forth, in the yeere 1562. an Apo­logie for the English Church, and most learnedly defended the Protestants Religion against Harding who was falne from it, in two Volumes in our owne Tongue, which are now translated into the Latine.

Affaires of Ireland. Ireland at that time was quiet enough: for Iohn Per [...]t, President of Mounster had so ransacked Iohn Fitz-Morris, who had pillaged Kilmalocke, that hee was constrained to hide himselfe in Caues, and in the end, as wee shall relate hereafter, brought to begge pardon with humble submissi­on. William Fitz Willi­am Deputy of Ireland. Sidney, Deputie of Ireland, returning into England, Fitz-William, who had married his Sister, succeeded in his place.

THE FIFTEENTH YEERE OF Her Reigne. Booke 2. 1572. Anno Dom. 1572.

THe beginning of a new yeere, brought forth a new Tragicall spectacle to the Inhabitants of London; for in the Palace of Westminster a Scaffold was e­rected, from the one end to the other, with a Tribunall vp­on it, and seates on either side, the like had not bin seene for eighteene yeeres before. Thomas, Duke of Norfolke is presented before the Nobles and Peeres, and arraigned in Westminster Hall. Thi­ther, vpon the sixteenth day of Ianuary, was Thomas How­ard, Duke of Norfolke, conducted betweene Owen Hopton, Lieutenant of the Tower of London, and Peter Carew, Knight, before whom was borne the fatall Axe, with the edge forward; vpon the Tribunall was seated George Talbot, Earle of Shrewsbury, constituted Lord high Steward of Eng­land for that day; vpon either side of him were placed the Nobles appointed Commissioners, which we call Peeres, [Page 286] to wit, Reynold Gray, Earle of Kent, Tho. Ratcliffe, Earle of Sussex, Henry Hastings, Earle of Huntington, Francis Russell, Earle of Bedford, Henry Herbert, Earle of Pembroke, Edw. Seimor, Earle of Hartford, Ambrose Dudley, Earle of War­wicke, Peeres of the Kingdome. Robert Dudley, Earle of Leicester, Walt. Deu [...]reux, Vi­count of Hereford, Edward Lord Clinton, Admirall, Willi­am Lord Howard of Effingham, Chamberlaine, William Cecill, Lord Burghley, Secretarie, Arthur Lord Gray, of Wilton, Iea. Blount, Lord Mountioy, Will. Lord Sands, Tho. Lord Wentworth, William Lord Bourrowes, Lewes Lord Mor­dant, Iohn Pawlet, Lord S. Iohn of Basing, Robert Lord Rich, Roger Lord North, Edm. Bruges, Lord Chandos, Oliuer Lord S. Iohn of Bletso, Tho. Sackuill, Lord Buckhurst, and Will. West, Lord De-la-Ware.

The maner of his ar­raignement.Silence being commanded, the Commission was read, importing the power giuen to the Iudge. Then Carter, chiefe King of Heralds, deliuered into his hands a white wand, which he presently after deliuered to the Groome Porter, who standing by, did hold it erected the whole time of the Court. Silence againe commanded, the Lieu­tenant of the Tower, was bidden to bring forth his charge, and present the Duke before the Seat of Iustice, who foorth-with appeared, on either side were the Lieutenants of the Tower, and Peter Carew, next of all, he that carried the Axe, the edge thereof turned from the Duke.

Silence the third time proclaimed, the Clerke appointed for the Acts of Iudgement, thus spake to the Duke, ‘Thomas, Duke of Norfolke, late of Kenninghale, in the County of Norfolke, hold vp thy hand.’

When he had holden vp his hand, the said Clerke read aloud the Crimes of which he was accused, that is to say, That in the eleuenth yeere of Queene ELIZABETH, and afterwards, the Duke hath treacherously held counsell to depose the Queene from her Kingdome, to take away [Page 287] her life, and to inuade the Realme by raysing of warre, and bringing in troupes of Strangers. That notwithstanding he had certaine knowledge, that Mary, late Queene of Scots, had arrogated to herselfe the Crowne of England, The chiefe points of his accusation. with the Title and Armes thereof, yet hath he treated (vn­knowne to the Queene) of a marriage betwixt them, and contrary to the promise vnder his hand and Seale, hath lent vnto her certaine large summes of money. That hee had assisted and succoured the Earles of Northumberland, West­merland, Marquenfield, and others, notwithstanding that hee had good notice, that they had raised Rebellion a­gainst the Queene, and were chased into Scotland. That in the thirteenth yeere of the Queenes Reigne, by Letters, he demanded succours of the Pope, Pius Quintus, sworne E­nemy to the Queene, of the Spaniard, and Duke D' Alua, to set the Queene of Scots at liberty, and re-establish the Ro­mane religion in England. Finally, that hee had relieued and aided Heris a Scottish-man, and others, enemies to her Maiestie in Scotland. These Articles being read, the Clerke demanded of the D. if he were guilty of these accusations.

Whereupon the Duke desired (if the Law would permit it) that he might haue an Aduocate to defend his cause: to which Catelin the Chiefe Iustice answered, that it might not be allowed.

THen it is meet, said he,
The Duke demandeth an Aduocate to plead his cause.
that I submit to the sentences of the Iudges; but the matter is full of ambiguities; neither did I knowe within these foure and twenty houres, that I was to come to Iudgement, and so was vnprepared of Bookes. I see now well that I must enter into combate for my life without Armes. I haue heard neuerthelesse, that in the reigne of HENRY the seuenth, in a cause of Laesae Ma­iestaris, Humphrey Stafford had an aduocate assigned him.

To which Dier Chiefe Iustice of the Common-Pleas, [Page 288] answered, that Stafford (indeed) had an Aduocate allowed him, to pleade for him concerning the right of Azile, from whence by force he was taken, but for the crime of Laesae Maiestatis, without any assistance, hee pleaded his cause himselfe.

THen, this day (replyes the Duke) must I my selfe plead for my life, goods, my Children, and for what counteruailes all these, mine Honour: but let that Honour passe; if I innocently perish, GOD will not let it passe vnreuenged. Yet this one thing let me be permitted to question; whether that enumeration of crimes will hold true in euery point, and to what point I must make answere? Catelin made reply, Since the causes are true, this enumeration also must be estee­med true. I desire to bee instructed (saith the Duke) whether euery of these bee crimes of Laesae Maiestatis? For I haue heard related, that in the cause of the Lord Scroope, vnder the Reigne of Henry the 4. But as he would haue proceeded, the Clerke interrupted him, speaking with a loud voice,

THomas, Duke of Norfolke, art thou guilty of these crimes, or no? The Duke denyed. Then he was further demanded, How wilt thou be tried? He answered, I commit my cause to God and to these Peeres. The odiousnesse of these crimes amazeth mee, but the Royall clemency of her Maiestie, from which (besides what I haue receiued, I can expect no more) much refresheth me. But of you (my Lord Iudge) let me request thus much, that I may bee iustly dealt withall, and that my memory, which is indeede but weake, may not bee too much oppressed with a confused variety of matters. I confesse my selfe happy, hauing you my Peeres for Iudges, and with much willingnesse [Page 289] would commit my life to the integrity of the most of you. I was assured in mine owne innocency, and therefore sought no way to fly. Yet I cannot but ingenuously con­fesse, that I haue beene wanting in my duty towards the Queene, but neuer did I any thing which might touch or offend so Royall a Maiestie. I beseech you then, that those higher matters may not bee commixt equally with those of Laesae Maiestatis.

Then Barham, the Queenes Serieant at Law, began; Those Crimes (saith hee) of Laesae Maiestatis, of which you thus expostulate, are these. You haue complotted to de­priue the Queene both of Kingdome and life, you haue con­sulted of a marriage with the late Queene of Scotland, you haue inuited forraigne powers to inuade the Realme, you haue succoured Rebels, and haue sent ayde to those Scots which were the Queenes Enemies. The Duke interposeth, saying; ‘BArham, doe not (I pray you) exasperate the matter with words, in obiecting against me the marriage, and other things which fall not amongst the offences of high Treason.’

Barham, turning to the Peeres, vrgeth this: He (quoth he) that will marry a wife that layeth claime to a King­dome, doth likewise affect the same Kingdome. For the Duke had enterprized the same, being amongst the Com­missioners at Yorke, appointed for the hearing of the Queen of Scots Cause, being at that time bound by his oath, equal­ly to ballance the accusations and defences of either part.

The Duke replyeth, ‘There be diuers parts contained in that cause, which are not crimes of Laesae Maiestatis.

But the Lord high Steward commanded the Duke not [Page 290] to stray so farre from the purpose by digressions: where­vpon ( Barham clamorously insisting) he acknowledged that the Queene of Scots had laid claime to the Crowne of Eng­land, but had long time since desisted. Barham on the con­trary demonstrated, that shee had not as yet desisted, be­cause she had not yet renounced the right which she pre­tended: hee furthermore grieuously accused the Duke, that he instructed the Deputies of the Queene of Scots what to answere, according as it appeared in the Confession of the Bishop of Rosse. The Duke confessed, that Lidington had made a motion to him of the marriage, but he refused the same, neither gaue he any instructions, but desired that Rosse might be produced in presence.

After this, Barham amply prosecuteth many things of the marriage, which haue beene spoken of, with an intent to prooue that the Duke had an affection to the Kingdome, and insisteth with often-repeated Interrogatories. What other thing could the Duke propound to himselfe, The second Article of his accusati­on. whilest (without the Queens knowledge) he determined to marry the Queene of Scots, being a woman without meanes or Kingdome (her Sonne being established in the Kingdome) then that by her he hoped to enioy the Crowne of Eng­land, and so consequently depriue the Queene both of rule and life?

You haue (quoth the Duke) lowdly repeated these things, to conuince me of enterprizing the deposing and ruine of the Queene.

To come to the point (sayes Barham) it is sufficiently knowne, that you haue consulted about the surprizing of the Tower of London, which is the strongest place in the Realme, whereby it is necessarily manifest, that you had then plotted the ruine of the Queene, seeing that Rule is impatient of competitors. The Duke denieth not, hat one Hopton suggested him to the surprizing of the Tower of [Page 291] London, but he vtterly reiected it. Why then (quoth Bar­ham) did you aske counsell of the Earle of Pembroke con­cerning the same, who disswaded you from it.

Barham proceedeth, and vrgeth, that when the Queene of England had demanded that the young King of Scotland, certaine Castles, and the rebellious English which were in Scotland, should be deliuered into her hands: The Duke had vnder-hand aduised the Scots, not to consent thereunto. He likewise accused him, that hee endeuoured to free the Queene of Scots out of prison; and that, after hee had reli­giously promised by his hand-writing, not to meddle with her in any kind of busines.

One Candish was then produced for a witnesse, who de­posed, that the Duke had constantly resolued of the marri­age, and had asked him, if (after the death of Queen ELI­ZABETH, he might draw his Vncle to his partie. These the Duke altogether denyed, reiecting his testimony, as of a poore and abiect fellow. After this it was demonstra­ted, that the Duke had secretly sent a Seruant to the Earles of Northumberland and Westmerland, to aduertise them, not to stir in the Rebellion, because he thought it would be very dangerous. Letters also were brought in, which the Queene of Scots had written to the Duke, importing, that shee was much grieued that the Earle of Northumberland was apprehended before hee had taken vp Armes in the Rebellion: (For whether shee vnderstood this by report, or it was inuented of purpose, I cannot say.)

To this the Duke answered: ‘THat by these reasons it could not probably bee inferred, that hee had laboured the destruction of the Queene; neither was any thing that hath hitherto bin produced, of any moment against him, ex­cepting the testimony of the Bishop of Rosse; and that [Page 292] also of him being a forreiner (by the authoritie of Bra­cton, a man most expert in our Lawes) in no wise is to be admitted. That he neuer had Northumberland or Westmerland in such esteeme that hee would com­mit his life into their hands: and that his innocencie was such a sure rampire to him, that hee neuer medita­ted of any escape for himselfe.’

The third Article of his accusa­tion.Then Gerard, the Queenes Attourney, spake: It is more than sufficiently apparant, that the Duke would haue espou­sed the Queene of Scots, to destroy the Queene of England. The Letters which he hath writtē to the Pope, the King of Spaine, and Duke d'Alua, doe iustifie that hee had a deter­mination to inuade England. That which hee consulted of with Ridolfe, was now likewise openly knowne by the ob­scure Characters which were found hidden vnder the tiles in the house of the Howards, and by the Letters also (which he commanded to be burnt) but were found at the entry of his Chamber vnder the Matte. And all these things may easily bee proued by the interrogatories and answeres of them that haue not beene affrighted with torments, nor condemned to haue attempted ought against the State.

To which, the Duke replyed: I Haue not (quoth hee) beene eyther author or fauou­rer of the counsels and deliberations holden with the Pope or Spaniard, but to the contrary, I haue alwayes reproued and disallowed them. Those that haue offen­ded, let them suffer, and not discharge them vpon me.’

Besides all this, Gerard accused the Duke, that hee had consulted with Ridolfe for the landing of tenne thousand men out of Flanders at Harwich, a Port in Essex: and this was iustified out of the examination of Barker. That Let­ters [Page 293] were written by Ridolfe to the King of Spaine, and Duke d'Alua; to which, although the Duke subscribed not, yet by the counsell of Rosse, hee sent Barker his Secretary as Ambassadour, to auerre them to be the Dukes owne Let­ters.

MY memory (replyeth the Duke) beginneth to falter, neither can it containe such an intricate varietie of matters: You other pleaders haue your notes and memorialls with you, but I must ex tempo­re answere to all mine accusers.
The Duke of Norfolke contrary to the Romane Religion.
But surely it is not probable, that I who haue alwayes beene contrary to the Roman Religion, should entertaine a treatie with the Pope. I had a great deale rather be torne in pieces with wilde Horses, than to depart from the Religion which I professe. Consider but the situation of Harwich, and it will easily annihilate the accusation. Who sees not how difficult a thing it is, to leade an Armie thorow that part of the Countrey, which is round inclosed with hedges, and most incommodious, by reason of the streight and narrow wayes and passages? Had I had a determination to rayse an army against my Princesse, without doubt I would not haue beene vnprouided of Armes: but I haue not for these tenne yeeres past, bought any more than eight Corslets; and for Gun­powder, not any at all. I neuer committed any Letters to the trust of Barker, but rather of Banister, that was to mee more than many Barkers.

Then were the intercepted Letters of the Bishop of Rosse, The Letters of the Bi­shop of Rosse, to the Qu. of Scots are produced. which he writ in Prison to the Queene of Scots pro­duced, by which, what things were before spoken, were confirmed. The Duke requested to see them, for it see­med that he suspected them to be supposed. But the Iudge answered, You need not call them in question, for they are [Page 294] written with the Bishops owne hand. Besides these, a little Letter was brought forth, which the Duke had writ­ten in Okar to one of his Seruants, The Dukes Letter to his seruant. wherein hee comman­ded him to burne the packet which was hidden in a cer­taine place, and to turne the fault vpon the Bishop, who by the priuiledge of an Ambassadour, might delude the Law. To which, the Duke replyed in these words: ‘Being certified that it was diuulged abroad, that many had accused mee, I answered by this Letter, and seeing all things were so neerely searcht into, I commanded that packet should be burnt, because I would saue others from danger.’

The Letters of Ridolfe. Bromley, the Queenes Sollicitor, presented the Letters of Ridolfe, wherein was conteined, that the Duke d'Alua had approued the designe: Of the Pope. likewise the Letters of the Pope to the Duke, dated the fourth of the Nones of May. Then Wilbraham made a faire discourse, concerning what credit should be giuen to the testimonies of the Bishop, and of the Dukes seruants: whereto the Duke made answere: ‘CErtes, it falls not vnder the power of my faculties, to frame a replication to such an elegant and poli­shed Oration. Yet this Oratour, such and so great as he is, hath omitted to speake how great the violence of feare is, which oftentimes doth remoue a firme and wel-composed minde out of its place and state. Againe, hee alledged Bracton, The testimo­ny of Stran­gers. against the credit giuen to for­reine witnesses.’

But Catelin answered, that in such causes as this, the te­stimonies of Strangers were auaileable, and that it was in the power of the Peeres, eyther to giue or deny them credit.

[Page 295]Now was that matter come to be proued, that the Duke had succoured the rebellious Fugitiues; which was found apparant by the Letters of the Countesse of Northumber­land, The third Article of his accusa­tion. in which shee gaue the Duke great thankes for the money wherewith he furnished her husband and her selfe. Finally, the last obiection of the relieuing of those Scots which were enemies to the Queene, was prooued by the Letters of the Duke to Banister, by Banisters confession, and by the Mony which was deliuered to Browne of Shrop­shire. Hereupon the Duke demanded of the Iudges, Whe­ther the Subiects of another Prince, confederate with the Queene, may be accounted enemies to the Queene? Catelin answered, They might, and that the Queene of England might make warre with any Duke in France, and in the meane time, obserue a peace with the King of France.

But as the night began to approch, the Lord high Stew­ard demanded of the Duke, if he had any thing more to speake for himselfe. The Duke answered, In the equitie of the Lawes, I repose my trust. Then hee commanded the Lieutenant of the Tower, to retyre with the Duke awhile: after silence was proclaimed, turning to the Peeres, hee thus spake to them: ‘YOu haue heard, how Thomas, Duke of Nor­folke, being accused of Laesae Maiestatis, and not confessing himselfe guiltie, hath committed his cause to GOD, and to you. It is your part then, to consider amongst your selues, whether hee is to be hol­den guilty or no, and to giue vp your verdicts accor­ding to conscience and honour.’

They likewise withdrawing themselues at his command, The Peeres consult a­mongst thē ­selues. consulted together: after a while, they returned to their places. Then the Lord High Steward, beginning at the lowest, said, Lord De la Ware, Is Thomas, Duke of Nor­folke, [Page 296] guiltie of the crimes of Laesae Maiestatis, for which he is heere arraigned at the Iudgement-Seate? De-la-Ware, ri­sing vp, and laying his hand on his brest, hee answered, Guilty; the like did euery one in order, being demanded. Then was the Duke againe brought before the Tribunall, to whom the Lord High-Steward in this manner spake: ‘THomas, Duke of Norfolke, you are heere arraigned for diuers crimes of Laesae Maiestatis, and haue submitted your selfe to God and these Peeres, by euery one of whom you are pronounced guiltie. Is there now any cause why Iudgement should not be pronounced?’

The Duke answered: ‘The will of GOD be done, that will be iudge betweene mee and my false accusers.’

Then euery man being silent, the edge of the Axe was turned towards the Duke, and Barham in the Queenes name required the Lord High-Steward to pronounce his Iudgement, which hee, with teares in his eyes, according to the forme, pronounced in these words: The Sen­tence pro­nounced a­gainst the Duke.FOrasmuch as you Thomas, Duke of Norfolke, beeing accused of the crimes of Laesae Maiestatis, haue pleaded Not guiltie, and submitted your selfe to the Iudgement of these Peeres, who declared you guiltie: The whole Assembly adiudged you to be committed back to the Tower, from thence to be drawne vpon a Sledde thorow the Citie, to the place of executi­on, there, to be hanged, and cut downe halfe dead, then to haue your Bowels taken out, your Head cut off, and your Body quartered into foure parts: whose Head shall be at her Maiesties disposing, and at the Queenes [Page 297] pleasure: But GOD bee mercifull vnto your Soule.’

The Duke hauing heard this Sentence, with a minde full of courage, he said: ‘THis Sentence is pronounced against mee as a Traytor: my confidence is in GOD and the Queene, hoping that if I bee depriued of your company, I shall reioyce with them in Heauen, and so will prepare my selfe for my death. I desire no other thing, but that the Queene would shew her selfe propitious to my Children and Seruants, and bee care­full for the payment of my debts.’

These, were the particulars that passed in these affaires, which I haue here declared, because it is expedient for our posterity, that in great matters the lesse occurrences should be remembred.

A few dayes after, Barney and Marter are put to death. Barney and Marter were put to death, for hauing conspired against the death of certaine of her Maiesties Councell, and plotted the freedome and libertie of the Duke. One Herle was priuy thereunto, and of the same company: but hee soone reuealed the same, and as hee was brought face to face before Barney, Truely (said Barney) thou hast preuented mee but of an houre: for if thou hadst not so soone discouered it, I purposed to haue done it, and so now should I be in thy place to accuse thee, and thou in mine to be hanged. This conspiration and other plots which were practised to set the prisoners at liberty, was the cause that a Parliament was forthwith summoned. At which time, the Queene created Walter d' Eureux, Earles cre­ated. Earle of Essex, for that by his great Grand-mother hee was descen­ded from the Bourchiers, sometimes Earles of Essex. And Edward, Lord Clinton, who had large possessions in Lin­colneshire, Earle of Lincolne. Her Maiestie likewise made [Page 298] Iohn Pawlet of Basing, Sonne to the Lord Marquis of Win­chester, Henrie Compton, Henrie Cheyney, and Henrie Nor­rice, Peeres of England, summoned them into the Vpper-House, there to haue their voyces, and after to beare the Title of Barons. Barons e­lected. Amongst other Acts, it was made Felo­ny to intercept, ruinate, or burne any of her Maiesties Ships, Lawes esta­blished for the better security of the Queene and her Kingdome. Fortresses, or Harbours. Item, It was enacted, that whosoeuer should attempt to set at liberty any person or persons committed by her Maiesties expresse command, or which had trespassed against her Maiestie, or was held suspected to haue offended; if the partie were not indicted, he was to be punished with onely losse of goods in stead of life, and imprisonment during her Maiesties pleasure; if in­dicted, with death; if condemned, to be held guilty of trea­son. But as necessitie brought in Decrees for the time, so the States thought good they should be temporary, or du­ring the Queenes life. But as new practices were daily dis­couered, so they serued to hasten on the Dukes punish­ment, which notwithstanding was yet deferred some fiue moneths more or lesse; nor before, could either the Lower-House of Parliament, the Lords of the Priuy-Councell, or the importunacy of Preachers, (aggrauating how great and eminent danger there was) ouercome her Maiesties mercifull clemency.

The Duke of Norfolke beheaded.The fourth day of Iune, by eight a clocke in the fore­noone, the Duke was brought to a Scaffold, built vpon the Tower-Hill; whereupon being mounted, and Alexander Nowell, Deane of Saint Pauls, (who was appointed his Comforter) had requested the confused People to be si­lent, he said, among many other words that I heard, these: ‘IT is not strange to see some suffer death in this place, although that since her Royall Maiestie began to reigne, I am the first, and I pray God I may be the last; with that the People cried all aloud, Amen.’

[Page 299]Then, continuing his Speech, he said; ‘I know well (said hee) the Peeres of the Realme haue iustly iudged mee worthy to dye, His speech at the houre of his death. nor haue I purpose to excuse my selfe. I haue treated, I freely confesse, in matters of great importance with the Queene of Scots, without the priuity of my Soueraigne, which I ought not to haue done, and for that I was first committed; and hauing had my libertie vpon my humble submission, I past my faithfull promise that I would neuer more con­ferre with her, yet I did, I confesse, which torments my Conscience, but I neither promised, nor swore (as they say) at the Lords Table. I went, and but once, to Ri­dolfe, but with no intent of conspiracie against her Maiestie: For it is well knowne, that I had great dealings with him vpon my accounts and reckonings. I found he enuied the present peace of the Land, and was very subtill in plotting proiects of mischiefe. Twice there came Letters to my hands from the Bishop of Rome, to which I neuer gaue consent, nor to the Rebel­lion in the North. I renounced Papistrie, after I ta­sted the sweete of Religion, and reiecting the Popes do­ctrine, I embraced the true Religion of Iesus Christ, be­leeuing wholy and soly in his precious bloud, my Saui­our and Redeemer: yet I cannot deny, but many of my Family and familiars were addicted to the Romish Re­ligion, wherein, if I haue offended GOD, the Church, and Protestants, I beseech him and them to forgiue mee.’

Then, after they had sung a Psalme or two, he said with a lowd voyce; Into thy hands, O Lord, I commend my spirit. Then, imbracing Henry Ley, hee whispered something in his Eare; and after, he spoke to the Deane of Pauls, who turning him to the people, said; The Duke intreateth you all [Page 300] to pray with him, that GOD would be mercifull to him; and that you would be silent, that his spirit be not disturbed. Hee forgaue his Executioner, asking him pardon, refusing to put the Napkin ouer his face, The Duke of Norfolke's head is cut off. which he offered him, say­ing, I feare not death. Then kneeling downe, his heart lift vp to GOD on high, hee prostrated himselfe on the Scaf­fold, the Deane praying intentiuely with him; then, lay­ing his necke ouer the Blocke, at one stroke his head was cut off, which the Executioner shewed: a lamentable spe­ctacle to the people, most mournfully then shedding teares and sighing.

Sundry sen­sures of him after his death.It is almost incredible how dearely the People loued him, and how by his naturall benignity, and courteous actions, (qualities well becomming so great a Prince) hee had gained the hearts of the Multitude: Diuers of the wi­ser sort (as they were affected) passed their censures diuers­ly, some from an apprehension they had of great feare and danger might haue ensued, had hee suruiued; others, com­miserating the case of one so nobly borne, so gentle by nature, so comely of personage, of so manly an aspect, so compleat in all parts, to perish so pittyously one, who had not the subtill sleights of his Aduersaries, and the slippery hopes he had conceiued, vnder a colour of benefitting his Countrey and Common-wealth, diuerted from the first-begun course of his life, hee had beene the greatest honour and ornament of his Countrey. They called also to me­mory the lucklesse death and destiny of his late Father, who although vniuersally admired for Arts and Armes, had some fiue and twentie yeeres before this, lost his head in the same place, vpon sleight occasions, to wit, for hauing his Armes quartered with King Edward the Confessour, which we reade, the Mowbrayes, the Dukes of Norfolke, had borne, being giuen them by King Richard the Second, from which Mowbrayes he drew his petigree.

Whereupon, it shall not be impertinent to the purpose, [Page 301] briefly to adde from what shop these Conspiracies were first forged, as Hierome Catene in his History of the life of Pius the fifth relateth. An Author, for his credit, Catenes re­lations of the precedent matters. made free Denison of Rome, and admitted Secretary to Cardinall Alexandrine, Nephew to Pius the fifth.

POpe Pius the 5. (saith he) burning with a zea­lous desire to re-establish the Romane Religion, and hauing no other so conuenient a Messenger to bee his Nuncio Apostolike,
Pope Pius the fifth in­censed a­gainst Qu. Elizabeth.
imployed Robert Ri­dolph, Gentleman, of Florence, who comming into England, (vnder pretext of other businesse) indeuoured himselfe to nothing more, then to stir the hearts of the Queenes Subiects, to her destruction: wherein he dealt with such dexterity, that he brought not onely Papists, but also some Protestants to be of his faction: some,
How he im­ployed the English.
for a priuate malice they bore to those which aymed at the Kingdome; others, out of a desire of innouation. As these matters were working vnder-hand and couertly, there happened a debate betwixt the Spaniard and the Queene, for certaine moneys that had been intercepted, now in her possession. Hereupon the Pope tooke occasion to perswade the King of Spaine, to lend his helping hand to those which were combin'd Conspirators in England,
The King of Spaine.
against Qu. ELIZA. that so he might with the more facillity effect his affaires in the Low-Countries, and restore the Catholike Religion in England.
The King of France.
In like maner dealt he with France, as if he were bound to assist his Kinswoman, the Queen of Scotland, and to pleasure the Scots, who to diuert the English from ayding the Pro­testants in France, had made incursions vpon the Eng­lish: nor ought be any lesse to some great persons of the confederacy in England, who by their policy had so pre­uented, as that the Queene should not publikely send any ayde to the Huguenots of France; by reason whereof, [Page 302] the King of France promised his aide to set free the Qu. of Scots, but failed to performe. In the meane time, Ridolph so wrought, that he brought Norfolke to bee chiefe of the conspiracie, promising him marriage with the Queene of Scots, with her consent. The better al­so to effect this businesse, the Pope deposed the Queene of her Crowne and Kingdome, and absolued her Sub­iects of all Oath and Allegeance, by a Bull which hee caused to be published, whereof he sent copies, printed, to Ridolph, to be dispersed through the Kingdome. Here­upon the Earles of Northumberland and Westmer­land raised Armes in the North of England against the Queene; but money failing there, they speedily fled into Scotland, and the Duke of Norfolke, with others, were committed to prison; amongst which, Ridolph was one, who had receiued commandement from his Holi­nesse, to deliuer to the Confederate League an hundred and fiftie thousand Crownes, which hee could not doe, beeing now prisoner. But her Maiesty not looking so deepely (as concerned her) into the plot of the Conspira­cie,
The King of Portugal.
set Ridolph and some others at liberty, and hauing distributed the foresaid moneys amongst the Confede­rates,
The Duke of Alua oppo­seth.
was by them sent home againe to the Pope, to ad­uertise him, that now all things were in a readinesse for the dispatch of the Queen, and to procure with all speed the best supplies he might from the Spaniard, out of the Low-Countries. The Pope commended well this pur­pose, although indeed the Duke of Norfolke had for­merly misliked the same, as a matter full of much diffi­culty,
Wherefore.
in a priuate conference hee had with Ridolph once vpon the way; and, vnder a colour of other matter, addrest himselfe to the Kings of Spaine & Portugal, to informe them thereof. He promiseth the Duke of Norfolke, by his Letters, to send him succour, mooueth with the King of Spaine to bee assistant, and to further [Page 203] the matter the more, offereth to goe himselfe in person, and if neede were, to spend the goods of his See-Aposto­like, Challices, holy Vestiments, and Crucifixes, assu­ring him, that he could and would easily effect the same, nor was there any difficultie to be doubted, would hee send ouer Chappin Vittel with an Armie out of Flan­ders into England, which thing the Spaniard with all expedition commanded to be done, whilest the Pope pro­uided money. But the Duke D'Alua, enuying that Vitel should haue the honour of this seruice, sought to preferre his Sonne thereunto, fearing that the French should fall from them with their Forces, and doubting the Conquest of England might yeelde any profit to Spaine, or that the Pope was able to comply with them, for money sufficient for so great a designe. Notwith­standing, the King of Spaine gaue expresse command that he should inuade England, and to that end sent mo­neys by Ridolph into Flanders. But it pleased God, the matter was discouered to the Queene of England by some beyond seas, and the Duke of Norfolke apprehen­ded, and iudged to death, which brought no lesse griefe to the Pope then to the King of Spaine,
A vaine successe,
who said in the presence of Cardinall Alexandrine, his Nephew, That neuer was businesse more deliberately attempted,
Wherewith the Pope & the King of Spaine are vext and an­gry.
carried with more courage and constancy of the Confe­derates, nor lasted longer time vndiscouered by any of the coniurate-society, That their military Companies might in foure and twentie houres space, be put ouer out of Flanders into England, the Queene, and the City of London suddenly surprized, Religion restored, and the Queene of Scotland settled and crowned in her steade: All which were like to haue the better successe, for that Thomas Stukeley, an English Fugitiue, was then in readinesse with three thousand men, to bring Ireland in subiection to the King of Spaine, and with three Ships [Page 303] that were Spies, set the English Fleete on fire.

Thus H. Catene, of which much was vnknowne till the yeere 1588. when he published a booke, printed at Rome, and priuiledged by Sixtus the Sixth. Now returne wee to the purpose, if we be digrest.

Scarce ten dayes after the Dukes death, were sent to the Queene of Scots, then all mournefull and in sorrow, Will. Lord de-la-Warre, The Queene of Scots ac­cused. Sir Ralph Sadler, Tho. Wilson, Doctor of the Ciuill Lawes, and T. Bromley, the Queenes Attourney, who were so to expostulate with her, as to charge her for vsurping the Title and Armes of England, nor that she had renounced them, according as it was conditioned at Eden­borrough, and to assume them more freely, had secretly con­triued to marry with the Duke of Norfolke; which the ra­ther to bring to passe, shee had left nothing vnassayed by the ministery of her Agents; by force and Armes to set the Duke at liberty, had raised Rebellion in the North Countrey, had succoured the conuicted Rebels of Scotland and Flanders; had, by Ridolph the Italian his solliciting, implored the aydes of the Pope, the King of Spaine, and o­thers, for inuading the Countrey of England; they vrged also, that shee had receiued Letters from the Pope, who had promised to keepe her as safe vnder his wing, as the Hen doth her Chickens, calling her and her Complices, [ The true Children of the Church.] And finally, that shee had procured a Bull from the Pope against the Queene, and and had suffered herselfe by her friends in forraigne parts, to be called ‘The Queene of England.

To all these, with a bold countenance, and constant re­solution, (hauing first protested herselfe to be a free Prince, and subiect to none) she answered, [Page 305]THat she had not vsurped the Title or Armes of England, but that being yet young, and vnder the power of her Husband; the King of France, Mary Qu. of Scotland her answere to her accu­sation. necessity imposed them vpon her; but since her Hus­bands death, shee neuer bore them: wherefore it was not to be imputed to her as any fault of hers, neither would she take them to her, so long as ELIZABETH liued, or any Childe shee should beare. That in the matching with the Duke of Norfolke, shee had no thought of any ill might happen to the Cōmon-wealth, but rather much good, and if she should renounce the marriage, it was contrary to the matrimoniall Vow she had made, and that by dutie thereof, she was bound to aduertise the Duke of his dangers, and to quit him­selfe out of prison. That she had neuer raised, nor con­sented to the raising of any tumults, but was alwaies ready to discouer what plots shee knew of, against the Queene or Countrey, if she had pleased by her to bee ad­monished of, or to haue admitted her to her sight or hea­ring; nor at any time had succoured the English Rebels, but only by her Letters had recommended the Countesse of Northumberland to the Duke D'Alua. Of Ridolph she was to haue necessary vse for her pensionary Annui­ties, and in some money-matters; whom shee knew to be a great Fauourite of the Popes, but neuer had recei­ued any Letters from him, had neuer dealt with any touching her deliuery, but indeed had not refused to giue eare to such as had offered the seruice in that kind, and for that cause had passed her priuie Seale to Rowlston and Hall. She had sometimes receiued Letters consola­tory and full of piety from the Pope, wherein was no mention of any such matter, nor had shee procured any Bull from Rome; onely on a time a copie of one of them was shewed her, which, after she had read, shee cast it into the fire. But if any out of forraigne Countries [Page 306] shall write or speake otherwise then they ought, they ought to answere it, and to suffer the penaltie of their faults. She neuer sought or sent either to the Pope or K. of Spaine, for the procuring any inuasion vpon Eng­land, but had implored their helpes for her restoring into her owne Realme, but not before her Maiestie had preadmonition thereof. But if shee were to be called in question concerning these Letters, she requested (for that shee was issued from the Bloud Royall of England) that she might answere for herselfe in person in open Parliament.’

In the meane time was Scotland all vp in Armes, mise­rably troubled with Ciuill Warres, whilest on the one side, Sedition in Scotland. such as fauoured the Queene, relying vpon aide from the French, and the other party expecting the like from England, had dayly encounters together, notwithstanding both English and French shewed themselues most desirous to appease and accord their dissentions by the Ambassages which either countrey sent into Scotland. The Queene of England, & the King of France endeuour to accord them. Of which France proposed, that their most commodious course would bee, to elect amongst them some persons of well-known worth and wisedome, to gouerne the Kingdome for a time, not taking vpon them supreame authority, or the names of King or Queene: they were not willing to acknowledge for King the King of Scotland; for that they held hee had no right but by his mother, and that shee was vniustly de­posed of her Subiects, and therefore shee was iustly to bee reputed their Queene, and the ancient League of Alliance betwixt her and France to continue firme and inuiolable. Those likewise from England, They differ in opinions. on the contrary, maintained by strong argument, that such an Administration or popu­lar gouernment would be an Anarchy, and that the Com­monwealth was not to admit plurality of Gouernours, and that Scotland hauing alwaies beene commanded by Kings, was not now to haue an election of such Administrators. [Page 307] That the States of the Realme had deposed the Queene, and lawfully crowned and inthroned the King, and that the ancient recited Alliance, was a contract, not of persons, but of the two Kingdomes of France and Scotland, alledg­ing also, that by an expresse Law, the most Christian King was bound to defend the King of Scots in these termes.

If there happen at any time controuersie about the King­dome of Scotland, the Kings of France shall support, ayde, and defend him whom the States of Scotland shall adiudge the Title of the Kingdome to.

And as touching the causes of the Queenes deposing, it should bee enquired of of those Scots who haue deposed her.

The French notwithstanding, Causes al­leadged, why the French fauour the Queene of Scotland. openly fauouring the par­tie of the Queene of Scotland, became serious intercessours to her Maiestie, for to set her at liberty, lest that as his Am­bassadour did freely, hee might bee thought not to respect her who had been wife to the King his brother, and now the Dowager of France; and to neglect the now pu­issant Family of the Guizes in France, or to approoue that pernicious example of deposing of Kings. And which was the most capitall point of all, that shee finding her selfe a­bandoned of the French in her aduersity, might seeke Pa­tronage from Spaine, and that by her meanes, the three prepotent Realmes of England, Scotland, and Ireland, might colleague them in amity with Spaine, to the no small en­damagement of the State of France.

To these Qu. ELIZABETH with milde alacrity answered.

THe King of France will be well aduised,
The Queene of England contesteth with the French.
what or how he shall doe with the Queene of Scot­land, notwithstanding she was their Queene, [Page 308] and now is their Dowager, howbeit for the dissoluing of the Duke of Aniou's mariages she hath held secret cōsul­tation with the Spaniard. He will also consider, whether that ancient Law of Alliance be violable, and whether he be bound therby, or no, to defend the King in his non­age. He will also bethinke him how much France is beholden or obliged to the Family of the Guizes, by whose practices the Countrey hath beene afflicted with long and bloody wars, the French haue beene forced to lose the loue of Scotland, and the poore Queene brought into this calamitable case she is in. In very deed, the example of deposing Kings, I hold a thing most pernici­ous, and well deseruing infernall punishment, but for that the Scots are to answere. And for mine owne part, I call to mind the things which grieue my heart to remember. But notwithstanding I know not how the French in old times allowed of Pepin, when he supplan­ted Childeric; & Hugo Capet, Charles of Lorraine; depriuing them of their ancient successions descended to them from a long-continued Race of Ancestors, to transferre the Scepter to new-erected Families: As also Philip (surnamed, the good) Duke of Burgundie, exiled Iaquette from his countries of Hainault & Hol­land: or the Danes, when they expulst from his King­dome, Christianus the second, and his Daughters. Or the Spaniards, who imprisoned the Queene Vraca, after they had put her from the Crowne. It is no nouelty for Sonnes to succeed their deposed Mothers. So Henry the Second was admitted King of England; Alphonsus, the yonger Sonne of Vraca, King of Castill; and of late memory, Charles the fifth King of Spaine and Sici­ly, their Mothers then suruiuing. The world is full of examples of many Queenes that haue exchanged their Diademes for prisons, which France doth testifie at large, hauing imprisoned (not to say further) the [Page 309] wiues of three of their Kings, one after another, Lewes Hutin, Philip the long, and Charles the faire: For my part, I detaine the Queene of Scots vnder a reason­able Guard, but I doe it for the preseruation of Eng­land, and mine owne safety, after the example of the French, who for their better security of affaires, put Chilperic into a Monasterie, Charles of Lorraine in­to a safe and straite prison, and Lodowicke Sforza, Duke of Mylan, into a Dungeon with Iron grates.

Whereunto (as she was very conuersant in the Histories of all Nations) shee annexed other examples of the same nature, drawne out of the Historie of Spaine, and finally concluded, that true it was, such Presidents carried euer with them some semblance of Iniustice: but she requi­red, that the King of France would vndertake the defence of the Queene of Scotland, euen as he was bound by his Al­lyance; intimating, that it would bee an action of greater glory to the French, than all those vnhappy enterprizes they assumed in the cause of that infamous woman, Iane of Naples.

But when it was discouered, that at the same time the Queene of Scots practised secretly to confirme an alliance with the Spaniard, by the negotiations of the Lord Seton, The loue and affection which the King of France and Queene of England bore once to the Queene Mary of Scotland, growes cold. who arriuing in Essex, disguised in the habit of a Mari­ner, and returning from thence into Scotland, through Eng­land, hee had promised succours in the Duke of Aluaes name, to the Scottish partakers with the Queene, shee was kept with a straighter Guard, and the affection borne to her by the French, by little and little waxed cold. And cer­tainely, as the Duke of Alua omitted nothing, wherein he might vent his hatred to Queene ELIZABETH, so was shee no lesse cautelous to preuent it, and frustrate his dis­signes. For, in the first moneths of this yeere, hee com­plained by the Spanish Ambassadour in England, that the [Page 310] Flemmish Rebels, bought all their warlike munition there, and were receiued into all her Ports and Hauens: shee pre­sently, by a strict Proclamation, commanded, that all Flem­mings, any wayes suspected of sedition, should depart out of England, and that their ships of warlike equipage, should be seysed vpon in her harbours. The rebelli­ous Flem­mings com­manded to goe out of England. They take the Breele. All which returned to the dammage of the Duke of Alua. For Humes, Earle of March, and other Flemmings, reduced as it were to a de­sperate poynt, whether they were terrified by this Procla­mation, or that they were vnder-hand admonished to re­tyre, but they presently surprised the Breele, which is sea­ted vpon the mouth of the Meuse, caused Flushing forth­with to reuolt, and other Townes, which expelled the Spaniards, as they were in hand to make cittadels, to capti­uate their libertie, in a short time, cut off the Duke of Alua by Sea, and through the meanes they had to make it good for themselues, had a power to molest and detaine the Spa­niard with a long and tedious warre: wherein Souldiers haue obserued, The Duke of Aluaes carelesnesse. that hee shewed for his part such palpable carelessenesse, and negligence, as was not beseeming so great a Generall, who, for the space of foure whole yeeres, grossely ouer-slipt the maritime affaires and expeditions of Flanders.

At the same time, there was a famous generall muster before the Queene at Greenwich, with a pleasant trayning in Armes, by the Citizens of London, and after their re­turne from thence, martiall men, who began to rust and corrupt in their owne houses, began to flow out of Eng­land into Flanders, and, according as they stood affected, betooke themselues, some to the Duke of Alua, and others, the farre greater number, to the Prince of Orange, who op­posed his proiects, The English repaire into the Low-Countries to the warre. for the defence of Religion, and his Countries libertie. Amongst whom, Sir Thomas Mor­gan was the first, that brought three hundred men into Flushing, vpon the report whereof, the Duke, who inten­ded [Page 311] the recouery of it, forbare and retyred. Further, hee vsed such expedition and diligence, as hee caused grea­ter troupes to come: for, after himselfe, there landed nine Companies more of English, conducted by Humfrey Gil­bert, who, being consorted with the French, first attemp­ted to surprize Scluse and Bruges, then hee set vpon Ter­gow in Suethebenelant. But their scaling-Ladders being too short, hollow correspondancie betweene the French and the English, and Mondragon comming on with fresh suc­cours for the assieged, they retyred to Flushing; of which, both the one and the other, sought to make themselues ma­sters, each to themselues. But the Prince of Orange made good vse of this enuy among themselues, so as neither of them obtained their end and purpose.

At that very time, a pleasing serenity seemed to shine vpon the Protestants in France, and Charles the Ninth pre­tending onely a warre in Flanders, which he affirmed to be the preseruation of France, and couering himselfe with this maske, he feigned as though hee meant to contract alliance and amitie with the Queene of England, and the Princes of Germanie, to giue some testimony herein of his loue to the Protestants, whose absolute ruine notwithstanding he co­uertly intended. And, Dissimula­tion of the King of France. as if he leaned to them of the one side, and the Spaniard on the other, hee substituted to this end the Duke de Mont-Morancy, Birag de Anbisine, the Bi­shop of Limoges, and of Foix. The Queene of England, who truely apprehended the secret plots and stratagems of the Duke of Alua, deputed Sir Thomas Smith ▪ and Sir Francis Walsingham: And Articles were drawne betweene them, whereof you shall see an abridgement in the same expresse words and termes.

THis alliance shall not tye Princes allyed,
The Alli­ance of Blois. The Ar­ticles of the same.
to leaue o­ther Treaties past betweene them, so they be not op­posite and contrary thereunto. There shall be a Confe­deration, [Page 312] League, and Vnion betweene them, to defend themselues mutually against all, who, vnder some pre­text, or any other occasion whatsoeuer, shall inuade, or attempt to inuade their persons or Territories, where­of they are now possest. It shall remaine firme betweene them, not onely while they liue, but also betweene their Successours, so the Heire of the first deceased giue notice to the suruiuant within the space of a yeere, by Am­bassadours and Letters, that hee accepts of the same conditions. Otherwise, the suruiuant shall be reputed discharged of the obseruance of the same. It shall bee validious against all, yea, and euen against those that are ioyned in affinitie to the one or other Prince, and a­gainst all other Alliances contracted, or to contract. If the Queene of England be required to send succours, by Letters sealed and subscribed with the King of France his owne hand, shee shall be bound to passe o­uer into France, within two moneths after, a thousand foot armed, or fiue hundred Horse at her choyce, whom the King must pay, from the first day of their arriuall in France. Shee was to send for the warre of Flanders eight Ships of equall greatnesse, wherein twelue hun­dred Souldiers must be imployed, with all things neces­sary, and there must bee no Marriners nor Souldiers but English, but yet they must be commanded by the Admirall of France, payed and victualled by the King, from the first day they enter into Seruice. Shee was also to victuall her Ships for two Moneths, which the King was also to pay within two moneths. And if the Queene be moued to any warre, the King hauing re­ceiued Letters subscribed with her owne hand, was to send ouer into England, or Ireland, within two Mo­neths, sixe thousand foot, or at her choyce, fiue hun­dred Conductors, armed at all poynts, who should bring fifteene hundred Horse, and about three thousand foot, [Page 313] with good Horse and Armes, after the French manner, whom shee must pray, from the time they set foot in her Countries. And for the warre by Sea, he was to fur­nish eight Shippes, with twelue hundred Souldiers, in manner and forme aboue mentioned. Order agreed vpon for succours and pay, to be digest in writing, run­ning in this forme, that the one shall bee bound to sell vnto the other Armes, and all necessary things, to the Prince assayled. They shall innouate nothing in Scot­land, but defend it against Strangers, and permit them to enter, and nourish the Scottish partialities. But the Queene of England was permitted to pursue with Armes, those amongst them, who maintained or fostered the English Rebels, who were at that present in Scot­land. That this Alliance shall be so taken and vn­derstood, as the onely proprietie and meaning of the words imported. Each of the two Princes shall con­firme euery one of these Articles by Patents, and faithfully and really to deliuer them into the hands of Ambassadours, for the one and other within three moneths.

For ratification of this Alliance on the behalfe of the King of France, Confirmati­on thereof. the Queene of England sent into France the Earle of Lincolne, Admirall, with a great traine of Gen­tlemen, among which were these Barons, the Lord Da­cres, the Lord Rich, the Lord Talbot, the Lord Sands, and others: And the King of France sent into England, Anne Duke de Mont-Morancie, and Monsieur de Foix, with a magnificent traine, that in the presence of them, and Messi­eurs de Saligna, and de la Mottef, his Ambassadour ordina­ry, the Queene might reciprocally confirme the same with oath: which was performed at Westminster the seuenteenth of Iune: and the day after, the Queenes Maiestie, with the consent of the French, inuested with the Order of Saint [Page 314] George, the Duke de Mont-Morancy, in gratefull commemo­ration of the loue which Anne, Constable of France, manifested vnto her, Mont-Mo­rancy ad­mitted to the Order of the Garter. to whom, HENRY the Eighth vouchsafed the same honour, out of the loue he bare to the House of Mont-Morancy, who carries the title of the first Christian of France, and is there held for most Noble.

He inter­cedes to ac­cord the dif­ferences of Scotland.While Mont-Morancy remayned in England, hee moued certaine propositions in the King of France his name, that the Queene of Scots might there finde fauour, so farre as it might be performed without danger. That there might be a cessation of Armes in Scotland, and that a Concord might be established by Act of Parliament. And if a Par­liament could not commodiously be summoned, that some might be elected of the one and other part, among the Scots, to repayre to London, to settle affaires, with the De­puties of the King of France, and Queene of England.

Answere made to him.But answere was made him, That more fauour had been shewed to the Queene of Scots than shee deserued, and yet for the King of France, more should be shewed her, though the Estates of the Kingdome assembled had iudged, how the Queene of England could not liue in security, except some rigor were vsed to her. That the Queene had care­fully employed her whole power, to establish Concord, and procure a cessation of Armes, hauing for this end late­ly sent into Scotland, Sir William Drewry, Gouernour of Berwicke, with de la Croce, the French Ambassadour. But they could by no meanes induce Grange to peace, nor the Garrison of the Castle of Edenborrough, out of the hope they conceiued, to bee succoured from France and Flan­ders: though Huntley, and Hamilton Arbroth for the Duke their Father had obliged themselues in writing to Queene ELIZABETH, to enter it, and other of the Queenes par­takers had plighted their faith and promise thereunto.

After these motiues, hee also propounded many other, [Page 315] touching the marriage of the Duke of Aniou, but in that they could not agree about some circumstances concer­ning Religion, the matter grew hopelesse, and he returned into France, when there was preparation of the Nuptials, Hee also treats of a marriage with the Duke of Aniou. betweene Henrie King of Nauarre, with Margarite, Sister to the King of France, whereunto, with notable dissimula­tion, the King of Nauarre, and the most noble Protestants were drawne, by sweet promises, and probable hopes of perpetuating the peace, & bringing themselues into grace: as also, the Earle of Leicester, and the Lord Burleigh, were inuited out of England, vnder an honourable colour, and out of Germanie, the Sonnes of the Elector Palatine, to the end, that being intangled in the nets, if those of the Euan­gelicall Religion, together with themselues, were not all denounced in an instant, yet they should receiue a mor­tall and irrecouerable wound. For, when the Nuptials were solemnized, this so expected and wished serenitie, was presently ouer-cast with that terrible and bloudie tem­pest, the Parisian Butcherie, Massacre of Paris. and through the cruell Massa­cres, that with execrable impietie were committed in all the Citie of France, against Protestants of all estates and conditions: the which notwithstanding they would faine haue couered, with a pretext of equitie, yea, of pitty, and to practise this impious fraud, vnder the cloake and shelter of the Edicts, imputing to the Protestants, that they had wickedly conspired against the King, the Queene his Mo­ther, his Brethren, the King of Nauarre, and the Princes of the Bloud. For, pieces of money were coyned in memo­rial of this act, which had of the one side the Kings effigies, with this Inscription; Vertu contre les Rebelles: Vertue a­gainst Rebels: and on the other, La pieté à esmen la iustice, Pittie hath moued iustice.

Not long before, the Queene-Mother of France, very subtill in counterfeiting good-will to the Protestants, being to vnderstand the future euents, and credulous in Astrolo­gicall [Page 316] predictions, which by the coniunction of the Royall Planets at the birth of her Sonnes, prognosticated King­domes to each of them, Marriage of the Duke of Alenzon, propounded to Queene Elizabeth. commanded la Mottef, to breake with Queene ELIZABETH about the marriage of her with Francis her youngest Sonne, Duke of Alenzon, to purchase him, if shee could, the title of a King, or at least to diuert Queene ELIZABETH from ayding the Prote­stants in France. La Mottef propounded this matter at Kennelworth, two dayes before the Massacre of Paris. But Queene ELIZABETH excused her selfe, by reason of the difference in Religion, and disparity in yeeres. For hee was hardly seuenteene yeeres old, and she aboue eight and thirtie. Neuerthelesse, shee promised to deliberate of it, and the Duke of Alenzon forbare not to sollicite her, by the procurements of Fleri.

The Earle of Northum­berland be­headed.In the same moneth, Thomas Percie, Earle of Northum­berland, who, because of his Rebellion fled into Scotland, had his Head cut off at Yorke, after hee was deliuered into the hands of the Lord of Hunsdon, Gouernour of Berwicke, by the treachery of one Morton, who stood much bound vnto him for many benefits, when hee was banished into England, but was euer found gratefull towards the afflicted. And as this yeere, like a dreadfull Axe, cut off the Duke of Norfolke, and Earle of Northumberland, in the flower of their age, a milde and gentle death, carried likewise out of the World two others, in their decrepit yeeres, who were of the most eminent Nobilitie, and of the Priuy-Coun­cell. Death of the Marquis of Winchester. Cecill is made Trea­surer. Death of the Earle of Darbie.

George Pawlet, Lord Treasurer of England, Marquis of Winchester, Earle of Wilton, and Lord Saint Iohn of Basing, who went through many great honours, attained to the age of ninetie seuen yeeres, and begot to the number of an hundred and three children. Sir William Cecill, Baron of Burleigh, supplied his place, in the dignity of Lord Treasu­rer. Edward, Earle of Darbie, and Baron of le Strange of [Page 317] Knoking, departed this life, with whom, in some sort, dyed the glory of English hospitality.

After his commendable discharge of many honourable Ambassies, there dyed also Sir George Peters, And of Sir George Pe­ters. an honoura­ble Knight, who was one of the priuy Councell, Secretary to King HENRY the Eighth, King EDVVARD the Sixt, Queene MARY, and Queene ELIZABETH, and Chan­cellour of the order of the Garter, descended from the worthy Family of Exceter: after that by his wisedome and learning, he had collected a great Estate, out of his owne goods, and the permission of Queene MARY, he augmen­ted with annuall reuennues, Exceter Colledge, in the Vni­uersity of Oxeford, where he was a Student, and brought vp.

The Queene her selfe, who had alwaies liued in perfect health, (for she neuer ate but when she had a stomacke, The Queene sicke. nei­ther drunke any Wine) felt some small grudging of infir­mitie at Hampton-Court: But she recouered her former health, before it was almost known she was sicke, and being vigilant ouer matters worthy of a Princes care & forecast, shee commanded that Portsmouth should be rampard with new fortifications, & her Fleet increast with Ships of war, that at certaine constituted times, Soldiers might bee in­rold throughout the Shires, She hath a care of the publike. and Youth to be trained vp in Armes, though she liued then in most secure peace. Shee willingly and with much thankes, restored the money shee had borrowed of her Subiects; in doing of which, she gai­ned no lesse loue of her people, then in sending foorth two Proclamations, which she caused to be publisht in the be­ginning of the yeere. In one of which, she ordained, that those Noblemen should be taxed according to the ancient Lawes, that tooke more followers and retainers then was permitted them, because these their retainers & followers were hereby exempted from publike Offices, they main­tained Factions, and many waies offended against the [Page 318] Lawes, relying on the Protection of the Nobles, to whom they had proffered their seruice: And in the other shee curbed a rauenous kind of people, called Enquirers after conceald Lands, She cut off the superflu­ous number of followers, which dayly augmented. She curbeth enquirers af­ter conceal'd Lands of the Crowne. Rebellion in Ireland. by reuoking their warrants, and constraining them to restore many things taken away. For being appointed to seeke out, whether particular men concealed not some land that belonged to the Crowne, with most sacrilegious auarice, they began to seaze on such as had heretofore beene giuen by pious Ancestors, to Pa­rish Churches, and Hospitals; yea, to plucke downe the Bells, and Lead, wherewith the Churches were couered.

In Ireland, the burdensome authority of one Fitton, Go­uernour of Connath, produced some troubles: For the sons of Richard, Earle of Clanricard, brought foorth by diuers women, not beeing able to endure it, in that they were headstrong and giuen to liberty, they raised a Rebellion, and passing ouer Sene, made cruell Incursions vpon the in­habitants of the westerne parts of Mijs, which with many outrages committed, they pillaged and forraged. Their Father, who was of the ancient Family of Bourgh in Eng­land, venerably bald, and of a staid disposition, went to the Deputy, iustified himselfe of this crime, and required aduice of the Councellours of Ireland, how he might de­presse his sonnes, that spoiled and wasted the Countrie in this manner. But her Maiesty thought fit, for publike tranquillity, by little and little to draw Fitton out of Con­nath, and to make him Treasurer of Ireland. A little while after, the Earles sonnes, defeated by the Garrisons, which fell vpon them, submitted themselues to the Depruie.

The Omors.The Enlagen Omors, a kinde of seditious people, stird vp also new troubles; but they likewise being proclaimed Re­bels, at the Earle of Kildares perswasion, came vnder due obedience: and at the same time, Sir Thomas Smith, a lear­ned and prudent man, with pitty entring into considera­tion, what small account was made of Ireland, obtained of [Page 319] the Queene, that a Colonie might be sent thither, vnder the conduct of his owne onely bastard sonne, into the halfe Iland called Ardes, at the East entry into Vlster, to instruct and ciuilize the Demibarbarous inhabitants, and to make them humane, hoping the place might easily bee defended, if Garrisons were planted in the straight or Istmus, which ioynes it to the rest of the Iland. He gaue to euery Footman 120. acres, & to each Horseman 240. ammounting to fiue hundred acres of English ground, paying euery yeere but a penny for an acre. But this businesse footed not according to his desire: for Thomas his sonne hauing conducted thi­ther the Colonie, was surprized and slaine by the treache­ry of Neel Brian Artho. Afterwards, Malbie, an English Gouernour of Lecale, a frontier Prouince, iudging all meanes lawfull to kill a perfidious murderer, slew him like­wise not long after, and so left him to the Wolues iawes, to be deuoured and eaten.

I know not whether it be materiall or no, here to make mention, as all the Historiographers of our time haue done, how in the moneth of Nouember was seene a strange Starre, A strange Starre. except you had rather haue me tearme it a Phinomene in the Chaire of Cassioperaes Constellation, which exceeded in relucencie, that [...] himselfe, then, when he is in the Perigie of his E [...]ce [...]trick or Epicicle, as I obserued my selfe, and seated in the same Spheare of the heauens, as also mo­ued by his diurnall motion, remained there 16. moneths. Tho. Digsay, and Ioh. Dee, rare Mathematicians among vs, learnedly did demonstrate by the maximes of the Paralels, that it remained not onely in the elementall Region, but in the very Celestiall circle; and were of opinion, that daily mounting higher by little and little, at last it vanisht out of our sight. And certainely, their Iudgement was good and sound; for after the eighth moneth, it continually dimini­shed. Theodore Beza ingeniously compared this Starre to that which appeared at the birth of Christ, and at the mas­sacre [Page 320] of Infants, which was perpetrated vnder Herod: and in this short verse, ‘Thou therefore, cruell Herod, shake and feare.’ admonished Charles, new King of France, who confest him­selfe to be the author of that which was executed at Paris, to tremble and feare: and this was not out of a vaine and credulous beliefe. For fiue moneths after the disappearing of this Starre, he dyed of a bloody fluxe, rackt with long and terrible torments.

THE SIXTEENTH YEERE OF Her Reigne. Booke 2. 1573. Anno Dom. 1573.

THe proceedings of Spaine in the Low-Countries, The Spanish Fleet dis­comfited. being won­derfully crost, by the taking of Flushing, the reuolt of the Townes of Holland, and the losse and discomfiture of the Spanish Fleet by the Hollan­ders, with which the Duke de Medina coeli had a Com­mission with Chapin Vitelli, to succour the Papists in England: The Duke of Alua was constrained in despight of himselfe, to shew himselfe more fauourable to the English; and so it happened, Commerce betweene the Flemmish and English restored. that in the moneth of Ianuary, the commerce of the English with the Flemmings, which in the same moneth of the yeere, 1568. was interdicted, at last came to be opened for two yeeres, and the Articles were agreed vpon at Bristoll, confirm'd by the Spaniard, in the moneth of Iune, amongst which this clause was inserted.

[Page 322]THat though this mutuall correspondencie and amity had beene obscured, yet was i [...] in no wise to be reputed dissol [...]ed and broken▪ and it was accorded, that if the Deputies, within a [...] p [...]script time, could not arbitrate the businesse, that then the said Entercourse should be expired, when the two yeeres came to an end.

But when the troubles renewed in Flanders, it grew dead by little and little: nay, and before the two yeers were ful­ly accomplished, and a new one was commenst, betweene the vnited States. And as for Queene ELIZABETH, she recompensed all the dammages of the English Marchants, with such Flemmish goods as she retained in her hands, re­stored the rest to the Duke of Alua, and amply contented the Genoa Marchants for the money of theirs she seized vp­on and tooke vp at loane, which was the first cause of the warre, although the Duke of Alua restored nor one shil­ling to the Flemmings of the English-mens goods; which did accrue to the wonderfull honour of Queene ELIZA­BETH. And yet she performed a farre more glorious A­ction then this, and more pleasing to her Subiects, by dis­charging England of those debts which her Father and Brother had taken vpon credit of Strangers, She dischar­geth her Fa­thers and brothers debts. which were greatly augmented, by reason of the long interests due: and, to the inexplicable ioy of the inhabitants of the Citie of London, calling in all the Citie obligations, which had beene so often renewed.

Neuerthelesse, both the Queene and the whole Clergie were wonderfully vext with certaine Ecclesiasticall per­sons, Innouators trouble the Church. who boyling with zeale, and breathing nothing but Euangelicall Purity, reprehended not only the Ecclesiasti­call Gouernment, as still defiled with Romane corruptions, as well publikely as priuately, both by Sermons & Books, [Page 323] which were intituled [ An Aduertisement to the Parliament] and [ An Appologie of the Aduertisement:] but refused also to be present at the receiued forme of Common-Prayer, vsurping & framing to themselues other courses of seruing God. So as the Queene condemning them for people im­patient of Peace, greedy of nouelties, and apt to subuert things well established; to preuent Schisme, cōmanded, that throughout the Kingdome, they should, by rigour of Law, be vrged to obserue a generall forme and manner of pub­like Prayers, and that these Libels might be deliuered into the hands of the Bishops, or some one of the Priuie-Coun­cell, vpon paine of imprisonment, although Iohn Whitegift, who was afterward Arch-Bishop of Canterbury, had with learned soliditie refuted them.

There was also diuulged, by the English Rebels and Fu­gitiues, a booke full of iniurie and calumniation, The Papists troble the Common-wealth. whose ti­tle was [ A Treatise of Treason] which, to make Sir Nicho­las Bacon Keeper of the great Seale, and the Lord Burghley, Treasurer of England, odious to their Prince, because they had often by their prudence and vigilancie, cut off their wicked hopes and designes, they preferred an accusation a­gainst them, of being Traitors to their Countrie. But the Queene was so farre from giuing credit to such friuolous accusations, that by a publike Proclamation shee declared them idle and frustrate, false, calumnious, and inuented by sworne Enemies to Religion and their Countrie, by their wicked and secret practices to depriue the Queene of her faithfull Councellours. And therefore shee admonished euery one to giue no credit to them, Their Libell is suppressed to contemne & throw them into the fire, except themselues would bee punished as seditious persons, in stead of those that were the true Au­thors. Notwithstanding, through a speciall vice, very in­cident to the naturall curiosity of men, they were frequent­ly read, till (as it ordinarily fals out) comming at last to be neglected and contemned, the vse of them grew out of re­quest.

[Page 324]From the Month of Nouember, in the precedent yeere, Charles the Ninth, King of France, had a Daughter borne. The King, to make sure with Queene ELIZABETH, and aswell to render her fauourable by all offices of huma­nitie, and to take away from the Protestants of France, all hope of succour from England, intreated her to receiue her at the sacred Font of Baptisme; and to this end, as also to obtaine some certaine Moneyes from her, hee sent into England, The Am­bassage of Gondy. Count of Rez. De Gondy, vulgarly called, the Count of Rez, who, by an elaborate discourse indeuoured to per­swade her, that they had made the Massacre of Paris, (which some could call by no other name than a great and capitall wickednesse; hee, a safe and wholesome remedy) not in hatred of the Protestant Religion, but to dissipate the conspiracy of the Admirall Coligni, and others; and that the King most inuiolably kept the Edicts touching Re­ligion: That shee would not giue eare to those fearefull spirits, that did nothing but adde to their owne affright­ment, and causelesly complaine; but that Shee would reli­giously conserue the alliance of the new contract, and ex­hort them to obey the King, assuring her that they should finde him most mercifull. To which, shee promised to be mindefull of the Alliance, and that shee would not faile the King in any thing, that was fitting and agreeable for a most affectionate Ally; but for the Money, shee excused her selfe. Nor did he demand it, but as a designe to giue impeachment to her ayding of the Protestants, in case they should require it, after shee had made deniall of it to the King of France. And surely shee tooke occasion from hence to make refusall of it to them, calling to minde how euilly they had requited her, for that which shee had lent them in their first Ciuill Warre. By this Ambassage, the Count of Rez obtained, that from that time, the Prote­stants found lesse fauour with her, than they had done be­fore.

[Page 325]A little after, the Lord Somerset, Earle of Worcester, was sent into France, with a Baptistrey of Gold, for (in Qu. E­LIZABETHS name) to promise the duetie of a God­mother at the christening of the French Kings Daughter, Ambassage of the Earle of Worcester in France. with the Lady Mary, the Emperours Wife, and the De­puties of the Duke of Sauoy. This, arriuing to the know­ledge of the Protestants of France and Flanders, who, at the same time were as Pirats vpon the Sea, they suspecting the said Earle of Worcester to be a Papist, mist him narrow­ly, for they robbed two of his Ships, The Sea is purged of Pirats by Holstoc. and slew diuers of his people: at which, Queene ELIZABETH being highly offended, sent to Sea Sir William Holstoc, Controller of the Royall-Nauy, who as much by his taking as chasing of them, recouered some Ships loden with goods, and pur­ged the Sea of such. And forasmuch as the most part of them had vowed their seruice to the Count de-Mont-Gom­mery, who then was in England, for helpe, The French Protestants handle shrewdly the French Papists in England. to succour those of Rochell besieged, it hindered his dispatch, parting from thence late, and with so little an Army, that hee did no good at all to Rochell. This occasioned the French Prote­stants, refuged in England, being much moued, to vse in iniurious manner some other Allens, being French Papists, in hatred of contrary Religion; yea, they assaulted them ar­med, and among others, the seruants of Monsieur Flery, The French Leger Am­bassadour complained to Queene Elizabeth concerning the helpe and assistance sent out of England to the Prote­stants of Ro­chell be­sieged. secretly sent into England from the Duke of Aniou, to treat of a match with Queene ELIZABETH, whereof Monsieur le Vidame, de Chartres, not knowing his com­ming, accused Flery before the Councell of State, as to be come of purpose, and hyred to kill the said Earle of Mont-Gommery.

The ordinary Ambassadour of France, contrariwise complained to the Queene, that, against the Alliance, the Earle of Mont-Gommery had, through the helpe of Eng­land, vndertaken a voyage to Rochell, and the English Mer­chants furnished the besieged Towne with victuals and [Page 326] prouisions. To this her Maiesty answered: Her Maie­sty excused her selfe.THat she had alwayes inuiolably kept, and would still, to future times, keepe her promise menti­oned in the alliance. That this aide and Suc­cour was compounded of Pyrats and Vagabonds, who could not tarry in their Countries, and that they were parted out of England, without her command vnder false Flagges. Ensigne, and that shee desired they should bee punished. Moreouer, that such English Merchants, basely dealt withall in Bourdeaux, were gone to Ro­chell without leaue, and that men of their calling and kind, vsed to sayle euery where, chiefly where their pro­fit and gaine was greater. Shee likewise required that in stead of Rochell, they should appoynt, in France, some Hauen-Towne more commodious for Negotia­tions.’

Queene Eli­zabeth is earnestly sol­licited to marry with the Duke of Alanzon. Her Maie­stie heares of it willingly.The French were much pleased with this answer, being assured that Qu. ELIZABETH would still keepe pro­mise, and that shee was so farre from sending helpe to the Protestants of France, (who expected none from her.) The King of France, and his Mother, loued intirely more and more Queene ELIZABETH, seeing her Maiesty bore vnto them a true amitie and sincere affection: they made the Duke of Alanzon write many amorous Letters vnto her from the Royall Campe before Rochell, endeuouring with much care, and no lesse pain, to bring that marriage to passe, that whole yeere, by their Leger Ambassadour, Mon­sieur de Chasteau-Neuf, extraordinarily sent to that effect. And truely her Maiesty was moued to consider it seriously, by a double apprehension shee had, By a double apprehen­sion. both for the want of a Husband and Children. The first was, that her Maiesty should perhaps be contemned by her owne Subiects. The second, that forreiners would plot wicked practices a­gainst [Page 327] her Scepter: her Maiesty was perswaded, and said often, that a Husband and Progeny are firme Fortresses a­gainst it: her Courtiers contrarywise, ayming at their par­ticular ends, maintained: ‘THat true Religion, and Equitie, were assured Forts, and defensiue Rockes against all sorts of plots and designes: That her Maiestie ought not to apprehend to be despised or contemned by her sub­iects, for they had settled their fortunes, ankered their hopes, and grounded their solace vpon her Maiestie one­ly, as much obliged vnto her by a long race of Ance­stors, affecting and taking pleasure more and more in the contemplation and admiration of her splendant and lustrous vertues.’ With such other discourses familiar to Courtiers. But as her Maiesty had often in her mouth, that the most part contemned the setting Sunne, these Flatterers alledged: ‘WHat is hee, that will contemne the saluti­ferous Beames of a Sunne brightly shi­ning, for to aspect the fatall and con­founded light of little Starres, which rise all at once? So they often termed her Competitors.

Among these things, Queene Eli­zabeth grāts leaue to the Duke of A­lanzon to come into England. the Queene-Mother of France prayed her Maiestie, to be so farre pleased, as to permit that the Duke of Alanzon, her Sonne, might passe into England to see her: which request finally Queene ELI­ZABETH granted (wearied with the multiplicity of Let­ters sent to her Maiestie to that end) prouided hee should not repute her leaue fraudulous or iniurious, if hee should returne backe againe as he came. But so soone as her Ma­iesty heard, how Henrie, Duke of Aniou, his Brother, had beene elected King of Poland: Also, the French King to [Page 328] be grieuously sicke, shee sent word to the Duke of Alan­zon, to take not as yet his iourney for England, alledging him these reasons: And her Maiesty presently sends him word not to come as yet. ‘THe Protestants Massacre, lately most cruelly acted on the Bloudy Theater of all France, and in ha­tred of their Religion, during the solemnizations and recreations of a marriage: That hee hauing already heretofore sought her to Wife, the Protestants of Eng­land partly suspected fatall the Nuptials: and the more, sith himselfe, transported of a courage, enemy to the Protestants, had gone in person to besiege Rochell; and had written of all parts, that hee would come to see her Maiestie presently after the taking of the said City: insomuch, that hee seemed rather to hate the Prote­stants Religion, than to beare affection or loue to the Queenes Maiestie; and that this caused the best part of England to suspect, that hee would come into their Countrey, to marry the Queene, with a Sword dyed in the bloud of those poore Christians who professed their owne Religion.’

Therefore, her Maiesty friendly counselled him; ‘FIrst, to procure and mediate a Peace in France, to yeeld some worthy proofe and noted testimony of his affection to the Protestants of France, to be the better welcome in England, and the more graciously receiued, according to his desire.’

Since this, Peace was re-established in France, the exer­cise of Religion granted in certaine places to the Prote­stants. The King and the Queene desired nothing more than the absence of the Duke of Alanzon, because he was of a harsh and seuere nature, inclined to trouble their States [Page 329] affaires▪ they did their best, and vsed their vttmost ende­uoures to effect the match, and by like meanes prayed Qu. ELIZABETH, to permit to their other sonne, the Duke of Aniou (if he should goe by sea to Poland) Authority to saile vnder publike assurance vpon Great-Brittaines Sea. This their request her Maiestie granted, not only most wil­lingly, but more shee offered him a Fleet of Ships to con­uay him; in the meane while the Duke of Alanzon fell sicke of the small poxe, and the Queene his mother giuing aduice thereof to Queene ELIZABETH, by the Earle of Rez, excuseth him, by reason of his sicknesse, for not com­ming into England. Gondy retur­ned into England. Gondy met Queene ELIZABETH at Canterbury, where she entertained him with great magni­ficence: and the same time, Matthew Parker, Arch-bishop of Canterbury, celebrating the Queenes birth-day, which was the seuenth of September, in the Arch-bishops Hall, ve­ry spacious, and by him newly repaired, inuited the Queen thither, and Gondy, and la Motto, and feasted them with like number of Nobility that Charles the fifth, and HENRY the Eighth had, being feasted in the same Hall in the yeere 1519.

In Scotland, Iames Dowglasse, Earle of Morton, Earle of Morton Vice-Roy of Scotland. beeing e­lected Vice-Roy of Scotland in Murray's place, by the meanes of Queene ELIZABETH, and his authority made sure by the Assembly of the States, in the name of the King, established these Lawes, for confirming Religi­on against Papists and Heretickes, and made sure Alexan­der Areskin, Earle of Marre, the Kings Gardian by speciall right, (being as yet in his minority) vpon these Conditi­ons: ‘THat the Papists and Factious persons, should be excluded from hauing accesse to his person; an Earle might be admitted to him with two ser­uants only, and a Baron with one; all others alone, and without weapons.’

[Page 330]In the Interim, the French hauing sent Viriack, who en­deuoured what he could to supplant the Vice-Roy, before he should be authorized, set to oppose him, the Earles of Athole and Huntley, The King of France en­deuours to destroy him. Qu Eliza­beth to de­fend him. promising them a reward. Queene ELIZABETH, to counter-scarfe these designes, let the Scots vnderstand by H. Killigrewe, that this cruell Massacre of Paris had bin put in execution by the conspiracy of the Pope, and the Kings of France and Spaine, to exterminate the Protestants: And therefore warned them to take heed, lest being corrupted either with Pensions from France, or deuided by Factions, they open a way to Stranger Forces, which were thought should be conducted by Strossie: To oppose themselues all vallianty and with equall courage a­gainst it, for defence of Religion, which was the only bond of concord betweene the English and the Scots: And to be very carefull to preserue their King, or to send him into England, to preuent his taking away and carrying into France.

Neuerthelesse, some great Ones, partakers with the im­prisoned Queene, would in no sort acknowledge the Au­thority either of the King or his Vice-Roy, vntill Queene ELIZABETH, by interposing her power, had by the A­gencie of Killigrew, brought the Duke of Chastelraut, and the Earle of Huntley, who were the principals among them, to these Conditions, which were equall enough: ‘THat they should acknowledge the Religion establi­shed in Scotland, submit themselues to the King, and to the Gouernement of the Earle of Morton and his successours, and renounce the authority of all others. That all those which should enterprize any thing against the Religion, the King, and the Vice-Roy, should be ad­iudged Traitours by Act of Parliament. The sentences giuen against the Hamiltons and the Gordons, should be cut off and annihilated, except those which concerned [Page 331] the murdering of the Earles of Murrey and Lenox, Vice-Royes, which should stand according to the pleasure of Queene ELIZABETH:

Who neuerthelesse sent this businesse backe to the King, and was of opinion that this Clause ought to be added to it, [ Vntill that the King being come to age, should take the Go­uernement of the Realme, according to the Law of the King­dome,] And that of all and euery crime committed since the fifteenth of Iune, 1567, the Murder of the Earle of Le­nox excepted, pardon should be granted to all that would aske it. Notwithstanding, it was thought good, for the safety of the King, lest hee should bee exposed to murder, that the Queene of England should promise by a publike Instrument, that neither the Hamiltons nor any other, should be adiudged for the murdering of the Vice-Royes, or fined without her consent. And that was ordered in the Assembly of States, for the settling of a publike peace, in a turbulent season. Howbeit Kirckall, Lord of Grange, Grange op­poseth. who had beene established Captaine of Edenborrough Castle, af­ter he had taken oath in the Kings name, and the Baron of Hume, Lidington, the Bishop of Dunkeld, and others, thinking that iniustice was done to the Queene of Scotland, would by no meanes admit of these Conditions: but with vndaunted Courage, contemned the authority both of the King and Vice-Roy, kept and fortified the Castle in the Queenes name, by the counsell of Lidington, thinking them­selues sure, in regard of the strength of the place, which is of a most difficult accesse, and of the Munition which were in it, (for there all Munition Royall is kept) and of the Succours promised by the Duke D'Alua, and the King of France, who had vnder-hand sent them some money, (the greater part whereof had been intercepted at Black­nesh) and should haue sent more, had not the long Siege of Rochell hindred it. Not being able then to draw them to [Page 332] any conditions of Peace, neither by money which the Vice-Roy promised them nor by the perswasions of Queen ELIZABETH, but they defended the Castle against the Vice-Roy, molested the Towne of Edenborrough, being the Seate of Iustice, with Cannon-shot, by issuing violently out, and assaulting them euery day; and would call for the ayde of France: Queene ELIZABETH, who by no meanes could endure the French to be in Scotland, at length granted the requests of the Vice-Roy, The English are sent to besiege it. which were for Troupes, Cannon, and other warlike Munitions, for the besieging and battering of the Castle, vpon these condi­tions: Ʋpon what Conditions.THe Vice-Roy shall not make any composition with the besieged, without the aduice of the Ge­nerall of the English, nor the English Generall without his, and of those of the Kings Councell. If the Castle fall into the hands of the English, it shall bee within 6. dayes after deliuered to the King, with all the Munitions of Warre, Vtensils, Memorials, Euidences, and Records belonging to the King or Kingdome, the rest left to the besiegers. The English shall not fortifie any place in Scotland, but with the consent of the Vice-Roy and the Peeres. The Vice-Roy shall lend the Eng­lish such assistance and safe conduct, as hee could possi­bly. The Castle being taken, the besieged shall be kept to haue iustice executed vpon them according to the Lawes, the Queene of England beeing therevpon con­sulted with before hand. If any English be kild, their wiues and Children shall haue two yeeres pay, If woun­ded, they shall haue pay till they bee cured: If any Eng­lish Cannons be lost, and the Powder and Shot bee wasted, they shall haue Munition Royall in their stead, which shall bee found in the Castle, or else the Rebels goods. Ten Hostages shall be sent into England, for as­surance [Page 333] of the Troupes and Ordnance, which are to bee brought backe, except such as are lost by the hazzard of Warre.’

Vpon these Conditions, William Drury, Gouernour of Barwicke, went into Scotland, with some Peeces for battery, and fifteene hundred Souldiers, (among which were G. Ca­rey, Henry Carey, T. Cecill, Hen. Lea, W. Knollis, Sutton, Cot­ton, Kelway, and other Gentlemen Voluntaries.) And bee­ing ioyned with the auxiliary forces of Scotland, besieged the Castle, after hauing twice commanded them in the Kings name, that they should render it vp, but in vaine. First they raised vp fiue Mounts, from whence, The Castle besieged by the English Forces. for the space of foure daies together, they furiously beat against the Tower, but especially vpon Dauids Tower, which fell within a few dayes after. After hauing giuen the assault, they tooke the Bastion or Spurre, till those which at the same made against them out of the Castle were repulsed, with losse of men. The morrow after, the besieged hauing gi­uen the signe, asked to speake to Drury, and after they had receiued for hostages into the Castle, Henry Lea, and Fleck, a Scottish-man, they let downe by cords, Kircald himselfe, and Meluin, who demanded life and goods, that it might be permitted that Hume and Lidington might depart for England, because of some particular enmities, and Kircald to remaine in Scotland, except he might depart with good license.

That not being granted them, but onely the Souldiers permitted to goe out with their simple baggage, and with­out Armes; wanting men, disagreeing amongst them­selues, wounded, toyled, and wearied with watching and labouring, without hope of succour, hauing no water, be­cause one of the wells which were within the Castle, had beene filled vp with the ruines of a dry wall, The Castle yeelded. and the other was exposed to the shot of the Cannon, within three daies [Page 334] after, they yeelded (which was the 33. day after the begin­ning of the Siege) to the discretion of the Queene of Eng­land and Drury, who, after he had receiued Letters out of England, deliuered vp the Castle to the Vice-Roy, for the vse of the King, with all that had yeelded themselues to him; of which, Kircald, Iames his brother, Mosman, and Cock, Kircald and others han­ged. gold-smiths, who had coined false money in the Ca­stle, were hanged, although to buy Kircalds life, an hundred of the House of the Kircalds had offered to be bound to doe perpetuall homage to the Vice-Roy, and pay him three thousand markes of annuall rent, and the first day twenty thousand pounds Scottish money, and to giue sureties, that for the time to come, they should remaine faithfull and o­bedient to the King.

Hume and others being dispersed into diuers Castles, ob­tained pardon of Queene ELIZABETH, who got great praise by it for her clemency. Lidington, hauing beene sent to Lieth, Lidington dyes. dyed of sicknesse, not without suspition of beeing poysoned. He was a person of great experience, and of a neate spirit, if he had bin lesse changeable, as Buchanan, who hated him, painted him out in his life time, by a certaine Writing, which he intituled [ The Cameleon,] by which he represented him to be more changeable then the Came­leon, and taxed him very sharpely to bee an enemy of di­uers colours to the Kings Grandmother, the Kings mother, to the Earle of Murray, to the King himselfe, and to the Countrie. Since that time, Scotland hath beene free from Ciuill-Warre, Peace made in Scotland. and aswell the Captaines of that side, as the common-Souldiers, carrying their courages to the wars of Sueden, France, and Flanders, brought backe this great commendation of Vertuous and valorous Warriours.

The Bishop of Rosse ba­nished out of England.To assure England from inbred enterprises, (in regard of the Queene of Scots) Iohn Lesley, Bishop of Rosse (a faithfull seruant to her, but not without the vndoing of many, and of bringing no few in danger) is commanded out of Eng­land, [Page 335] and went into France, but not without feare of the Earle of Southampton, whose life he had called in question, and likewise of Henrie Howard, brother to the Duke of Norfolke, whose anger to appease, he writ an Apologie for himselfe. Hee was scarce departed thence, vntill Henrie Cockin, his Secretary, was apprehended, and Morgan, who was exceeding desirous to serue the Queene of Scots in her most secret affaires, was detected, and fled. Atslow, an Arch-papist, Good, a Doctor of Phisicke, and Francis Berty, who priuately intelligenced her by Letters, were impriso­ned for certaine moneths, and for the same cause Henrie Goodyere, and Richard Lowder were had in suspition.

In the meane time Rosse failed not to imploy all such du­tifull endeuours for the Queene of Scots, Absence in­nouates En­terprizes. as a faithfull Sub­iect was obliged to doe, towards the Pope, the Emperour, the King of France, the Papists Princes of Germany; all which gaue him hope, but did nothing. That this should fall out so ill hee complained exceedingly, especially, that the Duke of Alua, in whom his greatest trust was planted, was to leaue Flanders, hauing obtained leaue, vn­der colour to recouer his health. For without doubt, he ad­uanced his victories so fast, that he had reduced almost all Holland into his power; Spaine called him away, by the perswasion of Cardinall Granuellan, The Duke of Alua is cal­led out of the Low-Coun­tries. and Roderico Gomezio de Silua, that his power grew too strong, and his name a­boue his Prince, and that by his violent and sharpe com­mand, he would cause the Flemmings to reuolt, yea, to grow to desperation: although some thought, who were bloody-minded, that none was so fit by Warre to bring Holland into subiection. Which kinde of men thought their King too mercifull, if he intended by meekenesse to bring the Prince of Orange and his confederates, who had resol­ued mindes to retaine their freedome, beeing confirmed thereto by their riches, and strength of situation. Lodowicke Zuniga suc­seedes him. Lodowicke Zuniga of Requesen was appointed to take his charge. The [Page 336] great Commander of Castile, a milder natured man, who by all offices of loue, desired to oblige Queene ELIZA­BETH, would by no meanes thrust himselfe into the af­faires either of England or Scotland.

Burches he­resie.I know not whether I should or no call to minde the opi­nion of Burchet, who thought it lawfull to kill those that were aduersaries to the Euangelicall truth, who was so transported therewith, that hee wounded with a poiniard, Hawkins, that famous Sea-man, thinking him to be Hatton, who was at that time one of the Queenes greatest Fauou­rites, of her most intimate counsell, and an enemy to In­nouators. The Queene was so extraordinarily prouoked herewith, that shee commanded him to be proceeded a­gainst according to the Marshall Lawe, Marshall Law. vntill shee was ad­uised by some of her prudent Councellours, that this Law had no place but in Warres and turbulent times, but at home it ought to bee done by ordinary forme of Iustice. Being called to Iustice, he maintained that what he did was consonant to Scripture, and therefore lawfull. Afterwards, seeing himselfe neere condemnation for heresie, promised to renounce this opinion, yet neuerthelesse, when hee had a little more debated the case, he would not. In the end, beeing committed to the Towre of London, hee killed one of his Keepers with a piece of wood, which hee tooke out of a Chimney, and threw at his head, and beeing condem­ned of murder, had his right hand cut off, and being at the Gallowes, obstinately maintained his opinion, and so was hanged. Burch is hanged.

In the beginning of this yeere, dyed George Howard, Ba­ron of Effingham, Effingham dies. Lord Priuie Seale, sonne to Tho. Howard, Duke of Norfolke, the famous Warriour, by Agnes Tilnie, his second wife, a man of remarkeable fidelity, and of an inuincible courage, who first was Gouernour of Calais, af­terwards made a Baron by Queene MARY, Admirall of England, and Lord Chamberlaine, and likewise by Queene [Page 337] ELIZABETH, vntill broken with age, he surrendred his Office to Sussex, a few daies before he dyed, and (as I haue said before) was made Lord Priuie Seale, the fourth degree of Honour in England: he had to succeed him in the ho­nour of his Baronie, Charles his son, who was afterwards Chamberlaine to the Queene, and high Admirall of Eng­land.

At the same time dyed likewise R. Gray, Earle of Kent, Gray, Earle of Kent dies. whom the Queene from a priuate man had called to this honour, when that Title had beene vacant 50. yeeres, af­ter the death of R. Gray, Earle of Kent (who had consumed his Patrimony) elder brother to this mans great Grandfa­ther, and Henrie his Sonne succeeded him.

It is not fit in silence to ouer passe I. Caius, Caius the Phisition dyes. a famous Phi­sician, who dyed at the same time: he was borne at Nor­wich, brought vp at Cambridge and Padua, who gaue him­selfe wholly to the studie of Phisicke, translated, and com­mented vpon the most part of Gallens and Celsus workes, and gaue all his meanes to Schollers. Adding a new Col­ledge to the old of Gonuell Hall, and 25. fellow Commo­ners to be perpetually brought vp, and of both made but one Colledge, called by the names of Gonuell and Caius, The Col­ledge of Gon­uell & Ca­ius. in which he is intombed, with this Epitaph, ‘Fui Caius.’

In Ireland, the houses of O-Conom, and O-More, Troubles in Ireland. impati­ent of peace, hauing gathered some bands of Theeues and Rebels, made outragious incursions, rob'd and burned At­lone vpon the Riuer Siney, and willing to ioyne their forces with the Rebels of Mounster, they were hindred by I. Pe­rot, President of Mounster, who so ransackt Iames Fitz-Mo­ris, and Fitz-Edmonds, Seneschall of Imoquell, that rebel­led, by continuall ouer-running them, and after hee had killed many of their men, and taken the Castle of Maine, [Page 338] and the French Garrison, he compelled them to craue par­don most submissiuely for their faults, within the Temple of Kilmalock, called The holy Cell of Malachie. At the same time, the Earle of Desmond, and Iohn his Brother, au­thors of this Rebellion, being brought backe out of Eng­land into Ireland by Fitton, were imprisoned by the said Fitton at Dublin, but after a while were let goe.

The Earle of Essex sent into Ireland.In Vlster, Brian Mach-phelin, who had vsurped the most part of Clandeboy, burned the Towne of Knoc-fergus, and some others began to trouble the Countrie. George Deue­reux, lately created Earle of Essex by Queene ELIZA­BETH, desired to be imployed against them, by the coun­sell of those who had a designe to haue him farre from the Court, vnder colour of increasing his honour, to precipi­tate him into dangers, which were not hidden from him. But as he was vigilant, and from his youth addicted to the Warres, continuing constant in his designe, agreed with the Queene, that if hee draue out the Rebels, hee and his partners should haue the halfe of Clandeboy, vpon certaine conditions: and to maintaine it, he would entertaine at his owne charge, two hundred Horse, and foure hundred Foote. To this end he borrowed of the Queene a thousand pounds, The Depu­tie enuies it. for which, and for Munition, hee engaged Lands that he had in Essex. G. Fitz-William, Deputie of Ireland, fearing that the splendor of so great an Earle should dimme his in Ireland, counselled the Queene not to send him, gi­uing her to vnderstand, that all the Countrie of Vlster would reuolt at his comming. Notwithstanding, he is sent, and to maintaine the honour and authority of the Deputy, was to take Letters from him to be Gouernour of Vlster, which he obtained, though slowly, after many importu­nate sollicitations.

After, hauing bin beaten with a terrible Tempest, he was driuen to Knock fergus, about the end of August, with the Lord Darcy, and Lord Rich, Henry Knollis, and his foure [Page 339] brothers, M. and I. Carey, & Iohn Noris, with a company of Souldiers leuied in haste. Brian Mac-phelin vnderstan­ding of his comming, draue all his cattle (which were all his wealth) into the heart of the Countrey, (for, without counting Sheepe and Hogs, he had thirtie thousand head of Cattell) and seeing him ashore, saluted him, and congratu­lated his arriuall, and most courteously offered him all du­tie and seruice, and likewise Mac-Gillespike, Mac-Gill, Hugh, Baron of Dungannon, and all of account neere thereabout. In consideration whereof, he promised him pardon for his rebellion, and studied which way he might oblige him. But he reuolted, and drew his men presently to Turlough Leinich, and afterwards made light Skirmishes continually against the English. The Lord Riche's particular affaires cal­led him into England, and returned within a moneth. Hen­ry Knollis in like manner, in regard of his indisposition of body, and diuers others, dayly taking some occasion or other to excuse themselues, by little and little, secretly withdrew themselues from that wild Countrie. Essex writ of it to the Queene, and to his friends, and complained ve­ry much, that the most worthy of his company languished, because the enterprize had bin begunne too late, and victu­als came not in time, that they were corrupted, and that troupes inconsiderately leuied were many of them lost. That Mac-phelin was reuolted fraudulently, and others by the perfidiousnes of Percy, an English Captaine, who here­tofore had commanded the Irish in that Countrey. That he was not able to furnish the expence of War. That the De­putie had not sent him his Commission, and that for want of it, he could not vse any authority against the Frontier Inhabitants: Therefore beseecheth her to take the busines in her own name and speciall command, though he vnder­went halfe of the charges.

Then he besought Sussex, Leicester, and Burghley, to in­tercede with the Queene, that she would grant him, at her [Page 340] charge, a hundred Horse, 150. Foot, and the Iland of May. And as the Queene was ready to call him from Vlster, Leicester and others seeing new troubles growing in Moun­ster, perswaded that he should stay there. And the Depu­tie commanded him, whiles he was going against Desmond, to goe towards the Frontiers of Vlster, which, although it troubled him, being fortifying Claudobie, obeyeth notwith­standing, and entring into Mounster with Kildare, perswa­ded Desmond to embrace peace, who shortly after submit­ted himselfe. Now Essex hauing receiued Letters of Au­thority, tooke a long iourney, and O-Donell ioyned with him. But Cone O-Donell, Turloghes Sonne in Law, would not serue vnder him, therefore hee tooke from him the Castle of Liffer, and gaue it to Hugh O-Donel: Turlogh in the meane space protracted the businesse by parleyes, vntill it was time for Essex necessarily to depart. Hee, after hauing wearied his body with labour, and broken his spi­rit with care all the Summer, Winter being now at hand, began to reuolue more deepely in his mind, by what meanes Vlster so long neglected, and growne wilde and fierce, might be reduced to ciuilitie: and hauing maturely deliberated vpon it, thought, that if three Townes were built at the Queens charge, and (by the monies that his as­sociates would contribute) ten Forts, in those places which hee had found to bee conuenient, aboue seuen thousand pounds of current English money might be gathered euery yeere, neither should there neede within the space of two yeeres any Royall Garrison. Whilest these and the like things, and for supply of victuals, tooke all their care and studie, they had beene almost surprized by the Irish. For Brian Mac-phelin (who lately had by treacherie ouer­throwne and slaine Moore, a Captaine of the English) ha­uing conspired his ruine with Turlogh and the Scottish Hi­landers, whereof as soone as he had notice, he most wisely iudged, that it were not best to stay and expect them, but to [Page 341] set forward to assault them: which did he so couragiously, that he slew two hundred Irish, tooke Brian and Rory Oge, his brother by the mothers side, and Brians wife. Mac-Phe­lim is taken. The vnpro­fitable at­tempt and force of Cha­terton. With those businesses in Ireland this yeere was spent, to the good of none, but with much losse to Essex: and also to the no­torious detriment of Chaterton, an English Gentleman, who vpon certaine conditions betweene the Queene and him, tooke to leade some Colonies of English into Fues, a neighbouring Territory to O-Hanlane.

Booke 2. 1574.THE SEVENTEENTH YEERE OF Her Reigne. Anno Dom. 1574.

The Duke of Alanzon desires to vi­sit Queene Elizabeth. IN the first month of this yeere, the Duke of Alanzon la­boured more then euer, as well by letters full of loue, as by Mauuisser the French Ambassador, to obtaine leaue to come into England vnder safe-conduct, to see and sa­lute Queene ELIZABETH, to whom being absent, hee testified all loue and respect. Queene ELIZABETH ouercome with his continuall prayers and sollicitations, Queene Eli­zabeth a­grees to it. granted him his request, although she gaue him contrary aduice, and vnder assurance of safety gaue him leaue to come when he pleased, so it were by the twentieth of May, with promise to vse him with all offi­ces of humanity, which he could expect from a Princesse which bore him great affection. And certainly, after shee [Page 343] had discouered that he was much irritated and greatly stir­red vp against the Guizes, her Maiesties sworne enemies, she bare him more loue and good will then before. But be­fore he had receiued this answer, Valentine Dale, Doctor of the Law, Ambassador in France in Walsinghams place then Secretary, gaue aduice, that hee and the King of Nauarre were suspected of innouation: For the mother Queene (a woman of great Spirit) beganne to suspect that he couert­ly plotted with the King of Nauarre, He is suspe­cted in France. and the Duke of Mont-Morancy, to depriue her (the King being dead) of the managing of State-affaires. The Guizes increased this o­pinion, giuing her to vnderstand, that he had not long agoe imployed Coligni, Colonell of the Protestants, his inti­mate friend: vpon which being examined, he voluntarily acknowledged amongst other things, that he had for a cer­taine time sought the marriage of the Queene of England, and iudging the friendship of Admirall Coligni, profitable in this designe, had talked with him about it, and of the prosecution of the warres in the Netherlands; He is as it were priso­ner being garded. Queene Eli­zabeth com­forts him. neuerthe­lesse ouer him and the King of Nauarre was a Guard ap­pointed to preuent them. But Thomas Wilkes, Secretary to to the Ambassadour Dale, went priuatly to see them, and hauing in the Queenes name comforted them, he promised tha [...] her Maiesty would let slip no occasion to relieue and comfort them. Whereof this subtill and crafty old Queene hauing soone notice, handled Wilkes in such manner, that he was constrained to leaue France, and returne into Eng­land, where she so farre vrged her complants by letters vn­to Queene ELIZABETH, that he was sent backe againe to France to aske her pardon. Henry of Bourbon, King of Nauarre, buried not this friendly office: for he afterwards being King of France, and meeting with him 25. yeeres af­ter in Normandy, he honoured him with the dignity of Knighthood: After this, Queene ELIZABETH sent T. Randoll into France to the Queene mother, to restore [Page 344] againe into her fauour (if it were possible) the Duke of A­lanzon, and the King of Nauarre: but before his arriuall in­to France, Charles the ninth King of France died. The right Honourable Lord, Roger Lord North Baron of Catelage, is sent Am­bassador with a noble train to Henry of Valois the third of that name, King of France & Poland. King Charles died, and his funerall Rites paid with great honour and magnificency in S. Pauls Church in London.

As soone as Henry of Valois, the third of that name, King of France, his successor, returned out of Poland, the right noble and vertuous Lord, Roger, Lord North, Baron of Kirtling, was sent Ambassador extraordinary into France, to congratulate his happy returne and succession to the Crowne of France, and to condole with him the distracted and wretched estate of that Realme so miserably rent and ruinated with ciuill war, to counsell him to make peace, and entertaine the Edicts, to take to fauor the D. of Alanzon, to lessen the hate he bore to the D. of Mont-Morancy & Delosse, to incite him to doe good to the religious Princesse, the Lady Charlotte of Bourbon, daughter to the Duke Mont-pen­sier, who fled for her Religion into Germany. But hee ob­tained nothing, for France, as it were pushed by fate, ran headlong into a direfull warre. Neuerthelesse, the King and his mother the Queene, writ iointly into England, and sent La Garde to prosecute the marriage of the Duke of A­lanzon: The King of France and mother Queene re­commend the Duke of A­lanzon to Queene Eli­zabeth. They fauour the Queene of Scots a­gainst the Vice-Roy Morton. For seeing this young Prince grow cholericke, to see himselfe so vnworthily handled by his mother on all sides, as if he had beene a prisoner, and vnderstanding that he held secret Councel with the Politicians of France, they thought it safest to diuert him from warre, to send him into England.

In the interim, they imployed all their cunning in Scot­land, to get Iames the young King ouer into France, and to displace Morton the Vice-roy from his charge, and for this purpose they sent thither the Kings Scottish guard. The Queene of Scotland greatly desired this, perswading her selfe, that if her sonne were in France out of danger, shee and the Catholikes should be more gently handled in Eng­land, [Page 345] that the English faction which was in Scotland, and al­waies relying vpon the Kings name, would quickly be rui­nated; as he riper increased in yeres, so the English should increase in feares, as well of the French partie, as of the Scots side. The French did no lesse desire it, fearing that the Re­gent of Scotland (who was altogether at the deuotion of the English) would breake the ancient Alliance which was betweene them and the Scots: and neuertheles then, when he instantly required, that they would contract the Alli­ance of mutuall defence against strangers, betweene Eng­land and Scotland, it was denied him, lest perhaps he should by the same meanes demand an annuall Pension to bee as­signed to him, and certaine Scottish men. She giueth credit to those who make reports aginst the Queene of Scotland. But eare was gi­uen to those, who vpon a light suspicion accused the Queen of Scotland, the Countesse of Shrewsbury, and the Earle himselfe, to haue (without the Queenes priuity) made the marriage between Charles, the Paternall vncle of the King, (who had a little before confirmed vnto him by Parliament the County of Lenox) and the Lady Elizabeth Cauendish, the Countesse of Shrewsburies Daughter by her first Hus­band. Wherevpon the mothers of either sides, and others, for this cause being kept prisoners a little time, imputed and laid all the fault vpon the Queene of Scotland.

As it was vnknowne whither this marriage tended, The Earle of Hunting­ton, Presi­dent of the North. and that diuers suspicions had their birth by it, Henry Count of Lidington was established President of the Assembly of the North, with new instructions and secrets for this affaire. This kind of Magistrate, which at this present is very ho­nourable, hath in a little time, from weake beginnings, growne to this greatnesse; and now what I haue learned of it, by a free and short digresion, I meane to leaue to posteri­ty. When, in the reigne of HENRY the Eighth, the re­bellion of the inhabitants of that Countrie had stirred vp, for the destruction of Monasteries, was laid asleepe, many made complaint of the iniuries which he had receiued during [Page 346] that Rebellion, vnto the Duke of Norfolke, who remai­ned in those parts; some of which he determined, and left the rest to be finished by persons which to this purpose hee had established, with Commissions sealed with his owne Seale; but the King being aduertised hereof, sent him a particular Seale to serue in such causes, and hauing reuoked him, gaue that Commission to Tunstall Bishop of Duresme, and appointed Commissioners with power to heare and determine the complaints of the poore. Hee was the first which bare the name of President, and since, the authority of his Successours hath bin of great value.

An Edict against the ri [...]tousnes of apparell.In these times, the superfluity of Apparell so preuailed in England, (by a Vice peculiar to the Nation, which plea­seth it selfe by imitating others) that the ancient fashion fell in such disgrace, that the men, by a new fashion of habit and too much brauery, made manifest the filthinesse and insolency of their spirits, swaggering euery where, couered with silke, gold, and siluer, pure and mingled. The Queene marking that this superfluity drew euery yeere out of the Kingdome (to the dammage of the publike) great quan­tity of money, for the buying of silke and other strange Merchandizes, and that many Gentlemen, who might doe good seruice to the Publike, and others, to seeme to be He, did not onely consume their demeanes, to their particular dammage, but also increased their debts, vsed deceits, and by this meanes fell into the nets of the Law, and after they had prodigally lauisht their goods, studied to make a change, she endeuoured to prouide a fit remedy for it. And although by the Lawes of HENRY the Eighth and MARY, she could preuaile against them, and draw from it great summes of money, neuerthelesse she rather lou'd to preuent it by a simple commandement. She commanded therefore, that within 14. dayes, euery one should forme his apparell to the prescribed fashion, if he would not incurre the seue­rity of the Lawe, and shee herselfe began this reformation [Page 347] in her Court. But by the malice of time, this Edict, and these Lawes by little and little gaue place to this superflui­ty, which grew to a greater height of insolency, & was im­mediately traced by the riotousnesse of Feasts, and splen­dor of Buildings: for since that time, more magnificent, ample, England im­bellished with magni­ficent stru­ctures. The English worke trea­son in Hol­land. They are de­feated. and faire Countrie houses of Noble-men and pri­uate men haue beene raised vp in England, then in any o­ther Ages whereby (truly) the Kingdome was greatly a­dorned, but the glory of Hospitality greatly decreased.

The English which were at warre in Holland, vnder Che­ster and Gainsford, failed this yeere, the one in vertue, the other in successe: For those which lay in Garrison at Val­kenburgh, gaue ouer the place, and yeelded to the Enemy; neuerthelesse they were pardoned, for feare lest Queene ELIZABETH should not suffer the Spanish Fleet, which was sayling towards Flanders, vpon the Sea of Great-Brit­taine, to enter into her Hauens to victuall themselues. The others which were in the Channell of Sluce, after they had sustained a sharpe Combate, and couragiously repul­sed the Spaniards, being surprized by theit enemies, who had trauersed the Riuer, were ouerthrowne and chased from the place, with the losse of three hundred men, and three Ensignes.

I know not whether it be expedient to record these triui­all things: Ministers deceiued. That this yeere the pious credulity of certaine Preachers of London was deceiued by a young wench, who fained herselfe possessed with a Deuill. A Whale cast on shore. That there was a great Whale found dry on the Shores of the Ile of Thanet, whose length was twentie Elles of our measure, An extraor­dinary floud in the Thames. The Skie seemed to be on fire. the breadth, from her belly to her backe bone, thirteene foote; the space betweene her eyes, eleuen foote. That the Thames did ebbe and flowe twice in one houre. That in the moneth of Nouember, from the North to the South, fuming Clouds were gathered together in a round, the night following, the Skie seemed to burne, the Flames [Page 348] running through all parts of the Horizon, met together in the verticall point of Heauen. Neuerthelesse, let it not be imputed to me as a crime, to haue made mention of these things in a few words, and by a short digression, since the grauest Historians haue re­corded them in many words.

THE EIGHTEENTH YEERE OF Her Reigne. Booke 2. 1575. Anno Dom. 1575.

HENRY the third, King of France, The league with France renued. being returned from Poland, and already inau­gurated in the City of Rhemes, confirmed by his oath and signe of his owne hand, before all things, the Alliance passed in the City of Blois, in the yeere 1572. be­tweene Charles his brother and Queene ELIZABETH, and hauing giuen it to the Ambassador ordinary of Eng­land, Queene ELIZABETH also for her part ratified it at Saint Iames neere Westminster. Notwithstanding a while after, he inquired by letters, if the words, mutuall defence against all (mentioned in that alliance) comprehended the cause of Religion? And after that Queene ELIZABETH had discreetly replyed, Yes, and that she was alwaies ready prest, and desirous to effect that mutuall defence, euen in the cause of Religion, if it was required by vertue of the alliance, he tooke armes against the Protestants: & the Duke of Alanzon being drawne to the contrary part, the marriage [Page 350] slept in a long and profound silence. Notwithstanding, Queene ELIZABETH in fauour of the Duke of Alan­zon, Warre kin­dled in France. furnished the Duke Casimier with a great summe of mony, to carry into France the Alman Rutters against the disturbers of the publike peace.

As her minde was busied about the affaires of France, those of Flanders happened: for De Requesens, successor to the Duke of Alua, was fully bent, and endeuored nothing more then to recouer (if it were possible) the Sea, which the Duke of Alua by a remarkable error in so great a thiefe had despised, and by this meanes had caused that long warre of the Low Countries, which indured so ma­ny yeeres: but he being not well furnished with necessary things to set forth a nauall Armie, because the tempest had broken and lost the Ships, which for this purpose had a lit­tle before beene conducted from Spaine to Flanders, by the aid of the English; hee sent Boischot into England, to leuy ships and furniture of warre with the Queenes leaue, who being vnwilling to aduenture her ships and Sea-men in anothers cause, The Queene of England denieth ships to Reque­sens. denied it, and gaue publike charge to all persons, not to arme any Ships without her licence, and did forbid the English Sea-men to enrole themselues vnder other Princes. Vpon this refusall, Boischot prayed her not to take it in ill part, if the fugitiue English in Flanders should serue in a nauall Warre against the Hollanders, vn­der the command of the Spaniard; and permit them to touch freely in the ports of England to victuall themselues. But she would not approue, that the rebellious English (so she termed those whom he stiled Fugitiues) should fight in the seruice of the Spaniard, not to perswade her that Requesens would gratifie them, prayed them not to doe it, and name­ly, T. Copely, whom the Spaniards had loaded with the titles of the great master of the Muze, Lord of Gaten and Rouch­tey, The entrance of the Ports. and intended to set to Sea, to rob both English and Dutch. For the ports, she esteemed it exceeding folly to [Page 351] open them to Rebels and sworne enemies. Yet Boischot, to obtaine more vniust things, required in the name of the Spaniard, that the rebellious Dutch might bee banished from England. But she refused that also, To banish the Dutch fugitiues. knowing that those whom he called Rebels, were poore miserable people of no note, and had neuer enterprized any thing against him, but being chased from their Country, and spoiled of their goods during the warre, had retired themselues into Eng­land, thinking she should commit a great inhumanity, and violate the lawes of Hospitality, if shee should deliuer them into the hands of a Cut-throat. She also remembred how far the affaires of Spaine were interessed in Flanders. Then when at the prayer of the Duke of Alua she commanded 1572. the Dutch to leaue England, and that hauing com­manded the Count of March and other Dutch to be gone, they had taken Brill, and suscitated that warre; neuerthe­lesse, not to seeme altogether to depart from the ancient Alliance of the Burguinions, She denies the confede­rate Dutch entrance into the English ports. Requisens chaseth the rebellious English from Flan­ders. Dissolues their Semi­nary. The Prince of Orange thinkes to run to the protection of the King of France. although the Spaniard had refused to confirme it with him, shee forbad by publike writing the Dutch Ships prepared for warre to goe forth, and those Dutch that had taken vp armes against the Spa­niard, to enter into England, and expresly the Prince of O­range and his house: the Count of Culenberge, of Berg, of March, and fifty others the most notable of that faction. And she performed with more alacrity, in regard Reque­sens, at the intercession of Wilson, the English Ambassa­dor, had caused the Earle of Westmerland, and other Eng­lish to retire themselues out of the Country of Flanders, which was vnder the Spaniard, and had dissipated the Eng­lish Seminary which was at Doway, in whose stead the Guizes, at the sollicitation of Pope Cregory the 13. establi­shed another in the City of Rhemes.

The Prince of Orange, finding his forces no way equall to those of the Spaniard, and expecting no succour from England, consulted with his friends in whom he might put [Page 352] his trust. Now when Queene ELIZABETH vnderstood he had fixed his eye and heart vpon the King of France, she first sent Daniel Rogers to disswade him: but nothing being effected, The Queene of England disswades him. in regard he had before created with the Admirall Coligni and the King of France, she sent H. Cobham to the King of Spaine, to let him vnderstand how great the dan­ger were, if Holland and Zealand should reuolt from him, and giue themselues to the King of France; and by the most important reasons she could represent, she perswaded him to make change of warre for peace, to which he see­med to accord. She then gaue aduice to Requesens, by R. Corbet, and ceased not by all meanes to turne the Prince of Orange from his designe, by the imployment of I. Hasting, but she could not obtaine her purpose, being countermined by Villiers a French Church-man, who came poore into England, with a scuruy Cloake all torne (I speake this be­cause I knew him) but was inriched by a collection which was giuen him to reade Diuinity Lessons, fearing lest the Prince of Orange should cast his eye vpon the English, maintained amongst other things, nay by a publike wri­ting, that Queene ELIZABETH had no man of warre to whom she would trust an Army, but the Earle of Sussex, and that he bare no good affection to the Protestants, and according as he had learned of Coligni, he gaue forth, that if the English did set foot in the Low-Countries, they would renew their ancient hate against the French.

Neuerthelesse, the intestine warres of France hauing taken away all hope of succour from the Prince of Orange, and the Dutch, The confe­derat Dutch deliberate what Prote­ctor they should chuse. they afresh consult to whom they may runne, and rely vpon for aid. They knew that the Princes of Almany were against the Spaniards, & also they hauing no good intelligence, did niggardly depart with their mo­ny, discorded with the Dutch in certaine points of Reli­gion, and that the Emperour, a neere Kinsman of the Spani­ards, would giue impeachment to it. They also saw the [Page 353] French so engaged in their owne ciuill warres, that they could finde no end; that there was simulated & inueterate hate betweene the inhabitants of the Low-Countries and the French; that the Brabanders, Flemmish, and the neigh­bouring people of France, would oppose it with all their force; that the Commandement of the French was rude and burthensome, as well as that of the Spanish; and that the hauens of France are not much commodious for the nauigation of the Dutch. But for the English that were almost vnder one paralell with the Dutch, who also see­med to be of the same nature and Religion with them, that their language was not much different; their Countrey neere adioyning, furnished with Ports, commodious for Nauigation, and fruitfull in Merchandize. That the Queen both by Sea and Land was very powerfull, a milde and gracious Princesse, temperate in her commands, one that would conserue their Liberties, and in no wise burthen them with exactions.

They forthwith sent into England, Phil. Marnix, They haue recourse to the Queene of England. Lord of Saint Aldegonde, I. Douza of Nortwic, Paul Busy, and D. Melsen, which with an honourable legacy, and learned oration, offered to the Queene, Holland and Zeland, eyther to possesse, or protect, as being a Princesse issued from the Princes of Holland, of the bloud of Philip, Wife to Edward the Third, Daughter to William Bauier, the third of that name, Earle of Hainaud, and of Holland, by whose second Sister the Spaniard came to the inheritance of the Prouin­ces. She delibera­teth there­upon. The Queene gaue a willing and an attentiue hearing to these things. But first of all, shee weighed and conside­red in her minde the cause which they had vndertaken a­gainst their Lord and King, the enmities of the Spaniard, the enuy of the French, the great expences and doubtfull euents of the warre, and also what offence might be taken by this insolent example. Then shee doubted whether by her discent from Bauier, she might make claime to Holland [Page 354] and Zeland, and whether shee might lawfully contract a league of protection with the Subiects of another Prince, and whether they themselues could doe this, without the consent of the Emperour, who was Soueraigne Lord of the Fee. Then further, she scarce gaue credit to what some whispered in her eares; that the Prouinces fell not to the Spaniard by hereditary right, but by the election of the Subiects. She reiecteth their proffer. Finally, hauing maturely deliberated vpon these things, (after she had respectiuely rendred thankes to the Prince of Orange and the rest, for their great good will) she answered, that she had alwayes had a speciall regard of the honour and faith worthy a Prince, nor could shee yet con­ceiue, how she could in honour and conscience receiue the Prouinces into her protection, much lesse into her possessi­on; but she would imploy her best labours to mediate for a happy peace betweene them.

The Am­bassy of Champigni.At the same time arriued at the Court, Iohn Perenot of Champigni, from Lodwick Zuniga of Requesens, who in his name modestly aduised the Queene to entertaine the league betweene England and Burgundie, and not to entermeddle in the affaires of the Netherlands: To whom, the Queene promised to obserue the league, notwithstanding the Spa­niard had refused to confirme it. Yet would shee alwayes prouide for her owne honour and safety, if shee perceiued the ancient forme of command amongst the Burgundians to be changed; and forreine Souldiers in great numbers daily to be admitted into the adiacent Prouince.

Requesens dyeth.Before Champigni was returned, Requesens yeelded to death, and a strange confusion had ouercast the Nether­lands, the Souldiers deuasting all places with Sword and Fire; And the Estates of Brabant, Flanders, &c. assuming their former authority in the administration of the Com­mon-wealth, which the Spaniard by necessity was constrai­ned to confirme to them, vntill the comming of Iohn of Austria, whom hee had instituted Gouernour ouer the [Page 355] Prouinces, Queene ELIZABETH carefully laboured that the Spaniard might receiue no discommoditie, & con­serue, as much as she possible could, the Netherlāds intyre to him, and sent Dauison diligently to exhort them to a peace. The Queene studieth to bring the affaires of the Nether­lands to a composition. But by reason of outragiousnesse of the Spanish Souldiers, nothing was effected.

England, for this whole yeere, remained in a peaceable quiet, excepting, in the moneth of Iuly there happened vp­on the Southerne borders of England, towards Scotland, a conflict betweene the borderers of eyther part, A conflict vpon the borders of Scotland. whereof the occasion was this, Iohn Foster, Knight, Gouernour of the Meridionall Frontiers, and at the same time of Barwicke also, entred into parley vpon the Mount Redsquire, with I. Carmichell, Warden of Liddisdale in Scotland: notwith­standing it was a custome that none but Gouernours should meete with Gouernours, and Wardens with Wardens, as equals in dignitie, they were of either side accompani­ed, besides certaine Noble-men, with a multitude of Fugi­tiues, and Malefactours, all armed; of which, the most part quarrelled with one another about inueterate and mortall hatreds betweene them. These sort of fellowes, according to their custome, hauing put their horses out here and there to feed, round incircled the Gouernour & Warden; whom when they heard breake out into eager termes about the sending backe of Fugitiues, they, whose Lawes were one­ly their weapons, knowing themselues guilty, were afraid lest they should be deliuered into the hands of iustice; vp­on a squabble which fell out about the taking away of a spurre, they tumultuously ranne to armes, and euery one, to reuenge their priuate spleene, assayled his particular enemy, or made prey of his Horse. Whether a Scot or an English-man was the beginner, it is vncertaine. At the first en­counter, the English repulsed the Scots, and tooke Carmi­chell. But as they, being too confident in their owne for­ces, ranged about for booty and trifling pillage, a troupe [Page 356] of Scottish succours sallying out of Iedbourgh, Carmichell es­caped, and the English were put to flight, George Heron, Knight, Warden of Tyndale and Ridisdale, with others, was slaine, Heron is slaine. and the Gouernour Forster himselfe; Fran. Russell, sonne to the Earle of Bedford, and sonne-in-law to Forster; Cuthbert Collinwood, The English led as pri­soners into Scotland. Iames Ogle, Henry Fenwich, and many others, were taken and carried to Dalquith in Scotland, where the Regent was resident, who courteously recei­ued them: but fearing lest, if hee should so soone permit them to depart, their bloud yet boyling for the murther, should inflame their courages to vengeance, and so rayse a warre betweene the two Kingdomes, hee for a time detei­ned them, and would not release them, before they had promised by writing, to appeare at a certaine day in Scot­land.

The Queene of England is much in­censed.When Queene ELIZABETH had certaine notice of these matters, shee was then (if euer anger had preuayled with her) full of vexation and mightily incensed, that the Scots, which were (as her selfe spake) indebted to her for their rest and libertie, should, violating the peace, assault and murder the English in England, should surprize and leade into Scotland the Gouernour of the Meridional fron­tier, and of Barwick, and others, and not release them be­fore they had promised in writing to returne. Shee tooke all this as a great iniury and a disgrace done to the name of the English, and to her honour; And so much the more, be­cause the Regent had constituted, that inquisition should be made vpon the borders of Scotland, whether those which were of the Commission, did come to the place armed. This proposition she iudged to come from a heart puff [...] vp with enmitie; but that other with ambition, that is to say, that the Regent should prescribe a place of meeting to the Queene of England, notwithstanding that shee had not long before appointed a meeting-place in the City of Yorke to the Regent Murrey. Neither could the affrigh­ted [Page 357] Regent satisfie the Queene, vntill hee vnarmed had met with Huntington, Deputy for England, at Bonderod, a Towne vpon the Borders, and there promised with good offices to salue this hurt; and for the reparation of the English name, he sent Carmichel his indeered friend into England, who for a space was detayned there in free imprisonment at Yorke, and soone after was sent backe with honour and rewards. For the fault was found to be sprung from For­ster, whilest hee aboue measure sustained the Cause of a no­torious Malefactor. Thus was the Queene reconciled to the Regent, who remained euer after constant in his friend­ship; chastising the Fugitiues of either side, to his great praise, and the good of both the Kingdomes.

In this yeere dyed not any in England, The death of the Duke of Castell-He­rauld. of any noble re­marke or note: But in Scotland, the thrice-Noble Iames Hamilton, Duke of Castell-Herauld, who being sonne to the Daughter of Iames the second, King of Scotland, was giuen as a tutor to Mary Queene of Scots, appointed Gouernour and Heire to the Kingdome, so long shee was vnder age, and when he had deliuered her to the French, he was crea­ted Duke of Castell-Herauld, in France; afterwards was constituted the chiefe of the three Gouernours of Scotland, during Queene Maries imprisonment; whose Cause whilest he constantly defended, being an open man, and of a nature peaceable, he was much afflicted by the iniuries and plots of some troublesome spirits.

The Earle of Essex perceiuing himselfe much troubled, Essex redu­ced into distresse in Jreland. aswell by the Ambushes of Turlogh, and the Lord of Dun­gannon, as also by the obiected Difficulties in England: and learning that it was deliberated in England concerning his repeale, he silently deplored the misreies whereinto by extreme iniurie he was precipitated; he complained of the losse of his owne and his mens fortunes; hee lamented Ire­land, which he perswaded himselfe, that with two thou­sand Souldiers, he could reduce into obedience, he instant­ly [Page 358] demanded, that for his honour he might compound the matter with Turlogh: and hauing giuen vp to the Vice-Roy his command in Vlster, because that with that small Com­pany of men which he had assigned him, he was not of po­wer sufficient to prosecute what he had begunne, hee was presently commanded to resume the same. But hee had scarce resumed it, and began to march against Turlogh, but he receiued Letters of Command, wholly to with-drawe himselfe from that warre, and, in as honourable termes as he could, to conclude a Peace. Which beeing presently performed, he charged vpon the Scots of Hebrides, which had seized vpon Clandeboy, and forced them to fly into Caues: and hauing with the ayde of Norris surprized the Island Rachlin, and slaine 400. of the Islanders, hee forced the Castle to yeeld, and there placed a Garrison. And bee­ing now in the middle course of victory, hee was againe commanded (beyond his expectation) to resigne his au­thority, and onely as a priuate Captaine, had command o­uer three hundred men. And sure nothing was omitted by the close and subtill dealings of Leicester, with continu­all troubles to oppresse the milde and peaceable spirit of this Noble Worthy.

Sidney the third time Deputy, ma­keth his pro­gresse in Ire­land. Henry Sidney was then sent the third time Vice-roy into Ireland, when the Plague made large hauock of the Isle: ne­uerthelesse, he passed to Vlster, where many humbled them­selues to him, and requested with Prayers their safe-guard, to wit, Mac-Mahon, Mac-Guir, Turlogh Leinich, and o­thers; as many also in Lemster, of the seditious Family of O-Conor, and O-Mor, who by force of Armes had holden their ancient Possessions in Leise and Ophale, whereof by an Ordinance they had beene dispossessed. Beeing arriued at Mounster, he assisted as a mourner, to honour the Fune­rals of Peter Carew, The death of Peter Ca­rew. a true Noble Knight, and of memo­rable vertues (who, as heire to Stephanide, and Reymond Crasse, who were the first Conquerers of Ireland, and of the [Page 359] of Ydorne, had conquered, by the Rites of Warre, part of his Patrimony.) Comming to Corcagh, the Earle of Des­mond visited him, and with great respect offered vnto him all willing and ready seruices. From thence being carried to Connach, he receiued Homage of the sonnes of Clan-Ri­chard, which were Rebels, and pardoned all their offences, after they had humbly implored the same in the Church of Galloway: and so hee gouerned the Prouince with great and worthy applause.

Booke 2. 1576.THE NINETEENTH YEERE OF Her Reigne. Anno Dom. 1576.

The French propound a marriage to Queene Eli­zabeth. ANew yeere beginning, the two match-makers for the Duke of Alanzon, la Mottefenelon, and la Porte, began to charme the eares of Queene ELIZABETH, with sweete and amorous dis­courses. To whom reply was made, She, peace to them. That it was then no time for such talke, the Duke being so farre ingaged in the Ciuill Warres, wherewith France was in­fested, that he could not readily come into England. Neuerthe­lesse, two Ambassadours were sent into France, one after another, She labours to diuert them from the Nether­lands. to renewe a fraternall friendship betweene the King and the Duke, and to dehort them from the affaires of the Netherlands, lest the Spaniard should kindle a new war in France; shewing them how easie a thing it would be to him (hauing then a puissant Army in Italy) to surprize Sa­luces, or beeing with his forces possest of Prouence, to com­mand [Page 361] the entry of the Mediterranean Sea, especially the treasury of France being so neere exhausted: of other sem­blable matters she admonished them, to deterre them from the Low-Countries.

For the Prince of Orange, for his owne particular profit, and the hope of retaining the Principality of Orange, which was situate in France, hee ceased not to inuite the French into the Netherlands; and promised to the Hollan­ders and Zelanders, who as if they were borne to the Sea, The Zelan­ders molest the English by Sea; did infest the Sea, with their Vessels, purposely built for their Pyracies, the pillaging of the shipping of the English Merchants, vnder a pretext framed, that they relieued the Dunkirkes their enemies with victuals, and vnder borrow­ed names, transported into Spaine the merchandizes of Antwerpe, and other places, which themselues were accu­stomed to transport thither, and for their owne profit, but now durst not, by reason they knew themselues guiltie of reuolt. Holstock was forthwith sent with Ships furnished for the warres to represse them, are repres­sed. who tooke aboue two hundred Pyrates, and imprisoned them vpon the sea-coast; And for the goods which were taken away, William Win­ter, Knight, and Robert Beale, Counsellor, and Secretary for the Queenes Letters, were deputed into Zeland, to accord the differences on eyther side, and vpon equall conditions to cause restitution to be made. But the Auarice of the Eng­lish Merchants, and the insolency of the Zelanders, broa­ched new contentions, which were presently brought to conclusion with little dammage to either Nation.

Then there grew a great confusion throughout the Ne­therlands, A confusi­on in the Nether­lands. the Spaniards imprisoning certaine of the Coun­cellours of the Estates, and persecuting with all sorts of outrages and excesse of iniuries the inhabitants of the Prouinces in such manner, that the Estates were forced to take armes, and send forth messengers to all parts to mani­fest their wrongs. They dispatched towards Queene ELI­ZABETH, [Page 362] Aubigni, to demonstrate to her Maiestie the iniuries and causes for which they tooke vp armes. Queene ELIZABETH, by Wilson, exhorted as much as was pos­sible, both the Estates and the Spaniards to lay aside their Armes; studiously inquiring the causes why the Counsel­lors of the Estates were so violently imprisoned. In the meane space, Antwerpe sacked by the Spanish mutiners. the City of Antwerpe being the Illuminary of other Cities, which scarce giueth place to the second of the most flourishing Marts in Europe, was miserably sack­ed by the Spaniards, the House of the English Merchants there pillaged, and themselues, although innocent, were constrained to pay large ransomes to the Souldiers. Au­bigni taking hold of this occasion, with much importunity requested Queene ELIZABETH in the name of the E­states, to lend some notable summe of money, to be im­ployed for the repressing of the Spanish insolence. But her Maiesty knowing that they had before demanded assistance of the French, made refusall, neuerthelesse she promised in­continently, and with all diligence, to make intercession to the Spaniard in their behalfe for a peace and league; The Queene laboureth a peace for the Nether­lands. and to this end, she sent Iohn Smith, Cousin-German to Ed­ward the Sixth, a man perfect in the Spanish behauiour, and well knowne to the King of Spaine, who was graciously receiued of the King; and so wisely retorted vpon Gasp. Quirague, Arch-bishop of Toledo, and the Inquisitors, the contumelious iniuries which they spake against the Queen, out of hate to the Religion, and willing her not to adde to her titles, the Defendresse of the Faith, that he receiued ma­ny thankes from their King, who was much offended with the Arch-bishop, requesting Smith to conceale from the Queene those passages, and commanded seuerely that that attribute should be allowed of. The King knew well that the Queenes Councel were sufficient and expedient for her affaires, yet would he not consent thereto, the fate of the Netherlands (if I may so call it) carrying him another way.

[Page 363]At the same time, Iohn of Austria, naturall Sonne to the Emperour Charles the Fifth, arriued in Flanders with a soueraigne command; to whom, the Queene in like man­ner sent Edward Horsey, Gouernour of the Ile of Wight, The arriuall of John of Austria in Flanders. to congratulate his arriuall, and offer him her assistance, if the Estates should call the French into Holland. Neuerthe­lesse, by the importunate sollicitation of Sweuingham, plea­ding for the Estates, shee sent them 2000. The Queene furnisheth the Estates with money; pounds of Eng­lish money, with this condition, that they should not change their Prince, nor admit the French into Holland, nor refuse the peace, if Iohn of Austria should descend to any equall conditions. But if he should accept of a peace, then the moneyes should be imployed for the payment of the Spanish Souldiers, which had for want of pay raysed all these troubles. to continue the Prouin­ces in the King of Spaines o­bedience. The traf­fique re-established be­tweene Eng­land and Portugall. Such was her care and study to detaine these wauering Prouinces vnder the obedience and allea­geance of the Spaniard, neuer pretermitting any occasion of well-deseruing, and for the conseruation of peace.

In this instant, England triumphed in an agreeable tran­quillity, and the traffique of the English with the Portugals, which, by the priuate auarice of some particular persons had beene shut vp, was then opened againe, and the English had permission to traffique in Portugall, Algarbia, the Iles of Medera, and the Azores, the Portugals likewise in Eng­land and Ireland, for the space of three yeeres; during which time, all differences and contentions which had bin about the deteining of goods or merchandise, were made void. And this was publiquely diuulged by the sound of a Trumpet.

Likewise certaine learned Ingenies of the time, inflamed with an honest desire of discouering the more distant Re­gions of the Earth, and the secrets of the Ocean, incited certaine well-monyed men, who were no lesse inflamed with the desire of getting more, to make discouery, if in the North parts of America, there were any way, by which [Page 364] men might sayle to the rich Countrey of Cathay, and so, by a mutuall commerce, to ioyne the Riches of the East and Occident together.

With what probabilitie.Those learned men probably disputed, taking it for gran­ted, that the shore lay on that side; that the neerer we ap­proach to the shore, the shallower the waters be: and by experience, those which saile from the shore of the We­sterne Ilands, meet with higher Seas, which seeme to be all one with that Sea which Nauigators call Del-Sur on the other part of America: Furthermore, that when the Sea is carried by the diurnall motion of the primum mobile, it is driuen backe by the opposition of America, and runnes toward the Northerne Countries of Cabo Fredo, that is to say, the cold Promontory, there to vnburthen it selfe through some Chanell into the Del-Sur Sea, except it be by the like violence repulsed into Lappia and Finmarch, in which Region of the Southerne world, from the Insulous strait of Magellan, being incapable of such a masse of waters by reason of the narrownesse of the Chanels of those Ilands, they are beaten backe to Cabo Fredo by the Easterne shores of America. Witnesse, Ienkinson an English­man. And they adde for Witnesses, Ienkenson, an Englishman, who better knew then any other the Nor­therne Climate of the world, (who shewed that those huge and massie heapes of waters of the Sea Cronio, doe disim­bogue themselues necessarily into the Sea Del-Sur,) and Bernard le Tor, Bernard le Tor, a Spa­niard. a Spaniard, who affirmed, that returning from the Moluccus, into America, aboue the Equinocti­all Line Northward, he was cast backe againe by force of waters, comming from the North, violently rushing a­gainst his Ship, Furbisher is sent to dis­couer the Strait in the North part of Ame­rica. into Moluccus; and other Witnesses they produce to proue this: Whereupon, monyed-men were perswaded to send Martin Furbisher with three Ships to discouer this Strait: who loosing from Harwich the 18. of Iune, entred the ninth of August into the Gulfe or Strait, vnder the latitude of sixtie three degrees, where hee found [Page 365] men of blacke hayre, broad faces, flat wry noses, of a swart and tawny colour, clothed with Sea-Calues skinnes, and the women were painted about the eyes and the balls of the Cheeke with a deepe azure colour, like the ancient Bri­tans: but all things being so bound vp with Ice, in the Mo­neth of August, it was not possible for them to hold on their course, so as he returned for England, where he arriued the eighth of the Kalends of October, with the losse onely of fiue Mariners, which were taken by the Barbarians. Not­withstanding to performe what he had begun, hee sayled the next two yeeres about the same Shore, but was hinde­red from entring into the Gulfe by the Ice which was eue­ry-where heaped vp like Mountaines. Being then beaten with Tempests, Snow, and Windes that were euer and a­non changing, hauing gathered a great number of Stones (which he tooke to haue beene Minerals) he turnes sailes: from which stones, when neither Gold, Siluer, nor any o­ther metall could be drawne, we saw them throwne away to repayre the high-wayes. But these things are publiquely extant, described at large.

About the same time, Maximilian the Emperour dyed, The death of Maximi­lian the Em­perour. a prudent and iust Prince, profitable to the Empire, & well-deseruing both of Queene ELIZABETH, and the Eng­lish: whereof, as soone as shee was certainely informed, be­ing afflicted with an exceeding griefe, shee sent Sir Philip Sidney, Ambassadour, to Rodulphus, King of the Romans, Queene Eli­zabeth mournes. diligently to declare her sorrow for the death of his father, and to congratulate his Succession. And also, in passing by, to condole with the Sonnes of Frederick the Third, The Elector Palatine dyes. Elector Palatine, for the death of their Father; and by the way, to put Casimere in minde of the Money which shee spent in the French warre; for by that warre, peace being restored to France, the Prouinces of Aniou, of Touraine, and of Berie assigned in Apennage, as they call it, A Franc is two shillings English. to the Duke of Alan­zon, eleuen millions of Franc's, promised to Casimere to pay [Page 366] the Germaine Horse-men, and three hundred thousand Crownes, for which the French Queene had engaged her Iewels. But Queene ELIZABETH had none at all paid againe, and yet thought her selfe sufficiently recompenced in hauing it so well spent in so good a cause. Casimere in­genuously and with a Germaine sincerity made answer, That the French had broke promise with him, and that it was not his fault that the Money was not re-payd.

As in Germany the Emperour Maximilian, and the Prince Elector Palatine, for their Christian vertues, and singular moderation, had left a great affection and much griefe: So no lesse did Walter Deureux, Earle of Essex, leaue in England and Ireland, though farre inferiour in place, verily a most ex­cellent man, in whom sweetnesse of manners contended with his Noblenesse of Birth; all which notwithstanding could not preuaile against Enuie: for indeed, he was com­pelled afterwards to leaue that which he had laudably be­gun in Ireland, with much diminishing his Patrimonie: and being returned into England, he openly threatned Lei­cester, whom he suspected had iniured him: by the Court subtletie of Leicester, who was afraid of him, and by the pe­culiar mysteries of the Court, by striking, and ouerthrow­ing men with Honour, he was sent away againe into Ireland, vvith a vaine Title of [ Earle Marshall of Ireland] vvhere pining away vvith griefe, and being grieuously tormented vvith a Dyssenterie, verie godlily rendred vp his Soule to God, after he had vvilled those that vvere vvith him, to ad­monish his Sonne, then scarce ten yeeres old, that he should alvvaies set before his Eyes the sixe and thirtieth yeere of his age, as the longest measure of his life, vvhich neither he nor his Father ouer-liued, and truly he attained not vnto it, as in his place vve shall declare. Thus vvas the death of this most Noble person, by the Vulgar (vvho alwaies sus­pect those they hold deare, to be made avvay by poison) suspected to be poisoned, though Sydney, Lord Deputie of [Page 367] Ireland, hauing made diligent inquisition about it, writ to the Councell of England that the Earle often said at his first falling sicke, that as often as he was troubled in mind, hee was pained with this flux, Essex death suspected. and that he neuer suspected poy­son, that he had the same colour of bodie in his sicknesse as he had in perfect health, no spot, no consumption, no ble­mish, no losing of nailes, no shedding of haire, nor inward putrifactiō or appearance of poyson when he was dissected. That the Phisicons did not agree in the cause of his sicknes, neither ministred they any thing to him against poyson, but that he that waited of his cup was falsly accused of.....dipt in water and mingled with wine: neuerthelesse wee haue seene the man pointed at publickly for a poysoner. This suspition increased, because Leicester so quickly after aban­doned Douglas Sheffield, by whom he had had a sonne (whe­ther she was his wife or paramour, I will not say) after hee had giuen her a summe of money and made her great pro­mises; and openly professed loue to the Lady Lettice, Essex his widdow, and married her twice. For though, it was said, that he had maried her priuately, yet Henrie Knollis her fa­ther knowing his extrauagant affections, and fearing lest he should deceiue his daughter, would not beleeue it, vnlesse he saw a contract himselfe, expressely in the presence of a publike Notarie and witnesses. But that was performed two yeeres after.

At that time dyed in England Sir Anthony Coke at seuen­tie yeeres of age, a Knight that kept the ancient Seuerity, The death of Sir Anthony Coke. and very learned, Tutor to EDVVARD the Sixth in his Child-hood, happie in his Daughters, who being skilfull in the Greeke and Latine tongues aboue the expectation of their Sexe, he had married to these famous men, William Cecill, Lord Treasurer of England, Nicholas Bacon, Lord Keeper of the great Seale, to Thomas Hoby, who dyed Em­bassador in France, Raph Roulet, and Henry Killigrew.

That I may goe backe a little: Before Essex dyed, the [Page 368] Sonnes of the Earle of Clan-Rickard, whom the Deputie of Ireland had pardoned for rebellion scarce two yeeres be­fore, Tumults in Ireland. had gathered together a Companie of Scummes, Rogues, and Rebels, who rob'd and barbarously sack't Con­nach, burnt Athenrie, which the Inhabitants were about to re-edifie, and with a barbarous hatred which they bore vn­to them, who began to fauour Lawes and Humanity, killed the workmen. The Deputie makes haste thither, dissipates these Troopes of Robbers, and made them flye into their Dennes, according to their custome; and imprisoned the Earle of Clan-Rickard their Father (as culpable of his Sons crimes) in the Castle of Dublin. But as soone as the De­putie was returned, they came out againe, and besieged the Castle Balla-reogh, being their Fathers chiefe Seate (where there was a Garrison commanded by T. Strange) but in vaine and with losse of their men. Afterwards being assi­sted by the Ilander Scots, ransack't and spoil'd whatsoeuer was vpon the Lands of Mac-Williams Eughter the youn­ger: but the Deputie comming againe, they fled and hid themselues as they did before.

William Drury, Pre­sident of Mounster. William Drury, late Gouernour of Barwicke, now newly made President of Mounster, by his wisedome and valour brought all the Prouince vnder command, and in obedience to the Lawes, except Kerria and the Countie Palatine, whither, like to a Sincke, a great number of Malefactors, Theeues, men in debt, and such as were suspected for Trea­son, by reason of the Immunity & priuiledges belonging to the place, were gathered together, a certaine impunitie im­boldening them. For EDVVARD the third had granted to the Earle of Desmond, all Regall Liberties, that the Kings of England had in that Countie; except for Burnings, Rapes, Fore­stallings, and Treasure found. Notwithstanding, the Presi­dent (iudging that these Liberties were granted rather for the exercise of Iustice, then for the protecting of Mischiefe) valiantly defeated the most selected troopes of the forlorne [Page 369] Rebels, which the Earle of Desmond had layd in Ambusca­do, and made search through all Kerria, and punished many of them seuerely. The Earle of Desmond vexing at this, and grieuously complaining to the Lord Deputie, of Drury, Malefactors pursued and punished. Ceass, what it is. as well of this, as of the Taxe, which they call Ceass. This Taxe is an exaction of Victuals at a certaine price (as the Glebe among the Ancients) for Prouision of the Deputies Family, and the Garrison Souldiers. Of this Taxe, The Irish complaine of exactions. he com­plained not alone, but in Lemster, the most ciuill part of the Isle, the Viscount Bultinglas, Deluin, Hoth, and Trimleston Barons, and also other of the Nobler sort, complaining, denied to pay it, as not to be exacted, but by authoritie of Parliament; And thereupon sent Deputies into England, who, being heard before the Councell, were committed; and in like manner in Ireland were those that sent them, vn­till they submitted to pay it: It appearing by the Records of the Kingdomes Exchequer to be instituted long agoe, and is a certaine right of Maiestie, called [ Royall Preroga­tiue] which is not subiect to the Lawes, The Queene hath compas­sion. nor yet repugnant as the Lawyers haue iudged it. But the Queene comman­ded the Lord Deputie to vse a moderation in such like ex­actions, and vsed the old saying, [ While they may sheare her subiects, doe not shaue them:] and said moreouer, ‘AH, how greatly I feare lest that which Bato in time past to Tiberius vpon the reuolting of Dal­matia, be obiected against vs by the Irish. You, you are in fault, who commit not your flockes to Shepheards but to Wolues.’

Booke 2. 1577.THE TVVENTIETH YEERE OF Her Reigne. Anno Dom. 1577.

Austria in­clines to Peace. DOn Iohn of Austria perceiuing himselfe too weake for the States of Holland, strengthe­ned by the amitie of neigh­bour Princes, sent Gastel to Queene ELIZABETH to thanke her for the ayd which she had offered him against the French, & to declare his desire of Peace. Elizabeth perswades to it. She by Edw. Horsey now sent the second time to him, commends his disposition to Peace, and withall treates that the goods of the English detained in Antwerpe, might be restored. Answer was made verie slowly, he being much distracted (as he pretended) with other affaires, wholly intending [ The perpetuall Edict for Peace] as they call it, which scarce lasted a yeere. Queene ELIZABETH seriously desiring Peace, sends Sir Thomas Leighton to the Prince of Orange, to perswade [Page 371] him, not to labour, or attempt any thing against Peace, vntill Iohn Smith, who was sent into Spaine to procure a Peace, should returne. The Prince of Orange, Orange di­uerts her. who from his heart condemned this perpetuall Edict, hauing opportunely lear­ned, that Don Iohn of Austria did endeuour to marrie the Queene of Scots, which occasion he willingly catch't, and by Famier forthwith aduertiseth Queene ELIZABETH to auert her from Peace. She neuerthelesse as seeming to know nothing, by Daniel Rogers congratulates with Don Iohn for the perpetuall Edict of Peace, although she had discouered for certaine, that by the perswasion of the Earle of Westmerland, and the English Fugitiues, and the inclina­tion of the Pope, and the fauour of the Guizes, he had an as­sured hope to attaine to this mariage, and together with it, Austria seekes to marrie the Queene of Scots. And by her to get the Kingdome of England. to swallow England and Scotland; and had alreadie resolued to possesse himselfe of the Isle of Man, situate in the Irish Sea, as a fit place for the inuading of England on Ireland side, and from the West-side of Scotland, where the Queene of Scots had many people at her deuotion, and in the oppo­site part of England to make vse of North-Wales, and the Counties of Cumberland, Lancaster, and Chester, where the most part of the Inhabitants are most addicted to Poperie.

And certainly (as we haue learned by Perez the King of Spaines Secretarie) Austria, caried away with ambition, see­ing himselfe falne from all hope of the Kingdome of Tunis, had dealt secretly with the Pope, to pull downe ELIZA­BETH from her Throne; to marrie the Queene of Scot­land; and to subdue England: and vnknowne to Philip, wrought with the Pope to excite Philip for the publike good to the English Warre. Don Iohn himselfe is readie to goe for Flanders; this was prosecuted in Spaine; and anon after, Escouedo is sent from Flanders, to desire that a Port in Biskye might be granted him, from whence with a Nauie he might inuade England. But Philip not likeing these de­signes, [Page 372] begun to neglect him as a man too ambitious. Neither did Queene ELIZABETH vnderstand of these things, till (as I haue said) the Prince of Orange did informe her.

Copley made a Baron of France.Notwithstanding, it wanted not suspition, that Thomas Copley (a prime man among the English Fugitiues, being commended to the French King by Vaulx, Secretarie to Don Iohn) had beene made Knight and Baron. But Copley endeuouring to auoide suspition, protested obedience to his Prince, and that he had accepted this Title out of no other reason but for the greater accesse of honour to his wife, his companion in exile, and that his Pension from Spaine would be the greater, because a Gentleman of Title is of more esteeme among Spaniards; and he thought he was capable of the Title of a Baron, his Grandmother being the eldest Daughter to the Baron of Hoo, and his great Grand­mother the eldest Daughter of the heires of the Baron of Welles.

The dissi­mulation of Austria.In the meane time, Don Iohn (vnderhand) prosecutes this match, and withall, the better to cloke the matter, sends the Viscount of Gaunt Embassadour to ELIZABETH, who shewed her the Articles of Peace, and to demand a longer terme for the paiment of the Money which the States bor­rowed of her. This she willingly grants; and after treates with him, by Wilson, that the dammages which the English Merchants receiued at the sacking of Antwerpe may be repa­red. He takes vp armes again. He deludes her, and while he pretended to be busie about this perpetuall Edict of Peace, breakes out into Warre, and, by craft, surprises Castles, and Townes, and writes to the King of Spaine, that the wisest course is to take the Islands of Zeland, before they lay siege to the interiour Prouinces; and being thus transported with hope, striues to perswade him by Escouede his Secretarie, that it were easier for him to take England than Zeland

At length, when all things tended to warres in the Low-Countries, [Page 373] the States send to Queene ELIZABETH the Marquis of Maure and Adoulfe Medkerke, to borrow of her a hundred thousand pound sterling for eight moneths: Shee made them this answer, Elizabeth couenanted with the Scots. That if they could borrow it else-where, Shee, with the Citie of London, would wil­lingly giue caution for it; prouided, that such Townes of the Low-Countries as She shall nominate, would be bound by writing to repay it within a yeere, and made alliance with them of mutuall succour both by Land and Sea, vn­der these conditions: ‘THe Queene shall send for succour to the States a thousand Horse, and fiue thousand foote, to whom they shall pay three moneths after their imbarking, their intertainement and expence in the City of London, and the warres ended, shall defray their expence for their returning into England. The Gene­rall of these forces, who shall be an English-man, shall be receiued into the Councell of the States, and nothing shall be ordered concerning warre or peace, without con­sulting thereupon either with the Queene, or him, nor make league with any whosoeuer, without her appro­bation; and, if shee please, to be comprehended in the same. If any Prince doe any hostile act against the Queene or Kingdome of England, vnder any pretext whatsoeuer, the States shall resist as much as in them lye, and shall send ayde to the Queene in the same num­ber, and vpon the like conditions. If any discord arise among the States, it shall bee referred to her arbitre­ment. If the Queene be to prepare a Nauie against ene­mies, the States shall furnish xl. Ships of a competent burthen, with Mariners, and euery thing else necessary, which shall obey and follow the Admirall of England, and shall be defrayed at the Queenes cost. The States shall in no wise admit into the Low-countries, such Eng­lish as the Queene hath declared Rebels. If they con­clude [Page 374] a peace with Spaine, they must take heede that the Articles, whether ioyntly or seuerally, bee confirmed by the Queenes pleasure.’

Immediately as this Treatie begun, the Queene, lest shee should be calumniated as a nourisher of Rebellion in the Low-Countries, She declares the reason of it to the Spa­niard. sent Thomas Wilkes to the Spaniard, to de­clare vnto him as followeth: ‘FOrasmuch as there neuer want malicious spirits, which studie craft and subtiltie, to breake friendship betweene those Princes, and by vniust suggestion, to cast aspersions vpon their honours, by supposall, as if shee had kindled this fire in the Low-Countries: First, shee prayes the King, and the Gouernours of the Low-Coun­tries, that they would call to minde, how often and how earnestly, like a friend, shee long-agoe forewarned of the euils hanging ouer the Low-Countries; And then, when they thought of reuolting, what studious paines she tooke in often Missitations to the Prince of Orange, and the States, that they should continue in dutie and obedience to the King, yea euen when those most opulent Prouin­ces were offered her in possession, what sinceritie shewed shee, not to take them into protection? Finally, when all things were deplorable, how much money did shee lately furnish to hinder (the States being pressed by vr­gent necessitie) not to subiect themselues vnder another Prince, and trouble the treatie of the late propounded peace. But when shee had notice that the Prince of O­range was vnwilling to embrace the peace already be­gun, shee did not onely admonish him to embrace it, but also (shee most sacredly protested) interposed threat­nings, and in some sort commanded him. If these things be vnworthy of a Christian Prince, studious of peace, and most desirous to deserue well of her good [Page 375] Confederate, the King of Spaine; let the King himselfe, and all the Princes of the Christian World iudge. And that wars might sleepe on both sides, and that hee might haue the Hollanders obedient, aduiseth him to receiue them, as an afflicted people, into his ancient fauour, re­store their priuiledges, obserue the last couenants of peace, and elect out of his owne Family some other Go­uernour. Which could by no meanes be effected, vnlesse Don Iohn were remoued, whom the States distrusted, with more than a hostile and implacable hatred; and, whom shee certainely knew by his secret practices with the Queene of Scots, to be her vtter enemy. Inso­much, that shee could expect nothing from the Low-Countries, but certaine dangers while He gouerned there. But now when shee doth perceiue what great number of forces Don Iohn inrolled, and how many Troupes of French there were in a readinesse, shee pro­fest, that, to keepe the Low-Countries to the King of Spaine, and to repell danger from England, shee had promised ayde to the States. Who reciprocally had pro­mised to persist in their obedience to the King, and to innouate nothing in Religion. From which, if shee shall perceiue the King auerse, but to haue determined brea­king the barres of their rights and priuiledges, to draw them into seruitude like miserable Prouinces captiua­ted by conquest; shee cannot, both for the defence of her Neighbours, and her owne securitie, be failing or negli­gent: But also, if the States doe breake their faith with the King, or enterprise any thing contrary to what they haue promised, she would speedily turne her Ensignes a­gainst them.’

The Spaniard was not pleased to heare these things, The Spa­niard did not willingly heare these things. neuerthelesse knowing that it lay much in Queene E­LIZABETHS power, to establish or ruine his affaires in [Page 376] the Low-Countries, and knowing for certaine that Don Iohn laide Ambuscadoes for her, dissembled it, and prayed her to prosecute the designe which shee had for establish­ing peace, and not rashly to belieue the false reports that runne, or that be practised vnworthily against a Prince that is his friend.

Whiles Wilkes exposeth these things in Spaine, Don Iohn, who feared Queene ELIZABETH, and withall wished her ruine, Don John complaines to Queene Elizabeth of the States. sends Gastell to her, who blamed the States ex­ceedingly, accuseth them of many foule crimes, and layde open at large the causes that moued Don Iohn to take armes againe. Queene ELIZABETH, like an Heroicke Prin­cesse, stood Arbitratresse between the Spaniard, the French, and the States, insomuch as shee had power to apply this saying of her Father, [ He shal carry it away, for whom I am;] and that which he writ is found true, that France and Spaine are the scoales of the Ballance, England the ballance of Europe. and England the beame.

At the very same time, the Iudges holding the Assises at Oxford, A pestilent sicknesse caused by the stinke of a prison. and R. Ienke, Stationer, an impudent talker, was accused and brought to triall for speaking iniurious words against the Queene, the most part of the assistants were so infected with his poysonous and pestilent breath, and by reason of the stinke, whether of the prisoners or the prison, that they almost all dyed within forty dayes, besides wo­men and children; and this contagion extended no further. Amongst others, R. Bel, chiefe Baron of the Exchequer, a graue man, and learned in the Law, R. Doyley, Sir G. Babing­ton, Vicount Doyley of Oxfordshire, Harcourt, Waineman, and Fetiplace, persons of great estimation in that Countrey, and Barham, a famous Lawyer, being almost of one Iury, and about three hundreth more died there.

Hitherto the Papists in England enioyed a cheerefull tranquillitie, who, by a kinde of merciful conniuency, exer­cised their Religion in priuate houses in some sort vnpuni­shed, although it was prohibited by the Law, vpon paine [Page 377] of a pecuniary mulct to be inflicted; neither did the Queen thinke it fit to force the conscience. But after that thun­dring Bull of Excommunication against the Queene, which came from Rome, was cast abroad; that serenitie by little and little turned into clouds and tempests, and brought vp that Law which was made in the yeere 1571. against them which brought into the Kingdome such [ Bulls, Agnos Dei, and Grana Benedicta] being tokens of Papall obedi­ence, or, as we haue said, did reconcile any to the Church of Rome. Neuerthelesse, this Law was not put in execution against any one in sixe yeeres after, although it was knowne to haue beene violated by many. The first against whom this Law was put in practice, was Cuthbert Maine, Priest, Maine, a Priest, exe­cuted. a stubborne defender of the Popes authority against the Queene, hee was executed at Saint Stephens, commonly called Launston in Cornewall, and Trugion a Gentleman, that intertained him into his house, had all his lands and goods confiscated, and he condemned to perpetuall imprison­ment: Of these, and such like things, concerning the Church, I will but giue a touch, in regard of others that vndertake to write the Ecclesiasticall History of those times, who, I hope (although it be scarcely to be hoped for, by reason of exasperated mindes in this deuision of Religion) will faithfully performe it.

This yeere, the title of Baron of Latimer, The death of the Lord Latimer. after it had flourished in honour and riches from the time of Henry the Sixth, is now extinct in Iohn Neuill, who hauing no Issue male, left an ample inheritance to foure Daughters, the el­dest of which, Henrie Earle of Northumberland married; the second, Thomas Cecill, who was afterwards Earle of Exce­ter; the third, Sir William Cornwallis; and the fourth, Sir Iohn Dauers, of which came a plentifull ofspring.

Sir Th. Smith, one of the Secretaries of State, Secretary Smith dyes. likewise died of a consumption, this being his clymactericall yeere; a man memorable for much learning, and wisdome, appro­ued [Page 378] in many Ambassies. He was descended of noble Pa­rents at Saffron Walden in Essex, brought vp at Queen Mar­garets Colledge in Cambridge, and beeing come to riper yeeres, Saffron Wal­den. was chosen to bee sent into Italy vpon the Kings charge: (vntill our time many of the most hopefull youths were chosen out of both the Vniuersities, and trayned vp in strange Countries, for the better adorning and inabling of their mindes.) From thence, he returned Doctor of the Ciuill Law, he was in fauour with the Duke of Sommerset, Protector of EDVVARD the Sixth, and made the other Secretary with Cecill, and Lord Warden of the Stanneries, Deane of Carlile, and Prouost of Eaton. Queene MARIE comming to the Crowne, tooke all these dignities from him, assigned him a hundred pound a yeere to liue on, with condition not to goe out of the Kingdome. As soone as Queene ELIZABETH inioyed the Scepter, he was cal­led againe to the seruice of the Common-wealth, to be an assistant with the Diuines in correcting the English Liturgy; and afterwards, as I haue said before, hauing with great ap­plause performed his Ambassies, hee dyed. In the yeere 1571, being made second Secretary to the Queene, hauing but one onely Sonne, sent him to leade a Colony into the barbarous Pen-insale Ardes in Ireland, where hee was vn­fortunately slaine. Hee tooke speciall care, and was the first that procured an order for the dyets of Students in Colledges; and by that meanes aduanced learning more than he did by his writings, although hee left a worke im­perfect, de Reipublica Anglorum, a singular booke de Linguae Anglicae Orthographia; another, de Graecae pronunciatione; and an exact Commentary, de re nummaria, most worthy to come to light. In his stead, to the place of Secretary, came Thomas Wilson, Doctor of the Ciuill Law, Master of Saint Katherines neere London, who dyed within foure yeeres after.

Rebellion in Ireland.In Ireland, the O-Mores, O-Conores, and others, whose [Page 379] ancestors the Earle of Sussex, Lord Deputie (in the reigne of Queene MARY, had, for wrongs and offences done by them) depriued of their inheritance, Leisa, and Ophalia, neither had hee assigned them any other place to liue in, broke out into Rebellion, vnder the conduct of Rorio Oge, Rorio Oge. that is to say, Rodorick the Younger, burnt a little Towne called Naasse; they assaulted Lachliny, and were repulsed by Sir George Crew Gouernour, but they tooke Henry Har­rington, and Alexander Cosbie, in a deceitfull parley which they sought of purpose to surprize them, whō when Captaine Harpole went about to recouer, set vpon a little Cottage by night where Rorio was, and they two tyed to a post; Rorio being awaked with the noyse, gaue Harrington and Cosbie many wounds in the darke, and with a desperate boldnesse, rusheth into the middest of the Souldiers which compassed him round, and by the benefit of the night esca­ped. Afterwards, hauing layde an Ambuscado for the Ba­ron of Osser, was taken, and being slaine, Rorio slaine. his neighbours were deliuered from much feare.

Booke 2. 1578.THE ONE AND TVVENTIETH YEERE OF Her Reigne. Anno Dom. 1578.

Queene Eli­zabeth is carefull of the Low-Countries. ALthough Spaine approued not of the propositions that Wilkes had made, and, as I lately saide, had dissembled, Queene ELI­ZABETH notwithstanding se­riously pittying the Flemmings, whose Prouinces were so com­modiously, and with a mutuall necessity situated to England, had for many ages adhered like Husband and Wife; and therefore impatient to see the French, vnder colour of taking them into protection, should become Masters of them, sends Wilkes, at his returne from Spaine, to Don Iohn, to aduertize him, that the States had called the Duke of Aniou, (now so, but before Duke of [Page 381] Alanzon) with an Armie of French, and that it would be more safe for him to make a Truce, lest he should expose the Prouinces to the present danger. But he being of a fi­rie and warlike Spirit, and puffed vp with the Battell against the States at Gemblacke, answered in a word, that he neither thought of any Truce, nor feared the French. She neuer­thelesse, for her own behoofe and the Flemmings, sends Sir Edward Stafford into France, to watch if they should at­tempt any thing vpon the Frontiers of the Low-Countries, and how many Souldiers they had leuied.

Out of England are past ouer, I. North, English gone into the Low-Countries. eldest Sonne of Baron North; Iohn Norris, second Sonne of Baron Norris; Henry Cauendish, and Thomas Morgan, with many volunta­ries, there to plant their first rudiments of Warre. Casimire also, Sonne to the Prince Elector Palatine, drew a great Ar­mie of Horse and Foot out of Germanie, which cost the Queene verie much. Don Iohn, burning to assault the Armie of the States at Rimenant, before all the auxiliarie Forces of the French and Germanes should ioyne with it, flyes vpon them sooner then they were aware of, and forthwith made the Cauallerie which were set to guard, retreate, runnes in vpon the Enemie as if he had been sure of the victorie: but they resuming their spirits, beat backe the Austrians, who being turned towards the Hedges and Bushes where the English and Scottish voluntaries were placed, stroue to breake through them, but by no meanes could: they were valiant­ly entertained by the English and Scots, who for the feruent heat had cast off their Cloathes, and with their Shirts, [...]yed betweene their Thighes, so fought. Norris the Leader of the English, eagerly fighting, had three Horses killed vnder him, and brought away the glorie of a valorous Warriour, and so did Stuart a Scottishman, Burham Lieutenant to Ca­uendish, and William Marckham.

That these Prouinces of the Low-Countreys, afflicted and faint with these intestine Warres, might be comforted, [Page 382] there came into Flanders from the Emperour, Count Swart-Zenberg; from France, Pomponio Belieure; from Queene ELIZABETH, the Lord Cobham, and Sir Francis Walsing­ham, The Embas­sie for the Low-Coun­tries Peace is irritated. to sollicite a Peace▪ but the businesse was so poysoned, that they returne without doing any thing; Don Iohn refu­sing to admit of reforming Religion, and the Prince of Orange to returne into Holland.

About that time, Egremond Radcliffe, Sonne to Henrie Earle of Sussex by his second Wife, a man of a turbulent Spirit, and one of the chiefe in the Rebellion of the North, went to serue vnder Don Iohn, Egremond Radcliffe and his asso­ciate are put to death. and is accused by some of the English Fugitiues to be sent to kill him, is apprehended in the Campe at Namurcke, with Gray an Englishman, as a part­ner in the plot, and are both executed. The Spaniards giue it out, that Radcliffe (which were the last words he spake be­fore his death) of his owne accord, confessed that he was set at libertie out of the Tower of London, and excited with great promises by Sir Francis Walsingham to performe this. Some English that were present, denied that he confessed any such thing, although the Fugitiues wrought by all the meanes they could, to draw the like confession from them; but difference in Religion doth too much darken the light of the mind, both of honestie and truth on both sides: and who knowes not, that the Fugitiues for verie hatred inuent many things to depraue and slander?

Don John dyes.Within a little time after, Don Iohn, in the flowre of his age, whether of the Plague, or as others will haue it, with griefe, being neglected of his Brother, left his fond Ambiti­on and life together, after he had gaped, first, after the king­dome of Tunis, which caused the losse of Guleta in Affrica: And secondly, after England: And vnknowne to France or Spaine, Aniou pro­secutes the mariage with the Queene. contracted alliance with the Guizes, for the defence of both the Crownes.

In the meane while, the Duke of Aniou, howsouer, bent to the Warres of the Low-Countries, prosecutes the mari­age [Page 383] which he had begun being Duke of Alanzon, that he might shew that he was able to giue his minde to the warres and to his Loue together. First of all, Bucheruile for this purpose is sent to Queene ELIZABETH: He finds her at the House of one Cordall in Suffolke, taking her Countrey pleasures. By and by after, comes Rambouillet from the French King, and a moneth after, Semier from the Duke of Aniou, a refined Courtier, who was exquisite in the delights of Loue, and skilfull in the wayes of Courtship, accompa­nied with many French Gentlemen, whom Queene ELI­ZABETH receiued forthwith verie louingly at Richmond. Then began Leicester to grow discontented, Leicester murmures. seeing himselfe falne from the hope which he had so long conceiued to marrie her, and that a little before she had beene angry with Astley, a Lady of the Queenes Bed-Chamber, for com­mending him to her, and perswading her to marrie him.

WHat (saith she) thinkest thou me so vn­like my selfe, and vnmindfull of the Ma­iestie of a Queene, that I will prefer a meane Seruant, whom I haue raised my selfe, before the greatest Princes of the Christian world?

Neere the same time, Margaret Douglas, The death of the Countesse of Lenox. Countesse of Lenox, Daughter of the eldest Sister of King HENRY the eighth, Widdow of Mathew Earle of Lenox, and Grandmo­ther to IAMES, King of Great Britaine, after she had out­liued all her Children, which were eight in number, dyed in the Clymacteriall yeere of her age, and was buried at West­minster, being brought thither with a sumptuous Funerall, at Queene ELIZABETH's charge. A woman of singular pietie, patience, and chastitie, who had beene three times cast into prison, as I haue heard, not for any suspition of crime against the Queene, but for matters of Loue. First, when Thomas Howard, Sonne of Thomas Howard, first Duke [Page 384] of Norfolke of that Name, was falne in loue with her, and dyed in the Towre of London. Secondly, for the loue of Henry Darley, her Sonne, and the Queene of Scots. Lastly, for the loue betweene Charles, her younger Sonne, and Elizab. Cauendish, the Lady Arbella's Mother, to whom the Queene of Scots was accused to haue been maried, as I haue said before.

The business of Scotland.That we may lightly touch the affaires of Scotland; At the begining of this yeere, Thomas Randolph was sent from Queene ELIZABETH into Scotland, that he by diligent search might feele in what estate the affaires stood there, & to congratulate with the King, for his forward proceeding in good Letters (who from his Child-hood, hauing an ex­quisite and happie memorie, had profited much beyond his age) and to wish him to loue the English, in regard of the many benefits she had done to him, and motherly affection that she bare him, and that he should deale with the Earle of Argathel, that the Hebridians might not assist the Rebels of Ireland, and to perswade the Regent, Earle Morton, to abandon in time the enmitie betweene him and the Earles of Argathel, Athole, and others, lest he incurre the hatred of his Peeres, and alienate altogether the Queenes minde from him.

Morton the Regent ad­monished.He now was vnder-hand accused to haue stained the ho­nour he had for wisedome and valour, with filthy couetous­nesse, and would shortly make himselfe so hated of the com­mon people, that the State with a general consent will tran­slate the administration of the affaires to the King, though for his age (hauing scarce attained to twelue yeeres) he be not capable of it; and that twelue of the principall of the Nobilitie, be nominated; three of them for three moneths together by course, to assist the King in Councell; amongst whom, Morton to be one, that he may seeme rather to be brought from one place to another, then to be put out.

[Page 385]The King hauing taken the gouernment of his King­dome, doth most thankfully, by Dunfermlin, acknowledge Queene ELIZABETH's fauours towards him, as procee­ding not so much from the neerenesse of Blood, The King sends an Embassador into Eng­land. The Summe of the Em­bassage. as from the common profession of the true Religion: Prayes her that the Treatie of Edenborough contracted betweene the two Kingdomes, begun in the yeere 1559, may be ratified, the more happily to restraine the robbers vpon the Borders, and preuent the enterprizes of the Aduersaries of true Re­ligion; that Iustice might be equally ministred to the Inha­bitants of both the Kingdomes; the goods taken by Pirats fully restored; and his Ancestors patrimonie in England (viz. the possessions granted to Mathew his Grandfather, and Margaret his Grandmother) he being the next Heire, may be deliuered into his hands; likewise, Moneys being cleane exhausted out of Scotland, he wanted to entertaine his Family and a Guard about him as the dignitie of a King required.

The first Demands the Queene readily promiseth; The answere of the Queene. but to that, concerning the Patrimonie, she caried her selfe more difficultly; neither would she heare those, which would assure the Lady Arbella borne in England, to be next to King Charles her Vnkle to the Inheritance in England; nor Embassador which would make it appeare by Historie, that the Kings of Scotland, borne in Scotland, had in time past, by hereditarie right, succeeded in the Countie of Hun­tington, and he instantly besought her, that she would not denie a Prince her neerest Kinsman, that right of inhabi­tance, which she vouchsafed to vnknowne Strangers. But she commanded, that the Reuenues should be sequestred in the hands of the Lord Burghley, Gardian of the Pupils, and warneth the King to satisfie Creditors out of the Earle of Lenox his goods in Scotland. She tooke it impatiently, that it should be suggested, that the King would reuoke the in­feoffement of the Earledome of Lenox, to the preiudice of [Page 386] the Lady Arbella; although by the Regall right of Scotland, it alwaies hath beene lawfull to reuoke Donations hurtfull to the Kingdome, and done in minoritie.

The Counsell of England doe not hold it conuenient and fit, that the Treatie of Edenborough should be confir­med, thinking it yet to stand firme. They require that the Embassadour would propound something that might som­what recompence the fauors and friendship that the Queen had manifested to the King (who spared not the Blood of the English in his defence) and consolidate a friendship. Whereupon he propounds according to his instructions, That a League may be made, not [ Offensiue] but [ Defen­siue, and with mutuall succours] against the Pope, and his confederates, with certaine Lawes against those which should attempt any thing against either Kingdome and Re­bels, vnder pretence of Religion. But besides these, the English thinke it Iust, that seeing the Queene had not omit­ted, nor would omit any thing for the defence of the King, and that for this cause she had incurred the Indignation of many. That the States of the Kingdome of Scotland should giue caution, that so long as the King is vnder age, he should not contract, nor renew couenants with any, neither to marrie, nor be sent out of Scotland without the Queenes aduice. But these things being of such moment, require to be exactly and circumspectly considered, and are put backe to Scotland till another time.

Morton takes vpon him the ad­ministration againe.In the meane time Morton, (who indeed was of a most eager and sharpe disposition) trusting in his long ex­perience and multitude of his vassals, thinking nothing wel done but what he did himselfe, not being able to endure to be lesse than he had been, contemning his Colleagues, and reiecting the manner of administration prescribed, tooke a­gaine the managing of affaires, and detained the King in his power in the Castle of Sterlin, admitting and denying en­trance to whom he pleased. The Peeres prouoked there­with, [Page 387] tooke the Earle of Athole to be their Generall, and in the Kings name, summoned all that were aboue fourteene yeeres of age, and vnder sixtie, to meete together with Armes and Victuals to deliuer the King: and true, The Peeres rise vp a­gainst him. many came, and hauing displaid their Colours, marched towards Faukirk, where Morton presented himselfe with his men. But Sir Robert Bowes, the English Embassadour, interceding, hindered them from comming to blowes. Morton being vext to see how matters went, presently retires to his House. The Earle dyed as quickly, and left a suspition that he was poysoned. Which thing, those that were moued against Morton, tooke that aboue all to increase their ha­tred, vntill they brought him to his ruine, as we shall say hereafter.

This yeere nothing of note was done in Ireland. But the Spaniard, and Pope Gregorie the thirteenth, prouiding for their owne profit, vnder shadow of restoring Religion, held secret counsell how at one time to inuade both Ire­land and England, and dispossesse Queene ELIZABETH, The inua­ding of Eng­land consul­ted vpon. who was the surest defence of the Protestants Religion. The Pope, he was to conquer Ireland for his Sonne Iames Bon-Compagnon, whom he had created Marquis of Vignoles. The Spaniard, secretly to succour the Irish Rebels, as Queen ELIZABETH had done the Hollanders, while he enter­tained Parlies of friendship with her, to enioy if he could, the Kingdome of England by the Popes authoritie, and then the States her confederates, he could easily reduce to a course, which he despaired to doe, vnlesse he were Lord of the Sea, and this hee saw, could not be done, vnlesse hee were first Lord of England. And it is not to be doubted, but that as he holds Naples, Sicilie, and Nauarre, of the Popes liberalitie, so most willingly would he hold England, as a Beneficiarie ought to doe. Those which know the principall strength of England consists in the Nauie Roy­all, and in Merchants Shippes which are built for Warre, [Page 388] thought it were good to fraught the Merchants Shippes for some long voyage by Italians and Flemmish Merchants, and whilest they are vpon their voyage, this Royall Fleet might be ouer-whelmed by a greater. At the same time, Thomas Stukeley, Th. Stukeley takes Armes against his Countrie. an English Fugitiue, of whom I haue spo­ken in the yeere 1570, ioyned to his Forces, the Rebels of Ireland, by this notable subtiltie, and his great ostentation and shew, and the promises which he made of the King­dome of Ireland to the Popes base Sonne, he had so wonne the fauour of this ambitious old man, that he honoured him with the Titles of Marquis of Lemster, Earle of Wexford and Caterlaughie, Viscount Mourough, and Baron of Rosse, all of them remarkeable Places in Ireland, and made him Ge­nerall of eight thousand Italians, payd by the King of Spaine, Ciuita Vec­chia. for the Warres of Ireland. With which Forces, ha­uing weighed Anker from the [ Ciuita Vecchia] in the end he arriued in Portugal, at the entry of Tage, where a greater power by the Diuine Prouidence, puft downe these that threatned England and Ireland.

For Sebastian, King of Portugal, to whom the whole ex­pedition was committed, because, in the heate of his youth, and ambition, he had promised the Pope to goe against the Turkes and Protestants, and employ all his power, being drawne into Africa by Mahomet, Sonne of Abdalla, King of Fesse, by great promises, treates with Stukeley to goe before with these Italians to Mauritania. And Stukeley be­ing easily wonne to that (knowing that the Spaniard dis­daining that the Sonne of a Pope should be designed King of Ireland) had consented to it, hoisted saile with Sabastian, and by an honest Catastrophe there he ended a dissolute life, He is slaine in the Afri­can Warre. in a memorable combate. Wherein dyed three Kings, Sebastian, Mahomet, and Abdalemelech.

If this fate of Sebastians had not altered the King of Spaines mind from inuading England, in hope of the King­dome of Portugal, England had felt a terrible storme of [Page 389] warre, if credit may be giuen to English Fugitiues. For, they report, that the great forces which hee had begun to rayse in Italy, to showre vpon England, were stayed for the taking of Portugal. And being that his minde was wholly bent vpon that, hee could not be made to thinke of Eng­land, although the English Fugitiues earnestly sollicited him, and for that businesse the Pope promised him a Croy­sado, as for a sacred warre. Moreouer, when certaine news came that Stukeley and those Italians were lost in Mauri­tania, and that Spaine thought on nothing else but Portu­gal, they called backe the English Fleet which attended for Stukeley vpon the Irish coast; and Henrie Sidney deliuered vp the Countrey to William Drury, William Drury, Lord De­putie of Ireland. President of Moun­ster. When he had beene xi. yeeres at seuerall times Lord Deputie, and being ready to imbarke, he gaue this farewell to Ireland, with a Verse out of one of the Psalmes of Da­uid, ‘When Israel came out of Egypt, Sidney's a­dieu to Jre­land. and the House of Jacob from a barbarous people.’

This Lord Sidney, verily, was a singular good man, and one most laudable among the best that had beene Deputies of Ireland: and although Deputies are often complained of, yet Ireland cannot but acknowledge to be much indeb­ted to him for his wisdome and valour.

Booke 2. 1579.THE TWO AND TVVENTIETH YEERE OF Her Reigne. Anno Dom. 1579.

Casimire comes into England. IOhn Casimere, Sonne to Frederick the Third, Prince Elector Palatine, who the yeere be­fore had brought a powerfull armie out of Germanie into the Low-Countries, with great charge to the States, and to Queene ELIZABETH, and at the latter end of the yeere without performing any thing, being drawne to Gaunt, by the tumult of the people who were in diuision, came into England in the moneth of Ianuary, in a sharpe Winter full of Snowes, to excuse himselfe, and lay the blame vpon the French King, and after hee had beene sumptuously receiued, and brought with a number of tor­ches to the City of Londons Senate-house by the prime Nobility of the Court, he was intertayned with Barriers, Combats, Bankets, honoured with the order of Saint [Page 391] George, and the Garter, which the Queene tyed about his legge with her owne hands, indued him with an annuall Pension, & being loaden with many honorable gifts, about the middest of February hee passed into the Low-Coun­tries in one of the Queenes Ships, where hee found this mercenary Army dispersed. For the Germanes seeing A­lexander Fernesa, Prince of Parma, established Gouernour of Flanders by the Spaniard, readie to thunder vpon them, and they wanting their pay, and being brought somewhat low, required money from him, that they might depart out of the Low-Countries. But he with an imperious fa­shion, neuerthelesse, which carried a grace and grauity, re­plyed, that he had spoke for them that they might depart, their liues saued: they were contented, so they might haue a sure passe: they make haste home, but not without the losse of reputation, but with greater detriment to the States. Queene ELIZABETH fayles them not for all that, but furnisheth them with great summes, The Queene lends the States mony. vpon the old gage of the rich ornaments and vessels of the house of Bur­gundie, which by Matthew, Duke of Austria, and them were deliuered to Dauison, who (being sent to appease the commotions in Gaunt, which had falne vpon the Church and Church-men) brought them into England.

During which time, Semier soli­cites the marriage for the Duke of Aniou. Semier ceaseth not louingly to call vpon the marriage for the Duke of Aniou: and although shee excellently put him off for a long time, yet he brought her to this poynt, that Leicester being intirely against this Match, and others, had raysed a report, that hee had char­med her, and made her in loue with the Duke with drinkes, and vnlawfull arts: hee, to the contrary, sues that Leicester may be degraded, and put out of the Queens fauour, telling that hee was married to the Earle of Essex his Widdow; whereat she was so moued, that she commanded him from the Court to Greene-wich Tower, and did purpose to haue put him into the Tower of London, which all his Enemies [Page 392] much desired. But Sussex, who was his chiefe Emulator, and wholly bent to aduance this marriage, disswades her from it, being of a right noble minde, and in-bred genero­sitie, was of opinion that it hath alwayes beene accounted honest and honourable, and that none ought to be troubled for lawfull marriage, notwithstanding he was glad, that it had made Leicester out of all hope to marry the Queene. Neuerthelesse, Leicester was herewith so prouoked, that he thought of nothing but of meanes how to be reuenged: Thinkes on nothing but reuenge. and they were not wanting that would doe what he would haue them doe. Tewdor, one of the Queenes guard, is sub­orned to kill Semier; which caused the Queene by a pub­lique proclamation to forbid all persons to offend by word or deed, him, his companions or seruants. And there happened at the same time, shee going for her recreation in her Barge vpon the Riuer of Thames neere to Greene­wich, and with her Semier, the Earle of Lincolne, and Sir Chr. One was shot with a Pistolet, be­ing in the Boat with the Queene. Hatton, Vice Chamberlaine, that a young fellow from a-board a Ship-boat with a pistolet shot a water-man thorow the arme, that rowed in the Queenes Barge, who anon after, was taken and brought to the Gallowes, to ter­rifie him: but when he had religiously affirmed not to haue done it maliciously, hee was let goe. Neither would the Queene beleeue, that he had beene suborned of purpose ei­ther against her or Semier. So farre shee was from giuing place to suspition against her Subiects, that it was an vsuall saying with her; ‘That shee could beleeue nothing of her Subiects, that Pa­rents would not beleeue of their Children.’

The Duke of Aniou came into England.Within a few dayes after, the Duke of Aniou himselfe came priuily into England, accompanied with two men onely, and went to the Queene to Greenewich, who like­wise knew nothing of it, where they had priuate conferen­ces [Page 393] together, which is not lawfull to search after, (the se­crets of Princes being an inextricable Labyrinth) and af­terwards went away vnknowne, except to very few. But a month or two after, shee commanded Burghley the Trea­surer, Sussex, Leicester, Hatton, and Walsingham, that after they had seriously weighed the dangers and commodities that might arise vpon this marriage, they should conferre with Semier vpon the Couenants of the marriage. There appeared some danger, The dangers of the mar­riage. lest the Duke of Aniou should at­tempt any thing against the receiued Religion, or take pos­session of the Kingdome, as the Popes gift, or render it vp into the hands of the Queene of Scots; and, Queene ELI­ZABETH being dead, should marry her; or, his Brother dying, should returne into France, and place a Vice-Roy in England, which the English would neuer indure. Fur­thermore, lest hee should inuolue the English in forreine warres, lest the Scots assuring themselues of their ancient alliance with France, should take better courage against the English, lest Spaine being of so great power, should oppose it. Lastly, lest the people, oppressed with taxations to maintaine his magnificence, should stirre vp sedition. The commodities may be seene; The commo­dities of it. a firme confederation with the French might be established, the rebellions of Papists, if any should be, the more easily supprest, all the Queene of Scots hope, and of all that seeke her in marriage, and fauou­ring her, are excluded. Spaine would be compelled to com­pound the businesse of the Low-Countries, and confirme the League of Burgundie, and England at length should enioy a solid and comfortable securitie by the Queenes children so often times wished for. The incom­modities, if it be negle­cted. But if these marriages be neglected, it was to be feared that the French would be prouoked, the Scots alienated, the Duke of Aniou marry the Daughter of Spaine, with whom hee should haue in Dowry the Low-Country Prouinces, draw the King of Scotland to be of their party, procure him a Wife to bring [Page 394] him riches, abolish the reformed Religion; and the Eng­lish, when they should see no hope of Children by the Queene, would adore the Rising-Sunne. Whereat shee could not chuse but be much tormented in minde, and pine away to death.

As in these dayes very many English feared a change of Religion by the Duke of Aniou, so were the Scots afraid it would be with them by another French-man, Aimé Stu­art, Lord of Aubigni, came into Scotland. Aimé, or Esme Stuart, Lord of Aubigny, who at the same time was come into Scotland to see the King his Cousin: for he was Sonne to Iohn Stuart, Brother to Matthew Stuart, Earle of Lenox, who was the Kings Grand-father, and tooke his denomination Aubigni, From whēce hee tooke the name of Aubigni. from a House situate in Ber­ri, that is so called, which Charles the Seuenth, King of France, gaue in time past to Iohn Stuart, of the Family of Lenox, who was Constable of the Scottish Army in France; defeated the English at Baugency, afterwards slaine by them at the battel of Harrans; and euer since, that house hath des­cended vpon the younger Sonnes. The King, embracing him with a singular good affection, gaue him rich demains, and admitted him into his most intimate consultations, established him Lord high Chamberlaine of Scotland, He is raised to honours. and Gouernour of Dunbriton, first created him Earle, and after­wards Duke of Lenox, after hauing directly reuoked the Letters of honour, by which in his non-age he had created Robert, Bishop of Cathanesse, Earle of the same place, his Grand-fathers third Brother, and had giuen him in recom­pence, the County of March. This flourishing fauour with the King, He is suspe­cted of the Protestants. procured many to enuy him, who murmured because hee was deuoted to the Guizes, and the Romane Religion, and that hee was sent to subuert the true Religi­on. This suspicion increased, in regard hee ioyned himselfe to Mortons aduersaries, and did intercede for the reuoking of Thomas Carr of Fernihurst, who was most, if any were, addicted to the Queene of Scots; Morton, whose power was [Page 395] apparently falling, stroue in vaine (although it might seeme that he had excellently well deserued in defeating the Ha­miltons, and taking the Castle of Hamilton, and Daffrane.) There were at that time, Hamiltons deiected. who stirred vp much hatred in the King against the Hamiltons, obiecting, and vrging their names as a thing of great terrour, so as out of a necessitie they were for their owne safetie compelled to defend the Castle again the King, but they were constrained to yeeld it vp, Proscribed. and by authoritie of Parliament proscribed for the murdering as well of Murrey, as Lenox, Regents, as a thing by them performed. Many of those fled together into Eng­land, Succoured by Eliza­beth. for whom Queene ELIZABETH diligently inter­poseth by Erington, as well for honour, as in reason of Iu­stice, that shee had obliged her faith in the yeere 1573. for the settling of peace, that they should not be called in que­stion for those matters without her consent.

Shee also at the same time was vndertaking in another part of the World, Amurathes Cham, or the Sultaine of the Turkes, granted to William Harburne, an English-man, and to Mustapha Beg, Bassa to the TVRKE, that the Eng­lish Merchants, euen as the French, Venecians, Pollanders, the King of the Germanes, and other neighbouring Nati­tions, should trade freely thorow all his Empire: where­upon they, by the Queenes authority, made a Company, The Societie of the Tur­key-Mer­chants. which they call TVRKEY MERCHANTS, and since that time, they haue vsed a most gainefull Trade of Merchandize at Constantinople, Angoria, Chio, Petrazzo, Alexandria, Egypt, Cyprus, and other places in Asia, for Drugges, Spices, Cottons, Raw-Silke, Carpets, Indian-Dyes, Corinthian-Grapes, Sope, &c.

As for that execrable impiety of Hamont, Hamonts impietie. brought forth at that time in Norwich, against GOD and his Christ, and as I hope, is extinct with his ashes, or rather confounded in obliuion, then remembred. Neither am I of opinion of those which thinke, that the publique hath interest, that all [Page 396] sorts of vices, poysons, and impieties to be made manifest: seeing that hee differs little from teaching, which shewes such things.

N. Bacon dyes.This yeere was the last of Nicholas▪ Bacon, Keeper of the Great Seale of England, who by decree of Parliament en­ioyed vnder this name the honour and dignitie of Chan­cellor of England; a very fat man, of a quicke subtill spirit, singular wisdome, height of eloquence, stedfast memory, and the other pillar of the sacred Councell: whose place Thomas Bromley enioyed, Thomas Bromley succeedes. with the title of Chancellor of England.

Bacon is followed by Thomas Gresham, Citizen of Lon­don, Gresham dyes. a Merchant-Royall, and of the order of Knight-hood, (Sonne to Sir Richard Gresham, Knight,) who built, for the ornament of his Countrey, and vse of the Mer­chants of London, that beautifull and goodly Walking-place, which Queene ELIZABETH named, ‘The Royall-Exchange.’ And the spacious Houses which hee had in the Citie, hee dedicated to the profession of Learning, His Colledge of London. and constituted in the same, Lectures of sacred Diuinitie, of the Ciuill Law, Physick, Astronomie, Geometrie, and Rhetoricke, with honest pensions.

Rebellion of James Fitz-Morris in Ireland,In Mounster, a Prouince in Ireland, new rebellion was kindled by Iames Fitz-Morris, who hauing before cast him­selfe vpon his knees at the feete of Perot, President of Mounster, and with teares, sighes, and humble supplicati­ons, asked pardon, made a holy vow of fidelitie and obedi­ence to the Queene. Hee (I say, who found no rest but in troubles) with-drew himselfe into France, promised the King, if hee would lend ayde, to ioyne the whole King­dome of Ireland to the Scepter of France, and restore the Romish Religion. But wearied with delayes, and in the [Page 397] end derided, from France he goes to Spaine, and promiseth the like to the Catholike King, who sent him to the Pope, of whom (by the sollicitation of Sanders, an English Priest, and Allan, an Irish Priest, Stirred vp by the Pope, and the King of Spaine; both Doctors of Diuinitie) with much adoe, hauing got a little money, and Sanders the au­thority of Legat, a consecrated Ensigne, and Letters com­mendatorie to the King of Spaine, returnes to Spaine; and from thence, with those Diuines, three Ships, and a few Souldiers, they came, and arriued about the Calends of Iuly, at the [ Village of Saint Marie] (which the Irish call, [ Smerwick]) in Kerrie, a-pen-Insule in Ireland: and, after that the Priests had consecrated the place, raised a Fort, and brought the Ships neere vnto it; those Ships, Thomas Courtney, an English Gentleman, made haste with a Ship of warre which lay in a Road neere vnto them, by and by to assault; and taking them, carries them away, and barres the Spaniards from all benefit of the Sea. Iohn, and Iames, brethren to the Earl of Desmond, with great speed drew to­gether a few Irish, ioyne with their Confederate: Fitz-Morris, and the Earle himselfe, Fauoured by the Earle of Desmond. who fauoured the cause ex­ceedingly, feinedly calls all his friends together, as though he meant to goe against them; the Earle of Clanricard, with a selected troupe of Souldiers going against the Enemies and Rebels, met him, but he deceitfully sends him away.

The Deputie, hauing receiued certaine newes by Henry Dauile, a valiant English Gentleman, that the Enemy was landed, commanded the Earle of Desmond, and his Bre­thren, ioyntly and forthwith to assayle the Fort: but when they had talked and considered vpon it, and found it full of perill, refused. Dauile departing, is followed by Iohn Desmond, who ouertooke him in an Inne at Tralli, a little Burrough, and hauing corrupted the Oast, in the dead of the night, he, with other Murtherers, brake into the cham­ber, where Dauile, with Arthur Carter, (Lieutenant to the Marshall of Mounster, a very valiant old Souldier) slept [Page 398] securely, but being awaked with the noyse, and beheld Iohn Desmond with his naked Sword in his Chamber, rai­sing himselfe vp: What is the matter (sayes he) my sonne? (for so in familiarity hee was vsed to call him.) Now I am no more thy sonne, (saith he) nor thou my Father, thou shalt dye. Dauile mur­dered in his bed. And, at an instant, ranne him, and Carter that lay with him, many times thorow the Body; yea, after that Dauiles Foot-boy had throwne himselfe naked vpon his Master, to defend him as much as in him lay, and receiued many wounds. And shortly after, he killed all Dauiles ser­uants, as he found them dispersed here and there; and re­turning to the Spaniard, all rayed with Bloud, boasts of the slaughter, and said thus, [ Let this be a pledge of my faith to you, Sanders ap­proues of the slaughter. and to this cause.] And Sanders this, [That hee extol­led it as a sweete sacrifice before God.] Fitz-Morris reproued the manner of it, wishing it rather had beene done vpon the way, than in bed. The Earle, when hee heard of it, con­demned it with all his heart, as detestable.

The Spaniards seeing themselues ioyned with a few Irish, and those vnarmed and miserable, contrary to what Fitz-Morris had promised, began to distrust, and to cry, they were lost, and to deplore their misfortune, not seeing any meanes to saue themselues either by Land or Sea. Fitz-Morris exhorts them to patience, and to wait: assures them, that great forces were comming to their succour: hee fei­nedly tooke a iourney to [ the holy Crosse of Triporarie] to pay the vow which hee had made in Spaine; but in truth it was, to draw together all the seditious of Connach and Vl­ster.

As he trauelled, with a few horse, and twelue foot-men, through the grounds of William of Bourg his alliance, (who was with him at the League in the precedent Rebellion) his Horses fayling, tooke vp the work-horses that he found in his way: the Labourers crying out, assemble all the dwel­lers thereabout to recouer them, amongst which, were the [Page 399] sonnes of William of Bourg, young men, and couragious, who being mounted on horse-backe, pursued him so swift­ly, that they ouertooke him. Fitz-Morris seeing Theobald of Bourg, and his Brethren, who were with him in the for­mer Rebellion, speaking friendly, said; [Kinsmen, let not vs fall out for a Horse or two, for when you shall know the cause why I am come backe into Ireland, I am assured that you will ioyne with mee.] Theobald answers, [ Both I, and my Father, and likewise our friends, doe greatly grieue for the first Rebellion, and haue sworne, and will performe our fidelitie to our most gracious Princesse, who pardoned vs, and gaue vs our liues; therefore, restore the Horses, or I will make thee restore them; and withall, threw a Dart at him, He fights with those of Bourg. Fitz-Mor­ris is slaine. with a writhen Pike, and they fought a time. Theobald, and one of his bro­thers, were slaine, and some of their men. Fitz-Morris was runne thorow the Body with a Pike, and shot thorow the head with a Pistoll; so hee dyed, and many of his men. They cut off his head, and hanged his quarters vpon poles ouer the Gates of Kilmalocke, where, (as wee haue said be­fore) in the Church, in the presence of Perot, hee bound himselfe with great obtestations to be loyall to his Prince. The Queen writes consolatory Letters to William of Bourg, William of Bourg, made Baron. He dyes for ioy. (full of loue and sorrow) for the losse of his sonnes, creates him Baron of Castell-Conell, and rewards him with an an­nuall pension. Whereupon, the old man (confounded with so vnexpected ioy) dyed shortly after.

Drury, Lord Deputie, was now come almost to Kilma­lock, and sends for Desmond, who came before him, promi­seth faith and obedience to the Queene, and bound him­selfe by oath, that he and his would warre against the Re­bels. Whereupon, he is dismissed, to collect his men, and returne to the Deputie. Iohn Desmond, the Earles Bro­ther, who was substituted in Fitz-Morris his place, John Des­mond kils the English. by trea­chery intercepts and kills Herbert and Prisie, Englishmen, with the Companies which they led, and he was wounded [Page 400] in the face. This losse was supplied with sixe hundred Souldiers out of Deuonshire: Perot is sent out of England with sixe Ships of warre, to defend the mouth of the Har­bour.

The Lord Deputy sick.At which time, the Deputie being vehemently sicke, and growing daily worse & worse, must of necessity go to Wa­terford to recouer his health, and left his place to Nicholas Malbey, President of Connach, and Gouernour of Moun­ster, an old and a renowned Souldier.

Returning, the Wife of Desmond offers her onely Sonne and Heire in hostage for the Father. For, after he depar­ted from Kilmalock, N. Malbey Gouernour of Mounster, he appeared not, although Malbey of­ten-times, by Letters, admonished him of his duety and promise, and not willing to delay, remoues towards the Re­bels in Conil, a wooddy and boggy Country: where Iohn Desmond put his men in array, and displayes the Popes consecrated Banner; he intertaines it, and signes giuen, they ioyne, Defeats the Rebels. where both sides fought furiously; Fortune at length yeelding to the vertue of the English, Iohn was the first that fled, and left his men to the slaughter; amongst whom, Allan the Diuine is found, who incouraged them to the battle, by promising the victory.

The Earle of Desmond, who was a spectator from some Hill neere to that place, the same night writ dissemblingly Letters congratulatory to Malbey, and, vnder a colour of friendship, warnes him to remoue his Campe from thence. Malbey sends backe the Messenger, with Let­ters, commanding the Earle to come to him, and ioyne his forces, whom when in vaine he had expected foure dayes, hee remoued to Rekel, a little Towne of the Earle of Des­monds. The Earle of Desmond manifests himselfe a Rebell. Now the Earle, who had so long both in counte­nance and words egregiously maintained his dissimulation, leaues to be the same man, and plainely puts on a Rebels minde, and the same night, it being darke, the Rebels in­uaded Malbey's Campe, which they found so fortified, that [Page 401] they returned backe, as from a thing infected. The Go­uernour, thinking this to be a fit place to disioyne the Re­bels forces, put a Garrison there, and from thence mar­ched to Asketon, a Castle of the Earles, standing vpon a Hill, inuironed with the Riuer Asketon, which was garded by Souldiers. But, before he would lay siege to it, he writ againe to the Earle, representing vnto him the Queenes mercy, the ancient dignitie of the House of Desmond, the glory of his Ancestors, & the infamy that he should leaue to his posterity, exhorts him, not to be tainted with the name of Rebell, but returne to his duetie. He, to the contrary, armes his minde with obstinacy, and his Castle, on all sides, with Spanish and Irish. At what time, Drury, the Deputy, The death of Drury, Lord De­puty. dyed at Waterford; a man of approued worth, who from his youth had beene trayned vp in the exercise of Warre in France, Scotland, and Ireland.

Together with the death of the Deputie, dyed Mal­bey's authoritie in Mounster, who, when he had put his men in Garrison, went to Connach, the Prouince of his gouerne­ment. The Rebels thereby in­couraged. The Rebels take heart by the death of the Depu­tie, and deliberate how they might vtterly draw them­selues from vnder the English command, and are of opini­on to blocke vp the Garrisons on all sides, and starue them by famine. Iames Desmond then besiegeth Adare, where W. Stanley, and G. Carew, were in Garrison. But the be­sieged, apprehending famine as the extremitie of all euils, so wearied the besiegers with often eruptions, that they rai­sed the siege, and gaue them libertie to forrage the Coun­trey neere about them: which they did lustily and valiant­ly; Iames himselfe was wounded there.

In the interim, the Councell of England chose for chiefe Iustice of Ireland, William Pelham, William Pel­ham is Lord Chiefe Ju­stice of Ire­land. with the authoritie of Lord Deputie, vntill they had chose one; and the Earle of Ormond, President of Mounster, who sent the Earle of Desmonds sonne to Dublin, there to be kept for hostage. [Page 402] Pelham goes towards Mounster, sends for Desmond; but hee excuseth himselfe by Letters sent by his Wife. For that cause, Admonish­eth the Earle of Desmond of his duety. Ormond is sent, who warnes him to send San­ders the Diuine, the Souldiers that were strangers, and to deliuer vp into his hands, the Castles of Carigo-foyle, and Asketen, to submit himselfe absolutely, and turne his forces against his Brethren, and the other Rebels, assu­ring him grace if hee did it; if not, to be declared a Trai­tor, and an enemy of the Countrey: but by subterfuges and flyings off, hee dallies and playes with these things. In the beginning of Nouember, hee was proclaymed Traytor, Proclaimes him Trai­tor. and guiltie Laesae Maiestatis, because hee had dealt with forraine Princes for the subduing and ouer­throwing of the Countrie, and intertained Sanders and Fitz-Morris, Rebels; cherished the Spaniards which were driuen from the Fort, caused faithfull Subiects to be han­ged, displayed against the Queene the Ensigne of the Pope, and brought strangers into the Kingdome. This declara­tion being published, the Lord chiefe Iustice gaue Com­mission to Ormond to goe on with the warres. Desmond, turning his designes into another part of the Countrey of Mounster, and sacketh Yoghall, surprizeth without re­sistance, The Earle of Ormond pursues the Rebels. a Sea-Towne, and strong enough. Ormond wastes all farre and wide about Conile, the onely refuge of the Rebels, brings away their Flockes, and giues them in prey to the Souldiers, hanged the Maior of Yoghall before his owne doore, for refusing to receiue the English Garri­son, fortified the Towne, and after, prepares himselfe to besiege the Spaniards in Strangicall. But they before­hand with-drew themselues from that danger. Neuerthe­lesse, the English pursued them, and left not one of them aliue, The Earle of Desmond writes to the Lord Chiefe-Justice. and molested the Rebels in all parts of Mounster. Desmond, and his Brethren, although they lay hid, writ long Letters to the Lord chiefe Iustice, that they had vn­dertaken the protection of the Catholique faith in Ireland, [Page 403] by the Popes authoritie, and the aduice of the King of Spaine; therefore they courteously warne him, that in so pious and meritorious a cause, he would ioyne with them, for the saluation of his owne soule.

Booke 2. 1580.THE THREE AND TVVENTIETH YEERE OF Her Reigne. Anno Dom. 1580.

THe Lord chiefe Iustice plea­santly iesting at these things, returnes to Mounster, cals thither the Nobilitie, detaines them with him, not suffering any to depart, without giuing Hostages, and promise to im­ploy all their power and ayde with him and Ormond, against the Rebels. Who speedily di­uiding their forces, make di­ligent search for the Rebels, constraine the Baron of Lix­naw to yeeld, besiege the Castle of Carigofoyle, (kept by Iules an Italian, with some few Spaniards) and with their great Ordnance hauing made a breach in the Wall, which [Page 405] was built but of dry stone, entered: killed part of the Gar­rison, hanged the rest, and Iules himselfe. Then the Ca­stles of Ballilogh and Asketen perceiuing the English to approach, sets them on fire, and leaues them. Peter Carew, and George his brother, are made Gouernours of Asketen, with a new Garrison of the English, they waste the Lands of Mac-Aule; from thence, the chiefe Iustice, by a watery Mountaine, enters Shlewlougher in Kerrie, brings away great quantities of cattell, and defeats many Rebele: Iames, James taken, being woun­ded to death. the Earle of Desmonds brother, hauing pillaged Muske-roy, appertaining to Cormag-Mac-Teg, (whom the chiefe Iustice by Law set at libertie, as well deseruing for his seruice a­gainst the Rebels) met with Donel, brother to Cormag, who hauing slaine many, and recouered the spoyle, tooke him, being wounded to death, and deliuered him to Wararm S. Leger, Marshall of Mounster, and to Walter Raleigh, a new Commander: They proceed against him in iustice, and hauing conuinced him, executed him for a Traitor, and set his head for a spectacle vpon the Gate of Corcage. Desmond miserably oppressed. The Earle of Desmond himselfe being ouer-whelmed with mi­sery, and no where safe, remoues euery houre, sends his Wife to the Lord chiefe Iustice to aske pardon, and imployes his friends to Winter, (who with a Nauall Army watcht the Spaniard in the mouth of the Hauen) that he might be transported into England to begge the Queens pardon.

The Lord chiefe Iustice hearing that Arthur, Lord Gray, Arthur, Lord Gray, Deputie of Ireland. who was appointed Deputy of Ireland, was landed, leaues the command of the Army to George Bourchier, second sonne to the Earle of Bath, and, by easie iourneies, returnes to Dublin, to deliuer vp the gouernement of the Kingdome to his Successor. As soone as the Lord Gray was arriued, being informed that some Rebels, conducted by Fitz-Eustat, and Phoog-Mac-Hugh, the most renowned of the famous House of the Obrins, who, after their spoyles and [Page 406] robberies, made their retreat to Glandilough, fiue and twen­ty mile Northward from Dublin, to win reputation; and to breed terrour at his beginning, hee commanded the Cap­taines, He pursues the Rebels. who were come from all parts, to salute him, to ga­ther troupes, and to goe with him, to set vpon the Rebels, who were retyred to Glandilough, a Vale full of Grasse, the most part of it fertile, and fit to feede Cattell, situated at the foote of a steepe Rocke, full of Springs, and so enuiro­ned with Trees and thicke bushes, that the Inhabitants of the Countrey knew not the wayes in it. When they were come to the place, Cosby, the Leader of the light-armed Irish, (which they call, Kearnes,) who knew the situation well, aduertized the others of the danger in entering into that Valley, being so fit a place for ambuscadoes. Not­withstanding this aduice, they must vndertake it, and hee exhorteth them to behaue themselues couragiously: and himselfe, being threescore and ten yeeres of age, marched in the Front, and the others followed him. But they were no sooner gone downe, but they were showred vpon with musket-shot, like hayle driuen by a tempest, from the bushes where the Rebels were placed, and not a man of them to be discerned. They kill the English. The most part of them were slaine there, the rest retyring, and clyming vp the Rockes and ragged wayes, with much adoe came to the Deputie, who stood vpon a Hill expecting the euent, with the Earle of Kildare, and Sir Iohn Wingfield, Master of the Ordnance, who knowing the danger, would not suffer George Carew, one of his Nephewes, to goe thither, reseruing him for greater honours. Peter Carew the younger, G. More, Aude­ley, and Cosby himselfe, were slaine there.

Italians and Spaniards land in Jre­land.Shortly after, seuen hundred, or threabout, of Italians and Spaniards, commanded by San-Ioseph an Italian, sent by the Pope and the King of Spaine, vnder pretext to esta­blish the Romane Religion; but the end of it, was to di­uide Queene ELIZABETH's forces, and to call home [Page 407] those which shee had in the Low-Countries, landed at Smerwick, without any resistance, in regard that Winter, who had waited for them in that place, seeing the Equinox of Autumne past, was returned for England; fortified the place with Bulwarkes, and named it the Fort Del-Or. But as soone as they had knowledge that the Earle of Or­mond, Gouernour of Mounster, was comming towards them, they, by the aduice of the Irish, quitted the Fort, and went to the Valley of Grauingel, being of difficult accesse, They raise a Fort. by reason of the Mountaines and Woods which enuiro­ned it. The Gouernour tooke some of them by the way, who being examined what number they were, and what designe they had, confessed, that they were seuen hundred, that they had brought armes for fiue thousand, and looked daily for greater numbers from Spaine: That the Pope and the King of Spaine were resolued to driue the English out of Ireland, and to effect the same, had sent store of treasure to Sanders, the Popes Nuncio, to the Earle of Desmond, and to Iohn his brother. The same night, the Italians and Spa­niards not knowing which way to turne themselues, in re­gard they could not remaine in Caues and Dennes, which were retreats for Cattell, They are besieged. by the benefit of the darke night returned to the Fort, and Ormond was camped before it; but wanting Cannon, & other things requisit for battery, was constrained to attend the Lord Deputies comming, who was speedily there, and with him, Zouchey, Raleigh, Deny, Mackworth, Achin, and other Captaines. At the same time, Winter, being reproued for his comming away, returned from England with his Ships of Warre.

The Lord Deputie sent a Trumpet to the Fort, to aske those that kept it, Who brought them into Ireland? They answer to the Depu­ties demands By whom they were sent? and wherefore they had built a Fort in Queene ELIZABETH's Kingdome [...] and to command them presently to quit it. They answered, that they were sent, some from the most holy Father the Pope [Page 408] of Rome; and the rest, from the most Catholique King of Spaine, to whom he had giuen Ireland, Queene ELIZA­BETH being falne from it, by reason of her Heresie: and therefore would keepe what they had gotten, and get more if they could. Whereupon the Deputie, and Winter, hauing consulted of the manner how they should besiege it, caused the Sea-Souldiers, by night, and without noyse, to bring Culuerings from the Ships, and, hauing made a Bulwarke vpon the shoare, drawes them easily forward, and places them for battery. They dis­agree. The Land-Souldiers bent their greatest Ordnance to the other side, and plaid vpon the Fort foure daies together. The Spaniards make many sallies out, but euer to their losse; and the English lost but one man, who was Sir Iohn Cheeke, a braue and valiant young Gentle­man, sonne to Sir Iohn Cheeke, a noble Knight, most lear­ned and iudicious.

Their Gene­rall shewed himselfe a Coward. San-Ioseph, who commanded the Fort, a very Coward, and vnfit for the warres, being affrighted with this conti­nuall battery, thinkes presently of rendring it, and seeing Hercules Pisan and the other Captaines striuing to disswade him from it, (as an vnworthy thing to be done by Souldi­ers, and insist, that by their faint-heartednesse, they should not diminish the courage of the Irish, who were comming to their succour, and prepared to sustaine the assault) with a remarkable cowardlinesse, sounds the intentions of the Souldiers, and seditiously threatning the Captaines, in the end brought them to condiscend to render it vp. So, see­ing no succour neither from Spaine, nor from the Earle of Desmond, They aske a parley. the fifth day of the said siege, they put forth a white Flagge, and demanded a Parley. But it was refused them, because they tooke part with Rebels, with whom they were not to parley. After, they desired, that they might goe out with bagge and baggage, which was also de­nied them. Also, that it might be permitted to the General, and the chiefe Commanders: but that likewise was denied [Page 409] them, though it was requested with much importunitie; and the Deputie speaking outragiously against the Pope, commands them to yeeld vpon discretion. Insomuch, as not being able to obtaine any thing else, They yeeld vpon discre­tion. they put out the white Flagge againe, and all together cry aloud, ‘Misericordia, Misericordia.’ And giue themselues vp to the Deputies mercy: who presently tooke counsell what course hee should take with them. But, in regard they equalled the number of the English, it was to be feared, seeing the Rebels were aboue fifteene hundred; and that, lest the English (who were de­stitute of Meat, & Apparell, if they should not be comfor­ted and refreshed with the spoyles of the enemy,) might be moued to reuolt; also, there being no shipping to carry them into their owne Countrey; it was resolued (against the Deputies will,) who (full of mercy and compassion) wept for it, that all strangers, the Commanders excepted, Strangers slaine with the Sword, the Subiects hanged. should be put to the Sword; and the Irish to be hanged, which was presently executed. Neuerthelesse, the Queen, who from her heart detested to vse cruelty to those that yeelded, wished that the slaughter had not beene, and was with much difficultie appeased and satisfied about it. This is all that which passed in Ireland, which I was willing to follow, with a continued declaration; to the end, that the order of the History might not be interrupted, though ma­ny things passed amongst them, which I should haue re­membred before, if I had followed the order of the time.

Vpon the beginning of this yeere, Excesse in apparell re­formed. the ornaments of the head, which exceeded in dressings, and Clokes which came downe almost to the heeles, (no lesse seemly than of great expence) were reformed by a Statute, and Swords reduced to three-foot length, Poniards to twelue inches from the [Page 410] hilt, and Target-Pikes to two. And forasmuch as the Ci­ty and Suburbs of London were so increased in buildings, by reason of the multitude of people which flowed thither from all parts, so as the other Cities and Townes of the Kingdome were decayed; that if it had not beene looked to in time, the ordinary Magistrates would not haue suffi­ced to haue gouerned such a multitude; nor the Countries neere about, to haue fed them; and if any Epidemicke in­fection should haue happened, it would haue infected the ioyning-houses that were filled with Lodgers & Inmates. The Queen made an Edict, prohibiting any new dwelling-house to be built within three thousand paces of the Gates of London, vpon paine of imprisonment, and losse of the materialls which should be brought to the place to build withall; and euery one forbidden to haue more than one Family in a House.

The taking of Malines in Brabant.In the Low-Countries, Generall Norris, and Oliuer Tem­ple, with some companies of Flemmings, ioyned to their English forces, at the breake of the day, set Ladders against the walls of Malines, a rich Towne of Brabant, tooke it, killed a great number of the inhabitants, and religious per­sons, the taking whereof got them some commendations of valour, The sacri­ledge of the English. but they polluted it with a vile pillage, and raue­nous sacriledge. For they did not onely with great inso­lency take away the goods of the Inhabitants, but set vpon the Churches, and the holy things, to the violating euen the dead. And we haue seene (I am ashamed to say it) ma­ny of their Tombe-Stones transported into England, and exposed to sale; to set out publique witnesses of this im­pietie.

An Earth­quake.It wil not be amisse to remember the great Earth-quake, which is a thing that very rarely happneth in England. The third of Aprill, about sixe of the clocke in the euening, the skie being calme and cleare, England shooke in a moment from beyond Yorke, and the Low-Countries as farre as [Page 411] Collen; insomuch, that in some places, Stones fell downe from Houses, and Bels in Steeples were so shaken, that they were heard to ring, and the Sea it selfe, it being a great calme was exceedingly moued. And the night following, the Country of Kent shooke; and likewise the first of May, in the night. Whether this was caused by the Windes which were entred into cliffes and hollow places of the earth, or by waters flowing vnder the earth, or otherwise, I leaue that to the iudgement of the Naturalists. After this, The Papists begin to be afflicted. followed a commotion against Papists throughout England, but themselues were authors of these begin­nings.

The English Seminaries, who were fled into Flanders, at the perswasion and instigation of William Allan, borne at Oxford, (accounted and esteemed by them a very lear­ned man) assembled themselues together at Douay, where they begun to set vp a Schoole, The begin­ning of Eng­lish Semina­ries. and the Pope appoynted them an annuall pension. Since, Flanders beeing moued with troubles, the English Fugitiues, banished by the com­mand of Requesens, and the Guizes, allied to the Queene of Scotland, did the like, in establishing such other Schooles for English youths in the City of Reims: and Pope Gregory the Third, in Rome, who as fast as time depriued England of Priests and Seminaries, he furnished the Land with new supplies of their young ones, who sowed the seedes of the Roman Religion all ouer England, Their Do­ctrine is then thought. for which cause they were called, ‘Seminaries.’ As well as those who were there bred and borne.

As among other things, the Ecclesiasticall and Politicall power, the zeale borne to the Pope the Founder thereof, the hatred of Queene ELIZABETH, and the hope con­ceiued to reestablish the Roman Religion by the Q. of Scot­lands means, were debated and disputed of. Diuers so per­swaded, [Page 412] verily beleeued, that the Pope had by diuine right, full power ouer all the Earth, as well in Ecclesiasticall as Po­liticall matters, and by this fulnesse of power, power to ex­communicate Kings, and free-Princes, to depriue them of their Crownes and Scepters: after, the absoluing their sub­iects from all oath of fidelity and obedience to them. This caused the grant of Pope Pius the Fifth's Bull declaratory, published Anno 1569. the Bull of Rebellions kindled in the North parts of England & Irelād (as I haue already spo­ken of) also that many desisted from Diuine Seruice, The euent proceeding thereof. who before seemed to frequent the Church with much zeale and integrity, and that Hans, Nelson, and Maine, Priests, and one Shrood, durst affirme and maintaine, that Queene ELIZABETH was a Shismatique, and that she therefore ought to be deposed of Regall rule, and so degraded; for which they were soone after iustly put to death.

New Semi­naries are sent into England.Such Seminaries were sent in diuers places, both in Eng­land and Ireland; first, some young men prematurely in­uested in that order, and instructed in the said Doctrine; then after, as they increased, a greater number, for the ad­ministrating the Sacrament of the Roman Church, and preaching, as they seemed to make shew of; but indeed, as Queene ELIZABETH her selfe, and the Lords of her Maiesties most honourable Priuy Councell found out, it was meerely to seduce her subiects, To what end. to withdraw them from all obedience and loyalty due to their Soueraigne, to ob­lige them, by reconciliation, to put in practice and truely execute the Sentence of Pope Pius the Fifth, pronounced against her Maiesty; and by this meanes to make way to the Pope and Spanish designe for the inuading of Eng­land.

And, as it was knowne, that to the infringing and con­temning of the Lawes authority, diuers Children & young men of sundry Callings, were daily vnder-hand secretly sent beyond the Seas, in those Seminaries, where they (ha­uing [Page 413] made a vow to returne) were receiued, that from thence new supply of others, vnknowne, came priuatly into England, and that still more were expected to come with such Iesuits, Jesuites doe steale pri­uately into England. who then made here their first entrance and a­bode; so, an Edict was proclaimed in the moneth of Iune, expresly charging and commanding all such who had chil­dren, Wards, kindred, or such others in the Regions be­yond the Sea, A Procla­mation a­gainst Semi­naries and Iesuites. to exhibit and giue vp their names to the Ordinary within ten dayes after, to send for them to come ouer within the prefixt time of foure moneths; and pre­sently after the said return, euery one ought to declare and giue notice thereof to the Ordinary; prohibiting likewise, to lay out or furnish with money such as should stay or dwell out of England, either directly or indirectly; neither to nourish, relieue, or lodge such Priest deriued of those Emissaries, nor Iesuits, vpon paine (for them who should doe otherwise) to be reputed and held for fautors of Re­bels, and supporters of seditious persons, to incurre the se­uerity and rigour exprest in the Lawes of the said King­dome.

Before this Proclamation was published, the Papists fei­ned to haue too late taken aduice of the incommodities that this Bull produced; they made a shew to be extreme sorry that euer it was sent ouer; they supprest Sanders A­pology, and prohibited to dispute any more such question concerning the Popes authority to excommunicate and de­grade Princes: But all this, Robert Per­sons and Ed­mond Cam­pian, English Iesuits, came into Eng­land. most cautelously and cunning­ly, as the euent made it euident; for this disputation increa­sed daily amongst them, (as naturally men are most addict­ed to things prohibited) sith Robert Persons and Edmond Campian (English Iesuites) being ready to come into Eng­land, to set Romish affaires forward, obtained of Pope Gregory the Thirteenth, power to moderate this seuere and sharpe Bull, in these termes: Power gran­ted to the Papists. [Page 414]IF it be asked to our Soueraigne Lord, the explica­tion of Pope Pius the Fifth's Bull against ELI­ZABETH and her adherents, the which the Ca­tholikes desire to be thus vnderstood; that it may oblige for euer Her and the Heretikes; but no wayes the Ca­tholiques, so long as affaires & matters shal thus stand, as they are at this present, but only whē it is so as it may be publiquely executed and generally effected. These Graces haue beene granted to Robert Person, and to Edmond Campian, vpon their departure and iourney for England, the 14. of Aprill, in presence of Father Oliuero Manarco.

Who and what haue beene these Jesuits.This Robert Person was a Somersetshire man, of a vehe­ment and sauage nature, of most vnciuill manners and ill behauiours.

Edward Campian was a Londoner, of a contrary carriage, both were Oxford men, and I knew them while I was in the same Vniuersity. Campian, being out of Saint Iohns Col­ledge, profest the place of Atturney in the said Vniuersity, in the yeere 1568. and beeing established Arch-Deacon, made a shew to affect the Protestant faith, vntill that day he left England. Person, being out of Balioll Colledge, in which he openly made profession of the Protestant Religi­on, vntill his wicked life, and base conuersation, purchasing him a shamefull exile from thence, hee retyred himselfe to the Papists side. Since, both of them returning into Eng­land, were disguized, sometimes in the habit of Souldiers, sometimes like Gentlemen, and sometimes much like vnto our Ministers; they secretly trauelled through England, from house to house, and places of Popish Nobility and Gentry; valiantly executing by words and writings their Commission. Person, who was establisheed chiefe and su­periour, being of a seditious nature and turbulent spirit, ar­med with audacity, spoke so boldly to the Papists, to de­priue [Page 415] Queene ELIZABETH of her Scepter, that some of them were once determined to accuse, and put him into the hands of iustice. Campian, though something more mo­dest, presumed to challenge by a writing the Ministers of the Church of England, to dispute with him touching the Romish beleefe, which hee maintained; he put forth a La­tine Pamphlet, containing tenne Reasons, indifferently well penned: as did likewise Person, another seditious booke in English, raging against one Charcke, who before had in­geniously and mildely written against Campians Chalenge. But Whitaker answered home to the said Campians preten­ded Reasons, who being taken and rackt a yeere after, was produced for the Dispute, but he neuer had so much a doe as to maintaine them, neither answered hee to that expecta­tion which himselfe had formerly giuen.

And the Popes faction (for Religion was then turned in­to faction) wanted not other men, The English Fugitiues doe moue and excite stran­gers to war against their Prince and Countrey. who vowed and bent their vtmost power and endeuours at Rome, and else-where in the Courts of forrein Princes, to moue warre, and excite trouble against their natiue Countrey; nay, rather than faile, they published in Print Pamphlets, shewing, that the Pope, and the King of Spaine, had conspired to subdue Eng­land, and expose it as a prey; to no other purpose, than to increase the affection and courage of their owne people, to affright and terrifie others; and by this meanes, to seduce and with-draw them from that loue and loyaltie which they ought to their Soueraigne Princesse and Countrey. Queene ELIZABETH perceiuing euidently how much shee was offended and threatned by the Armes and subtle­ty of the Pope and Spaniard, after hauing acknowledged the singular goodnesse of God, declared by a Booke prin­ted; ‘THat shee had not attempted any thing against any other Prince, but in defence and conserua­tion of her owne Kingdome, neither had shee [Page 416] inuaded any others Countrey, although shee had beene both by iniuries sufficiently prouoked, and by set oppor­tunity inuited thereunto. That if any Princes should enterprize to inuade her Realmes, Queene Eli­zabeths de­claration a­gainst them. she doubted not, but to be (by the Diuine assistance) well able to defend them. That shee had to that end taken a suruey of her forces, both by Sea and Land, and stood readily prepa­red against the attempts of her enemies, exhorted her loyall Subiects, to persist with vnremoueable stedfast­nesse in faith and duety towards GOD, and her Mini­sters. Such as had renounced all loue to their Coun­trey, and obedience to their Prince, shee commanded to carry themselues moderately, and not prouoke the sene­ritie of iustice. Neither would shee in pardoning her euill Subiects, shew her selfe cruell to her selfe and her good people.’

The seuerall Sects of Hol­land.And not onely these perfidious Subiects, but Strangers likewise out of Holland, (being a fertill Prouince in Here­tiques) began at that time not onely to disturbe the peace of the Church, but also of the Common-wealth of Eng­land; by insinuating themselues, vnder a colour of singular integrity and sincerity, into the opinions of the ignorant vulgar; and with a strange and new manner of preaching, (which men rather wondered at than vnderstood) they possest the mindes of many with certaine damnable Here­sies, which were euidently contrary to the Christian faith; they called themselues of the Family of loue, or House of Charity, and perswaded such as they had drawne to their Sect, that those only were the Elect, and to be saued, which were of that Sect; all others were Reprobates, and should be damned; and that it was lawfull for them to deny by oath what they pleased before any Magistrate, or any o­ther, which were not of that Family. And of this fanta­sticke vanity they dispersed bookes abroad, which were in­tituled, [Page 417] The Gospell of the Kingdome; The Sentences of In­struction; The Prophesie of the spirit of loue; The publication of the peace vpon Earth, by H. N. They could not be induced to manifest the name of the Author; The house of LOVE. but it was afterwards found to be one H. Nicholay of Leyden in Hollād; who out of his blasphemous mouth preached, That he was partaker of Gods Diuinity, and God of his humanity. The Queene, A Procla­mation a­gainst these Sects. in good time, to represse these Heretiques (knowing that all Princes ought aboue all to haue an especiall care of Religi­on) by an Edict enioyned the Ciuill Magistrates to assist the Ecclesiasticall in burning of those Bookes.

About this time, Francis Drake returned into England, Francis Drake. abounding with riches, but more illustrious and exceeding in glory, hauing sayled about the terrestriall Globe with happy successe, being (if not the first that had aspired to this glory) yet the first next Magellan, who dyed in the middest of his course. This Drake (that I may report no more than what I haue heard from himselfe) was borne of meane parentage in the County of Deuonshire; His originall extraction. at his Bap­tisme, Francis Russell, afterwards Earle of Bedford, was his Godfather. Whilest he was but yet an Infant, his Father embracing the Protestant Religion, was by vertue of the Law of Sixe Articles, made by King HENRY the Eighth against the Protestants, called in question: whereupon he left his natiue soyle, and passed into Kent. King HENRY the Eighth being deceased, hee obtained a place amongst them of the Fleet-Royall, to reade Prayer; a short time af­ter, he was chosen Deacon, & being made Vicar of Vpnore, vpon the Riuer Medway, (where the Nauy lay at Road) he was constrained by pouerty to place his sonne with a neighbouring Pylote, who, by daily exercise, Francis Drakes edu­cation. hardened him to the Saylors labours in a little Barke, wherewith hee say­led vp and downe the Coast, guided Ships in and out of Harbours, and sometimes transported Merchandize into France and Zeland. This young man, being diligent and [Page 418] plyable, gaue such testimony of his care and diligence to the old Pylote, that he dying issuelesse, in his Will bequea­thed, as a Legacy, the Barke to him, wherewith Drake ha­uing gathered a pretty some of money, and receiuing in­telligence that Iohn Hawkins made preparation of certaine Ships at Plimouth, for the voyage of America, which was called the New-World, he made sale of his Barke, and, ac­companied with certaine braue and able Mariners, he left Kent, and ioyned his labours and fortunes with Hawkins, in the yeere 1567. but with vnfortunate successe. For the English being (as is related) surprized by the Spaniards, in the Port of Saint Iohn de Vllua, hee, with the losse of all his meanes, hardly escaped. Fiue yeeres after, (that is to say, in the yeere 1572.) hauing gathered together a sufficient summe of money by his traffique and Pyracy, with an in­tent to recouer his losses which he had receiued by the Spa­niards, (which a Preacher of the Nauy easily perswaded him to be lawfull) he made a voyage the second time into America, Drakes ex­pedition in America. with a Ship of Warre called the Dragon, with two other small Ships, without the knowledge of any but his Companions, where hee surprized a Towne, called Nombre de Dios, in the passage to the Ile Dariene, which he presently lost. Then, receiuing intelligence by the fugi­tiue Negro's, (which are called Cimarons) that certaine Mule-driuers were to transport a great quantity of Gold and Siluer to Panama) hee set vpon them, and pillaged them vpon the way, carrying the Gold into his Ships, but the Siluer, because he could not commodiously transport it ouer the Mountaines, he left it, and buried part thereof in the ground: after that, hee burned a large Store-house of Merchandize, called the CROSSE, vpon the Riuer Chi­rague: And as he sometimes made excursions vpon the neighbouring places, he discouered from the top of high mountaines, the South Sea; hereupon, he was so inflamed with a desire of glory and wealth, that hee burned with an [Page 419] earnest longing to sayle into those parts; and in the same place, falling vpon his knees, he heartily implored the Di­uine assistance to enable him, that he might one day arriue in those Seas, and discouer the secrets of them; and to this, he bound himselfe with a religious vow. A Ʋow. From that time forward, was his minde night and day troubled, and as it were excited and pricked forward with goads, to performe and acquite himselfe of this Vow.

Now, beeing abundantly rich, Iohn Oxen­ham sayleth into Ame­rica. silently reuolued these thoughts in his minde; Iohn Oxenham, who in the former voyages had beene a Souldier, Mariner, and Cooke vn­der him, hauing by his valour obtained the name of Cap­taine among the Saylors, to tread in the foot-steps of his Masters fortune, in taking the Mules loaden with wealth, and to sayle the Australe, or Meridian-Sea, he, in the yeere 1563. begun to sayle in those places, with a Ship onely and equipage of seuentie men, where, being arriued, hee com­municated his designe to the Negro's, and learning out that those Mule-driuers, who vsed to transport riches to Pana­ma, were conueyed with armed men, brought his Ship to Land, hiding her vnder thicke bowes in place secure, cau­sing likewise his greatest Cannons to be brought ashoare, with victuals and prouision; afterwards, he and his people, with tenne Negro's, who were their Guides in that Coun­trey, came to a Riuer which ends in the Meridian-Sea, and there cut Trees wherewith they built a small Ship, with which he traded in the Iland called Margaret, Jsla de Per­las. which a­bounds in Pearles, situated in the same Sea, and not farre off: in which hauing stayed tenne daies for the Ships com­ming from Perou, he tooke one which carried sixty pound weight of Gold; and another, with an hundred pound weight of Siluer, and in those Ships hee returned into the said Riuer. This Prize being soone diuulged by those Spa­niards which Iohn Oxenham had released, and set on shoare, Iohan▪ Ortega, a Spaniard, forthwith pursued him with an [Page 420] hundred men, and finding that there was three waies to en­ter the Riuer, hee stayed a time, not knowing which to take, but at last he plainely discouered Oxenhams trace, by reason of the number of feathers of such Fowles and Hens as the English had eaten, which were swimming vpon the water; and following them, he found the Gold among the bushes and thickets, and the English in discord and strife a­bout the bootie; who neuerthelesse prouiding to their common necessity, fell vpon the Spaniards, who were in greater number: for the most part of the English were kil­led, and the rest were taken, among which, Iohn Oxenham, who was brought to LIMA, and there examined whether he were entred into the King of Spaines Dominions, with Queene ELIZABETH's leaue and permission, John Oxen­ham depri­ued of life, falls from a great and famous en­terprize. or no? and not able to satisfie them with any answere, hee was most lamentably put to death, and cruelly executed as a Py­rat and common enemy of humane kinde, with the Pylot, and others: and thus his worthy enterprize was preuen­ted, which was both great and memorable.

Drakes se­cond voyage. Drake, not knowing what was become of Oxenham, that he might get into the South Sea, which hee still meditated vpon, and try his fortune there, departs from Plimouth the thirteenth of December 1577. with fiue ships, and one hun­dred sixtie three men, of which number there were scarce two who knew his designe, or whither they were bound, and arriued on the fiue and twentieth at Canten, a Cape or Promontory in Barbary: then, hauing refreshed them­selues at Maio, a very pleasant Iland, and abounding with sweet Grapes, at San-Iacobina, they tooke a Portugal laden with Wine, and hauing set the Mariners a shoare, carryed the vessell, with N. la Forest the Pylote, away with them, to serue them for a watch and skout vpon the Coasts of Brasil, which were well knowne vnto him. From thence he passed to the Ile of Folgo, which casteth out sulphurous flames: and from thence to la Braue, vnder which the Ma­riners [Page 421] assure vs that the Sea is very high. And as he came vnder the Equinoctiall, prouiding for the health of his people, causeth euery one of them to be let blood, and after hauing bin long becalmed, and endured much Ligh­tening and Thunder, he found he had made very little or no way in three weekes, and been 55. daies without seeing any Land, vntill in the end he discouered the Countrie of Brasill.

The 26. of Aprill, being entered the riuer of Plate, Doughtey beheaded. they saw an infinite number of Sea-calues, and from thence being brought to Saint Iulians, they found a Gibbet stan­ding there, which (as it is thought) Magellan set vp, when he was forced thereabouts, to punish some sedicious per­sons. Where Mr. Iohn Doughtey, a wise and valiant Gen­tleman, and of chiefe command vnder Drake, was condem­ned by the verdict of twelue men, according to the English custome, and beheaded, after he had receiued the Commu­nion with Drake himselfe. The most impartiall of all the Company, did iudge, that he had indeed carried himselfe a little sediciously, and that Drake, hauing an eye not so much vpon such as might surpasse him in Sea-faring re­nowne, as vpon those which were like to equall him, did rid his hands of him as of a Competitor. Others, presu­ming to haue more knowledge of his intentions, affirme, that Leicester had commanded him to make him away, vn­der some pretext or other, in reuenge that he did auerre of­tentimes, that he had made away my Lord of Essex by his deuices.

The 20. of August, hauing no more then three Shippes, Passeth the straightes of Magellan. (for he had cast off the other two at Sea, which were the lesser, after hee had taken in the men, and what else was ought worth) he came to the straight of Magellan, which is a Sea full of Ilands, and circled in with high Mountaines, the Element being full of Snow, and the wether very cold, past it, the sixth of September, and entred into the South [Page 422] Sea, which is called Peacible, or Still, which he found ne­uerthelesse much troubled, and his Fleet through the vehe­mencie of the Tempest, carried about an hundred Leagues into the Ocean and separated: At the same time they saw an Eclipse of the Moone, Eclipse of the Moone. the fifteenth of September, at sixe of the Clocke at night. I speake this in fauour of Mathe­maticians, against that which others doe report. They saw also that part of the heauen next the South Pole, adorned with very few starres, South Stars. and of farre lesser magnitude then those in our Hemisphere, and not aboue the third part of the greatnesse of ours. And that the two little Cloudes, which are of the colour of the Milke-way, which we call the little Cloudes of Magellan, Little clouds of Magellan are not farre distant from the Pole.

Of these Ships which the wind had thus hurried away, the one, in which Captaine Iohn Winter cōmanded, plying vp the straights of Magellan againe, returned safely into England, and is the first that euer passed that way. Drake, who was then driuen alone by this tempest with his Ship, vnto 55. degrees to the West, and hardly could recouer the breadth of the straights, ran along the Coast, and, contra­ry to that which is figured in the Maps, he found that these Lands fetch a great compasse about, before they trend vp into the East.

Drake finds booty both by land and sea.Being come the last of Nouember to the Ile of Mouscha, he sent his Mariners ashore for fresh water, two of which were taken and detayned by the Inhabitants. Being de­parted from thence, he meets with an Indian, who was fish­ing in his Canoe, who thinking that his men had bin Spani­ards, told them, that at Villa Parizo, in the Roade, there was a great Spanish Ship laden, and brought them thither. The Spanish Mariners, which were but eight, and two Ne­groes, seeing the English ariue, and taking them for Spani­ards, began to beate vp their Drummes, and drawing of their Wines of Chillie, to inuite them to drinke. But the English boording them, put them all vnder hatches, rifle the [Page 423] next Towne, called Saint Iacobin, and the Chappell also, the spoile whereof was for Mr. Fletcher, Minister to the Fleet: Afterwards they put all the men of their Prize on shore, except the Pilot, being a Grecian, and carrying both the Ship and him away, they found therein foure hundred waight of Gold of Baldiue, so called by the name of the place, because it is truely refined.

After that, Francis Drake landed at Taurapaze, where he found a Spaniard fast asleepe vpon the Sea side, Meets by chance with great wealth and neere vnto him two great Barres of massie Siluer, to the value of foure thousand Ducats, which hee caused to bee carried a­way, without so much as awakening the man. Then being entred into the Hauen of Aricae, he found there three ships, without Master or Sailors; and within, 57. ingots of siluer, each of them weighing twenty pound waight, besides o­ther marchandise. From thence hee sailed to Lima, and meets with twelue ships in the Roade, whose Tackling and Armes had beene brought ashore: There was in them a great deale of Silke, and a little coffer full of coined money, but there was not so much as a Boy left to looke to them, so great they accounted the security of that Coast, for the distance of places, and also because the nauigation was vn­knowne, no feare they had of Pirates. And indeed, no man from Magellan euer sailed those Seas before Drake, but onely the Spaniards, who haue built there all such Ships and Nauie as are there. Drake, hauing committed those Ships to the Ocean, hee made haste with all sailes spred, Sir Francis Drake takes a Spanish ship called Shite-Fire, which hee made shite Siluer. after an­other sumptuous Ship, very rich, called The Caco Fogue; whereof he had notice, was departed from Lima, & bound for Panama; but he first meeting with a small ship, from which he got 80. pound weight of Gold, a Crucifix of pure gold, diuers Emeralds of the length of a finger, and some Munition: The first day of March he ouertooke this Caco Fogue, and after he had beaten downe with a Cannon shot the fore-Mast, boords her, and takes it, finds therein, [Page 424] besides many precious stones, 80. pound waight more of gold, 13. coffers full of coyned money, and his ballast was pure siluer: all which he caused to be brought ashore, and leauing the said Ship, the Pilot, who was within, gaue Drake this pleasant farewell: We will exchange names of our Ships: ‘Call yours, Cacofogue; and ours, Cacoplate:’ which is to say, yours shall bee named Shite-fire, and ours Shite-siluer. Since that time he met with no rich prize. So omitting the relation of those ships of China, of the golden Eagle, of those faire Negroes which the Spaniard gaue him for sparing his ship, and the pillage of a little Village called Aguatulcum; I will speake of his returne.

He thinkes of his return. Drake esteemed himselfe abundantly rich, and indiffe­rently well satisfied of the particular wrong which he had receiued of the Spaniards in S. Iohn of Vllua, thinkes now of his returne, and because it seemed to him full of eminent perils, to repasse through the straights of Magellan, aswell by reason of the raging Tempests vsuall there, as of diuers Shelfs and Rockes vnknowne, and likewise fearing lest the Spaniards should there watch for his comming backe, as in­deed Francis of Toledo, Vice-Roy of Peruia, had to that end sent thither Peter Sermiente with two ships of Warre, as also to fortifie the straights of that Sea, if any were; Drake then tooke his way toward the North, at the latitude of 42. De­grees, to discouer in that part if there were any straight, by which he might find a neerer way to returne; But discer­ning nothing but darke and thicke cloudes, extremity of cold and open Cliffes couered thicke with snow, hee lan­ded at the 38. Degree, and hauing found a commodious Rode, remained there a certaine time. The inhabitants of that Countrie were naked, merry, lusty, iumping, leaping, and dancing perpetually, sacrificing, and showing by signe [Page 425] and words, that they would elect Francis Drake for their King: neither could it be coniectured that euer the Spani­ard had bin there, or so farre in that Countrie: Drake disco­ueres a land, which hee called the Nouam Al­bion. Drake na­med that very countrey, being fat and good, full of Deeres and Conies, ‘The new Albion;’ Causing a great Poste to be there erected, vpon which there was ingrauen an Inscription, which shewed the yeere of our Lord, the name of Queene ELIZABETH, and their landing there, and vnderneath a piece of siluer of Queene ELIZABETHS Coine was nailed to the said Poste.

Afterwards hauing weighed Anchor, in the moneth of Nouember, he arriued in the Ilands of the Mollucques, He arriued at the Mo­lucques. where the King of the Ile of Ternata receiued him graciously, and from thence, sayling vpon that sea full of Rockes and I­lands, his ship was, the ninth day of Ianuary, driuen to the top of a Rocke couered with water, where it remained in great danger seuen and twenty houres, and was accounted no better then lost, by all the men of the ship, who fell de­uoutly vpon their knees, praying hartily vnto the Lord, Falls into a great danger ex­pecting hourely to perish, with all the aboundance of riches heaped vp together with so much paine: But after they had hoysted their Sprit-Sayle, and cast into the Sea 8. Peeces of Ordnance, and diuers marchandizes, a fauoura­ble wind rose, (as sent of God) which bore the ship aside, and withdrew it from aboue the Rocke.

After this, he landed at Iaua major, greatly afflicted with the Poxe, which the Inhabitants doe cure, sitting in the heate of the sunne, He passeth beyong the Cape of Bo­na Espe­rance. to drie vp the poysonous and malignant humor. Where hauing tryed the humanity of the little King of the Countrey, he tooke his way towards the Cape of Bona esperance, which was celebrated as very remarkable, by the Mariners, which had formerly seene it. He landed [Page 426] vpon that coast to take in water, but found no fountaine there: if he had not in time prouided of water, when it rai­ned, they had all beene in great distresse for sweet water. At last, he tooke in some at Riogrand, from whence hee finished his iourney into England, with a fauourable wind, which brought his Ship the ninth of Nouember, 1580. safe into the Hauen of Plimouth, where he tooke shipping, after his being abroad about the space of three yeeres: during which time he worthily sayled round about the Earth, Returnes in­to England. to the admiration and laudable applause of all people, and without purchasing blame for any other things, than for his putting to death Doughty, & for leauing at the mercy of the Spaniards, that Portugal Ship by him taken at the mouth of Africa, neere vnto Aquatulqua, and for hauing most inhumanely exposed in an Iland, that Negro or Black-more-Maide, who had beene gotten with Child in his Ship.

Queene ELIZABETH receiued him graciously, with all clemency, caused his riches to be sequestred and in rea­dinesse, whensoeuer the Spaniard should re-claime them: Her Maiesty commanded likewise, that for a perpetuall me­mory to haue so happily circuited round about the whole Earth, his Ship should be drawne from the water, and put aside neere Deptford vpon Thames, where to this houre the body thereof is seene; Drakes ship is consecra­to perpetuall memory. and after the Queenes feasting therein, shee consecrated it with great ceremonie, pompe, and magnificence, eternally to be remembred; and her Maiesty forthwith honoured Drake with the dignity of Knighthood. As these things were performed, a slight Bridge, made of Boords, by which people went vp into the Ship, Francis Drake is knighted by Queene Eli­zabeth. was broken downe by the Multitude, and about a hundred persons fell with it; they neuerthelesse receiued no harme at all: insomuch, that the Ship seemed to haue beene built in a happy coniunction of the Planets. That very day, against the great Mast of the said Ship, many ver­ses, composed to the praise & honour of Sir Francis Drake, [Page 427] were fastned, and fixed; among which, these in Latin were written by a Scholler of the Colledge of Winchester:

PLVS VLTRA, Herculeis inscribas, Drace, columnis,
Et magno, dicas, Hercule maior ero.
Escri DRAC ces deux mots sur les piliers du Temple
Qui sut sacré iadis à Hercule guer [...]ier,
PLVS OVLTRE, & quelque grand qu'ait esté son lau [...]ier
Di que le tien doibt estre & plus grand & plus ample.
DRAKE, on the Herculean columnes these words write,
Thou farther wentst then any mortall wight.
Though Hercules for trauell did excell,
From him and others thou didst beare the bell.

DRACE, pererrati quem nouit terminus orbis,
Quem (que) simul mundi vidit vter (que) Polus.
Si taceant homines, faciunt te sydera notum.
Sol nescit comitis non memor esse sui.
DRAC qui as parcouru tous les quartiers du monde,
Et les Poles as v [...]u, Quand les gens manqueront
A chanter tes vertus, les Astres le feront,
Le Soleil n'oublira celuy qui le seconde.
Braue DRAKE, that round about the world didst saile,
And viewedst all the Poles, when men shall faile
Thee to commend, the starres will do't▪ the Sunne
Will not forget how with him thou didst run.

Digna ratis quae stet radiantibus inclyta stellis,
Supremo coeli vertice digna ratis.
CE NAVIRE qui rend à tous homines notoire
La gloire d'vn grand Chef, merite que les Dieux
Mettent autour de luy des Astres radieux,
Et au plus hault du Ciel estre éclatant de gloire.
THAT SHIP whose good successe did make thy name
To be resounded by the trump of Fame:
Merits to be beset with Stars diuine,
Instead of waues, and the Skie to shine.

Nothing anger'd worse Sir Francis Drake, than to see the Nobles and the chiefest of the Court, refuse that Gold and Siluer which he presented them withall, as if hee had not lawfully come by it. The Commons neuerthelesse applauded him with all praise and admiration, esteeming, he had purchased no lesse glory in aduancing the limits of the English, their honour and reputation, than of their Em­pire.

The King of Spaine by his Ambassa­dour deman­deth Drakes goods which he had pira­pirated. Bernard Mendoze, then Ambassadour for Spaine, in England, murmuring at it, and, as not well pleased, de­mands vehemently of the Queene the things taken. But he was answered: ‘THat the Spaniards had procured vnto them­selues that euil through their iniustice towards the English, in hindering, against the right of Nations, He is answe­red. their Negotiations; That Sir Francis Drake was alwaies ready to answere the Law, if by iust indite­ments, and certaine testimonies they could conuict him, to haue committed any thing against equity. That to no end but to giue satisfaction to their King, the ri­ches he brought in were sequestred, though her Ma­iesty had spent (against the Rebels which Spaine had moned and instigated in Ireland and England against her,) more money than Drake was worth. Moreouer, that her Maiestie could finde no reason w [...]y Spaine should hinder her Subiects, and those of other Prin­ces, from sayling to the Indies▪ that shee could not be [Page 429] perswaded that they were his owne, although the Pope had ne'r so much giuen them to him▪ that shee ac­knowledged no such Prerogatiue in the Pope, much lesse the least authority, as to oblige Princes, who owe him no obedience at all, vnder his to power inuest & put the Spaniard, as in fee and possession of that New-World; also, that shee could not see how he could deriue the least right, but by those desconts and landing here and there of his Subiects, who built there small cottages to inha­bit, and named the Promontorie; Things neuerthelesse that can purchase no propriety. So that by vertue of such donation of other mens goods▪ which in equitie is no­thing worth, and of this proprietie that is meerly imagi­nary, hee cannot iustly hinder other Princes to negotiate in those Regions; but they, without infringing any waies the Lawes of Nations▪ may lawfully bring in Colonies in those parts that are not yet inhabited by the King of Spaines Subiects, sith Prescription without possession, is of no validity euen as to sayle vpon the mayne Ocean, that the vse of the Sea as of the Ayre is common to all, and that publique necessitie permits not it should be pos­sessed; that there is nor people, no particular, that can challenge or pretend any other right therein.’

Neuerthelesse, since this, The Spani­ard hath part of Drakes mo­ney deliuered backe. great summes of money were pay'd backe to Piedro S [...]b [...]re, a Spaniard, who styled him­selfe Attourney, for the recouery of the Gold and Siluer, though hee could shew no such Letter of procuration or receits. And it was discouered (but too late) that he made no retribution at all to particulars, but spent it against Queene ELIZABETH, vpon the Spaniards, Iackman and Pets Naui­gation to seeke away to the East-Jndies. who main­tained the warre of Flanders.

While Sir Francis Drake circuited so prosperously the World, Iacman and Pet, renowned Pylots, sent by the Merchants of London with two Ships, did seeke with lesse [Page 430] happy successe, a short way or passage, to sayle into the East Indies, by the Sea of Cronie, but hauing past some miles beyond the Iles Vaigats, they found ebbing and flowing so vncertaine, so many shelues, and so great store of Ice, that they could not possible goe any further, hauing much adoe to returne.

The death of the Earle of Arundell, who was the first that brought the vse of Co­ches into England.At the beginning of this yeere, died Henry Fitz-Allen, Earle of Arundell, and with him the name of that most noble House, which had flourished in honour aboue three hundred yeeres, sonne to Richard Fitz-Allen, sprung from the Albaines ancient Earles of Arundel and Sussex (in the reigne of EDVVARD the First▪) which title they had without creation, in regard of the possession which they had of the Castle and Lordship of Arundell: This man being heaped with honour, had beene a Priuy-Councellor to all the Kings vnder whom he liued, and performed great offices vnto his end. Vnder HENRY the Eighth, he was Gouernour of Calice, Marshall of the Army at Bullen, and Lord Chamberlaine: At the inauguration of EDWARD the Sixth, hee was Lord Marshall of England, in which charge he continued at the Coronation of Queene MA­RIE; and was after made Lord High-Constable, Lord Steward of her house, and President of her Councell; Vn­der Queene ELIZABETH, hee was made the second time Lord Steward. And when he began to grow old, he sought to marry her, for which he lost much of her fauour; afterwards, he intermeddled in the Duke of Norfolkes mat­ters, and openly withstood the marriage of the Duke of Aniou. He professed himselfe an open-hearted man, and made it appeare that he loued not the French; and would often say, that his father dwelling in Sussex, neighbour vn­to France, would teach him not to beleeue them. He had three Children by Katherine his Wife, daughter to Thomas Gray, Marquis of Dorset, which children hee suruiued; Henry, being young and of great hope, dyed at B [...]axels; [Page 431] Iane, who was Wife to the Lord Lumley; and Marie, who married Thomas Howard, Duke of Norfolke, and bare vnto him Philip, Earle of Arundel, of whom wee will speake in his owne place.

Arthur, Lord Gray, Deputie of Ireland, The Lord Gray repres­seth the Re­bels in Ire­land. being gone a­gainst the O-Conores, who were stirring vp new troubles in Ophalia, by Law executes Hugh O-Moloy, a seditious man, and pacifies this Countrey, and that of Magohiganores and Ocaroles, and in the very bud crushed a great conspiracie that was a growing and beginning to spread. For some of the chiefest Families in Lemster, and many others that were originally English, driuen partly by the affection they bore to the Romish Religion, and partly for their hatred to the new-come English, (who since their comming had exclu­ded them, contrary to the Law, from all gouernments and Magistracy, as if they had beene naturall Irish) had con­spired to kill the Lord Deputie and his Family, to surprize the Castle of Dublin, wherein was all the prouision of war, and to kill all the English that were in Ireland: and this con­spiracy was so closely carried, that it was neuer conferred vpon with more than two in a company. Neuerthelesse, among so many complices it came to light, and was extinct with the death of a few men: and amongst them of chie­fest note, was I. Nogent, Baron of Fiske, a man singular in fame and life, who was (as the Irish report) seduced by the craft of those that enuyed him, and his conscience assu­ring himselfe of his innocency, chose rather, Innocency is an assured comfort. (though the Deputie promised to giue him his life, if hee would con­fesse himselfe guiltie) to dye an innocent by an infamous death, than to liue in infamy for betraying his innocency. And verily, howsoeuer the truth of this businesse was in it selfe, the Queene was much offended with the Lord Gray, for the death of those men, whom the Earle of Sussex, be­ing more offended therewith (for rarely is true loue be­tweene great Ones) the more stirred vp, by reason of the [Page 432] cruelty which before hee had vsed toward the Spaniards which yeelded; and now against Subiects, that he had di­minished the glory of his Princesse, and augmented the number of her enemies. Howbeit, hee forbare not to ter­rifie Turlough-Leinich, who began to raise tumults in Vl­ster, and driue him to conditions of peace. Whereby hee likewise brought the O-Brins, the O-Mores, and the Ca­uanaghies, Rebels sup­prest. Rebels in Lemster, humbly to desire peace, and to offer Hostages. These matters of Ireland, though time doth much disioyne them, for the helpe of memory, I haue thought to put them together.

The Earle of Lenox is en­uied of the Scots.In Scotland, some Ministers, and some of the great Ones, considering the Earle of Lenox, of whom I haue spo­ken, to be strong in the Kings fauour, stirred vp Iames Stuart, of Ochiltrie, Captaine of the Guard, (who carri­ed the title of Earle of Arran, I know not by what grant, from Iames Hamilton, Earle of Arran, a man of an vn­able spirit, for which cause he was ordained his Tutor) to be his Emulator. But the King quickly reconciled them. When this would not succeed, they brought him, as much as in them lay, to be in hatred within the Kingdome, and accused him to Qu. ELIZABETH, to be sent by the Guizes to ouerthrow Religion, to procure the liberty of the cap­tiue Queene, and to disunite the amitie which was between the Kingdomes of England and Scotland. They accuse him in Eng­land. They are easi­ly beleeued, and notwithstanding that he purged himselfe by Letters to the Queene, and made profession of the Pro­testants Religion, serious deliberation is hereupon taken in England.

Consultation holden a­gainst him.The Councell of England was afraid that he would op­presse those Scots that stood best affected to the English, and fauour the incursions which were made vpon the Bor­ders, and allure the King to marry in France, or else-where vnknowne to the English; and that the King, now in his youth, would molest the affaires of England; and beeing [Page 433] come to more maturitie of age, would assume the title of King of England, as his Mother had done. Which if he did, the danger would fall more heauily from him than from his Mother, in regard his birth gaue him an assured hope of two Kingdomes, and gaine more friends to fauour his cause, and that the Scots trayned vp in the ciuill warres, and the warres of the Low-Countries, were more expert to learne warlike offices. Therefore from hence it is thought good, by some meanes or other to infringe the fauour and authoritie that Lenox had with the King, or to driue him out of Scotland, and that without delay; They rayse false reports against him. because rumours were giuen out, that Balfour was sent for out of France, (who had found, I know not what. Writing of his owne hand, to conuince him of the Murder of the Kings Father) to ruine Morton, and that he had for no other end obtai­ned the gouernement of the Castle of Dunbriton, but to set in stranger-forces into Britaine, or to transport the King into France. It was likewise said, that he had per­swaded the King, to resigne the Kingdome to his Mother, who had beene vniustly and by a most wicked example de­posed by her Subiects; after, hauing taken her faithfull promise to resigne it by and by after vnto him againe by a lawfull resignation, which would be a solid confirmation to him, and a meanes to extinguish all factions, and make him knowne to all, to be lawfull King.

After this, Sir Robert Bowes, Treasurer of Barwicke, The Scots will not ad­mit Bowes to accuse him. is sent into Scotland, to accuse Lenox of these things before the King and his Councell, and to aduertise the King of the eminent dangers thereof. As soone as hee had beene admitted, hee demanded that Lenox might for a while be remoued from that place; but the Councell would not a­gree vnto it, as being a thing new and vnheard of, to cause one of the Kings Councell to be put out from the Coun­cell, without shewing cause. Also, they made a doubt whether or no the Queene had giuen him that in charge [Page 434] expresly, and therefore willed him to shew his instructions, which he refused to doe, saue to the King, and to one or two others; And seeing that he could not be heard, hee was presently called backe, and tooke leaue of the King, when it was little thought on, complayning that the wholesome admonitions of a well-deseruing Queene were reiected.

Hume excu­seth it.Shortly after, Alexander Hume is sent from Scotland, to excuse these matters, hee had not admittance to the Queene, but was sent to the Lord Burghley, Treasurer, who grauely and succinctly gaue him to vnderstand: Burghley's admonitions to him.THat it was not any contempt of his person, that was cause why the Queene would not permit him to see her, knowing very well by experi­ence that he was well affected to Religion, to his Prince and Countrie, and most studious for the peace of both the Kingdomes, but out of a iust sence and sorrow for the contempt which was shewed towards her Maiestie, and of the trust of her Ambassadour, who had contai­ned himselfe within the prescribed bounds of his Lega­tion: Layes all the blame vpon the new and ill-adui­sed Councellors: excuseth the King, as not being of age to haue much experience, and wished him to lend an eare to the holy and wholesome counsels of the Queene, who truely bare him a maternall affection; and not to make lesse account of them, than of those from a French kinsman, the King of France his subiect, who laboured to marry him to a French woman of the Romish Religi­on, and peraduenture goes about (now the Hamiltons exulting) to be designed the Kings Lieutenant. Let the King ( saith he) remember that no passion is more fer­uent than ambition; and let the Scots remember what troubles the French had caused in Scotlād, if the Queen by her wisdome and power had not preuented it.’

[Page 435]So Hume was sent backe into Scotland, and all of purpose to strike terrour into the King, and to make him beleeue that the Earle of Lenox had some pernicious designe against him and the Kingdome. Neuerthelesse, within a while after, Morton, Morton imprisoned. who was most addicted to the Eng­lish, was accused by Arran, Laesa Maiesta­tis, and cast into prison.

The end of the second Booke of the Annals and History of that mightie Empresse, Queene ELIZABETH, of most happy and blessed memory.
THE HISTORIE OF THE …

THE HISTORIE OF THE MOST HIGH, MIGHTY, AND Euer-glorious Empresse, ELIZABETH, Inuincible Queene of England, Ireland, &c. True Defendresse of the Faith, of immortall Renowne, and neuer-dying Fame and Memory.

OR, ANNALLES OF ALL SVCH REMARK­able things as happened during her blest Raigne ouer her Kingdomes of England and Ire­land; as also, such Acts as past betwixt her MAIESTY and Scotland, France, Spaine, Italy, Germany, and the Netherlands.

The third Booke.

F [...]thfully translated out of the French, and [...]isht in English, with the KINGS leaue and Au­thority, granted by his most Excellent Maiestie, to ABRAHAM DARCIE.

These Noble Knights, for their worth and Ver­tues, were honou­red with the dig­nity of Knight­hood by Qu. Eli­zabeth; most of them in that Ho­nourable & euer-remembred Voy­age of C. How­ard, Earle of Notinghā, L. high Admirall, and that renowned Souldier, the late Generous Earle of Essex, &c. in Spaine, b [...]fore Cadiz, taken & ran [...]acked by the English, Iun. 26. Anno 1 [...]96.To the euery way Noble, and accomplished with all vertues, • Sir EDVVARD CONVVAY, the Kings Secretary of State. , • Sir WILLIAM HARVEY, Lord HARVEY, Baron of Rosse. , • Sir ORACE VERE. , • Sir ARTHVR THROCKMORTON. , • Sir ROBERT MAVNCELL. , • Sir FRANCIS POPHAM. , • Sir WILLIAM MOVNSON. , and • Sir RICHARD WESTON. 
The Right vertuous & generous, • Sir THOMAS

Their Honoura­ble Predecessours were for their deserts, aduan­ced both to Ho­nour & Dignity.

HATTON. AND , • CHRISTOPHER

Sir Ch. Hatton was Lord Chan­celor of England vnder Qu. Eli­zabeth: he dyed in Hatton house, the 20. of No­uember, 1590.

HATTON. , • Sir CARIE

Sir Walter Rawleigh Knighted and employed about diuers worthy af­faires of waight and consequence by Queene Elizabeth.

RAVVLEIGH. , and • EDVVARD

Wray Lord Keeper of the priuy Seale.

WRAY, Esquire. 

I Here presume to consecrate to your perpetuall Honour, this Booke, which vnder the Honourable Shield of your Noble protections I haue sought to shelter, And where­fore? It is that these Noble persons haue by their worthy liues, purchased Ho­nour to their noble selues, or else their Prodecessors haue by their Vertues, deser­ued both Ho­nour and Dig­nity from this vnparalel'd Empresse; who as she was a true aduancer of Vertue, and destroyer of Vice, did libe­rally bestowe her Royall gifts of Ho­nour vpon those and their Ance­stors. knowing the Fame of this He­roicke Empresse to be no lesse deare vn­to you, then your Illustrious Persons are carefull to propagate to all Posteri­ties, your cleere and vntainted Names, which by your pious liues, and religi­ous [Page] conuersations, you haue engrauen in the Temple of Eternity: your ver­tues cannot but cherish this History, which containes the life of so match­lesse a Queene, whose Diuine perfecti­on the whole world admired, as one who was the perfect Patterne of Prin­cesses, and the true Mirour & Honour of Virgin-kinde. I confesse, many (far better able then I a Stranger) could haue discharged this Enterprise with far more skill, and both in smoother and more elegant termes, if they had beene willing to honour their Labours and Industries with so rare and worthy a Subiect. But howsoeuer, I was willing the best I was able, to pay this my hum­ble Duty to Her blessed Memory, and to your Honorable selues, by my poore endeuours to make knowne the desire I haue to intitle my selfe,

A true denoted to your resplendent vertues, ABRAHAM DARCIE.

THE HISTORIE OF THAT EVER Most blessed and Glorious Empresse, Booke 3. Queene ELIZABETH of happy renowne and matchlesse Fame. OR ANNALLS Of all such things of note as hapned du­ring her happy Reigne, as well in England, France, Ireland, as Scotland, Spaine, Italy, Germa­ny, and the Netherlands. The third Booke, and the foure and twen­tieth yeere of her Raigne, Anno MDLXXXI.

HEreupon, Randolphes intercession for Morton against Le­nox. in the beginning of Ianuarie next, was Thomas Randolph Captaine of the Light-horse, sent into Scotland, with cōmand that he should attempt nothing that might any way bee pre­iudiciall to the present religion, or the peace of the two Nations: he was also to sollicite in the behalfe of the Lord Morton, that Lenox might be sent out of Scotland; and such of the Nobility as fauoured the English faction might [Page 2] bee encouraged. Randolph the better to effectuate his mes­sage for the good of Morton, maketh recitall of his many great merits and good services done to his Maiesty, the inue­terate malice of his aduersaries, the high respect and honor they ought to haue of Queene ELIZABETH, who expected nothing lesse then to haue her suit now reiected in so ho­nest a cause. The King of Scots his an­swer. The King answered, that by the duty of his royall charge hee was to execute iudgment and iustice vpon a person so conuicted in matter of Maiesty, that he ingenious­ly acknowledged the Queenes manifold fauours; nor would hee act any thing might any way bee iustly offensiue to her Maiestie.

Then after Randolph being admitted into the Assembly of the States of the Kingdome, reckoneth vp the well knowne benefits which both the King and Country had earst re­ceiued from the Queene, namely: Randolph complaineth to the Nobles of Scotland.HOW by the blood of the English their Country had beene deliuered from the French; and of their King, his Kingdome and Religion she had euer been a chiefe supporter: but for any way seducing the King (although some but most falsly did intimate so much) or seeking to hold one foot of ground in Scotland, shee neuer entertained such a thought; yet were they not ignorant that she wanted not opportunity, the King being in his cradle, the Queene-mother in Prison, and the Nobles in combustion. But on the contrary, all her royall care was for the conserua­tion of their King, her neere and deare kinsman, and al­lyed to her in a triple bond of neigborhood, religion and consanguinity: nor had shee euer found him or any of his Regents or Vice-Roies defectiue towards her in their loues before this Aubigny of France came into Scot­land: but since his ariuall hee wholly vsurped the Re­gall authority, hee had withdrawne all affection from [Page 3] the English, to bestow it vpon the French, who before his ariuall neuer somuch as acknowledged their King, had remoued from his person his most trusty friends, brought in strangers, had conferred with foraigners by letters (which he shew'd) for inuading England, that he had brought the Scotish Presbytery into contempt with the King, as a people altogether turbulent & seditious, had peruerted the administration of iustice vpon the borders. Nor could her Maiesty endure a Prince so vertuous, so neerely allyed vnto her, to bee thus abu­sed and caried away by such sinister practices.’

Notwithstanding this, for the present there was nothing done either for Morton, or against Lenox, whom the Scots for the most part supposed no way guilty of such aspersions or calumnies as had beene obiected.

Randolph seeing that, Endeauoreth to raise Re­bellion. thought hee would try another con­clusion, consorts himselfe with the friends of Morton and Lenox aduersaries, bewaileth the miserable estate of Scot­land, representeth to them the imminent perills which hang ouer the heads of the King, the Country and them all: com­plaineth that the Queens message by way of intercessiō hath beene slieghtly respected, suggesteth with them secretly to attempt to gaine that by force of Armes, which they cannot get by faire meanes, promising to further and furnish them out of England with men, money and munition. This Ora­tory of his proued so perswasible with them, that thereupon the Earles of Argathel, Mont-Rosse, Angus, Mortons Nephew by the brotherside, Glencarne, Reuthen, Lindsey & others be­came all of his side. But soone after they fell at discord a­mongst themselues, and seeing the King wholly caried away with the fauour of Lenox, nor no whit danted for the En­glish forces which were now vpon the borders, and had al­ready encountred theirs: generally respecting the kings per­sonall presence with them (though a child) were not affraid [Page 4] to bend all the powers they could make vpon Lenox, and thought it was enough to haue pity on Morton, notwithstan­ding the Earles of Angus and Marre practised couertly and cunningly with Randolph in the behalfe of Morton, and a­gainst Lenox; whereof Whittingham hauing aduertised the King, Angus was commanded to retire himselfe beyond the riuer Spea; & Marre to yeeld vp the Castle of Sterlin into the Kings hands: Getteth him out of Scot­land. Randolph hauing an apprehension of feare, got him priuately into Barwicke; and seeing matters proue de­sperate, aduiseth Angus & Marre to prouide for themselues either in submitting themselues to the King, or to seeke the protection of the Queene of England. The English forces were no sooner withdrawne from the borders, Morton be­headed. but Morton conuicted of murthering the King had his head cut off: for he had confessed (as the report went) that Bothwel, & Arche­bauld Douglas had imparted their intent of making away the King, but in so tumultuous a time as that was, hee durst not reueale it. Nor could hee deny but that since the Kings death, hee had beene very inwardly conuersant, and more familiar then before with Douglas the Kings murthe­rer, and had promised by his letters if Bothwel should at any time be accused, to defend him the best he might. In­stantly Douglas and others the friends of Morton fled into England. His friends fled for Eng­land.

In the Low-Countries against the Graue Van Reneberg who had there valiantly serued the King of Spaine, and now laid siege to Stenwicke in Friezland, the States sent the Eng­lish vnder the conduct of their General Norris, who with no lesse courage then good successe after he had twice releeued the besieged with victuals, Norris victo­rious in Friezland. caused the Enemy to raise his siege. But after that, comming to fight with Verdugues the Spaniard, & hauing the victory in his hands, his enemies put to flight, (suddenly fortune changing) he is beaten off the field, Is discomfi­ted. dangerously wounded, and many of his men slaine, a­mongst which (not to nominate the rest) were these men o [...] [Page 5] note, Captain Cotton, Fitz-Williams and Bishop. I know not well whether I should here recite a Combate which was be­tweene Thomas Chieftaine of the Albanois. Wallons, and Generall Norris; but Norris by the Law militarie being not permitted to admit of, because he was Generall of the Armie, his Lieu­tenant Roger Fitz-Williams accepted the Challenge, A ridiculous combate. which two after a while trauersing their ground to and fro without one drop of blood-shed, betooke themselues to drinke free­ly together, and so of enemies became friends and parted. Yet here wee must not omit to obserue, Drunkennes brought out of the Low-Countries in­to England. that our English­men who of all the Northerne Nations haue beene most commended for sobrietie, haue learned since these Low-Country warres so well to fill their cups, and to wash them­selues with Wine, that whilest they at this day drinke others healths, they little regard their owne. And that this vicious practice of drunkennesse hath so ouerflowed the Land, that lawes proscripts of restraint, are vsually made for the drying vp of the same.

But whilest they were all this while contending in the Low-Countries for Dorppes & Villages, The King of Spaine posses­seth Portu­gall. the King of Spaine getteth into his hands the rich Kingdome of Portugall. For Henry which was King, hauing paid Natures tribute the yeare before, left the Realm to diuers Competitors, amongst whom Philip King of Spaine, sonne of his eldest Sister (puis­sant enough in force, though not in right) by reason of his priority in blood and descent, comming of the elder line, By what right. and being Male, thought with his friends himselfe worthiest to bee preferred to the succession of the said Kingdome, be­fore the women, the yonger sort, and such as did lesse par­ticipate of the blood. The Duke of Sauoy reiected for that he came of the yonger Sister; Farnese sonne to the Prince of Parma, borne of the eldest Daughter of EDWARD, brother King HENRY, and KATHERINE of Brabant, second daugh­ter to the said EDWARD, grounding themselues only vpon the benefit of Representation (a simple fiction) could not an­nihilate [Page 6] the true Title of Inheritance, nor intercept the King of Spaines lawfull succession, and this the Spaniards stood to maintaine.

And as touching Don Antonio Prior of Crates, sonne to Lewis the second brother of King HENRY, he was ipso facto, reiected, for that he was illegitimate. The King of Spaine ne­uerthelesse propounded the matter twice to his Clergy and men of Law to decide the cause, charging them in the name of God, and vpon their faith and saluation, to tell him freely whether hee had rightfull claime or no to that Kingdome. They hauing with vnanimous voice assured him that it was proper to him, he quickly (putting forth first the Duke of Al­ua) put to flight Antonio elected of the people, and within 70 dayes brought all Portugall vnder his iurisdiction.

The Queene of France her title to Por­tugall fetcht farre and re­iected.But touching the Right of Katherin de Medicis the Queen of France, who claimed it from Alphonsus, and the Earles of Boulogne for 320 yeares agone, that the Spaniards laughed at, as a Title out of date, and fetcht from the old Prophetesse the Mother of Euander, a thing iniurious to so many of the Kings of Portugal, which had lawfully and lineally succeeded one another, and therefore ridiculous to both Spaniards and Portugals. Whereat the Queene incensed with anger, and considering how mightily the Spaniard (now in his ascen­dant) enriched himselfe farre and neare by the accession or surcrease of this new-got Kingdome, his Ilands, and the East Indies, breeding a feare within her, to her selfe, and the Prin­ces her neighbouring friends, aduised them, and amongst the rest the Queene of England, Inciteth the Q. of Eng­land secretly against the Spaniard. that it was already high time to stay the Spaniards in his mounting, and to stop him vp with­in his owne bounds, before his ambition should extend any further.

Queene ELIZABETH who was not to learne what shee had to doe in that nature for her selfe and her friends; and foreseeing how dangerous the growing greater of the neigh­bour Princes would be, lent eare thereto with no light atten­tion: [Page 7] but with great and Royall kindnesse entertained Anto­nio banished out of Portugall, Antonio ba­nisht Portu­gall, commeth into England. and recommended to her from France, thinking that Spaine could not take exception there­at, because hee was of her Alliance, issued from the Blood Royall of England, and of the House of Lancaster, as shee well knew, nor in any Treaties that euer had past betwixt Spaine and England, was any caueat at all inferred, forbid­ding England to receiue or to haue commerce with the Por­tugals.

At the same time, Delegates sent into Eng­land from France about the Duke of Anjous ma­riage. for the more confirmation of assured a­mitie, the Queene of France and the King her sonne, prose­cuting the mariage of the Duke d' Anjou, addrest an honou­rable ambassage into England: for the consummation there­of came ouer François de Bourbon Prince of Daulphiné, Ar­thur de Cosse, Cont de Secondigny, Marshal of France, Louis de Lusignan, M. de S. Gelais, Lansac, Salignac, Mauuisser, & Ber­narde Brisson, President of the Parliament of Paris, and one of the learnedest men of France: and others, who as they they were of Honorable ranke, were very nobly receiued, and banqueted in a Banquetting-House built on purpose neere Westminster, richly adorned with rare and sumptu­ous furniture; and Titls and Tournaments proclaimed, which were presented in a most princely manner by Philip Earle of Arundell, Fred: Lord Winsor, Philip Sidney, and Fulk Greuill, Knights, against all commers, with sundry other courtly sports, and Princely recreations, not necessarily coincident to our History.

To conferre with them concerning these Nuptials, were appointed the Baron of Burghley, Lord high Treasurer of England; the Earles of Sussex, Lincolne, Bedford and Leicester, together with Sir Christopher Hatton, and Secretary Walsing­ham: Amongst whom these matrimoniall Contracts follow­ing were concluded vpon.

[Page 8]

Couenants of mariage con­cluded vpon.THe Duke d' Anjou, and the Queene of Eng­land, within six weekes after the ratification of these Articles shall personally contract mariage here in England. The Duke and his associates, seruants, and friends, being no English subiects, shall haue liber­tie to vse their owne Religion, in a certain place, in their houses, without molestation or impeachment.

He shall not alter any part of the Religion now recei­ued in England. Hee shall inioy and haue the Title and Dignity of King, after the mariage shall bee consum­mate; but notwithstanding shall leaue intirely to the Queene the managing of affaires. And whereas his de­mand was, that immediately after the celebration of the mariage, he should be crowned King instantly to inioy the title and dignity during the gouernment of the Kingdome, in the minority of their children: The Queene answered, she would propound and further it at the next high Court of Parliament, to be holden within fifteen dayes after the ratification. Letters Patents and other things shal be passed in both their names, as in the time of Philip and MARIE. The Queene by Act of Parliament shall ordaine an Annuall pension for the Duke, but the valuation thereof shall bee left to her pleasure; she will also ordaine the said Pension to conti­nue if he shall surviue her. The Duke in Dowry shall bestow on the Queene to the value of forty thousand Crownes per annum out of his Duchy of Berry, and shall forthwith infeofe her therein. As touching their Issue, it shall likewise be enacted by Parliament in England, and registred in the Annals of France as followeth; That the Heires of them as well Males as Females by maternall right of Inheritance should suc­ceed to the Crowne of England. And if there bee two males, the elder shal succeed to the Crown of France, and [Page 9] the yonger shal haue the hereditary Right of his Mother. And if one sole male, he shal come to both the Crownes, and shall resyde in England euery two yeares, eight mo­neths. And if the Duke shall not attaine the Kingdome of France, the children shall succeed in Appanage. If he suruiue the Queene, he shall haue the tuition of his children till the sonnes shall accomplish the age of eigh­teene yeares, and the daughters fifteene: But if hee die before, the tuition shall be left to the Authoritie of the Parliament. Hee shall not promote any stranger to any Office in England, nor shall hee change any ancient Rite or Custome. He shall at no time carry the Queene or her Children out of the Realme, without consent of the Nobilitie. If shee dye issuelesse, hee shall no lon­ger challenge any right in England, nor carie or conuay any of her Iewels out of the Land: he shall suf­fer euery one, and all places of the Kingdomes to bee guarded & kept by the natiue English; & shall not take or cause to be taken away any munition of Warre. Hee shall not engage England into any foraine warres. Hee shall to his power procure the Land peace with other Na­tions. The Queene shall onely enioy the Supremacie, nor shall assume any Title which may happen to fall vpon the Duke, as it were holding by the custome of Eng­land. The Duke by this match intendeth not to preiu­dice the Right of his succession to the Kingdome of France. The present Contract shall bee read, published, and kept vnder Record in all the Courts of France and England, within six moneths after the Espousals, with the Authoritie of the most Christian King, for the rati­fication of these Articles.

There shall bee made a Treatise, Confederation, and League betwixt England and France. These things shal be confirmed de bona side, with an Oath on the part of the King of France, as well for him as for [Page 10] his Heires, who shall deliuer Letters of the confirmati­on thereof with all possible expedition hee may, carying assurance that the Articles in the present Treaty con­tained, shall be kept inuiolably also.

A reseruati­on added.A reseruation apart was added vnder the hands and seales of all the Commissioners, implying thus much: That ELIZABETH was not bound to the consummati­on of the mariage, till the Duke & she should haue com­mutually satisfied and reciprocally setled each other in certaine things betwixt themselues; and concerning these points, they were within six weekes by writing to certifie the King of France.

Before the six weekes were expired, Secretarie Somer was sent into France about this businesse. But the King refuseth to giue him audience, The King of France vr­geth the mariage. vrging the instant celebration of the mariage already concluded; as if there had been nothing else remaining to bee done. Somer shewing vnder signe and seale that there was first a defensiue league & offensiue to bee performed, maintaineth the contrary. To moderate the matter, there was sent ouer Sir Fran: Walsingham, with Sir Henry Cobham Leiger Ambassador in France, and Somer, who deliuered this or the like speech.

ALthough the vulgar sort doth censure hardly of the procrastinating of this contracted mari­age, Queene ELIZABETH intendeth no­thing more, then to content her people, who are instant to haue her marry, that they may be secured of a suc­cession in her children. Her Maiestie being sought to by the Duke of Anjou, by good right hath his loue preferred before all other Princes, by reason of his ver­tues and resplendent race,
The Queen of England deferreth.
and shee protesting to beare vnto him most soueraigne loue, holding off from the consummation of mariage, onely vntill she could haue [Page 11] knowledge from her people, how they stand affected thereunto, holding it a point of wisdome in the meane time rather to foresee, then to repent too late,
Wherefore.
see­ming in these respects to demurre the more, by rea­son of the ciuill warres in France, the vnfortunate Duke of Anjous vndeseruedly falling out of the Kings fauour, and in England an auersion of heart in most of the best of her Subiects, since the first motion of the ma­riage, yet all this breeds nor brings no diminution of true loyall loue in her Maiesty towards the said Duke. Also it was at this time out of season for the French King, to vrge a present consummation, knowing the Duke was newly entred into warre against the King of Spaine, the which he might not suddenly abandon, or relinquish, without great dishonour to himselfe, dis­commoditie to the Kingdome of France and England; as also the ruine of Flanders, the Spaniard there grow­ing dayly greater and greater. Moreouer, in stead of continuing peace at home, (for which the people pray­eth) they must of necessitie bee brought to bloody warres, the Queenes husband being so deepely enga­ged thereinto. For these reasons, from henceforth that Treaty of sudden mariage is to surcease, vntill the Duke of Anjou were dis-intangled out of these warres, and that interchangeable conditions of Offensiue and Defensiue Alliance bee passed betwixt the two King­domes of France and England.

And assuredly the Queene desired it aboue all things. But the French would promise no other thing but to passe to couenants of mutuall defensiue, and as for the offensiue, Duke d' An­jou retur­neth againe into Eng­land. would heare it no further spoken of, vntill the Nuptials were celebrated.

Within a short space after, the Duke (whom the States had elected Gouernor of Flanders) comes into England, af­ter [Page 12] he had happily raised the siege of Cambray, at the charge and cost of Queene ELIZABETH, who had supplyed him with great summes of money by the hands of Henry Sei­mor, Palauicine an Italian, and Bex a Frenchman. The hope he relyed vpon was this; that if he should not presently dis­patch the mariage, yet should hee so effect, that by the fa­uour of the Queene (whom the Dutch honoured as an earthly Goddesse) he should bee the better welcome to the Low-Countri-men at his returne.

He ariued safe in England, and was magnificently enter­tained, and receiued with all royall courtesies could be ex­pected, euident testimonies of honour and loue, which her Maiestie shewed apparantly, Queene Eli­zabeth gi­ueth a Ring vnto the D. of Anjou. insomuch that on a time on the day of the solemnization of her Coronation (he being entred into amorous Discourse with her Maiestie) the great loue which shee bore him, drew a Ring from her finger, which shee gaue him vpon certain cond [...]tions meant and a­greed vpon betwixt them. The assistants tooke that for an argument and assurance that a mariage was by recipro­call promise contracted betweene them. Amongst others, Aldegondy Gouernor of the City of Antwerpe, dispatched messengers suddenly ouer, into the Low-Countries; where for great ioy at the hearing thereof, both in Antwerpe, and all ouer Flanders were made bonefires, and their great Ar­tillerie shot off. But this bred sundry opinions among the Courtiers: A motion of sundry con­ceits in Court. For as some reioyced exceedingly, others were astonisht at it, & some quite strucke downe with sadnesse. The Earle of Leicester who had laid a secret plot to preuent the mariage, the Vice-Chamberlaine Hatton, and Walsing­ham, were most of all malecontented, as if the Queene, Re­ligion and Kingdome had been vndone. Her women which were about her fell all in sorrow and sadnesse, and the terror they put her into, The Queen greatly dis­quieted. so troubled her minde, that she passed all that night without sleepe amongst her houshold seruants, who made a consort of weeping, and sighing. The next [Page 13] morning finding the Duke, and taking him aside, had serious discourse with him. The Duke retiring himselfe, after hee left her, into his Chamber, plucketh off the Ring, casteth it on the ground, taketh it vp againe, rayleth on the lightnesse of women, and inconstancie of Ilanders.

As she was perplexed with these passions, Her Maiesty thinks what inconueni­encies might ensue in con­temning and despising the Match with the Duke of An­jou., shee called to minde what once the Lord Burley, and the Earle of Sussex had told her, that there was no Alliance offensiue to bee ho­ped for, without marying with the Duke; nor being alone and without assistancy, was able to withstand the great­nesse of the Spaniard. That the Spaniard offering his daugh­ter in mariage to the King of Scots, hee would easily draw the Papists in England to be his adherents; and all the Fugi­tiues, Rebels, discontented persons, and such as were sine spe, & sine re (whereof the number was great) to be on his side. that al good people were now out of hope euer to haue issue of her body of the Blood Royall by this mariage; and now hauing their hearts alienated from her, hereby would cast their eyes and affections vpon some other of her Competi­tors. That also shee could not but highly displease the King of France, and the Duke his Brother, who after the imploi­ment of so much time, the holding of so many Counsels, the sending of such honorable Ambassadors, and the expen­ces of so much money, could hardly endure to finde him­selfe in fine derided, what colour so euer should be cast ouer the matter: And to raise mony for the Duke of Anjou, to imploy him in the warres of Flanders, assigning him an an­nuall Pension for the time to come. There remained also a scruple vpon her conscience, that he so deluded of her, might match himselfe in Spaine, and then shee should bee in danger on both sides, as well from France, as from Flanders, as eue­ry one could breathe into her eares, and her selfe presage.

Some thought, that amidst this anxiety of doubtfull thoughts which troubled her minde about this mariage, the necessitie of the time and matter, made her put on a resolu­tion [Page 14] that it would stand more with her honour, and the good of her Common-weale to liue single, then to be ma­ried; Reasons dis­swading her from mary­ing. foreseeing that if she should marry with a subiect from such disparitie would grow disgrace to her selfe, and kindle heart-burnings, secret displeasures, and domestique troubles and hatred. If with a stranger, she should bring her selfe and subiects vnder a foraine yoake, and Religion in hazard; remembring withall how vnfortunate that match of her Sister MARIES with King Philip was, and that of her great grandfather EDWARD the fourth, who was the first English King, since the Norman conquest, which tooke a subiect to wife. She feared also to transfer vpon a husband that glory, which whilst she liued vnmarried remained with her entire: withall, she was diuerted in minde from mariage, by reason of the great perils she should be subiect to, by con­ception, and child-bearing, as diuers women and Physici­ans bore her in hand.

A book pub­lished in print against the mariage.Her Maiestie likewise burned with choller that there was a booke published in print, inueighing sharply against the mariage, as fearing the alteration of Religion, which was in­tituled, A gaping gulfe to swallow vp England by a French mariage. In this Pamphlet the Priuy Councel­lors which fauoured the Match were taxed of ingratitude to their Prince and Countrey: the Queene as not vnder­standing well her selfe, by the way of flattery is tauntingly touched: the Duke d' Anjou and his country of France in contumelious tearmes shamefully reuiled: the mariage condemned, for the diuersitie of Religions, by poisonous words and passages of Scripture, miserably wrested, would seeme to proue that the Daughter of God, being to match with the sonne of Antichrist, it must needs bee the ruine of the Church, and pernicious to the State; neither would Queene ELIZABETH bee perswaded that the Author of this booke had any other purpose, but to bring her into ha­tred with her subiects, and to open a gap to some prodigious [Page 15] innouation: it being so that shee neuer had respected so much the power shee had ouer her people as the loue they bore to her, and (as Princes are accustomed) was neuer more carefull then of her royall reputation: notwithstand­ing the writer of that booke neuer once made mention of meanes to establish in future securitie her selfe or Realme, or for auoiding danger, or how the States of the Land had in former times most importunately perswaded her Maiestie to mariage, to giue an assured remedy against imminent e­uils. And this she published in writing, The Queens Declaration against this pernicious Libell. condemning the Au­thor of the Libell, made knowne the Dukes propensitie of minde towards her selfe, and to the Protestants Religion, grieuing to offer iniury to so worthy a Prince, who neuer had once motioned to haue any change in State, Common-wealth, or Religion. Shee also commended Sir H. Simier, the Duke's Agent for his modesty, and wisedome, whom some had before in malignant speeches calumniated: inti­mating to the people also that this Libell was a deuice of Traitors to stir vp hatred abroad, & seditions at home, com­manding it should be burnt in the presence of Magistrates.

Since that, shee begunne to bee the more displeased with Puritans then she had been before-time, The Author discouered and he that had disper­sed the bookes. perswading her selfe that such a thing had not passed without their pri­uitie: and within a few dayes after, Iohn Stubbes of Lincolnes Inne, a zealous professor of Religion, the Author of this Ralatiue Pamphlet (whose Sister Thomas Cartwright the Arch-Puritan had maried) William Page the disperser of the Copies, and Singleton the Printer were apprehended: a­gainst whom sentence was giuen that their right hands should be cut off by a law in the time of Philip and MARIE, against the Authors of Seditious Writings, and those that disperse them: Some Lawyers storming hereat, said the iudgement was erroneous, and fetcht from a false obserua­tion of the time, wherein the Statute was made, that it was onely temporarie, and that (Queene MARIE dying) it dyed [Page 16] with her. Of the which Lawyers, one Dalton for his clamo­rous speeches was commited to prison, and Mouson a Iudge of the Common-pleas, was sharply rebuked, and his place ta­ken from him, after that Sir Chr. Wray chiefe Iustice of Eng­land had made it manifest by Law, that in that Statute there was no errour of time, but the Act was made against such as should put forth, or divulge any seditious writing against the King; and that the King of England neuer dyed; yea, that Statute likewise in the first yeare of Queene ELIZABETH was reuiued againe to the Queene and her Heires for euer. Not long after vpon a Stage set vp in the Market-place at Westminster, Right hands cut off. Stubbes and Page had their right hands cut off by the blow of a Butchers knife, with a Mallet strucke through their wrests. The Printer had his Pardon. I can re­member that standing by Iohn Stubbes, so soone as his right hand was off, put off his hat with the left, and cryed aloud, God saue the Queene. The people round about him stood mute, whether stricken with feare at the first sight of this strange kinde of punishment, or for commiseration of the man whom they reputed honest, or out of a secret inward repining they had at this mariage, which they suspected would be dangerous to Religion. These things passed within a little after the Dukes ariuall in England: and whilest hee stayed here, the Queene to take away the feare conceiued by many, that Religion should change, and Papists should be tolerated by the importunity of Campian the Iesuite (of whom I haue spoken) Ralph Sherwing, Luke Kir­by, and Alexander Brian, who were indicted by an Act made in the 25 of Edward the third, for attempting the ruine of the Queene and Kingdome: for adhering to the Bishop of Rome the Queenes Aduersarie; for raising sedition in her Realme, and gathering forces together, to the vtter subuersi­on of her Dominions, of which they were found guilty and so condemned: for that they obstinately defended the Pa­pall Authoritie against the Queene, they were put to death. [Page 17] For Campian then condemned, being demanded whether Queene ELIZABETH were right or lawfull heire? The Iesuite Edm. Cam­pian with o­ther Priests are put to death. answe­red nothing; and againe, If the Pope should inuade the Land whether he would take his part or the Queenes? hee openly said, the Popes, which hee testified vnder his hand-writing▪ After these, some others were executed for the like matters, and for ten whole yeares space together since the Rebellion but fiue Papists. But I leaue the handling hereof to the Eccle­siasticall History; neuerthelesse with permission, I will briefely here obserue and note some such occurrences, as are adioyning with those of States. These times were such, as that the Queene (who was neuer of opinion that mens consciences should bee constrained) often complained to haue beene of necessitie forced to these punishments, lest vnder a pretext of conscience, and Catholike Religion, The punish­ing of Ca­tholikes needfull. she should endanger her selfe, and her louing subiects: neuer­thelesse her Maiesty beleeued not that the most part of these poore and miserable Priests had plotted the destruction of her country; but that their Superiors made vse of them as instruments of their mischiefe: for as much as they which were sent, were wholly subiect to the power and authoritie of them which had sent them. For when as such as were now and afterwards apprehended, were demanded, Suspition of them increa­sed. whether by the Authority of the Bull of Pius the fift, the Queene of Englands subiects were so freed of their Oath of Allegeance that they might take Armes against her? whether they esteemed her a law­full Queene? whether they approued the opinions of Sanders and Bristow, touching the Authoritie of this Bul? to which par­tie they would incline, if the Pope should warre against the Queene? Some of them answered so doubtfully; others with such pertinacy; and some with such preuarication, By their ter­giuersation. or keeping silence, so mocked the questions propounded to them, that diuers Papists begunne to suspect that they nourished some falshood: and Bishop although ingenious, most zealous for the Roman Religion writ against them, [Page 18] shewing that this Cannon which had passed vnder the name of the Lateran Councell, vpon which was absolutely groun­ded the oath of absoluing subiects from their Obedience and fealty to their Princes, and for the deposing of them, was no­thing else, but a Decree of Pope Innocent the 3, which neuer was receiued in England, as also that that Counsell was re­peal'd and annihilated, wherein nothing was done by the Fathers of the same at that time.

The more the number of the Priests comming by stealth into England increased, the more increased suspitions of them, who secretly practised to grope the hearts of men, preached that it was lawfull to depose Princes excommuni­cated, muttered and murmured, that such as were not of the Roman religion, were to be depriued of all regall power and Dignity, and that such as had taken religious Orders were exempt from all obedience to Princes, nor were any such held to be subiect either to them, or their lawes. That the Pope had supreme power ouer the whole world, yea euen in politick affaires. That the Magistrates of England had no lawfull institution, and therefore were not to bee obeyed as Magistrates. False positi­ons spread abroad. And that whatsoeuer Queene ELIZABETH had done since the publication of the Bull Declaratory of Pius the 5, was by the Lawes of God and Man disanull'd and to be held for naught. And some of them denyed not in publike hearing, that they were sent for no other causes into England, then to absolue euery one seuerally and apart, of all oath of fidelitie and obedience towards the Queene, as the Bull had absolued all in generall, which they did in ta­king confessions of their reconciliation. And this they see­med to doe with more ease, in promising Absolution from all mortall sinne; and with more securitie, because it was done priuately, and vnder the Seale of Confession.

THE FIVE AND TWENTIETH YEERE of Her Raigne. Booke 3. Anno Dom. M.D.LXXXII.

THese and the like things brought vpon Papists new and sharper lawes, New Lawes against Pa­pists. made by Act of Parliament at Westminster in the moneth of Ianuary, where all such were declared guilty of high Treason, which disswaded any of her Maiesties subiects frō their obedience to their Prince, or from the Religion now profest in England, or that should reconcile any to the Church of Rome; or which should haue beene so perswaded, turned, or reconciled. Two hundred markes fine, and a yeares imprisonment inflicted vpon those which should ce­lebrate Masse so long till they had paid. And such as had willingly beene at any of their Masses, one hundred markes, and one yeares imprisonment: and such as were not found to resort to their owne Parish Churches to diuine seruice, for [Page 20] euery moneths omission ten pounds. Which was malicious­ly vnderstood, and interpreted by the Papists of Lunarie months, who before had paid but one shilling to the poore for euery Sunday or Holidayes absence. But I referre it to the Ecclesiasticall Historie, to intreat of these things more at large.

The Duke d' Anjou sayleth into Flanders.The Duke d' Anjou after some three moneths abode in England, tooke his way towards Flanders in the moneth of February. Queene ELIZABETH in person accompanied him to Canterbury: and commanded the Earle of Leicester, the Lord Charles Howard, the Barons of Hunsdon, Willough­by, Winsor, and Sheffeild; Sir Philip Sidney, Sir Francis Russel, Sir George Bourchier Knights, and diuers other noble Gentlemen, Hee is made there Duke of Brabant, &c. to accompany him to Antwerpe; where he was created Duke of Brabant, of Lymbourg, Lotharing, &c. For the confederated States of Flanders had from thence pro­claimed the King of Spaine falne from his Principality for in­fringing their Lawes; broken his Seales, cast downe his Armes, and so absolued the people from all oath of Fealtie, so that it was lawfull and free for them to elect another Prince. The Duke permitted all those the vse of the Romish Religion, which would sweare Allegeance to him, and ab­iure the Spaniard. After this hee betooke himselfe to the field, where he lost Aldenard, and tooke in Alost. But six hundred English souldiers exclaiming of General Norris his imperious seueritie ouer them, Certaine English re­uolt from him. forsaking him, fled to the Spaniard, vnder the leading of Captaine T. Norris, Barney, Cornish, and Gypson, who exposing themselues to all perils, and being basely respected, were paid with slow and late repentance and infinite miseries, the paine of their perfi­diousnesse. Generall Norris cari­eth himselfe generously, and beha­ueth himself valorously.

But notwithstanding, General Norris with three hundred horse, and the rest of his foot-companies, got the renowne of a valorous and most iudicious Warriour, for his coura­gious encountering the Duke of Parma, who fell vpon him [Page 21] with a farre greater power, the whilest he warily and wisely made his retreat into the City of Gand, in sight of the two Dukes of Anjou and Orleans, admiring his martiall valour from off the Ramparts, where they stood to behold him. But why insist I vpon these matters? The Duke d' Anjou hauing now without successe spent huge summes of money sent him out of England, weighing with himselfe that only apparant Titles were bestowed vpon him; and considering that all the managing of these matters were in the power of the States, assayed by a precipitate counsell, The Duke d'Anjou de­parted from Flanders with shame. with his Armie to enter by force Antwerpe, and some other townes; but all in vaine, and with the losse of many of his men; and shortly after was constrained shamefully to quit & leaue Flanders.

It shall suffice to note in a word, in passing, that nere vnto CHAPELLE in the month of May, in the 12 degree of Ge­mini appeared a Comet or blazing starre, A Comet. with bright shi­ning beames, streaming ouer the right sholder of the Dragon. About that time happened a horrible tempest in Norfolke, with fearefull flashes of lightning and thunder of long con­tinuance, with violent furious winds, and hailstones of three inches about.

Queene ELIZABETH for better security, and to fortifie her selfe the more abroad against the Spaniard, Queene Eli­zabeth be­stoweth the Order of the Garter vpon the King of Denmarke. whom shee knew to be infest against her, for that she had furnished the Duke d'Anjou with moneyes, admitted into the fraterni­ty of the order of Saint George, Frederick the second, King of Denmarke, who had alwaies shewed himselfe most affecti­onate towards her Maiesty; and to inuest him there­with, sent ouer Sir Peregrin Bertie, whom shee (as her Maie­sty was euer nice in conferring honors) had with some diffi­culty, honoured with the title of Lord Willoughbey of Eresby, before he had giuen any proofe of his martiall ver­tue; howsoeuer the Duchesse of Suffolke his mother was daughter, and sole inheritrix to the ancient Baronry of Wil­loughby of Eresby.

[Page 22]The King of Denmark with ioyfulnesse put the Or, the Coller of Esses. chaine of Roses about his necke, and the Garter about his legge, the other Robes he locked vp in his Chest, but refused to put them on, because they were exotick, or to take the oath; for that he had taken one afore, when by the French King hee was installed Knight of the Order of Saint Michael. The whilest the Lord Willoughby was in Denmarke, he propoun­ded to the King a complaint from the English Merchants, concerning the raising of Imposts and customes, for that in times past for passing the Oresunde, or straits of Denmarke, they vsed to giue for euery ship but a Rose-Noble, which made the fourth part of an ounce of gold, & as much for the fraught, with some smal peeces of siluer for the fire-beacons giuing light by night, vvhich vvere to direct them by their Sea-markes ouer the Shallowes, and by the Shelues, bankes, & Rocks. The Mer­chants com­plaint not regarded. He treated also for the Merchants, that the tribute vvhich they call their LAST GELT might be remitted, by the vvhich they begunne (vvhen the Warres were so hot betwixt the Kings of Denmarke and Sueden) to exact, by vvay of borrowing, the thirtieth part of all manner of Mer­chandizes, vvith promise to repay them, or the value of them againe, the warre once ended. But these as matters of importance vvere referred till another time. For Princes doe seldome or neuer abate of their Custome, Taxes, or Im­posts, esteeming that such things as these (vvhich they call Royalties) belonging to the rightfull liberty of euery King­dome, are not things subiect to be moderated, or abrogated by any strangers.

The Treaty with the Queene of Scots is de­ferred.Queene ELIZABETH the better to secure her state at home, imployed Sir Walter Mildmay to comprimise busi­nesse with the Queene of Scots. But finding that the Guises had consulted with certaine English Fugitiues, about the setting her at liberty, and gathering forces together, vnder the pretext of sending supplyes to the Duke of Anjou in Flanders, vvhich in very deed vvere to haue beene past ouer [Page 23] from the Hauens of Aux, or Ew, (obscure harbours of Nor­mandy) into England, which the French King hauing no­tice of, out of his loue to Queene ELIZABETH certifieth her thereof, and stayed them: hereupon the matter was in­termitted, and the Queene of Scots affaires deferred.

But by the vvay to meet with the Guises attempts in Scot­land, Gowry and others begin tumults in Scotland. whither it is supposed he employed the Earle of Len­nox, to dissolue the League betweene the King of Scots, and the English, whilest Will: Ruthen (lately created by the K. Earle of Gowry) begunne to be mutinous. He (for that hee vvould not degenerate frō his Father) bearing a mortall ma­lice to the Kings Mother, together with others of his confe­deracie were to put in practice the best wits they had for the vvorking of the Duke of Lennox and the Earle Arran both out of the Kings fauour and company, vnder a colour of Religion, the Kings securitie, and the league of amity vvith England. Now behold their subtilty and crafty proiects. They begin to perswade Lennox vvho had been established L. High Chamberlain of Scotland, to exercise the rigor of his iurisdiction, though then out of vse, for no other purpose but to purchase his owne disgrace with the people, vvhilest the Presbytery out of their Pulpits should declaime against him as a Papist of the faction of the Guizes, and a rude and seuere Executioner of the Law; & should publikely foretell and denounce his ruine and destruction. When as therefore Lennox was departed from Perth where the King remained, Gowries conspiracie. They inter­cept the King. to execute his office at Edenburgh, and the Earle Arran ab­sent from the Court, Gowrey, Marre, Lindsey, and others, ta­king their opportunity, inuited the King to the Castle of Ru­then, being there, they held him in such feare that hee durst not walke abroad: such of his seruants as he thought best of, they sent away: the E. of Arran they arrested and cast into prison, The Duke of Lennox driuen out of Scotland and compelled the King by the intercession of Queen ELIZABETH, to recal the Earl of Angus out of exile, and to sends the Duke of Lenox into France, who as he was a Noble [Page 24] man of milde disposition, and altogether inclin'd to the pub­like peace and good of the Land, by the Kings perswasion, but their impulsion, although he might easily haue stood vp­on his guard, and withstood them, departed quietly from Dunbriton, where he tooke shipping for France. Not con­tent with this, they forced the King by his Letters to signi­fie to Queene ELIZABETH this his interception, and that it was a meeting made by his willing consent with some of his Lords, concerning speciall businesses. But Buchanan they could not possibly perswade to approue this Act, or by com­posing any booke of this subiect, nor by perswasions of a messenger; but he wept bitterly and sorrowed grieuously, that he had to-fore taken the Rebels part against the Prince, and soone after dyed. A man (as himselfe sings in his Po­ems) though borne in a countrey barren for learning, yet hee attained to the soueraigne degree of Poesie; so as by right hee ought to bee accounted the Prince of Poets of our age.

An Embas­sie from the French King, sent to deliuer the King of Scots.The French King hauing had certaine intelligence of the passages in Scotland, sendeth both with one message Mons: de la Moteff through England, and Mons: de Manninguille by Sea into Scotland, by all possible means to haue the King set at liberty, to confirme the French faction, to draw the King into loue & amity with France, and to let him vnderstand, that his mother to make him be knowne true and legitimate King by Christian Princes, and all Scotland, setting aside all partialitie, out of her motherly piety and indulgence yeelded him freely the title of the Kingdome; and admitted him into the society freely to Raigne. Shee (distressed Queene) in the meane time, afflicted with many miseries, the calamities of a prison, & in indurance, without hope of deli­uery, bewayled the dismall fortunes of the King her sonne with her owne, in a large Letter written in French to Queene ELIZABETH, which the tender loue of a mother, and the disquietnesse of her Spirit, extorted from her, [Page 25] the which out of the originall Copy of her owne hand­writing, I haue more briefely recollected, as followed.

AFter I was certainly informed, Mary Q. of Scotland, her Letter to Quene Eli­zabeth. that my sonne was intercepted and detained in captiuitie (as my selfe haue beene for some yeares) a sudden feare suggested into my minde, that hee, and I were to drinke of one cup of sorrow: I cannot therefore in o­pening my sad afflicted heart, but vtter my anguish, to imprint them if it may be vpon yours, offer the same to your conscionable commiseration, that the ages to come may know my innocency, and their tyrannie, by whose meanes I endure these intolerable indignities. But for that, their subtil plots and mischieuous practi­ces haue all this while been preferd with you before my iust complaint, it being in your gracious power to doe equity and iustice, where violence treadeth downe ver­tue, and might suppresseth right: I doe appeale vnto God immortall, whom alone I know to haue power ouer vs; Princes coequall in right and honour, and him (in whom there is no place for fraud, or falshood) I will inuoke, that at the last day hee will recompence vs ac­cording to our demerits, howsoeuer my Aduersaries the whilest haue cautelously cloaked their treacheries from men (and perhaps from you. The Q. of Scots deplo­reth her sons intercept­ing, and her owne deso­lation.) I beseech you now then in the name of God, and by his all-powerfull Ma­iestie I adiure you, to call to minde, how cunningly some sent forth in your name to me, could stirre vp the Scots my subiects, whilest I liued with them, into open rebellion against me, and haue been the first mouers of all the mischiefe, which euer since hath hapned in that countrey, as euidently appeareth by sundry plain testi­monies [Page 26] thereof, and Mortons confession from his own mouth, who for such matters gr [...]w vp to great honors, whom if I could haue prosecuted, according to his de­sert; and if your assisting the Rebels had not b [...]en they could neuer haue stood vp so long against mee, and my friends, as they did.

When I was detained Prisoner in Lake-Leuin, Sir Nich. Throckmorton, was the first that came to me in your name, who perswaded me to quit the Kingdome vnd [...]r Letters Patents, signed with my hand (which he assured me should be of no effect, as all the world know­eth them so to be) vntill that you had assisted the Au­thors of these Letters, with your fauour and Armes. But say in good sooth, would you acknowledge that your subiects should haue such power ouer you? The regall power I had in the meane time, by your aide & aduice, was taken from me, to be conferred on my sonne, a yong child, by reason of his Infant-age vnfit to manage the administration of a Kingdome. And when as of late, I determined to make him a lawfull resignation, for the certaine establishing of him in the Kingdome, hee was by force of Armes caried violently away by Traitors; who, doubtlesse had no other intent, then to depriue him (as they did me) of the Crowne, and perhaps of his life. After I got out of Lake-Leuin, and was to raise Armes for the suppressing of the Rebels, I sent you then the Diamond, which formerly you had giuen me, as a pledge of mutuall loue betwixt vs, when you made me many large promises, and faithfull protestations to succour and support me against the Rebels, when also you promised, that if I should come towards you, you would meet me in person vpon the frontiers, and would assist me. I relying vpon these promises so often and so seriously iterated (although your messengers had many times before deluded me) resolued to resort to you, as to [Page 27] a Sanctuary. And assuredly, I had come, had I but found the way as open to me, and as easie to passe, as it was for those who reuolted against me. But before I could come at you, I was arrested vpon the way, guarded with troops of men, shut vp in strong places, and since that time haue endured things worse then death.

I know you will obiect some intercourses of businesse haue past betwixt the Duke of Norfolke and me; but I assure you there hath neuer any thing past, preiudici­all to you or your Kingdome, as also your chiefe Coun­sellors haue giuen approbation thereto, as I can proue, who likewise promised mee by the way of attestation to procure your consent. And how I pray you should these so great persons promise your consent to a thing which might despoile you of honour, life, and Diadem? And notwithstanding, you would that euery one should be so perswaded.

Besides, as diuers of the Rebels, by a tardy repentance re-aduising themselues, and by a Commission held be­twixt our Deputies at Yorke, vnderstood how wicked­ly they had dealt with me, they being besieged with your Souldiers in Edenburgh-Castle, Lidington and de Grange. two of the principall dyed miserably; the one by poison, the other in a hal­ter. And that came to passe, for that twice I had dis­mist the Armies at your request, in hope of peace, which God knowes, whether euer my Aduersaries once haue thought on.

Since that, I had resolued to try whether patience can haue power to conquer cruelty, in suffering all ex­tremities that can be imposed on a poore Prisoner. All conference with my sonne by Letters or Messengers, for this yeare, hath been denyed me, renting if it were possi­ble the sonne from the mother by a sad separation of spirits.

I haue often propounded Articles of peace and con­cord [Page 28] to bee confirmed betwixt vs at Chatesworth by the most Christian Kings Ambassadors eleuen yeares a­gone, both to your Deputies, and to your selfe, and by my owne the last yeare, I dealt sincerely with Beal. But these profers were still reiected, delayes interpos'd, my best meaning euer suspected, and the affection of my true-intending heart continually condemned. Nor haue I reaped any other fruit by my long suffering, but that by a Prescription, I am dayly handled worse and worse, not indeed as a Prisoner, but as some abiect seruant of base condition. But truely I cannot longer endure these indignities, howsoeuer the matter shall fall out, if I die, I will manifest the Authors of my death; if I liue, I shall so effect (I hope) that the malicious practices of my Aduersaries shall dye, and passe the remainder of my dayes in more tranquilitie.

Wherefore, to take away all occasions of scandall be­twixt vs, let the testimonies of the Spaniards, which were lately taken in Ireland, and all the examinations of the Iesuites be produced against mee. Let mee be ar­raigned openly, come in who can to accuse me, prouided withall I may haue the liberty to defend my selfe, and not be condemned before I be heard. The malefactors and vilest Prisoners are permitted to defend themselues and to confront their accusers. Why then am I denyed this lawfull libertie, being an anointed Queene, your nearest Kinswoman, and the next lawfull heire to your Kingdome? But this last is that excruciates my Ad­uersaries, whose chiefest studies are bent to breed debate betwixt vs. Alas, alas! and why should this vex or afflict my enemies, when as I protest before God, and on my honour, I haue not thought this long time of any Kingdome but that of heauen. Neuerthelesse, you are bound by oath, royall duty, and Iustice, not to disturbe or impeach, after my death, my sonnes most certaine [Page 29] Right, nor to abett, or aide those which seriously and secretly labour his ruine, both in England and Scot­land, as is too-too well knowne by the dealings of your Ambassadors in Scotland, who haue dealt (no doubt without your priuity) most treacherously with me, and all by the Earle of Huntingdons setting on.

Is there any iust dealing in this, that a Mother should not be suffered to succour her sonne in distresse? nay, not so much as to be let vnderstand how he doth? If such as you sent for my sonnes good, had taken my aduice by the way, they would haue beene the welcomer to him, and I the more obliged to you; nor was there any reason you should so long conceale their goings thi­ther, nor then keepe mee so straightly shut vp: but to speake freely, I beseech you let no more such be imployed for Scotland. Thus much I dare promise my selfe, that Hunsdon will doe nothing but that standeth with his honour, nor Huntingdon any thing may tend to my good, for that which he hath already practi­sed against me.

I entreat you therefore by the bond of that consan­guinitie which is betwixt vs, to bee circumspect for the safety of my sonne, not to intermeddle your selfe with the businesses of Scotland, before you haue con­sulted with mee and the King of France, and hold all those for Traitors which keepe my sonne in hold, not suffering him to goe any where, but at their pleasure. In fine, I coniure you by the Crosse and Passion of Christ our Redeemer, that after so many yeares of desolation, I hauing libertie, may vpon iust tearmes, be suffered to retire my poore weake body into some qui­et place out of England, there to refresh mee before my death, after the long and loathsome time of my im­prisonment. This doing, you shall eternally oblige vnto you me and mine, but aboue all my sonne. Nor wil I euer [Page 31] cease to craue this, till you haue granted it me, my in­disposition enforcing this importunity. Let mee be vsed hereafter a little more gently, otherwise I shall not be a­ble to endure; nor put mee off, to the disposing of any, but of your selfe. What good or euill hereafter shall betyde me, I will impute all to you, vouchsafe mee this fauour, to let me know your pleasure, either by your let­ter, or by the French Ambassador. I can repose no confi­dence in those things, which the Earle of Shrewsbury hath imparted vnto me, they are so mutable. I writ of late to your Councell, but you sent me word, to acquaint none but your selfe with my businesse: for there was no e­quity in it, in giuing them so much power to afflict me. And I cannot apprehend it otherwise, but that some ill-willers of mine, were the occasioners of it, for feare that others, duly considering my iust complaints, in regard of your honor, & their duties, should haue opposed thē ­selues. And now the last thing I am to desire, is, that I may haue some reuerend Catholicke Priest to instruct me in Religion, for the saluation of my soule. This is a last duty not to be denyed to wretches of meanest ranck. You suffer the Ambassadors of foraigne Princes to vse their Religion, and my selfe sometimes haue granted toleration of seuerall professions to my subiects: If this be denyed mee, I hope to bee excused before God, and I feare mine Aduersaries shall not passe vnpunished. As­suredly it will be a president to other Christian Princes to exercise the like seuerity amongst their subiects of different Religions, if this bee offered me, an absolute Princesse, & of your nearest alliance. As I am, I will e­uer be affected to you, in despight of my Aduersaries; and stomacke they me neuer so much. I desire not to haue my family increased, but I vpon necessity intreat to retain two of my maid-seruants to attend me in my sicknesse: let not mine enemies asswage their cruelty [Page 32] vpon me, in causing me to bee denied so small an office of humanity. Whereas I am taxed by the Earle of Shrewsbury, to haue dealt otherwise (then I promised Beal) in surrendring my title in Scotland to my son, without your priuity: Beleeue not Beals suggestions, for I past no promise, but vpon certaine conditions, which I am not bound to performe on my part, vnlesse they be performed on yours: I haue yet receiued no an­swer thereof, and they haue beene long time silent; but for all that, in Scotland they haue not ceased their tre­cherous practizes to the ruine both of me, and my son; I cannot take this long silence, but for a deniall, and so I haue certified your Councell by Letters. That which the King of France, and the Queene his mother haue communicated to me, haue I sincerely communicated to you, and required your aduice, but you haue not vouch­safed me one word in writing, or by word of mouth: I cannot before I shall know what it is, submit my selfe to your Councell, concerning my affaires and Country; for that were extreame indiscretion. You know how my Aduersaries triumph in Scotland both ouer mee, and my imprisoned son: I haue attempted nothing in Scot­land to your preiudice, but to stablish a solide peace in the Realme, hauing by so much the more a greater care then your Councellors, by how much my interest there, is more then theirs. I haue desired to gratifie my son with the title of King, to confirme him, and to bu­rie all discords. Is that to take the Diadem from him? But the enemies of me, and my family, will not haue it confirmed: It is that that they dread, whilst they carie in their heart a witnesse against themselues, & finding themselues culpable of euills apprehend they should bee dealt with accordingly.

Let not these, and others my aduersaries so blind your eyes, that during your life, and in your sight, they shall [Page 32] beare downe your nearest kindred, and ruinate both the Crownes: as to that end they are plotting villanies a­gainst me, against my son, and perhaps against you also. Can it be any pleasure, or honor to you, that I and my son, that you and we are by their meanes so long seelu­ded, and kept asunder? Resume your naturall goodnesse and meeknesse, oblige your selfe to your selfe, and seeing you are a Princesse, be tender hearted to me a Princesse, the nearest of your consanguinity, that all things being set in quiet betwixt vs, I may passe the more peacefully out of this life, and that the sighes and sobbes of my af­flicted soule ascend not to God on high. To whose diuine power I present my daily prayers, that these my iust complaints, and sorrowfull laments my take place with you.

Vostre tres-desolée plus proche parente, & affectionnée soeur MARIE R:

THE SIXE AND TWENTIETH YEERE of Her Raigne. Booke 3. Anno Dom. M.D.LXXXIII.

ELIZABETH Queen of England being sundry wayes moued with these Let­ters (after she had giuen permis­sion to the French Ambassador La Mottef, together with Da­uison her owne Ambassador, to goe into Scotland; and had cho­sen out a time, wherin he might opportunely meet with the Duke of Lenox vnawares, then returning out of Scotland) she her selfe kindely receiued Lenox, The Duke of Lenox's returne through England. yet gently blaming him for being somwhat slack in the Scottish affaires; and forth­with sent Beale Clerke of her Priuie Councell, for the dis­patch of her Letters, (being indeed a man very austere and sharpe) to the Queene of Scots, to manifest the discontent [Page 34] of Queene ELIZABETH at the sight of her complaining Letters, and by the same meanes to treat with the Earle of Shrewsbury concerning her enlargement, because she often­times before, with sundry Letters had sollicited for it, and in­treated that shee might yet at last (her security being esta­blished to her) inioy her libertie, and be an associate with her sonne, in the administration of Scotland.

Vpon these things was the Priuy Councell of England assembled: where after serious debating, and deliberate con­sultations, it was at length agreed that the Queene of Scots should be set at libertie vnder these following conditions: It is consul­ted about the deliuery of the Q. of Scots.THat if she and her sonne would promise, not to enterprise any thing to the preiudice of Queene ELIZABETH, or the Realme of England. That shee would confesse, that whatsoeuer Francis the second, King of France her husband, had vndertaken and performed, was altogether against her will and li­king; and that shee would disproue and disanull it as vniust. That shee would confirme the Treaty holden at Edenbourgh. That shee would freely and ingenuously confesse and discouer all other complots & intendments which were since that time forged; and would vtterly condemne the same. That if shee would enter into obli­gation not to plot or doe any thing, directly or indirect­ly, to the impeachment of the gouernment, or admini­stration of the Kingdome of England, either in things Ecclesiasticall or Ciuill; but to resist and hinder all those that should undertake (in what manner so euer any thing to the contrary, and to withstand them as enemies. That she would not during the life of Queene ELIZABETH claime any Right or Title to the King­dome of England, and after her death to submit and referre the right of succession to the iudgement of the Estates. If she also, to cut off all equiuocations, and men­tall [Page 35] reseruations, and to forestall all pretended excuses, (that shee as a Prisoner accorded and condiscended to these conditions, or being in a manner constrained) would confirme all these by her aoth, and the publique authoritie of the States of Scotland. If the King like­wise would ratifie the self-same conditions both by oath and writing, and for the more assurance would deliuer hostages for the performance.’

As concerning the association which the Queene of Scots demanded to haue with her sonne in the gouernment of the Kingdome, it was holden expedient by the Councell, that the Queene of England should not intermeddle therewith. But if they could agree vpon the association between them­selues, then should the League be ioyntly treated of with them both; but if otherwise, then apart with either seuerally.

Thus these things were debated on; The Scots of the Eng­lish faction are against it. yet without any suc­cesse. For the Scots which were of the English faction, alto­gether reiected them, crying out aloud, that certaine Scots sworne enemies to England, by the Councell of the Queene of Scots, were recalled out of France, and that Holt an Eng­lish Iesuite was secretly sent into Scotland, there to attend a fit opportunitie to inuade England. The English and French in emulati­on, striue to obtaine the fauor of the King of Scotland. Then there arose strife betweene Monsieur de La Mottef, and Monsieur de Manin­guill Ambassadors of France of the one part, and Bowes and Dauison Ambassadors for England on the other side, which of them by insinuating should induce the King to the grea­ter affectation of their Nation, or purchase the greater num­ber to their party, vntill at length that with oblique designes they ingenuously became Counsellors either to other. The King himselfe became as it were Mediator, and knowing how to temper things honest with things profitable, with­out prouing any way deficient either to the Church or the Common-wealth, hee wisely endeuoured rather to calme the raging stormes of these factions then intermeddle with [Page 36] them. But the Ministers of Scotland, being by a certaine zeale prouoked against the French; vpon the same day that La Mottef was by the Citizens of Edenborough inuited to a Feast, appointed a Fast; and the whole day vvith taunts and mocks, derided and scoffed the King of France, the Duke of Guise and the Ambassadors. And as the Ministers did this o­penly; so certain of the Scotch Nobilitie, (parties with the English) ceased not to persecute the French Ambassadors secretly in such sort, that first La Mottef retired himselfe, and after him Maninguil; leauing notwithstanding some cer­taine seeds of discord amongst those who had seaz'd and kept the Kings Person.

The King of Scotland seekes the loue of the Queene of England.As soone as they were departed, the King presented by Colonell Stuart, and I. Coluil, all affection and seruice to the Queene of England, requesting her counsell for the allaying of troubles, and also for the contracting of a mariage. But then those that were keepers or detainers of the Kings per­son, seeing that the French Ambassadors were departed out of Scotland, began to take courage, which after was increased by the death of the Duke of Lenox: who finding small com­fort from the French King, that then was intangled with di­uers intestine troubles, and striuing likewise to please Queene ELIZABETH, The Lord Esme Stuart Duke of Le­nox reputed a Papist by some mali­cious ill-willer of his, dyed at Pa­ris a true and sincere Protestant. departed this life at Paris: and by the testimonies which he gaue on his death-bed, being at the point of death, in the presence of all the assistants, hee de­clared himselfe to be truely of the Protestants Religion, con­futing and conuicting the malice of those that had falsely ac­cused him to be a Papist.

This the death of Lenox, much secured those that detai­ned the King, who reioyced for the still retaining of him in their power: whereupon they began to exult. But see, they little suspecting any such matter, the King, although he had scarce yet attained to the age of eighteene yeares, disdaining to submit himselfe any longer to the rule and gouernment of three Earles, being an absolute King of himselfe: as he be­fore-times [Page 37] had giuen way to the time; so now finding a time opportune to his purpose, he set himself at liberty, The King of Scotland sets himselfe at libertie. and with a few selected men retired himselfe to the Castle of Saint Andrewes, taking occasion by a rumour that was spread, that the Nobilitie disagreeing amongst themselues, had brought with them seuerall troopes of Souldiers into that part of the Country, there to hold an assembly which hee appointed, fearing lest he amongst these tumultuous iarres should be exposed to some vnexpected danger. And to that effect he dispatcht Letters to Queene ELIZABETH, where­in hee promised to entertaine a constant league of amitie with her, and to embrace her counsell in the establishment of his affaires; excusing himselfe that these things fell out so suddenly, and vnawares to him, that it was not possible for him to giue her notice thereof sooner. Afterwards, His Maiesty vseth kindly those who formerly had seaz'd themselues of his Royal person. vsing gentler speeches, and milde perswasions, shewing an affable countenance to those that were his guardians, he admonish­ed them, for the better shunning of turmoyles, to retire from the Court, promising to them his gracious fauour and par­don, if so be they would intreat it. Of these Gowry onely as­ked pardon, and submitted himselfe, vsing this small distin­ction, That he had offended not in matter, but in forme. Cals to the Court all such Nobles as stood and were of his side. After this, he call'd backe the Earle of Arran to the Court, accept­ing him for one of his fauourites, much labouring to esta­blish the hearts of his Nobilitie in a mutuall peace and ami­tie, and to purge both the kingdome and the Court from in­testine iarres and discord.

Whilst he was thus busied continually in these matters, Walsing­ham is sent into Scot­land from Q. Elizabeth there ariued at his Court Sir Francis Walsingham, sent from the Queene of England, out of her earnest loue & great care that she alwaies had of him, lest by ill counsels, being of a flexible age, he should bee diuerted from the amity of Eng­land, which would bee to the preiudice of both the King­domes. Walsingham at his ariuall found the King accom­panied with the chiefe and flower of his Nobility, and the [Page 38] affaires of Scotland better setled then hee expected. Being receiued & admitted, after much discourse he rehearst those admonitiōs takē out of Isocrates which the Queen before in her letters had instructed him with: That he which commands ought so to cherish truth, as to giue more credit to its simple af­firmation then to the oaths of others: That he should take heed of euill counsellours, remaining still constant & alway like him­selfe. The King of Scotland answers him freely. The King made this free and hearty reply: That what he writ more then his thoughts meaning, was against his will, much refusing, yet inforced by the compulsion of others, that he being a free Prince, ought not to bee reduced to such streights that others should force counsellors vpon him, whom hee altoge­ther misliked: That he had done nothing but for his owne honour and safeguard: That the pledge of his loue, which he before had vowed to his indeared Sister the Queene of England, hee now freely and deseruedly offered; and that now hee could produce more fairer fruits of amitie, being obeyed of all his Nobilitie then before when he himselfe was made obedient to one and to another, and rul'd as it were rather by intreating, then by power or commandement.

Walsing­ham [...]e­monstrati­ons to his sa­cred Maie­stie.After this, Walsingham requested the King not to impute to Queene ELIZABETH any thing that had happened in Scotland, shewing him how good & profitable their friend­ship had hitherto been, and how expedient both for him­selfe as also for either Kingdome, if so bee shee suffered no neglect, but were firmely assured; and if the differences and contentions which happened amongst the Nobility of Scot­land were but for a certaine Amnestia abolished by the au­thority of the Parliament: that those that were remoued from the Court should bee taken into grace: that Religion should be conserued entire in it selfe; and a firme league esta­blished betwixt the two Kingdomes. Neither was Walsing­ham any way defectiue in the distribution of his money a­mongst the Kings Officers and Attendants, that by their meanes hee might effect these things. The King thus mo­destly [Page 39] replyed: That he willingly embraced the friendship of England, and would not be wanting in any obseruance towards the Queene; but most constantly defend the Religion receiued. The King answered them.

With this answer he graciously discharged Walsingham, notwithstanding he suspected him to be transported both a­gainst himselfe, and his mother, and with an intentiue pro­uidence, beyond the expectation of his yeares, The King propounds a Pardon, to those who had seaz'd themselues of his person hee managed his affaires, and proposed to the great praise of his clemen­cie, letters of grace to all those that had seized his person, if they within a time prefixt would come and intreat par­don. But so farre they were from asking it, that they priuat­ly tooke counsell together, and complotted how they might haue him againe vnder their power; which was the cause that he presently commanded them within a certaine time to leaue the Kingdome: Hee com­mands such as re­fus'd it to void the Kingdome. whereupon some retired them to one part, and some to another; that is to say, Marre, Glan, Boide, Zester-wemi, and Loch-leuin into Flanders; Dunfer­melin into France, and Angus was confined to Angus with­in certaine prescribed limits. Onely Gowry hatching in his braines new stratagems, remained in the Realme beyond the prefixed day; but to his owne confusion, as hereafter shall be recited.

Thus those that before had driuen the Duke of Lenox out of Scotland, His Maiesty re-establish­ed the Re­putation and Honor of the Duke of Lenox, causing like­wise his children to returne into Scotland. were within the reuolution of the same yeare themselues expulst the Land. And the King to whom Le­nox in his life time was much indeared, and beloued, after his death cherishing the memory of his goodnesse, he reestabli­shed, and vnclouded his reputation, by suppressing certaine defamatory bookes, which some malignant persons had dis­persed to eclipse his worth and vertues; he likewise recalled his children out of France; confirmes his sonne Lodowicke in his fathers honors; and his daughters after they were growne to ripe yeares, he preferred them in mariage; one with the Lord Marquesse of Huntley; the other, with the Earle of Marre. And that he might shew himselfe a King by [Page 40] exercising in due time his authoritie, whereas those of the conspiracie had declared in a publike assembly, instituted by their authoritie, that the arrest & detaining of his person was iustly & lawfully performed, and therupon enrolled the said Declaration amongst the publike Registers: the King on the contrary, The Mini­sters are a­gainst the King of Scotlands Authoritie. in a generall assembly of the Nobilitie and States, declared that it was traiterously done. Notwithstanding, the Ministers, as the supreme Iudges of the Realme, pro­nounced in a Synode conuocated by their authoritie, that it was most iust, and did hold it fit that those which would not approue thereof, should vndergoe the censure of Ex­communication.

Q. Eliza­beth obtai­neth of the Musconian Emperor a peace for the King of Sweden.In those dayes the warres betwixt the Emperor of Mus­couia, and the King of Swethland vnder the Artique Circle, must not be left to obliuion. Iohn King of Swethland percei­uing his powers farre too weake to resist so great an Empe­ror, sent in Noble Embassie towards Queen ELIZABETH, H. of Wissembourg his neere kinsman, and A. Rich his Secre­tarie, by Letters to request her Maieesty to intercede by Am­bassage to the Emperour for the conclusion of a peace be­tweene them. That Em­peror re­quires an absolute alli­ance with England, be­ing a suter to her Maiesty, to grant him an English Lady for his wife. Which she presently vndertooke, and with­out delay performed so well, that with reasonable conditi­ons she induc'd the Muscouit to a composition of peace: who forthwith treated with her concerning the alliance, of which I haue often made mention, and that hee might bee allow'd refuge and a retreat into England, if any disastrous aduersity should fall vpon him: likewise he desired a Wife should be giuen him out of England. But Sir Hierome Bowes, Knight, being sent Embassadour, found it a difficult matter to con­tent the Emperour. For the Muscouite most importunately laboured for an absolute league in such tearmes as hee him­selfe should set downe; Sir Hierome Bowes is sent Ambas­sador to him from Eng­land. neither would hee giue any hearing to any remonstrances which hee propos'd, that it was not the duty of a Christian, neither would the Law of Nations permit, that hostile enmities should bee denounced, and [Page 41] practised; or open warres begunne, before the party from whom the wrong proceeded, were admonished to repaire the iniury, and desist from it.

The Queene appointed the Sister of the Earle of Hun­tington to be giuen as a Wife to him. But when shee was certified, that the Lawes of his Countrey would per­mit him at his own pleasure to repudiate and put away his wiues; Shee excused the matter by the sicklinesse of the maid, and by the loue of her father, that was not able to beare the absence of his Daughter in a Country so farre distant. And also that it was not in her power to dispose of in mariage, the daughters of any of her subiects, with­out their parents consents. Neuerthelesse, the Ambassa­dor so farre preuailed, that the establishing of the Mer­chants priuiledge, was granted. The Empe­ror died. But death taking away the Emperour, the yeare following, the affaires of the English beganne by little and little to returne towards Russia, and the Ambassador returning, not without much danger of his life, was with much commendation kind­ly receiued of the Queene. Hee was the first that brought into England, where the like was neuer seene (if an Histori­an may with good leaue make mention of so small a thing) a beast called Maclis, which is a creature likest to an Alçe, A certaine kind of Deere cal­led Maclis. very swift, and without ioynts. And moreouer, certain Deere of wonderfull swiftnesse, which being yoakt and driuen, will with much speed draw men vp and downe in Chariots like horses.

But to returne againe to the affaires of Muscouia, Theodore the New Emperor of Muscouia disallow'd the compa­ny or Mono­polie of En­glands Mer­chants. Theodore Iohannide, sonne to Iohn Basil, succeeded in this great Em­pire; a Prince by nature of a slow capacity, yet he knew well how to follow the aduice of his best Counsellors. Hee gaue free passage to all Merchants of all Countries into Russia; and being oftentimes sollicited by the Queene of England to confirm the priuiledges granted by his father to the Mus­couian Company of English Merchants, importing thus, [Page 42] that it might not be lawfull but to the English of the said so­ciety, to land vpon the North coasts of Russia, and there to exercise their traffique, without paying of any tribute or cu­stome, because they were the first by sea that found a way to those parts. Hee againe requested that all the English in ge­nerall might be suffered to traffique in Russia, esteeming it iniustice to giue leaue to some, and forbid others, saying, that Princes should beare an equall hand amongst their sub­iects, & not conuert into a Monopoly, or the particular pro­fit of some few men that commerce by which the right of Nations ought to be common to all. And as for the custom hee promised to take by the halfe lesse of them of that so­cietie, then of others. Other priuiledges hee added in fa­uour of the Queene, and not for the desert (as hee said) of that society, of which, some he hath obserued that haue euil­ly dealt with his subiects. Other answer could the Queene by no meanes procure, or obtaine; albeit shee afterwards sent about the same affaires Egide Fletcher Doctor of the Law, who set forth a booke called, The policy or tyrannie of the Russian, wherein were contained many things worthy observation, but it was presently supprest, lest it should breed offence to a princely friend.

Alberto Alasco a Polonian Nobleman came then to England to see Queen Elizabeth.The same Summer came from Poland, neighbouring vpon Russia, into England, to visit the Queene, one Albret Alasco, Count Palatine of Sirad, a man most learn'd, of comly stature and lineaments, wearing his Beard long, richly cloathed, and of gracefull behauiour: the Queene with much bounty and loue receiued him; the Nobles with great honour and mag­nificence entertained him; and the Vniuersitie of Oxford with learned recreations, and diuers pastimes delighted him; but after a while finding himselfe ouercharged vvith debt, A wonder­full and fear­full Earth­quake in Dorsetshire. he priuily stole away.

In this yeare also was seene in Dorset-shire a thing no lesse prodigious, then that which was seene in the yeare 1571 in Herefordshire. A field of three Acres situated in [Page 43] Blackmore, both with trees and hedges was remoued out of its owne place into another, leauing in its stead a huge vaste gappe, but the high-way leading to Cerne shut vp; whether this was by some subterranean earthquake, such wherewith (as Seneca reporteth) the heads of the gods in the bed of Iupiter were turned into the contrary parts: or out of too much moistnesse, caused by the springs abundantly flowing in those parts, the field being situate in the side of a Hill, let others make enquirie.

This was the last yeare to Thomas Ratcliffe, The death of Thomas Ratcliffe, Earle of Sussex. being of that Family the third Earle of Sussex, a man of haughty courage, exquisit counsell, of a singular faith towards his Countrie, and of an illustrious Progeny. He had to his Mother the Daughter of the Duke of Norfolke; for his Grandmother, the daughter to the Duke of Buckingham, Constable of England. Himselfe also had past through many great hono­rable imploiments. As being sent Ambassador by Queene MARIE into Germany to the Emperor Charles the fifth, to contract a mariage betweene her and Philip. Then againe into Spaine to the said Philip, there to cause him to ratifie the conuented Articles. Also for Queene ELIZABETH he went Ambassador to the Emperour Maximilian, there likewise to contract a match betweene her and Charles Duke of Austria. Hee was Lord Deputy of Ireland, Gouer­nor of the Northerne Prouinces of England; also the Queenes Chamberlaine, chiefe Iustice in Eire of all her Ma­iesties Forests, Parkes and Chases beyond the Riuer Trent; famous for the victories hee had obtained against the He­brides and Scots that made spoile of the frontiers. Dyed at London, after he had been afflicted with a long disease, lea­uing no issue behinde him; albeit hee had had two wiues, the Lady Elizabeth Wriothesly, and the Lady Francis Sid­ney; and his brother Henry succeeded him in the Earle­dome.

Henry Wriothesly likewise, Earle of Southampton, paid [Page 44] like tribute vnto death, a man much deuoted to the Ro­man Religion, Likewise the decease of Henry Wri­othesly Earle of South­hampton. and to the Queene of Scots, which hee bought with the anger of his Queene, and restraint or li­bertie. He was sonne to Tho: Wriothesly (who for his tryed vertues by Henry the 8, from the dignitie of Baron of Wrio­thesly of Tichfield, and Knight of the Order of the Garter, was aduanced to that soueraigne greatnesse of being Chan­celor of England, and appointed him one of the supervisors of his last Will. And by Edward the 6, he was graced with the style of Earle of Southampton.) Hee left by his Wife, Daughter of Anthony Browne, Viscount Mountague, Henry his sonne that succeeded him, and a Daughter maried to Thomas Lord Arundel, Baron of Wardour.

Sir Hum­phrey Gil­bert, Knight, drowned vpon the Sea by ship­wracke.About the same time Sir Humphrey Gilbert Knight, a man acute and deliberate, esteemed industrious both in Peace and Warre, was by the raging Ocean depriued of life, returning from the North parts of America, which we call New-found-Land: whither he a little before, hauing sold his patrimonie, made a voyage in hope to build there a Colo­nie. And there by the sound of a Trumpet proclaimed the Countrey to be vnder the English regency. It is a most difficult matter, and a very hard thing to bring the Colonies in farre coun­tries. (For Sebastian Cabot in the yeare 1497, vnder the Reigne of Henry the 7, made the first discouery therof.) And then diuided the Land seuerally to his companions. But he was taught (too late) by the deuouring seas, and default of meanes, which forc'd him to breake off his designes, teaching others also by his exam­ple, that it is a matter of greater difficulty, by the expences of a priuate man to plant a Colony in farre distant Coun­tries; then he and others, blind in their owne errors, haue to their vtter ouerthrow perswaded themselues.

The death of Edmund Grindal, Lord Arch­bishop of CanterburyVpon the same instant, Edmund Grindal Archbishop of Canterbury, Metropolitan and Primate of England, being blind, and aged aboue sixty yeares breathed his last. Who at his returne from exile, which hee endured vnder the Reigne of Queene MARY, was first inuested Bishop of London, then [Page 45] Archbishop of Yorke, and finally of Canterbury, liuing much honoured with the fauour of Queene ELIZABETH, vntill by the foule deceits and treacheries of his enemies hee was suspected to be a fauourer of the Conuenticles of those tur­bulent Ministers, and such as were called Prophets. But the reason was indeed, because hee condemned as vnlawfull the mariage of Iulius an Italian Physician, with another mans wife, which much distasted the Earle of Leicester. A wood cal­led Tama­rin first brought in­to England. Such small meanes as he had gathered, he bestowed in the found­ing of a Schoole at Saint Bee in Cumberland, where hee was borne, and to the aduancement of Learning on both the V­niuersities.

The English besides is bound to him for the bringing in of Tamariske, or Tamarin into England: for hauing found by experience that it was a soueraigne remedie against the great and indurate passion of the Spleene, hee was the first that caused it to be planted there.

Iohn Whitgift was his successor, Iohn Whit­gift is pre­ferred to the Arch­bishopricke of Canter­bury. being aduanced from the Sea of Worcester, to the Archbishopricke of Canterbury, a man of singular goodnesse and learning. He obtained much commendation for his Iustice in the precedencie of Wales, and likewise for his great doctrine in the defence of the Ec­clesiasticall policy, which by his worth, wisedome and pati­ence, he dayly increased. The Queene, (who held for a max­ime, that she ought not to be more remisse in Ecclesiasticall affaires then in politick) aboue all cōmanded him to re-esta­blish the discipline of the Church of England, that as then lay dismembred by the conniuency of Prelates, the obstina­cie of innouators, and by the power of some great ones, whilst some Ministers couertly impugned the authoritie of the Queene in things Ecclesiasticall, separating the admini­stration of the Sacrament from the preaching of the Word; vsing to their owne fantasie new rites of seruices in their priuate houses, vtterly condemning the Lethargie, and the appointed manner of adminishing the Sacrament, as being [Page 46] in many things contrarie to the holy Scripture; and there­fore many refused to goe to Church, but openly became Schismaticks: the Papists all this while applauding them, and drawing many to their party, as though there had been no vnity in the Church of England. To abolish which things, and to reduce them to an vnitie: Hee propoun­ded these Articles to the Ministers, by them to bee sub­scribed.

He endeuo­red to vnite the English Church.
FIrst, That the Queene had Soueraigne power o­uer all those that were borne within her Domini­ons, of what conditions so euer they were; and that no other Stranger, Prince, or Prelate, ought to haue any power, either Ciuill, or Ecclesiasticall, within her Maiesties Realmes. Secondly, that the Booke of Common Prayers, and that of the ordination of Bi­shops and Priests, contained not any thing contrarie to the Word of God, but might be lawfully vsed; and that they should vse that and no other forme of Prayer or administring of the Sacraments. Thirdly, That they should approue and allow of the Articles of the Synode holden at London, the yeare 1562, published by royall Authoritie, and should hold them as confor­mable to the Word of God.

But it is incredible what Controuersies and Disputa­tions arose vpon this: what hatred and reproach hee en­dured of the factious Ministers: what troubles and iniu­ries hee suffered of certaine Noblemen; who by placing men vnfit in the Church increased their estate, or else had hopes vpon the goods of the Church. But by his con­stancie, and patience, he ouercame all difficulties, vsing for his Motto this, which he chose not rashly: ‘Vincit qui patitur.’

[Page 47]Neither was the Church onely tossed and turmoiled by those people within the Realme: but by others, who had left the Kingdome; as by R. Browne, a Cambridge Diuine, of whom the new Sectaries were called Brownists: Brownist Schisma­tiques. and by R. Harison, Master of an inferiour Schoole. For these men presuming to iudge of Religion, according to their owne imaginations; by certaine books which they set forth at that time in the Countrey of Zealand, and dispersed through many places in England, vtterly condemned the Church of England as no Church. Which bookes, not­withstanding, were prohibited by Royall Authoritie, and strongly confuted by many learned men, and two of the same sect also put to death at Saint Edmundsbury; yet ma­ny were intangled in the snares of this new Schisme.

On the other side, there were certaine bookes, dispersed by certaine Papists against the Queene and other Princes, as excommunicate, which caused diuers admirers of the Papall power to reuolt from her Maiestie. Amongst others Somer­uille was so farre incensed by it, that without acquainting any, he took his way one day towards the Court, breathing forth threats against the blood of Protestants, furiously set vpon two with his naked sword. And being apprehended, he protested he would kill the Queene with his own hands: Whereupon being brought to iudgement, and condemned, he accused E. Ardern his father-in-law, a man of ancient nobilitie of Warwicke, with his wife and their daughter So­meruille, with Halle a Priest, as complices in the fact. One Somer­uille strang­led himselfe in prison, and Ardern is hanged. Three dayes after, Someruille was found strangled in the prison; Ardern being condemned was the day following hanged and quartered: as for the women and the Priest, they were pardoned. Euery one imputed the bad euent of this Gentle­man (who indeed was allured by the deceits of the Priest, and condemned by his owne confession) to the malice of Lei­cester, which he had incurred by rashly opposing him in all things he could, misterming him as an adulterate; and con­temning [Page 48] him, as a man newly sprung vp of nothing.

The English betray Alost, and doe de­liuer it in­to the hands of the cruell Spaniard.These things were thus caried at home. But it hapned a­broad about the last moneth of this yeare, that the English which were in Garison in ( Alost) a towne in the Nether­lands, perceiuing they were neglected, wanting of their pay; and being vnfurnished of victuals, they were brought into such streights, that Pigot their chiefe Commander with the rest of the Captaines betrayed the town, and induced by the promise of certaine summes, they deliuered it ouer into the hands of the Spaniard; A miserable end of Trai­tors. and therefore fearing to bee dis­grac'd by their own party, they ioyned themselues vvith the Duke of Parma; from whom likewise by little and little they fell off, after they found his faith failing in euery point. But an vnfortunate end betyded to euery one of those that were authors of this treachery. For Pigot retiring into Spaine in hope of a recompence, was there by them both mocked and derided: so returning into the Low-Countries, was by his Country-men apprehended, and sent into England, where he miserably dyed in prison. Datton from a Traitor turned Pyrat, The Earle of Desmond is killed. and was hanged in England: Vincent likewise in Bra­bant. Taylor was strooke through the body by the Earle of Westmerland. And Walsh after hee had beene oppressed and beaten with infinite miseries, was murdered in France. Thus God the reuenger of all Traitors, followeth Treason at the heeles. As Ireland the same yeere by many notable exam­ples could witnesse:

For that famous Rebell, and Traitor to his Country, Ge­rard Fitz-Gerard, or Geraldide, the eleuenth of that Family, Earle of Desmond; after that his men (who had miserably vowed sooner to renounce God then forsake him) were consumed by sword and famine; hee fled into certaine vn­frequented Caues where he liued; frustrating (almost by the space of two whole yeares) the hope of the English that sought to apprehend him: at length hee was discouered by a common souldier, who not knowing him, had almost cut [Page 49] off one of his armes: whereupon he disclosed himselfe, and was, after hee had receiued many wounds vpon his bodie, slaine; his head was sent into England, and there placed on a pole vpon London Bridge.

The like vnfortunate end hapned to a man of great power in Ireland, extracted of the line of Maurice sonne to Gerald of Windsor, an Englishman, a warrior most famous amongst the chiefe that brought Ireland into subiection, in the yeare 1570, possessing great Lordships, euen whole Prouinces, with Kerria which is a County Palatine, and diuers Castles, hauing vnder his command many land-holders; besides 500 Gentlemen at the least of his owne kindred and name. Of all that, & more, of his life also, he was depriued, leauing only some few of his family behinde him: this his owne and his friends ruine, he himselfe procured, by violating his faith, which he ought to his Queene by the perswasion of certain Priests. Nicholas Sanders, an English Se­minarie Priest affa­misht him­selfe. Amongst which one Sanders an Englishman was the principall, who dyed for hunger almost in the same instant, being left of all friends, and distracted from his senses by reason of the crosse successe of the Rebels, contrarie to his expectation, wandring through Woods, Groues and Moun­taines, finding no succour or reliefe. After his death were found in his pocket sundry Orations and Letters written to confirme and harten the Rebels: stuffed with large pro­mises of the Pope and Spaniard. Thus the diuine Iustice of God (if it were lawfull to iudge) closed vp his mouth with hunger, which was alwayes open to stirre vp and moue rebellions, and to vomit forth slanders and lyes. For he was the first (to passe ouer other things) that raised and dis­persed that horrible slander of the birth of Queene ELI­ZABETHS mother; which thing was not to any of those times knowne, onely the hate of the Papists beganne to manifest it selfe against her; neither was it heard of in Eng­land for the space of forty yeares after, but the circumstance of time, doth plainely conuict him of falshood an vanitie, [Page 50] and himselfe also not agreeing with his owne sayings (as it behooueth a lyer) doth argue the same. Yet there bee some distempered spirits that blush not to stain their Papers with this most impudent lye and slander.

Iacob Fitz-Eustace.

Vicount of Balting glasse fled away out of Ireland.That is to say the sonne of Eustace, Viscount of Baltinglas, a man of great esteeme amongst the Nobility of Ireland; be­ing terrified with the tragicall successes of these men, tooke his flight into Spaine; where after a long and languishing griefe he yeelded vp his Ghost. Hauing before through the zeale which he bore to the Roman Religion taken vp armes with the Rebels against his Princesse; and in a kinde of ob­scure breuity, writ to the Earle of Ormond his neighbour de­cended from Saint Thomas of Canterbury, inciting him to do the like, in his exhortation amongst other hee vs'd these words. If Saint Thomas of Canterbury had not suffered death for the Romane Church, you had neuer beene Earle of Ormond. For Henry the second to expiate the murder of S. Thomas be­stowed large possessions vpon his Ancestors.

Sir Iohn Pe­rot is made Lord Depu­ty of Ire­land. Sir Iohn Perot,

Knight, who to his great praise had beene Gouer­nour of Mounster; being this yeare created Vice-Roy, or otherwise Deputy of Ireland, and presently after receiued the sword of Iustice; he assembled the States of the Land to the holding of a Parliament, in which certaine Lawes were enacted; that the Earle of Desmond which was slaine a space before should be condemned of Laesae Maiestatis, and all the possessions as wel of him and others of the Rebels in Moun­ster confiscate. Which the Queene set to sale at a very low and small price; that she might inuite labourers & husband­men to them, lest such fertile grounds should bee vntilled, and altogether waste (for the rebellion had spoiled and deua­sted the same.) But some of those that had Commission for [Page 51] the enquiry and searching out of the possessions of the Re­bels, and others that were to prize and set the same to hyre, Labouring men are sent into Ireland. began to expell and chase from their possessions with such violence those who were true subiects, that the Queen was constrained to represse them by an Edict, lest the violent a­uarice of some particular men might kindle and inflame a new rebellion▪ In which the Vice-Roy tooke much laudable paines; although by the English he was accused and blamed, for being too indulgent and fauorable to the Irish, and too too rough to them. But he equally distributing iustice to ei­ther part by fauouring as well the Irish, as the English, brought the Prouince into a most desired tranquilitie, and with a milde and gentle command subiected to the obedi­ence of the Lawes, the most barbarous inhabitants of the same: holding the Scotchmen of Hebrides, The gesture and behaui­ours of Iohn Perot Vice-Roy of Ire­land. that from their Ilands did breake into Ireland, to a hard taske. And inforc'd Donel Gormi (that is to say blue) with his brother Mac-Conel, who had possest thēselues of the little Country of Glinnes, and Surley-boy, (that is to say, Red) their Vncle, that had in­uaded the Countrey of Rout, neighbouring and adioyning to the Iland Richnee, now called Raclis, to such a point, that after many of their kindred were ouercome and slaine by the valorous exploits of Captaine Meriman, they receiued the oath of allegeance to the Queene, accepting from her Maiesty certaine Lands in that corner, vnder conditions that they should serue the Kings of England onely in their warres, and not any other whatsoeuer without their permis­sion: that they should furnish forth vpon any expedition a sufficient number of horse and foot; and that a certaine number of Beeues and Hawkes should euery yeare be truely paid. Thus much for what hath past in Ireland.

Booke 3.THE SEVEN AND TWENTIETH YEERE of Her Raigne. Anno Dom. M.D.LXXXIV.

Troubles in Scotland. DIVERS Scots that had compacted with Gowry, who now againe was plotting of new stratagems to get the King of Scots into his power, se­cretly returned from Ireland into Scotland vpon the entrie of the Spring. There they protested openly, that their intent was onely for the ho­nour of God, the truth of Religion, and to secure the King, the Realme, and the League with England, against those that with wicked deuices would seduce the King, not being as yet of sufficient age. The King hauing notice of these things, hee forthwith commanded Colonell Stuart to apprehend, before all, Gowry the chiefe Architect of the conspiracy, who presently retired himself to a Port called Dundey, as though he would haue departed the Kingdome, where he knowing [Page 53] himselfe guilty, despising the Kings authoritie, obstinately withstood them, and defended himselfe in his lodging: but after two houres, he was apprehended, and led to prison. The Earle of Gowry is taken.

In the meane while the Conspirators surprising the town of Sterlin, they constrained the Castle to yeeld. But vnder­standing that the King was marching towards them in per­son with an armie; and finding themselues but weakely ac­companied, in respect of the number, vvhich Gowry had promised them; also in vaine attending succours out of En­gland, they forsooke their hold. And as euery one being full of feare, sought to shift for himselfe: the Earles of Marre, The conspi­rors are dis­persed. Glan, and Angus holding together, vvith others took their flight through many by-wayes into England: humbly re­questing the Queene to releeue them in their afflictions, and bee an intercessor for them to their King, Queene Eli­zabeth suc­coureth some of them. The King demandeth them by the League, seeing that they vvere depriued both of their fortunes, and the Kings fauour, by endeuouring for the good of her and her Kingdome. The King on the contrary accused them to the Queene of many hainous things, demanding according to the league of alli­ance betweene them, that they might bee deliuered into his hands. But there were some about the Court that perswa­ded the Queene that they were men most obedient to their King, and most desirous of his welfare; but in vaine. that hauing him vn­der their custody and power, yet neuer attempted any thing against his state or person; and that law which was vsually expressed in leagues concerning the deliuerie and restoring backe of Rebels, was long since abolished and out of vse a­mongst Princes. These men also endeuoured to perswade the King of Scots that he should deale more mildly and gen­tly with men of such and so great ranke, and not to driue them (as it were headlong) through despaire to more bad designes. Remonstrating to him, that terrour and violence vvere but feeble and vnhappy props of power, alledging to that end two tragicall examples drawne out of the Scottish History, attributing great praises to his mother, & Francis [Page 54] her husband, that at the first rising of the French ciuill war, past ouer the iniuries and offences of the Nobility without regard.

Walsing­ham fauou­reth the fu­gitiues. Hunsdon against thē. Walsingham, that studiously fauoured the fugitiues, by let­ters commanded that they should bee receiued into the Island called the holy Iland; but Hunsdon (who shewed him­selfe a greater friend to the King of Scots then any other) opposed it, because the iurisdiction of the place appertained to him, as gouernor of the East frontiers, hee thought it al­together vnfit, that any entrance should be permitted to the Scots in a place of strength, neither would he obey the let­ters of the Secretary without expresse command from the Queene. Controuer­sie, or the power of a Secretary argued. From hence arose a controuersie, whether a Se­cretary could by his authority direct or execute the affaires of his Prince, without receiuing speciall command from him, and without the counsell of the gouernor of the place: What was determined thereupon is not manifest, but the Scots were not admitted into the Isle. Neuerthelesse it was esteemed expedient, that they should be in some sort fauo­red, to oppose the contrary faction which arose in Scotland, which was that the Ministers had spred & rumored abroad, that the King was about to forsake his religion, but they could not produce or alledge any argument probable (al­though they had framed many, but onely that he was wholy transported with a filiall loue towards his mother, and re­ceiued as a most indeered to him, those which he knew were affectionate to her.

The ar­raignment of Gowry.In the meane space Gowry was brought to iudgment be­fore the Peeres at Sterlin. And was accused to haue plotted a new conspiracy against the King after he had been confin'd prisoner to his house: Notwithstanding that the King had lifted him vp to great honours, riches, and Commands, and accounted of him as a kinsman. To haue consulted by night which the seruants of Angus for the taking of Perth & Ster­lin. To haue resisted by force of Armes, the authority roy­all [Page 55] at Dundey. To haue concealed the conspiracy which was complotted to ruine the King, and the Queene his mother. And lastly, To haue consulted with the sorceresse Maclene. To all this he pleaded innocency, He defen­deth his own cause. and an vnspotted faith to­wards the King. He acknowledged the benefits which hee had receiued. He complained bitterly of the Earle of Arran as his enemie, and one thirsting for blood, saying that hee was apprehended by his cunning policies, being vpon the point of departure out of the Kingdome, and by him was with the hope both of life & grace which he promised him, so farre allur'd and treacherously ouer-reacht that hee con­fessed all that was obiected to him: and therefore those things ought not in right and equity, or any consequence, be brought against him, being by treachery and deceit extor­ted from him. As for the resistance which he made hee ex­cused, because he perswaded himselfe that the letters of pro­tection, sealed with the Kings great Seale, which hee had with him, were of greater consideration and value, then which the Earle of Arran had written with his owne hand for his apprehending. Hee likewise answered that hee was not so much blame-worthy, in concealing for so short a time the conspiracy against the King and his Queene-mo­ther, as hee deserued praise at last for disclosing of it. And finally, protesting, that from his heart hee vtterly hated all witches and sorcerers, he openly said, that if there were any at all, hee verily beleeued that they liu'd in the Courts of Princes. The Peeres, after they had according to the cu­stome sworne, that they had in no waies moued or incited the Kings Aduocate to accuse him, they pronounc't him guilty of Laesae Maiestatis, He is behea­ded. and in the end his head was cut off, which by his friends was presently taken and stiched to the body, and so buried.

Euen in the same time whilst these Scots enterprised these things against their King, in the seruice (as they pretended) of Queene ELIZABETH, to their owne ruine. Certaine [Page 56] English likewise to do seruice to the Queene of Scots, began to plot against their own Queene things of no lesse weight, and attended on with the like bad successe. Of which was chiefe Francis Throckmorton eldest son of Iohn Throckmor­ton Iudge of Chester, The treason of Francis Throckmor­ton. but by deuices of Leicester hee was de­graded, and punished, because that (if I faile not in these law matters) hee had stuffed and corrected in many places a co­pie of iudiciall transaction taken out of the originall which was corrupted, and did not present it with all faults and de­fects. This Francis became first suspected by reason of let­ters which he had written to the Queene of Scots, and were intercepted: and therefore he was clapt into prison, where hee beginning to confesse, The Lord Paget rety­reth into France. The com­plaints of the Catho­likes. Thomas Lord Paget and Charles Arundell a Courtier secretly left their Country, and fled into France, where they with others zealous in the Roman Religion bitterly deplored their misfortune; complaining amongst themselues that by the means of Leicester and Wal­singham, they had without any desert vtterly lost the fauour of their Queene, that they were vnworthily afflicted with iniuries and opprobries, that many stratagems were deuised against them, and diuers snares laid, to force them against their owne wills and intentions to runne into the crime of Laesae Maiestatis: neither was there any hope of helpe or suc­cour left for them within the Kingdome. And surely at that time, that they might with more ease sound the mindes of men, there were put in practice many fraudu­lent deuices; counterfeit letters were suborned, in the name of the Queen of Scots, and the rest of the fugitiues, with their hands fasly thereto subscribed, and these were cast into the houses of the Papists. Spies are suborned. Spies were likewise sent forth to ga­ther the dispersed rumors, and captate scattered speeches. Then reporters of tales and falsities were accepted and wel­comed; and many vvere suspected: but amongst others the Earle of Northumberland, and his sonne; the Earle of Aron­dell, Many suspe­cted. vvho vvas cōfined to his house, and his vvife vvhich was [Page 57] giuen in keeping to Shirley; G. Howard brother to the Earle; and H. Howard their Vncle, brother to the Duke of Nor­folke; who was oftentimes examined about Letters written from the Queene of Scots; Charles Paget, and a certaine fel­low as then vnknowne called Mopus: and notwithstanding he was wise and innocent, yet he had much to doe to defend and warrant himselfe from their traps. Neither were these artificiall policies, and easie credulities to bee holden or e­steemed, as things vaine; when the matter lay vpon the safeguard of the Queene. For then the detestable malice of the Papists began to manifest it selfe, The malice of the Pa­pists against the Queene. publiquely divulging bookes, wherein they exhorted the seruants of the Queene to doe by her as Iudith to her immortall fame dealt with Holofernes. The Author of these bookes could not certain­ly be discouered; but the suspition lighted vpon one G. Mar­tine of Oxford, a man well learned in the Greeke and Latine tongues; and one Carter a Booke-binder, because he caused them to be imprinted was put to death.

And forasmuch as by these books the Queens honour was much distained, The cle­mency of the Queene towards the Papists. and she rumoured abroad to bee tyrannous and cruell; She which aboue all things laboured and studied to leaue to the world a happy memory of her goodnesse; She was much moued and incensed against those that had knowledge of the causes which thus prouoked the Papists, as barbarously cruell, and iniurious to her honour. Inso­much that they found it needfull for them, to excuse them­selues by divulged writings, importing these protestations of their part.

THat they had alwayes entreated the Priests in a more milder fashion then they deserued, nei­ther euer vrged any questions to them concer­ning Religion; but onely of their pernicious machina­tions against their Prince and Countrey; moued by strong suspitions with probable signes and arguments [Page 58] thereto. That Campian was neuer so extremely tortu­red, but that hee was able to walke and subscribe his hand to his confessions. But Brian refusing either to speake or write his name that was author of those my­sticall writings which were found about him, was kept from all food, vntill by writing he demanded it.

But this yeelding no sufficient satisfaction to the Queene, she commanded the Commissaries that were appointed for criminall proceedings, that is to say, the examiners, to ab­staine from tormenting, and the Iudges from punishing. And a short while after, those seuentie Priests, whereof some were condemned to be put to death, and all of them had in­currred the censure of the Law, shee caused to bee banished out of England; Priests are banished. amongst which, the most eminent were G. Heywood, sonne to that famous Epigrammatist, the first Ie­suite that entred into England; I. Bosgraue a Iesuite also; I. Hart, of singular learning aboue the rest; and E. Richton that monster of ingratitude, who presently after, vomited vp the poison of his malice against the Queene, to whom hee was indebted for his life, and published it in open writing.

Edward Stafford Ambassador for the Queene in France, diligently obserued, Fugitiues demanded of the King of France. how the Baron of Paget and Arundell were ariued in France: But could not penetrate into their designes. Neuerthelesse he sollicited the King of France to expell as well them as Morgan and other English that vvere confederates and complotters against their Queene and Country. But his answer was: The answer of the King of France.THat if they did plot or enterprize ought in France, the King according to equitie would chastise them; but whatsoeuer they had done in England, the King would neither enquire after, nor execute the Law vpon them. That all Kingdomes were free, and open to fugitiues, and that euery King should labour to defend the liberties of his Kingdome: [Page 59] That ELIZABETH her selfe had not long before re­ceiued into her Realme Montgomerie, the Prince of Conde, and others of the French Nation. And that (at that time) Seguri the King of Nauarre his Am­bassador, remained in England, plotting new deuices against the King of France.

Whilst these things past on, Bernardin Mendoza Spaines Ambassador in England, secretly past into France, murmuring and raging, as if he, contrarie to the right of Ambassie, had beene forc'd out of England; being indeed a man of violent and turbulent nature, and hauing himselfe abused the holy and sacred rights of Ambassadors, did deserue (according to the opinion of many) after the ancient seueritie, to bee pursued with sword and fire: Hee was commanded to de­part the Realm, because he had intermixt himselfe amongst those wicked conspiracies, with Throckmorton, and others, The Spa­nish Ambas­sador sent out of Eng­land. that laboured for the bringing in of Strangers into England, and dispossessing of the Queene: for which being gently reproued, he in stead of excusing and purging himselfe by a modest reply, accused the Queene and her Councel about the money which was detained from the Geneuois, for the aide and succours which were sent to the States of the Ne­therlands, to the Duke of Anjou, and to Antonio King of Portugall, and also for the Pyracies of Drake. But lest the King of Spaine should thinke the rights of Embassie vvere violated by this, and not the offence of Mendoza reuen­ged, W. Waade is sent into Spaine. Waade one of the Queenes Councell for the expe­dition of Letters, was dispatched into Spaine, there plainely to demonstrate how mischieuously Mendoza had behaued himselfe in his Ambassage. And to signifie likewise, lest the Queene should be thought by returning of Mendoza, to renounce the ancient friendship between the Kingdomes, that she was ready to performe all Offices of humanitie to­wards him, if the King in Mendoza's place would send any [Page 60] other more carefull for the maintaining of friendship pro­uided that the like might be performed to her Ambassador in Spaine. Is not re­ceiued· But the King disdaining to receiue or conferre with Waade, referred him to his Councell. Whereat Waade somewhat incensed, boldly declared, that it had beene an an­cient custome ouer all, that the Ambassadors should bee ad­mitted to speake in presence euen of their enemies, and in time of Warre. And that the Emperor Charles the fifth, fa­ther of the King, gaue admittance to the Herald that de­nounced warre against him from the King of France, refu­sing to impart to the Councell the tenour of his Ambassie. Now Idiac Secretarie to the King of Spaine endeuoured himselfe much to come to the knowledge of those mat­ters, but his Art and policies failing him, hee was fully in­structed out of France of the whole passage by Mendoza. Whereupon laying aside the quality of a publike person, he familiarly declared to Waade, that to his griefe hee saw ma­ny men which bent all their studies to breake and seuer with mischieuous deuices the Leagues and amity of Princes and to increase their enmities. That the iniury was done to the King of Spaine himselfe, and not to Ambassadors: first on the person of Dispez, and then of Mendoza. That there was no reason why he should any more accuse Mendoza to the King, that had receiued for his fault (if hee committed any) sufficient punishment, being so ignominiously and dis­gracefully sent backe. That the Catholique King had dealt iustly in rendering like for like; and as the Queene had dis­missed Mendoza without hearing, but appointed him to bee heard by her Councell, the King in like manner had ap­pointed him to the Cardinall Granuellan. To this Waade made answer, that there was a large difference between him­selfe that had neuer giuen the least distaste to the Catholike King, and Mendoza who had highly & grieuously offended the Queene, hauing insolently, a great space, disdained and refused to come neere her, and committed many things vn­fitting [Page 61] and vnworthy an Ambassador. Notwithstanding all this, Waade could not bee admitted but returned into Eng­land without being heard. All those crimes for the most part which were obiected against Mendoza were taken out of the confession of Throckmorton.

For when Throckmorton saw himselfe at the point of be­ing apprehended; hee sent vnto Mendoza a little trunke, wherein were contained his secrets; neuerthelesse his other trunkes being diligently searched, there were found two Catalogues; in one of which were contained the names of the Ports which were most appropriate and conuenient for the landing of their troopes; in the other, the names of such Noblemen in England, as did entertaine and imbrace the Roman Religion. Which Catalogues when hee saw produ­ced, he cryed out aloud, that they were things suborned, and that he neuer saw them before that time; and that they were purposely inserted into his trunke by some that plotted his destruction: and being tortured to force him confesse, hee still persisted: but tortures being applyed the second time, he confessed all that he knew; and being examined touch­ing the Catalogues to what end they were written, he made this Declaration.

THat a few yeares since taking his iourney to the waters of Spaw,
Throck­mortons confession.
with one Ieney and Engle­field, they consulted among themselues of the meanes by which England might bee inuaded of the strangers, and the forme of the gouernment changed, and to that end the names of the Ports and Noblemen were set downe in those Catalogues. That Morgan had signified to him by Letters out of France, that the Catholique Princes had already deliberated vpon the inuasion, and by the auspicious succours of the Duke of Guise to set at libertie the Queene of Scots, the Guise wanting nothing but money and some helping hands in [Page 62] England. That to procure these things C. Paget vn­der the assumed name of Mopus, was sent into Sussex, where the Guise had determined first to land his troops. That he had communicated the businesse, and shewed the names of the Ports and Noblemen, to Mendoza, who was now perfectly instructed by the rect of the conspiracie. Neither doth he deny that hee had promi­sed his owne helpe and industry. And had also aduer­tised Mendoza with what Noblemen being a publique personage, he might conferre with; with whom, he him­selfe being but a priuate man, could not without dan­ger hold parley. And with him found the meanes by some of the principall Catholiques, to take vp soul­diers in the Queenes name, then when the stranger forces should ariue, to bee ioyned with them. These things he freely confessed.

He denieth all.Neuerthelesse being accused publikely in the Court at London, hee precisely denied all, affirming that hee had spo­ken out of his owne inuention and not the truth, onely to free himselfe from the tortures againe; and openly accused the Queene of cruelty, He seeketh an evasion. and those of the Inquest of falshood, framing an euasion for himselfe out of the distance of time which had passed betweene the Commission of the fact, and Iudgement. For in the 13 yeare of Queene ELIZABETH, certaine offences were inserted into the ranke of those of Laesae Maiestatis, for which no man cold be brought to iudg­ment, if the delinquent were not accused within sixe moneths after hee had offended, and the offence also verified by the oath of two witnesses, or the confession vo­luntary without constraint by force or violence. That the time was long since expired, therefore hee ought not to bee produced to iudgement. But the Iudges shewed him by am­ple demonstrations, that the crimes of which hee was accu­sed were of another quality, and therefore by vertue of an [Page 63] ancient Law enacted vnder the Reigne of EDWARD the 3, he was found culpable and guilty of Laesae Maiestatis, which doth not admit any limitation either of time and proofe; wherupon the fatall sentence was pronounced against him. But he perswading himselfe of the mercy of the Queene, Being con­demned he inlargeth his confession. About to d [...]e he deny­eth all. by writing againe confessed all, in more ample manner then hee had done before, all which, through his inconstancy, com­ming to the Gibber, he vtterly denyed, but it was all in vaine and to no auaile.

William Waad being returned out of Spaine, was about this time sent to the Queene of Scots, for the holding of a treatie betweene her and Mildmay, which two yeares since was propounded, and broken off, as already hath beene shewed. She protested to him by diuers oaths that she had seriously laboured to effect it: A new trea­ty with the Queene of Scots. and also deuoted to Queene ELIZABETH, both herselfe and all her best indeauors, pro­mising vvholly to depend of her, if she vvould vouchsafe to fauor her with such and so great loue and honour: To these she faithfully promised, that if so be this treaty might pro­ceed, she would make intercession to her sonne, and so effe­ctually, that he should receiue into his gratious fauor Angus and the rest of the Scottish Nobles, and the Bishops of Rosse and Glasco their agents in France, should not complot or en­terprize any thing against the Queene or Realme of Eng­land, and that they should from thenceforth cease from the faction of the English rebels and fugitiues.

Queene ELIZABETH ioyfully receiued these newes, and seeing that the Earles of Angus, Marre, I. Hamilton, & Glam, remained at that time fugitiues in England, shee made vse of profered occasion, and sent Beal, with the Earle of Shrews­bury to the Queene of Scots, to signifie to her, that if she still persisted in the same opinion which shee had declared to Waad, then Mildmay should presently be with her, to con­clude for her inlargement. And that they should worke so farre with her, that in the interim she would bee an inter­cessor [Page 64] to her sonne the King, for the restoring of the fugi­tiues, and to perswade him that they had not enterprised a­ny thing against his Maiesty, Propositions made to her. but onely against certaine rash Counsellors, that with their wicked and peruerse Coun­sels would corrupt his goodnesse; And finally, that they should sound her as much as possible they could, concerning the practices of the Guise, to which (being a woman of a prudent vnderstanding) she made this answer.

She answe­reth.
THat shee desired nothing more then that the treaty might proceed, and earnestly requested the same of the Queene as of her elder sister, to whom she should giue all respect and honour. That shee had not spoken any thing to Waade but vnder certain conditions, and she perswaded herselfe that hee was a man freely honest and iust, and would not speake other­wise. As for the restoring of the fugitiues, she thought her helpe very behouefull, and would not faile therein, if there would redound or to her, or to her son any pro­fit or good, and if they would with all humility submit themselues to the King, and yeeld obedience to him: but if not, that the Queene would not assist them, but her sonne, that they might be reduced into order. Fur­thermore not to dissemble, That she when shee was in a sickly estate, committed herselfe and her sonne, to the faith of their neere kinsman, the Duke of Guise: but as for his vndertakings against the Queene she was al­together ignorant; neither, if she had full knowledge thereof would she reueale ought, except she might be cer­tainely secur'd of her liberty, knowing it to be but a smal signe of wisdome to forsake certaine friends for vncer­taine hopes. She intreated that she being a free Prin­cesse might not be more cruelly dealt withall, then was Queene ELIZABETH being a subiect and imprisoned by her sister Queene MARIE: or then the King of [Page 65] France not long before dealt with Nauarre, being his subiect and rebelling against him. Shee desired also, that the treaty might be brought to some end, before any messenger were sent into Scotland about those af­faires. And forasmuch as the most Christian King had acknowledged her ordinary Ambassador,
She deman­deth to be associated in the King­dome with her sonne.
and Se­ton whom her sonne sent into France, to be Ambassa­dors from Princes of equall and the same authority, she requested the Queene giuing her that honour that she would, without any preiudice, cause that association of her and her sonne to be published in Scotland.

These things had a good hearing, The treaty dissolued by surmises. but soone by obiections of feares frustrated, which were interposed by those that well knew how to increase hatred betweene incensed wo­men: but aboue all, by produced papers, which Chreicton a Scottish Iesuit, sayling into Scotland, and being apprehen­ded by certaine Pyrates did teare in peeces. But these torne Papers being cast ouer-boord, were by a wind (as Chreicton also verified) miraculously blowne into the ship againe; and by Waad with great labour and artificiall skill were collect­ed and ioyned together, wherein were discouered new counsels and plots of the Pope, Spaniard, and Guise for the inuading of England.

This and the various rumours of imminent dangers that were dispersed abroad, were the causes, that to cut off the way to all wicked designes, and ambushes of sedition, and to prouide for the safety of the Queene, vpon whom both the Realme and Religion depended; by the deuice of Lei­cester, most men of all estates and conditions through whole England, which were not possest with feare of her, but for her, did binde themselues by a generall loue with their mutuall vowes, subscriptions, An associa­tion begun in England. and seales in a certaine association to persecute withall their powers euen to the death all such (whatsoeuer they were) as should plot or at­tempt any thing against her.

[Page 66]The Queene of Scots easily vnderstood, that in this gene­rall Association her owne ruine was comprehended: there­fore being wearied with her long continued misery, The Queen of Scots maketh new propositi­ons. and fea­ring yet worse, She made this proposition by Naue her Se­tary, to the Queene and her Councell.

THat if shee could obtaine her libertie, with an euident testimony of loue and sincere affection of the part of Queene ELIZABETH; Shee would contract and confirme a most straight League of amity with her, and most officiously cherish and affect her aboue all Christian Princes, and blot out of her me­mory all iniury and offences. She would acknowledge her the true and lawfull Queene of England, and neuer pretend or take vpon her any claime or right to the Crowne during her life, neither would shee euer enter­prise any thing either directly or indirectly against her; but for euer renounce all interest in the title and Armes of England, which by the command of Francis her husband, and the Popes Buls of deposition, she arrogated vnto her selfe. Yea furthermore, would be included in that association, and defensiue League for the Queenes saueguard, without preiudice to that ancient alliance which hath been betweene France and Scotland. Prouided that nothing be enterprised, du­ring the life of Queene ELIZABETH, or after her death, to the preiudice of her, her sonne, and their heires in the succession, before it were first declared be­fore the assembly of the Estates of England. She would for the confirmation of these things, remaine in Eng­land for a time as a pledge, and if so be she might bee permitted to depart out of England, she would leaue other hostages. Furthermore, she would not alter any thing in Scotland, onely she desired that shee and those of her Family might be suffered to haue the free vse of [Page 67] their Religion, in her owne house. Shee would forget and forgiue all iniuries, which shee had receiued in Scotland (with this condition) that whatsoeuer had beene raised to her infamy and disgrace, might be abo­lished. Shee would recommend to the King such Coun­sellors as she knew to be studious of peace with England. She would reconcile the fugitiue Noblemen, if it were possible for her: if also they would submissiuely ac­knowledge their fault, and if the Queene of England would promise to assist the King against them, if after their reconciliation they should fall from obedience. As for the mariage of her sonne, shee would doe nothing without the priuitie of the Queene. Shee desired that because she would doe nothing without the counsell and consent of her sonne, he might be ioyned in this treatie for the more solid and firme assurance thereof. Shee doubted not, but the King of France would intercede, and conioyntly oblige his faith with the Princes of Loraine to entertaine and effect the conuentions thereof. Shee entreats for a mature and happy answer, lest any discommoditie or hindrance should fall be­tweene. And finally; requested that shee might bee al­lowed a little more liberally in her imprisonment, whereby shee might clearely perceiue the loue of the Queene towards her.

Queene ELIZABETH seemed to take a great delight in these things, as being full of courtesie and honour, and was then almost perswaded to grant her libertie: but there were some in England that with new propositions & apprehensi­ons of strange doubts, did disswade her. But the matter be­ing almost knowne all ouer, The Scots of the Eng­lish faction oppose them those Scots of the aduerse faction did labour to trouble and hinder the same, Crying out, that it would be the finall ruine of Queene ELIZA­BETHS safety if shee were set at liberty, of both the King­domes, [Page 68] if she were admitted to the administration of Scot­land conioyntly with her sonne: and lastly of the true Reli­gion through Great Britaine, if she were onely permitted to exercise the Roman Religion.

The inso­lencie of the Scotch Mi­nisters.Not contented with this, certaine Ministers in Scotland after they had charged the Queen with slanders and calum­nies, euen in their Pulpits & common assemblies, they vehe­mently & bitterly exclaimed against the King and his Coun­sell: whereupon being commanded to appeare before them, with disdaine and contempt they refused it. As if the Pul­pits were exempt from the authoritie of Kings, and Eccle­siasticall persons subiect not to the command of the Prince, but of the Presbytery; Against the Lawes. contrarie to the Lawes enacted the same yeare by the assembly of the estates, wherein was con­firmed the Kings authoritie for euer ouer all his subiects, as well Ecclesiasticall, as Lay-men, that is, the King and his Councell to be fit and competent Iudges in all causes; and whosoeuer denyed or refused the same, to be holden guilty Laesae Maiestatis. Ecclesiasti­call Lawes of Scotland. The assemblies of Ecclesiasticall persons as well generall as speciall (as also those of the Lay-men) wherein they arrogated to themselues an infinite power of calling of an assembly at their owne pleasure, against the Kings consent, in which they would prescribe lawes to the King and Kingdome, were vtterly prohibited and abolished. The popular equalitie of Ministers was abrogate. The au­thoritie and iurisdiction of Bishops (whose calling the Pres­byters condemned as Antichristian) was established. And all defamatory writings against the King, the Queene his Mother, and the Councell, were interdicted: And namely the History of Buchanan, Buchanans writings re­proued. and the Dialogue of the right of the Kingdome, as containing many things worthy to bee condemned and extirpate.

Some of the Ministers receiued these things with such impatience, that they streight left their Countrey, and pow­red out their complaints and griefes throughout al England, [Page] as if the True Religion had now beene chased out of Scot­land. But Queene ELIZABETH with a deafe eare neglected them, deeming of [...] as authors of [...]ouation; neither would she permit them to preach in England: neuerthelesse she made vse of them to hinder all preiudice and detriment which the Religion in Scotland might receiue. And likewise when the Earle of Arran was with all respect imployed for the conseruation of the amity with England; Shee thought they would opportunely serue to the purpose, that the fugitiue Scots might not be banisht from the assemblies which were instantly to be holden, nor the King diuerted from the friendship of the English. A fained conference. Whereupon a parley was appointed betweene the Earle of Arran and Hunsdon Gouernor of Barwicke. But before it was holden, the fugi­tiues, and all those which were in the expedition with Ster­lin, were banished from the Assemblies, which were hastily to be Conuocated. Whom Arran likewise in his Parley which presently followed, charged with many weighty ac­cusations; and amongst the rest, that they had of new con­spired the ruine of the King. But he deuoutly promised, not to pretermit any thing which hee thought would content and pleasure Queene ELIZABETH; neither would he doe any thing that might endamage her, so long as he remained in grace and fauour with the King. Notwithstanding these things, the Scottish borderers (by the priuat practices of the Spaniard, The Scots and English make incur­sions one vp­on another. who laboured to withhold Queen ELIZABETH from the Flemmish warres) being a moneth after brought into Rhedisdale, performed there all the deeds of hosti­litie; the bordering English in like manner vvith fire and slaughter reuenged themselues of that iniurie vpon Liddesdall.

Then was sent Ambassador from Scotland Patricke Gray heire of that Family, a complete yong man, The Ambas­sie of Patrick Gray. that thought himselfe equall, if not exceeding, for the dispatch of greatest affaires. The especiall tenour of his Ambassie was for the [Page] repressing of the incursions on both sides, for the restoring of goods taken by Pyracie, and for the reconciling (accord­ing to the League) of the Scottish fugitiues, or else remo­uing of them from the frontiers of Scotland, because they continually inuented new stratagems, with other of their confederacie in Scotland, against the King. And the better to obtaine these demands, and incline the Queenes mind and affection towards the King more fully, hee promised to dis­couer hidden enterprises that were plotted against the Queene. To the first and second Article she answered as she thought fitting, but as for the sending backe of the fugitiues she thus replyed: ‘THat she was verily perswaded, that those No­blemen had not so much as entertained a thought of enterprizing any mischiefe, & that that vprore which so happened in Scotland, procee­ded not from any euill intent to the King, but of the mutuall discords which dayly arise amongst the Nobi­litie about the vnder-age of the King, and therefore that belonged to the King to appease, and to tye his subiects to him (by suppressing factions) in one bond of obedience.’

Yet that shee might in some sort yeeld satisfaction to the Kings iust Petition, and also receiue intelligence of those secret practices, which hee spoke of, shee commanded the Scottish fugitiues to remoue themselues farther from the limits. Hee is sus­pected of bad dealing. But the Queene made shew, that what he had reuea­led then vnto her, she had knowledge of before. Whereupon arose a suspition amongst many, that the Ambassador had beene hyred by some, to disclose something to the preiudice of the King and his mother, and had oppos'd against the ac­ceptance of these most iust conditions, which the mother of the King had proposed by her Secretary Naue.

[Page 71]Whereupon the patience of the Queene Mother that had so oftentimes beene deluded, began now to breake out into flames of griefe and indignation, The pati­ence of the Queene of Scots offen­ded. and the desire which shee had to obtaine her libertie, caused her to lay open her eares and minde to all the pernicious counsels of her friends or e­nemies. And so much the rather, because, she perswaded her selfe, that the generall association was deuised to take her life from her, because likewise she had intelligence, that by the practices, of some shee was to be remoued from the cu­stodie of the Earle of Shrewsbury (who was a iust man, and one that no wayes fauoured their designe) and deliuered in­to the hands of new guardians. But to bring this more faire­ly about, lest the singular fidelitie and trust of the Earle of Shrewsbury might be thought to be suspected, for it was not thought good to offend the reputation of so great a perso­nage, (albeit it had been diminished with priuate calumnies, by the reproachfull criminations of his importunate wife) certaine suspitions were collected of some designes for her deliuery, through certaine Emblemes which were sent vn­to her, importing thus. Argus with his many eyes cast into a sleepe by Mercury, sweetly playing vpon his Flute, with this Motto.

Eloquium tot lumina clausit,
Vn Beau Discours â ferme aultant de Lumieres.

Mercurius beheading Argus, keeper or watcher of Io: A yong branch set in an old stocke, and bound about with cords, whereabout was written:

Per vincula cresco,
Ie crois Par les liens.

[Page 72]A Palme depressed, yet rising againe; with these words;

Ponderibus virtus innata resistit.
La vertu qui vient de Naissance resiste à l' oppression.

That Anagram also gaue much distaste;

  • ARMATA VERITAS.
  • MARIA STEVARTA.

Besides all this, Letters were produced, as though inter­cepted, wherein the friends of the Queen Prisoner did com­plaine, that they should be depriued of all hope of libertie, if she were deliuered into the custody of Puritans. Vnder this collected pretext, shee was withdrawne from the Earle of Shrewsbury (which he had often desired) and committed to the custody of Drugon Drurey with others: She is com­mitted to new guar­dians. And that of purpose (as some supposed) that thereby being driuen to despaire, she might be made the readier to entertaine mis­chieuous counsels, and deuices, and so brought into the Am­bushes, which were prepared for her. For the Earle of Shrewsbury had beene her guardian for fifteene yeares with such watchfull and warie prouidence, that hee left no place or space for her to enterprise ought against others: nor for others to plot any thing against her. She earnest­ly seeketh for liberty. Then shee sollicited with much importunitie the Pope of Rome and the Spa­niard, by Inglefield, to finish with all mature expedition, what they had begunne, Things plotted a­gainst her. whatsoeuer betided her. And Lei­cester (who was thought to labour in the peruerting of the lawfull succession) priuately sent murderers (as some re­port) to dispatch her out of the way. But Drury more re­specting honesty, and equity, in his heart hated those treche­rous designes, would not suffer any to haue accesse vnto her. Some priuate messengers neuerthelesse conueyed Letters, [Page 73] some true, some false vnto her, by which she might be trans­ported, through the imbecility of her sex, to a pernicious ruine, as shall hereafter be related.

That the loue of Queene ELIZABETH might wholy be diuerted from her, it was whispered in her eares, how that A­lan for the Ecclesiasticall Catholickes of England; Inglefield for the Lay Catholickes, and the Bishop of Rosse for the Queen of Scots, by common suffrages, Counsell holden a­mongst the Papists. and with the consent of the Pope and Spaniard, had decreed to spoile Queene ELIZABETH of her Kingdome; to disinherite the King of Scotland from the same, as manifested Hereticks; to giue the Queene of Scots in mariage to a Catholicke Nobleman of England; and by the English Catholicks to elect him King, which Election should by the Pope bee confirmed, his chil­dren by the Queene of Scots to bee openly declared legiti­mate successours to the Crowne of England, and all these things by the faith of one Hart a Priest. Who this Eng­lishman should be, Walsingham studiously indeauoured to find, but to no purpose: but the suspicion lighted vpon H. Howard brother to the Duke of Norfolke, one of the Nobi­litie, not maried, a great Papist, and mightily fauoured of the Papists.

This yeare obscurely dyed in miserable exile C. Neuill, The death of the Earle of Westmer land. that perfidious rebell against his Prince and Country, being the last Earle of Westmerland out of that family, which hath beene so fertile in Nobility, that besides sixe Earles of West­merland, haue sprung of the same name, two Earles of Salis­burie and of Warwicke one Earle of Kent, NEVILL a most noble [...] most ancient and illustrious name. one Marquesse of Montague, one D. of Bedford, one Baron Ferrers of Ousley, diuers Barons of Latimer and Abergauenny, a Queene, fiue Duchesses; omitting Countesses and Baronnesses, with the Archbishop of Yorke, and a copious off-spring of Nobility.

In England none dyed more worthy of memory, then Edmund Plowden, The death of Plowden. who as in the knowledge of the Lawes of England, of which he well deserued in his writings, he was [Page 74] aboue others excellent, so in integrity of liuing amongst those of his profession he was second to none.

Alancon dyeth. The Prince of Orange is slaine.But in France, Francis Duke d'Alancon left the world, for­ced by a malady proceeding of the griefe of mind: and in Holland, William Prince of Orange, who with three bullets from a Pistoll was shot through the body.

Queene ELIZABETH much lamented the death of these two, and dispatch into France B. to signifie to the King how greiuously she bore the death of the Duke whom shee had found a deare and faithfull friend; likewise to aduertise him of the afflicted estate of the Netherlands by the losse of the Prince of Orange, The power of Spaine growne ter­rible. and the terrible puissance of the Spaniard, hauing all the Princes of Italy at his deuotion, the Pope most affected to him, the Cardinalls as it were his vassals, and ma­ny braue and singular men both for peace and warre vnder his pay; that the house of Austria in Germany was farre and wide extended, hauing all other families allyed to it by ma­riage, at all times at their seruice; that by the late addition of Portugall, and the East India, his wealth and forces were so augmented both by sea and land; that he was become farre more powerfull and redoubted, then euer Charles his father was; and that he would goe neere, if once hee had brought the Netherlands vnder his power, to subiect all the rest of the Princes of Christendome to his greatnesse, vnlesse hee were in time preuented.

THE EIGHT AND TWENTIETH YEERE of Her Raigne. Booke 3. Anno Dom. M.D.LXXXV.

QVeen ELIZABETH to oblige the King of France in a stricter bond of friendship vn­to her, hauing the precedent yeare adop­ted him one of the Order of the Gar­ter, The French King inue­sted with the order of the Garter. shee sent Henry Earle of Darby into France with the rites belonging to the same order, there more solemnly to inuest him. With great honor he receiued them, and at euening prayers was inuest therewith: but the English refused to be present at the Masse: and with holy vowes hee promised to obserue the lawes of the Order, in all points wherein they were not opposite to the order of the holy Ghost, and S [...]. Michael, to which he was before sworne.

At the same time a Court of Parliament was assembled and holden, wherein Will. Parry by birth a Welchman, o [...] obscure parentage and meane fortunes, by his stile a Doctor [Page 76] of the Law, but indued with little learning, a man puffed vp, and haughty in mind, very spruse and neat, was of the inferi­our house, where hearing a Law demanded against the Ie­suits, he onely opposed it, declaiming, that the law was cru­ell, bloudy, and pernicious to the nation: the reasons being demanded of him, he obstinately refused, except it were in the presence of the Councell royall: whereupon hee was committed to custody; but his reasons being heard, and submission made, hee was againe admitted into the Court. Then presently after, Is accused of treason. hee was accused of priuate conspiracy against the Queenes life, by Edmond Neuill, who layd claime to the inheritance of the Neuills Earles of Westmer­land, and the title of Baron of Latimer, as being the next heire male.

This Parry (to relate from the depth of the matter) two yeares before, returning from Italy, to insinuate himselfe in­to the Queenes grace, and obtaine credit with her, he secret­ly made knowne vnto her, that Morgan and other fugitiues had mischieuously consulted vpon her death; feigning that he had dealt amongst them to no other end, but to discouer intents, and prouide for the Queenes safety. This was the cause that induced her to giue little credit to Neuills accusa­tion; Neuerthelesse she cōmanded Walsingham to examine Parry, if that he had (to make proofe hereof) treated with a­ny malecontent or suspected persō. He plainly denied it, nei­ther (being in other matters of a sharpe apprehension) could he perceiue the euasion which the lenity of the Queene had laid open to him. He percei­ueth not the euasion. For had he affirmed that he had dealt with Neuill (only to vndermine him) whom before, he had certi­fied the Queene to bee a malecontent and suspected person, doubtlesse he had freed himselfe from danger. But mischiefe once conceiued doth dazell the fight of the most acute vn­derstanding. Neuill wanting witnesses was brought face to face with Parry, who after many sharpe and bitter speeches on both sides, began to giue way, and was com­mitted [Page 77] to the Tower of London, where he voluntarily made this confession, which in a few words I will comprise.

IN the yeare ( quoth he) 1570 being admitted (after my oath taken) into the number of the Queenes ser­uants,
His confes­sion.
I remained affectionately deuoted to her Maiesty vntill the yeare 1580, at which time I was with much ignominy brought in question of my life. (For he violently had entred into the Chamber of Hugh Hare to whom he was indebted, & grieuously wounded him, for which by law being condemned, by the Queens gratious pardon he was acquitted) From thenceforth I liued much discontented in minde, but obtaining license, I passed into France, with a re­solution neuer to returne,
He consul­teth with Iesuits about the murthe­ring of the Queene.
because I was much addicted to the Catholique religion. At Paris I reconciled my selfe to the Romane Church: at Venice I had confe­rence with Benedict Palmy a Iesuit, concerning the afflicted Catholiques in England; and I affirmed that I had bethought of a meanes to ease them, if the Pope, or some other Theologians would instruct and satisfie me whether the deed were lawful or not. Palmy praised my intent as a worke of piety, and recommended me to Campege the Popes Nuncio at Venice,
With the Popes Nun­cio.
Campege to the Pope. I demanded Letters to goe to Rome vn­der the publique faith. The Cardinall Comese deliuered Letters to me; but being somewhat too briefe and succinct, I demanded others of more ample con­tents, which I likewise receiued. But then I returned to Paris; where I incountred Morgan; who gaue mee to vnderstand, that there were some that did expect,
With Mor­gan.
that I should vndertake some not able peece of seruice, for God and the Catholique Church. I answered, I was ready at any time euen to kill the greatest subiect in England. And (replyeth he) why not the Queene her selfe? That [Page 78] (qd. I) may with ease be done: if so be it were manifested to me a deed lawfull:
With Priests.
because Wiat a Priest (with whom concealing the persons, I had conference hereof) assured me that it was not. (And Chreicton a Scot disswaded me, teaching mee, that mischiefe should not bee done that good might come of it; that God was bet­ter pleased with Aduerbs then with Nownes; that a deed be well and lawfully done, then that the deed is good: Neither if I could redeeme many soules by the destruction of one, were I to doe it, without the expresse commandement of God:) Neuerthelesse hauing bound my selfe and my faith by my Letters and promises in Italy, I thought it would be a crime vnpardonable,
With the Pope him­selfe.
now to desist, if onely the Pope would by his Letters approue the same, and grant me a plenary Indulgence, which I with Letters request­ed of the Pope by Rag [...]son his Nuncio in France, who much applauded my designe. Being returned into Eng­land,
He disclo­seth the matter to the Queene.
I obtained accesse to the Queene; to whom, in priuate, I vnfolded the whole conspiracie, yet couered ouer with the best Art I could. Shee heard all with­out any alteration by feare; but I departed with much terrour, neither shall I euer forget what then shee spake; That the Catholikes should not be called in question either about their Religion, or the prima­cie of the Pope, so long as they were obedient and good subiects. In the meane time as I dayly labou­red in the Court for the gouernment of Saint Kathe­rines: I receiued Letters from the Cardinall Co­mense, wherein I found mine enterprize much com­mended, and an absolution in the Popes name. This I likewise imparted to the Queen. What effect it wrought with her I know not. But it gaue fresh courage to mee, and remoued all scruple. Neuerthelesse I had no will to offer any violence to the Queene, if she would be per­swaded [Page 79] to deale more mildly with the Catholiques. But so often as I was to come into her presence, I laid aside my dagger, lest I should be transported to murder her. And when I considered; her person,
He waue­reth in his minde.
and her truely royall vertues, I was distracted with many doubtfull cares: for my vowes were recorded in heauen, my Let­ters and promises amongst men. These things did I of­ten tosse ouer in my vnquiet minde; She neuer deserued well of mee, indeed she saued my life, but if in such a cause had shee taken it away, it had beene tyrannie. Thus being discontented with my estate and condition, I left the Court.
Alans book addeth fresh courage to him.
At last I happened on a booke of Alans against the Iustice of Great Britaine, out of which I was taught, That Princes excommunicate for heresie, might be lawfully depriued both of rule and life: This vehemently incited me to prosecute my purpose.
Neuil offe­reth him his helpe.
This to Neuil (whom I had inuited to my table) I read o­uer, six whole moneths before he did accuse me. After this he came home to me. And let vs heare (quoth hee) somewhat, since we can obtaine nothing of the Queen, and so he propounded some things concerning the re­leasing of the Queene of Scots. But (quoth I) a matter of more weight, and more aduantagious to the Catho­lique Church, is now hammered in my head. The next day he likewise visited me, and touching the Bible with his hand he did sweare, he would conceale and con­stantly pursue all whatsoeuer that might bee profitable to the Catholique Religion; I in the same manner took mine oath. So we determined with ten Knights more, to set vpon the Queene as shee rid through the fields, and there to murder her, which thing till now he hath concealed. But receiuing newes of the Earle of West­merlands death, being transported with the hope of succeeding him; he forthwith, violating his oath,
He disclo­seth the matter.
dis­couered and accused me. This was his confession [Page 80] in the presence of the Lord of Hunsdon and Fra. Walsingham Priuy Counsellors to the Queene, ac­knowledging his fault, he craued pardon by his Let­ters to the Queene, to Burghley the chiefe Treasu­rer, and to the Earle of Leicester.

Parry is arraigned.A few daies after, being brought to iudgement in the Pa­lace of Westminster, and the Articles of his accusation being read, he confessed himself guilty. His confession being recor­ded in the Acts, Iudgment was demanded to be pronounced against him, confessing himselfe guilty. Whereupon Hatton thought it expedient, to satisfy the multitude there present, that the crime might openly bee declared according to his confession; which Parry of his owne accord confirmed, and desired the Iudges that he might reade it himselfe. But the Clerk of the Crowne did read it, with the letters of Cardi­nall Comese, & those which Parry had writ to the Queene, to Burghley & to Leicester; which he acknowledged for true; yet he denyed that he euer had any absolute determination to kill the Queene. But being commanded to speake if he had any thing to hinder iudgement from being pronounced against him, hee disturbedly answered, as tormented in his conscience for the crime which he had vndertaken, and said, I see plainely that I must dye, because I was not fast and con­stant in my resolution. Being commanded to speake his mea­ning more amply. My blood (quoth he) be vpon you. So the sentence of death being pronounced, he began to rage, and summoned the Queene to Iudgement before God.

The fift day after, he was set vpon a Slead, and drawne through the middest of the Citie to Westminster: being at the place of his execution, after he had vaunted how faith­full a guardian he had beene vnto the Queene, hee said hee neuer had any intention to take her life away. Thus in boasting manner, Punished with death. not in a word committing himselfe to God, he was punisht like a Traytor according to the Law, [Page 81] in the great Palace yard at Westminster, where the States of the K [...]ngdome▪ were in great number assembled for the holding of the Parliament.

I [...] this Parliament, some, Lawes de­manded in the Parlia­ment against Bishops. either out of a desire of noua­tion, or reformation, earnestly persecuted the Ecclesiasticall estat [...] (although the Queene had forbidden it) demanding lawes to represse the iurisdiction of Bishops, in that which conce [...]ned the gift of Faculties, in the Collation of the holy Orders Ecclesiasticall Censures, and the oath they take in their office: proposing a new oath to be taken in the Chan­ [...]ery, and Kings Bench: that is, they should not counter­ [...]and the ciuill Law of England. Against Non-resi­dents. They required that eue­ [...]y Pastor should be resident in his owne Church; and de­c [...]med that the Church of England was destitute of lear­ned teachers: when without doubt it could then number vp more learned Diuines, then any former age, or any other reformed Church. But the Queene fauouring aboue all, the Ecclesiasticall moderation, reproued those Noua­tors, as changing still to worse, and reiected their demands and propositions, as intended to subuert her Prerogatiue, and soueraigne power ouer Ecclesiasticall matters. The associa­tion esta­blished. But as for the Association (which I haue spoken of) it was by the suf­frages of all confirmed, and established; ‘THat foure and twenty or more of the Queenes Priuy Councell, or of the Nobilitie, chosen by the Queenes Letters Patents, should make in­quest after those, that would inuade the Kingdome, in­cite rebellion, or attempt to offend or offer violence to the Queenes Person, for or by any one whomsoeuer that shall lay claime to the Crowne of England. And that he for whom or by whom any such thing is attempted, shall be altogether vncapable of the Crowne of Eng­land, and depriued of all right, and pursued to the death by all the Queenes subiects: if by these foure and [Page 82] twenty Noblemen they shall be iudged culpable of inua­sion, rebellion, offence, or violence, and so publikely declared.’

Lawes a­gainst Iesuits and Priests.Lawes also were enacted for the defence of the Queene against the Iesuites and Popish Priests; which did then in­uent by the Ball of Pius Quintus the Pope, many mischie­uous and dangerous matters; That is to say: ‘That they should depart the Realme within fortie dayes. And that those which should after that time come or stay in the Kingdome, should bee holden guilty of Laesae Maiestatis: And all such as wittingly or wil­lingly did receiue or nourish them, should be guilty of Felony. Felony. ( For so are all capitall Crimes vnder Laesae Maiestatis called:) That those which were brought vp amongst the Seminaries, if they returned not with­in sixe moneths after the denunciation made, and sub­mitted themselues to the Queene in the presence of a Bishop, or two Iustices, should be holden guilty of Laesae Maiestatis. But of those that submitted, if within ten yeares after they should approach nearer to the Court of the Queene then ten thousand paces, their submission should be void. That those that should any manner of way send money to the Seminary students, should bee lyable to the punishment of Praemunire ( that is perpe­tual exile, Praemunire. with the losse of their goods) if any of the Peeres of the Realme, that is, Dukes, Marquesses, Earles and Lords, shall transgresse these Lawes, hee shall vndergoe the iudgement of the Peeres. Whoso­euer shall haue knowledge that any Iesuites, and such as haue any secret abode within the Kingdome, and not make discouery of them within twelue dayes, shall be punished according to the Queenes pleasure, and abide imprisonment. If any one shall be suspected of the num­ber [Page 83] of those Iesuites or Priests, and shall not submit him­selfe to examination, he shall for his contempt be impri­soned, vntill he shall submit. Whosoeuer shall send his children or others, to the Seminaries and Colledges of the Popish profession, shall be amerced a hundred pounds of English money. All such as shall be sent thither, if they returne not within a yeare, and conforme them­selues to the Church of England, shall be depriued of all succession, and inioying of goods, in what manner so­euer they shall fall vnto them. If the Wardens of the Ports shall permit any other but Saylors and Mer­chants to passe beyond the Seas, without Licence from the Queene, or sixe of her Counsell; they shall bee de­priued of their offices, and the Masters of such Ships shall bee punished with the losse of their goods, and of their voyage, besides imprisonment for a whole yeare.’

The seuerity of these lawes (which were thought for those times no more then needfull) did much terifie the Pa­pists of England; and amongst others, Phil. The Earle of Arundel re­solueth with himselfe to fly out of England. Howard Earle of Arundell, the eldest sonne to the Duke of Norfolke, was in such sort affrighted, that he resolued, lest hee should of­fend against them, to leaue the Kingdome. Three yeares before, he was by the gracious bounty of the Queene reesta­blished in the Rights and Honours of his father. But a short while after, being secretly accused by some of the Nobility, and men of power, he was depriued of her fauour; so being priuately deuoted to the Roman Religion, hee embraced an austere course of liuing. This was the reason that hee was twice called before the Priuy Counsell, and notwith­standing that he iustified himselfe against all obiections, yet was he commanded to confine himselfe within his owne house. Six moneths after, or thereabouts, being established in his right, he entred in to the assembled Parliament; but the first day before the speech vvas ended, hee vvithdrew [Page 84] himselfe. The Parliament ended, he being as it were certain of his escape; He writeth to the Queene. hee writ Letters to the Queene (which hee commanded should be deliuered after his departure) where­in was contained a long and sorrowfull complaint ‘OF the malice of his aduersaries, to which hee was forced of necessitie to giue way, because they began to triumph ouer his innocency. A remonstration of the vnfortunate deaths of his An­cestors. First of his great Grandfather, who was con­demned without answering for himselfe, then of his Grandfather, who lost his head for matters of small moment; and lastly of his father, who was circumuented by his enemies; but neuer transported with hate to his Queene or Countrey. And a Declaration, that lest he should proue an heire to his fathers infelicitie, that hee might more freely apply himselfe to the seruice of God, and prouide for his soules health, hee had left his countrey, but not his dutifull allegeance to the Queene.’

Is appre­hended.Before these Letters were deliuered, he went into Sussex, where being about to imbarke himselfe, by the treacherie of his men, and discouerie of the Pilot, hee vvas apprehen­ded, and committed to the Tower of London.

The Earle of Northum­berland is found dead.In the Tower at that time remained prisoner Henry Per­cy, Earle of Northumberland (brother to Thomas that lost his head at Yorke) a man full of a quicke vvit, and haughty courage, suspected, priuately to haue consulted with Throck­morton, the Lord Paget, and the Guise, concerning the inua­ding of England, and freeing of the Queene of Scots, to whom he had alwayes borne great affection. In the moneth of Iune he was found dead in his bed, being shot through with three bullets vnder the left pappe, the doore of his chamber being barred to him on the inside.

[Page 85]The next neighbouring Enquest sworne after the manner by the Coroner, hauing searched the body, The Coro­ners En­quest. considered the place; and finding a Pistoll in the Chamber with Gunpow­der, they examined the seruant that bought the Pistol, with him that sold the same. Whereupon they pronounced the Earle murderer of himselfe. The third day after, the No­bilitie vvere assembled in the Starre-chamber, where Tho. Bromley Chancelor of England succinctly declared, that the Earle had treacherously consulted against the Queene and his Countrey; which he perceiuing to be discouered, and terified with the guiltinesse of his conscience which conuinced him, he became his owne murderer. But to sa­tisfie the multitude, which is alwaies credulous of the worst, The causes of his impri­sonment manifested. he commanded the Queenes Attourney, and her Counsel­lors at Law, plainely to vnfold the causes of his imprison­ment, and the manner of his death. Whereupon Popham chiefe Attourney to the Queene beginning from the rebel­lion raised in the North parts sixteene yeares before, demon­strated by the publique Acts; ‘THat hee was arraigned for the rebellion, and for consulting of the freedome of the Queene of Scots: That he had acknowledged his fault, and submitted himselfe, and was therefore amerced fiue thousand Markes. But the Queene (such was her gracious clemencie) exacted not a peny from him: and after that his brother had beene deserued­ly punished for the same Crime; the Queene confir­med him in the honour of Earle of Northumberland. Neuerthelesse, hee vndertooke new counsels for the deliuering of the Queene of Scots, the inuading of England, and ouerthrowing of the Religion and the Queene▪ That Mendoza the Spaniard had giuen in­telligence to Throckmorton, that Charles Paget vnder the name of Mopus, had in priuate treated [Page 86] with him concerning these matters in Sussex: That the Lord Paget had likwise signified the selfe-same thing to Throckmorton, and was also manifested by the Pa­pers of Chreicton a Scottish Iesuite; and that Charles Paget had declared all to Shelley at his returne out of France, After this [...]gerton the Queens Sollicitor de­monstrated, that by the circumstances, & suspitious care which the Earle had to keepe himselfe secret and close, he shewed himselfe guilty of these mat­ters, that is to say, That the Earle, knowing none of those to bee in England that could accuse him but the Lord Paget (whom Throckmorton had familiarly entertained) a few dayes after that Throckmorton was intercepted, he prepared by the helpe of Shelley a Ship for Paget to passe into France. That so soone as Throckmorton had begunne to make confession, hee retired from London to Penworth, and forthwith sent for Shelley to him; signifying to him that hee was at that instant in danger both of life and for­tunes, hee entreated him to conceale the matter, and to cause them to retire that were knowing of the de­parture of the Lord Paget, and the ariuall of Cha: Paget; all which hee presently dispatched, and like­wise remoued a farre off the seruant that hee had v­sed betweene C. Paget and himselfe. The Sollicitor further added, That being a Prisoner hee had corrup­ted his Keepers, and by their meanes gaue Shelley to vnderstand all what hee had confessed. That Shelley also, by a woman which was hyred to be a priuate mes­senger betweene them; let him know, that he could no longer abstaine from confessing; that their conditions were farre vnequall, because hee should bee forced by torments; but the Earle by reason of his place and order not, therefore sent him the copie of his confes­sion. Whereat the Earle groaned, and would often [Page 87] say, (as Pantin the seruant of his Bed-chamber con­fessed) that by the confession of Shelley he was vndone for euer.’

After this, the manner of his death was by testimony of the Coroners inquest, of the Lieutenant of the Tower, and of Pantin, openly declared: and from thence was gathered that he for feare lest his house should bee vtterly subuerted, and himselfe dishonored, had dispatched himselfe. The Earle of Northum­berland is lamented of diuers. Certes diuers good men much sorrowed that so great a personage should perish by so miserable a death; being induced thereto partly because they naturally fauoured Nobility, and partly because he had obtained much praise by his valor. What the suspicious fugitiues muttered against a certaine Bailiffe a ser­uitor of Hatton, who a little before was appointed one of the Earles keepers, I will ouer-passe, as not certainely knowne. Neither doe I esteeme it fit to insert any vncertaine things, or vaine heare-sayes.

Queene ELIZABETH hauing seene the open con­spiracies of the Guises, against the Protestant Religion, the King of France, and her selfe, well perceiued whence, and by whom these mischiefes were dispersed through England. Shee to oppose their designes, and to con­tract a league amongst the Protestants, for the defence of the Religion; sent Thomas Bodley to the King of Denmarke, Queene Eli­zabeth la­boureth to contract a league with the Prince of Germany. the Elector Palatine, the Dukes of Saxony, Wittenbergh, Bruns­wicke, Lunbourgh, the Marquis of Brandenburgh, and the Landsgraue of Hessen. And amongst other things she com­manded him to aduertise the King of Denmarke, that it be­houed him aboue the rest to oppose the practices of the Guise, because they haue made no question to claime the Kingdome of Denmarke as their kinsmans right for the duke of Lorraine, as being son to the daughter of Christierne the 2, King of Denmarke, neither did the Duke of Lorraine him­selfe dissemble the same, then when not long before he la­boured [Page 88] to obtaine the Queene in mariage.

The like with the King of Scots.And to prouide, least any danger should breake through Scotland as through a backe doore into England, shee sent Edward Wotton to signifie to the King, how acceptably she embraced the declaration of his loue to her, by Patricke Gray, and by Iustice Cleric. And to draw him to a mutuall League of offence and defence, by proposing to him the dangers that then threatned and menaced the profession of the Gospell: And to offer him an annuall pension the bet­ter to maintaine his Royall Dignity, because the reuenues of his Kingdome were much shortened by the negligence of the Regents. And to commend vnto him in the vvay of mariage the daughter of the King of Denmark. And earnest­ly in her name to make intercession for those Noblemen of Scotland that liued banished in England. And to promise him that she would send them backe if she found the offence against the King to haue beene practised by them. Wotton found the King affectionately bent to this League (notwith­standing that the Earle of Arran, and others of the French faction laboured to diuert him) and the Estates of Scotland gaue their consent vnder their hands and seales, for the con­seruation of Religion, to embrace this League; prouided that the Queene would promise, not to preiudice or hinder the Kings right in the succession of England, so long as hee remained constant in his friendship and alliance. But this matter was retarded and hindered by the death of Fra: A relation of the death of Russell. Russell, sonne to the Earle of Bedford, who was slaine the next day after.

For I. Forster and T. Carre of Fernihurst gouernors of the middle borders betweene the Kingdomes of England and Scotland, hauing assigned an assembly vpon the seuen and twentieth of Iune, to treat of the receit and emploiment of the Fynances of the Kingdome, after the promise of safety, made by both parties with their oaths, and Proclama­tion, The manner of his death. that none should offend either in word, deed, or looke [Page 89] (for so the borderers spoke.) The Scots brought with them to the place the number of three thousand men or there­about, being armed, and set in order of battell, with their ensignes displayed, and their drummes beating, contrary to the custome in such affaires, but the English not surpassing three hundred. The Gouernours were no sooner seated to heare the complaints, but a tumultuous vproare was rai­sed by the occasion of an Englishman taken in theft; the Scots discharging a shower of bullets, slue amongst others, Russel, and put the English to flight, and eagerly pursuing them for the space of foure miles within England, they ca­ried some back with them as prisoners. The author of this murther was not assuredly knowne, but the English impu­ted the fault to the Earle of Arran then Chancelor of Scot­land, and to Carre of Fernihurst. The Queene presently dis­patched Ambassadors and Letters, demanding that the mur­derers might be deliuered into her hands. Because Henry the seuenth King of England had long time before deliuered into the hands of Iames the fourth, King of Scots, Will. He­ron, and seuen other Englishmen, for murdering of Ro: Carre of Cesford vpon a day of assembly: and not long before Morton the Regent, sent Carmichel a Scot into England, for the murder of George Heron. The King after protestation of his innocency, promised to send Fernihurst and the Chan­celor himselfe also, so soone as by cleare and lawful proofes they were conuicted, of set purpose to haue violated the safety, or to be guilty of the murder. Fenwick an English­man accused Carre before the King, but was refuted by his simple deniall, because hee could not produce any Scotch­man for a witnesse. For it hath beene a custome, The proofes amongst the borderers. and so a Law, amongst the borderers, in their iudgements of causes (bred by an inueterate hate) that no witnesse can be admit­ted but a Scot against a Scot, and an Englishmen against an Englishman: Insomuch that though euery one of the Eng­l [...]sh which were present, had plainely beene beholders of [Page 90] this murder, yet their testimony would preuaile nothing. Arran neuerthelesse was confined within his owne house, The death of Thomas Carre of Fernihurst. and Carre was kept prisoner at Dundey, where in a short time he dyed. Hauing beene a warlike man, and one prompt and fit to enterprise matters of importance, who for his constant loue and faith to the Queene of Scots, and the King her sonne, was twice depriued of his goods, and driuen from his Countrey, and the fight of his children; yet hee patiently supported his banishment, remaining constant against all aduersities, and bearing himselfe euer like him­selfe.

The fugitiue Scots are sent out of England backe into Scotland.Whilest the question of this murther was deferred, and a gentle disputation raised, whether the twelue thou­sand Crownes pension offered to the King were to bee ac­counted according to the English, or the French account: the Queene being much incensed for the death of Russel, and the violation of the safety; and being perswaded by some Scotchmen which enuyed Arran, that hee was a fauourer of the Iesuites, and that hee strongly laboured in France and Scotland, to hinder the League, that it might not be con­tracted, shee gaue permission to the fugitiue Scots, as An­gus, with Iohn and Claudius Hamilton, Marre, and Glan, which were reconciled to him in their common exile; and to the rest that liued banisht in England, to returne into Scotland well furnished with money, to worke the ruine of Arran.

They haue intelligence of others re­maining in the Kings Court.The Earle of Bothwell, and the Lord of Humey, Humey Coldingknoll, and others in Scotland had before promised them aide: and aboue all, Maxwell lately created Earle of Morton, out of a certaine hope he had to shunne the penalty of the rebellion which he had raised in the Country of An­nand, if the Earle of Arran were once subuerted. In the very Court also were Patrick Gray his bitter enemy, Belenden a a Iustice of the Church, and Maitland Secretarie, drawne into parties against Arran.

[Page 91]The fugitiues being entred into Scotland, they comman­ded all persons by a long Proclamation in the Kings name to giue them assistance, They enter into Scot­land. for the defence of the Euangelicall truth, to free the King from mischieuous Counsellors, and to conserue loue and friendship with the English: they ap­pointed the place for their assembly at Fawkirk, where they mustered 8000 men.

Arran (who for suspition of the death of Russell was by the King commanded to keepe within Keneil) hearing of these things, he hastily retired to the King, and accused Gray as the author of these enterprises. Gray ingeniously excu­sed himselfe in presence of the King. But whilest Arran ma­keth great preparations for the defence of the towne, the enemies appeared in readinesse to scale the walles. He cer­tainly knowing, that they sought nothing but his head one­ly, Sterlin is taken by them. and suspecting the fidelitie of his men (for hee was hated of most) he secretly withdrew himselfe by the bridge; the rest, all abandoning the towne, betooke themselues to the Castle with the King. The fugitiues straight possest them­selues of the Market-place, and then besieged the Castle. The King demanded by his Messenger Gray the cause of their comming: they answered, To submit our selues to the King, and humbly to kisse his Highnesse hand. He offered to restore to them all their goods, if they would retire. But they replyed, that they made no esteeme of their goods, in comparison of the Kings gracious fauour, desiring him to admit them to his royall presence: the King consented, but vpon these conditions; That they should not attempt any thing either against his Maiesties Person, or their lines whom he should nominate, and that they should not bring in any inno­uation into the gouernment of the Kingdome. They vowed their liues for the safety of their Prince, protesting that they conceited not so much as a thought of bringing in of Nouelties. But they desired for their better assurance that their aduersaries might be deliuered into their hands, with [Page 92] the fortified places of the Realme. Of this matter they consulted the whole day: but necessitie compelling, by reason of the multitude, wherewith the Castle was full stuf­fed, They are re­conciled to the King. and the want of prouision, they were at last admitted to the King. And forthwith the Earles of Montrosh, of Crawford, and of Rothese, the Colonell Stuart, Downi, the brother of the Earle of Arran, and others were deliuered in­to their hands; the Earle of Arran was publiquely accused to haue conspired against the estate: and as for themselues, the King indulgently pardoned them, as good and well-de­seruing subiects. Hamilton Arbroth was established Gouer­nor of Dunbriton, Coldingknol of the Castle of Edenborough, Angus of Tomtall, Marre of Sterlin, and Glan Captaine of the Kings guards.

After this, hauing by their faithfull duty remoued out of the Kings opinion, all such crimes wherewith their enemies had burdened them, and all suspitions which they had rai­sed of them; Amnistie. by a generall Amnistie all banishments & pro­scriptions, which had for what cause so euer been adiudged and ordained, since the Coronation of the King, were abo­lished; excepting only those which had relation to the mur­der of the Kings father, & such as were adiudged against the Archbishop of Glasco, the Bishop of Rosse and of Dunblan. And with a common & most constant consent of their minds the Soueraigne Authority of the King, in contracting of a league with the Queen of England, and deputing of Ambas­sadors, was confirmed vnto him. Onely Maxwell abused this singular clemency of the King. For hauing obtained by the benefit of the Amnistie free Pardon for the cruell slaughter and Pillage committed vpon the Iohnstons: yet such vvas his audacious pride, that contemning the authoritie of the Lawes, Maxwell establisheth the Masse. he commanded the sacrifice of the Masse to be cele­brated at Dunfrise, which of nineteene yeares before had not been permitted in Scotland. For which deed hee was puni­shed with three moneths imprisonment.

[Page 93]Neither was, in these turbulent times, Ireland next ad­ioyning free from the tempests of rebellion. For when the rest of the Prouinces of that Isle were setled in a profound peace, a great rebellion broke forth in Connach the west part of Ireland, proceeding of the naturall disposition of that na­tion, impatient of rest and quiet, and also of the hate which they conceiued against Rich. Bingham their Gouernor, com­plaining that his Commands were sharpe and bitter. The rebelli­on of the Bourgs in Ireland. The Gouernour seeing the great and powerfull men of Ireland exercise such grieuous tyranny vpon the poore miserable peoples, forcing them to acknowledge no other Prince then them; he omitted no meanes to restaine them, and confirme the royal authority, although he was often for the same odi­ously accused of cruelty to the Queene and Deputy. Thomas Roe-Bourk of the most noble family of Bourg in England, was the first that opposed himself, & being sent for to the lawful assembly in the County of Maie, he refused to come. The Gouernor for a time dissembled, seeming not to make ac­count thereof: but presently after he commanded him and two others, turbulent spirits of the same house, to be appre­hended, lest they should breake out into a more dangerous rebellion. Thomas was slaine in fight ere he could be inter­cepted. Meiler and Theobald, the other two, were taken and hanged; and thus had the whole rebellion beene at the beginning compressed, had not certaine English, enemies to the Gouernor, aduertised the rest of that family, prouidently to beware of the Gouernor, and by any meanes not to come neere him: They being thus incouraged, they likewise perswaded the Ioies and Clandonels, who were po­werfull in the multitude of their tenants, that the Gouernor would handle them with as little lenitie, but by little and lit­tle would vtterly ruinate their power. Besides they so much preuailed with the Deputy by their friends, that he commanded the Gouernour not to vndertake any violent act against thē of that family, (though they did degenerate) [Page 94] without his knowledge and aduice.

In the meane space whilst the Gouernour was absent in the Country of Twomond, where Mahon-Obrean rebelling, slew himselfe, after the Castle was taken by the Gouernour; The sonne of Edmond Bourg of Castel-bar, and Richard son of another Richard surnamed by the Irish for his villanies, the Deuils-hooke, hauing gathered together a multitude of lewd fellowes, they surprised two Castels at Lake-Masci and fortified them: from whence the Gouernour easily expul­sed them, chasing them amongst the forests and mountaines; he tooke Richard the brother of Thomas Bourg, who in hum­ble manner came to intreate him, and hanged him as a rob­ber. And hauing so far pursued the rest through the woods that scarce any were to be seen, the Lo: Deputy commanded him to stay his pursuit; and after they had giuen hostages, to receiue them into his protection. A short while after, whilst the Gouernour stayed at Dublin, and souldiers were raised in Ireland for the Low-Country wars; they againe aduanced their Ensignes of rebellion, and many which had refused to goe to the wars of the Netherlands, ioyned them­selues in great numbers with Clan-Gibbon, Clan-Donel, and Ioie; and being increased in number and strength, they open­ly declared, that they would after the custome of their An­cestors, Mac-Willi­am. haue for their Gouernor their Mac-William, that is, a Nobleman, by the election of the people out of the house of Bourg, or any other whom they should call out of Spaine, but they would not admit of the or Sheriffe. Viscont, nor be present at the Assemblies. The Archbishop of Tuam, Bermingham, the Lord of Atterith, and Dillon, Deputies for the Gouer­nor, proposed to them most reasonable conditions; but they refusing to submit to order, began to exercise their fury vp­on the villages of the Champian, with fire and rapines, and by ruining of the fortifications. The Scots of Hebrides called into Ireland. They sent Iohn Itcleaf, and Walter Kittagh of Bourg to the Scots of Hebride, requesting them with their auxiliarie troopes to enter vpon the Con­nach, [Page 95] in which Prouince, there were then but a small num­ber of Souldiers in Garison, promising to giue them certain Lordships if they would chase away the English, and defend the rebels.

The Deputy receiuing aduice of these things, The Gouer­nor laboreth for a peace, but in vaine. commanded the Gouernor, to pursue the rebells, who gathering vp for­ces, sent the Earle Clan-Richard chiefe of the family of Bourg with Bermingham, to treat with them of a peace; but they refusing, hee forthwith caused their hostages to bee put to death: and knowing that nothing could disaduantage the English more then a long warre; and on the contrary, no­thing more accommodate the Irish: himselfe and the Earle Clan-Richard with their troops of horse defēded the cham­pian from the iniuries of the rebells, and Iohn Bingham the Gouernours brother, entred with his Companies of foot a­mongst the woods, pursuing their steps, and wearying them in such sort, seizing and driuing backe with them 5000 head of cattle (the greatest part of which according to the custom of the Countrey being distributed to the souldiers) that a­bout 40 daies after, being in a manner perished by a grieuous famine, they left their caues, scarce knowing one another by their faces, and demissiuely submitting themselues, they deliuered hostages to the Gouernor. Only the sonnes of Ed­mund of Bourg of Castell-barr (whom they had decreed to create Mac-William) persisted in their rebellion, He pursueth the rebels. vntil their father was taken, and by vertue of the law conuicted, to haue incited his sons to this rebellion, and was therefore punished with death, and all his lands adiudged confiscate. At the same time the Gouernour receiued newes of two thousand Scots of Hebride vnder the conduct of Kittagh, And he brings them to submissi­on. and Itcleaf of Bourg, that were euen then in readinesse to breake in vpon Connach. In great hast he leauied his troopes, and gathered his garisons together, and with infatigable labor, though sometimes they were hidden amongst the woods, forests, and pastures, and sometimes they wasted the time in making [Page 96] approaches and retreats, from one side to another, and through crooked windings and intricate waies, he diligently pursued their steps, obseruing night and day their turnings and returnings through corners and by-wayes, carefully pla­cing spies behind, Next the Scots of Hebride. before, and on either side of them, still ex­pecting a commodious time to set vpon them. At last, coun­terfeiting a retire, as though hee had thought himselfe too weake for them, hee left them; wherevpon they presently with great alacrity marched towards Ardenare vpon the riuer Moine, and proclamed themselues Lords of the Pro­uince. He being instructed of their iourney by his spies, fol­lowed them, and found them besides Ardenare, where hee put his men in battell array, and sounding a charge with his trumpets, he held them play with skirmishes, still retiring backward vntill he had drawne them from a moist and moo­ry ground, into a place more solide and firme, where all his troops (with great silence) ioyned together. Whom he doth assault, Then giuing them a fresh and liuely charge, slaughtering many, he forced them somewhat to recoile, when instantly the muskettieres discharging vpon their front, and himselfe with his troops of horse falling vpon their flanckes, with such fury assailed thē, that hee put them all to rout, pursuing them to the riuer, where they were all either slaine or drowned, excepting 40 which saued themselues by swimming ouer to Tiraule, and those which the day before were departed from the Army to fetch in booty: but after this, they were almost all put to the sword by Iohn Bingham, and the inhabitants of the County Slego. and defeats them, Three thousand of their party perished in this conflict, and amongst them their principall Comman­ders, Donel Gormi, and Alexander Carrogh the sonne of I. Mac-Conel, which of long time had been troublesome to the Country; and those of the House of Bourg which were cau­sers of this miserable expedition. Of the English a small number was slaine, but many were sort hurt; and certes this victory was both famous and profitable, for the instant and [Page 97] future times; the title of Mac-William being vtterly abo­lished in the County of Connach, and the insolency of the Scotch Islanders repressed in Ireland, The title of Mac-Willi­am aboli­shed. which was not long before so great, that it was accoūted amōgst the Irish a crime of Laesae Maiestatis to entertaine or lodge any of them; and for the better restraining of their wonted rapines, Perot gaue in charge to the chiefe personages of Vlster that they should traine vp in the exercise of warlike discipline, a cer­taine number of Souldiers.

In the meane time, the States of the Netherlands being afflicted with the desolate condition of their affaires, The Estates of the Ne­therlands consult of a Protector. consul­ted amongst themselues whether they should haue recourse either to the King of France, or Queene of England for re­fuge & succors. For they were both at that time discōten­ted with the Spaniard, but suspicious also one of the other: The French could not endure that the English their ancient enemies should encrease their power by the addition of the Netherlands, and the English in like sort the French. De la Prune the French Ambassador for the Low-Countries, Reasons of the French side. that he might diuert the Estates from the English, made this de­monstration: ‘THat the Sea flowing betwixt England & the Netherlands; the English were too farre di­stant, and could not at all occasions be ready to assist them, their command also was intollerable; and for that cause were in times past driuen out of France, and were like then to hazard the same in Ireland: That the succession of the Realme was vncertaine, and whether MARIE Queene of Scots or IAMES her sonne did succeed, both hee and shee would bee ready to giue vp the Netherlands to the Spaniard for the assu­rance of their owne affaires. But that the French were opportunely adioyning and neighbouring, their com­mand most mild, and their succession certaine in the [Page 98] person of the King of Nauarre, who was of the same profession with them.’

Such as fauoured the English, maintained the contrary; For the English.THat they were not so farre disseuered, but they could commodiously send them ayde, without the hindrance of any. That it appeared by the Histories what the French Command had been of yore in the Netherlands, what it now was, by the surprise of Dixmond, Donkircke, and Dendermond, and the furious and perfidious invasion of Bruges, Alost, New-port, and Antwerpe; and what their faith was hauing beene so often obliged by Edicts, and nowith­standing violated by the cruell Massacres which haue beene committed in the townes. That the succession of England was assured in the person of King Iames, who was zealous in the true religion. Besides the En­glish were of the selfe-same religion, and faitfull obser­uers of the ancient League with Burgundie. That their trafficke had brought infinite wealth to the Nether­lands, and their ports most commodious for them.’

They are re­fused by the French.The Estates neuerthelesse by Ambassadors implored the ayde of the French King, by whom they were receiued with a fearefull silence, and a long time deluded with pro­crastinations, by reason aswell of their enuy to the English as of hate to the Spaniard, so the Ambassadours returned home at the last, and conceiuing hope from the former bounty of Queen ELIZABETH, they determined to fly to her for protection.

The English consult a­bout the protection.Hereupon vvas holden a consultation in England, vvhe­ther they vvere to be receiued into their protection, or no? Some vvere of aduice, that they shold presently be receiued, and ayde forthvvith sent them [...] [Page 99] brought them in subiection, should become a vexation to the English on that side. Other some aduised, that they were to bee esteemed as Rebels, and vnworthy of succours, as be­ing reuolted from the fidelitie which they ought to their Prince.

THe Spaniard had not violated any of the Ar­ticles of his Ioyfull entrance, which they sought for as a colour and pretext for their rebellion, and deposition of their lawfull Prince. But admit that hee had violated them, yet was hee not for that to bee punished with the losse of his principalitie. And al­though some suppose that obedience should bee so long denyed him, vntill hee had recompenced his fault; yet others esteeme that the diuine Lawes, to which humane lawes must yeeld, Princes should, as powers ordinated by God, be simply and for conscience obeyed. For God hath giuen them the Soueraigntie of command, and to subiects the glory of obedience. And that subiects should wish for good Princes, but endure all whatso­euer they be. That these Prouinces were falne to the Spaniard, not by the election of the people, but by the hereditary right of their Ancestors, and the donation of the Emperors. That the Dutchmen had receiued priuiledges from their Princes, but had lost the same by a crime of Laesae Maiestatis, in taking vp Armes against them. That these were not the estates of the Netherlands that had demanded protection, but cer­taine Plebean persons, that had attributed to them the Title of Estates. It was therefore thought by the iudge­ment of these, most expedient, that the Queene should not intermeddle with the affaires of the Netherlands, but rather strongly to fortifie her own Kingdomes, in­deuouring dayly by her naturall bounty to oblige the hearts of [...] [Page 100] encrease her treasurie, to haue her Nauy alwayes well prepared and furnished with necessaries, to fortifie with garisons the frontier townes towards Scotland, to con­serue the ancient militarie discipline of England, which was corrupted by the Dutch warres. That in thus doing England would be impregnable, secured on all sides, and a terrour to the enemy. That this would be the most commodioas meanes to auoid the warres, which might fall vpon such as are begirt with potent neighbours. That none would offer to prouoke them, seeing them so well furnished of money, and forces, gar­ded with the good-will and loue of their subiects, and alwayes ready and prepared to reuenge themselues. And that it would be preposterous wisedome, to con­sume money, and Souldiers, which are the life and soule of warre in anothers cause, and for Princes or people of no ability, being subiects to anothers rule, and by reason of their pouerty must alwayes bee supplyed with fresh succours, or by ingratitude totally proui­ding for their owne affaires, will neglect those that had assisted them, as the English had while-ere in France experimented to their losse, in the Bourgongnian cause; and not long since in the defence of the Prote­stants.

But such as were of this opinion as men degenerate, slothfull, and addicted to the Spanish party, moued the men of warre to much indignation.

The Dutch offer them­selues to the Queene.So soone as the Ambassadors of the Estates presented themselues to the Queene, with earnest affection they be­seeched her to assume the rule of the vnited Prouinces of the Netherlands, and to receiue them into her protection, and perpetuall homage, being vndeseruedly oppressed. She gra­ciously gaue them hearing, but refused to take vpon her their rule and protection. Neuerthelesse to raise the siege [Page 101] from before Antwerpe, which was then reduced into great necessitie, and oppressed by the Prince of Parma, she pro­mised them, if they would deliuer for a Gage into her hands the towne of Sluce with all the artillery, forthwith to send them foure thousand souldiers. But whilst these things were propounded, Antwerpe was yeelded vp, Antwerpe is yeelded vp. because the passage of the Riuer Scald by admirable deuices was quite cut off.

After that the Queen had setled a while her thoughts and cares vpon these matters, and perceiued the great cruelty of the Spaniards which they exercised vpon the Dutch her neighbours, and the hate which they bore to England, and the Religion which was there maintained: for the Spaniards were verily perswaded that they could neuer reduce the Netherlands to order, if they first subdued not England. The Queen deliberateth with her selfe.) To hinder warre from comming home to her ( Scotland as yet wauering) and that the forces of the Spaniards might not be too farre extended in the adiacent Countries, vvhich would be most commodiously seated for the transporting of warres into England; for exercising of traffique as well by sea, as the Riuer of Rhine: And to hinder, that there might not be any prouision of Nauigation caried to her enemies, which besides were well prouided of strong Shipping, and men of valiant spirits, that if they should bee ioyned vvith the English Nauy, it would be an easie thing for them to be soone Commanders of the Sea, so rich and powerfull, that they had long time since without any foraine aide, supprest the insolencies of their proudest enemies: and that they might not commit themselues to the trust and faith of the French: She resolued that she was bound in Christian cha­ritie, to succour the afflicted Dutchmen, being professors of the same Religion, and in wisedome to prouide for the con­seruation of a people, which God had committed vnto her, She takes vpon her the prote­ction. by cutting through the ruinous complots of their enemies, not for any desire of glory, but for the necessitie of good­nesse. Whereupon shee openly tooke vpon her the defence [Page 102] of the Netherlands. The Christian Princes admiring such a Masculine valour in a woman, to haue such a magnani­mous spirit, as to denounce warre (as it were) to so potent a Monarch. Insomuch that the King of Sweden speaking of her, said, that she had taken the Diadem from off her owne head, to expose it to the doubtfull and dangerous euent of warre.

These were the conditions that were agreed vpon be­tweene Queene ELIZABETH and the Estates of Holland.

Vnder what conditions.
THe Queene would send as succours to the Vnited Prouinces 5000 foot, and a thousand horse vn­der a generall Commander of famous remarke, and during the warre would pay the souldiers; which should after the Peace were made, be paid backe by the Estates, that is to say, in the first yeare of the Peace, such summes as had beene disbursed in the first yeare of the warres, and the rest in the foure yeares following. In the meane time they should deliuer into her hands for assurance the towne of Flushing, the Castle of Ra­meken in Zeland, and the Ile of Breil, with the towne and both the Skances. The Gouernors that should bee appointed, should not haue any command ouer the In­habitants, but onely of their Garison, which should pay the Tributes and Imposts, as well as the inhabitants. Those places should after the money were repayed, bee deliuered backe not to the Spaniard, but the Estates. The Gouernors and two other English which the Queen would name, should be admitted into the Councell of the Estates, and the Estates should not entertaine any League without the Queenes aduice; nor she, the E­states not acquainted therewith. Ships for their com­mon defence in equall number, and at a common ex­pence should be set forth vnder the command of the Ad­mirall of England. The Ports of either should he freely [Page 103] open to either. With other conditions which were printed and exposed to all mens view.

For the memoriall of this alliance, the Zealanders trium­phing with ioy, caused new money to be coyned, bearing vpon one side the Armes of Zealand, which is a Lyon float­ing vpon the waues, with this inscription:

Luctor & emergo: Ie comba et me sauue
J fight, and I saue my selfe.

On the other side the Armes of the townes of Zealand, with this

Authore Deo, fauente Regina.
God Author, the Queene fauourable.

The Queene by a booke set forth, gaue all to vnderstand, The Queen publisheth the causes. that in times past Leagues and Societies were contracted be­tweene the Kings of England, and the Princes of the Ne­therlands for the mutuall faith and defence one of another. She remonstrateth the barbarous cruelty of the Spaniard, a­gainst the miserable Netherlanders; and the mischieuous complots which they had wrought against her selfe: that had with much labour sought a Peace, and had done this to keepe the Dutch from reuolting. Neither did shee propose any other thing to her selfe in aiding of them, then that the Dutch might inioy peaceably their former liberty; her sub­iects safety; and either Nation a secure commerce and traffique.

And to prouide that warre should not assaile her at home, She sends forth a Nauy to the West Indies to diuert the Spaniard. and set the Spaniard to worke abroad. She set forth a Nauy to the West Indies, vnder the command of Sir Francis Drake, and Christopher Carlile of one and twenty sayle, in which besides Saylors were 2300 voluntary souldiers, which [Page 104] surprized in the Ile of Saint Iames, neere to Cap-Verd, the towne of Saint Iames which gaue name to the Iland, where they celebrated with the thunder of the Cannon, The towne of S. Iames taken by the English frō the Spani­ard. the Coro­nation day of Queene ELIZABETH, which was vpon the fourteenth of Nouember; and pillaging the town they found great store of Meale, Wine and Oyle, but no money at all. The fourteenth day after they set sayle, and many which kept their quarters & guard in the open aire, and slept vpon the ground, were taken with grieuous sicknesse called Ca­lentura, A disease cal­led Calen­tura, where­by many perish. whereof they dyed; a disease very familiar in [...]hat I­land, and dangerous to strangers which sleepe in the open fields. The first of Ianuary they ariued at Hispaniola, where the souldiers being landed in a secure place, by the direction of a Spaniard, whom they had taken and kept to that pur­pose, they marched in order against the towne: and h [...]uing repulst a hundred and fifty Spanish horsemen which oppo­sed their passage, The surprize of Hispani­ola, or Saint Dominick by the Eng­lish. and putting to flight certaine Musketiers which were placed in Ambush, they entered pell-mell into the towne with them by the two westerne gates, and all the inhabitants, being strucke with feare and terrour fled out at the North gate of the said City. The English brought their troops into the Market-place neere to the great Temple: and because they were not in number sufficient to man the towne, they fortified it with rampars of earth, after that they seized vpon other conuenient places. So hauing the whole towne in their possession and command, they remai­ned a moneth there. And seeing the inhabitants offered but a small summe of money to redeeme their towne, they be­gan first to set fire vpon the suburbs, and after vpon the fai­rest house in the towne, vntill the inhabitants had redeemed their towne with 25000 Crowns of gold, which with much paine they gathered. They found there no great store of pillage, excepting some pieces of Artillery, with Corne, and Sugar: for they vsed there nought but Copper money, and glasse vessels, with some made of earth, which were [Page 105] brought out of the East India. Amongst other things, in the towne Court, were found the Armes of the King of Spaine, with the world vnder placed, from whence a horse with his foure-feet rampant was figured, leaping out, with this in­scription:

Non sufficit orbis.
The proud and audaci­ous Motto of the Spani­ards Aua­rice and Couetousnesse.
The world doth not suffice.

Whereat some scoffing, tooke it for an argument of the infinite auarice and ambition of the Spaniard, as neuer sa­tisfied.

From thence sayling vp into the Continent of America, The English doe assault the City of Cartagena. fiue miles from Cartagena they left their ships, and vnder the conduct of Carlile they in the silence of the night, being ran­ged in order of battell, marched alongst the shore, whilest Drake with his armed Shallops in vaine assailed the Port of the towne which was fortified with a rampire and a chaine extended in length. To Carlile a troope of horse shewed themselues, but straight retired: he pursued them, till hee came to a narrow passage fortified with a stone wall be­twixt the inward Hauen of the Port of the Ocean, which was so straight that scarce a Cart could passe: It was defen­ded with Barracadoes full of stones, and fiue great Cannon, wherwith they often discharged vpon the front of his com­panies, yet without effect, whilest Carlile by the benefit of the darknesse, being politick in auoiding dangers, taking op­portunitie by the ebbing of the Ocean, drew his men down lower by the sands iust to the entrance, which they couragi­ously forced, notwithstanding two great Ships from the inward Hauen of the Port which caried eleuen great pieces, and three hundred Musquetiers furiously thundered against their flanke. This done, they easily gained the Barricadoes which were placed at the entrance of euery street, and cha­ced the Spaniards and Indians, which cast poysoned darts [Page 106] amongst them. Being thus Masters of the towne, they made sixe weekes aboade there, and receiued for the ransome of the towne 110000 Crownes, which were paid presently downe, and distributed man by man to the Mariners and Souldiers, and especially to the neediest. But the pillage was little; for the Inhabitants being forewarned by them of Hispaniola, had remoued all their most precious and richest things in to farre distant places. The disease called Calentu­ra still remaining amongst them, and much diminishing their numbers, they were constrained to leaue off their de­signe of surprising Nombre de Dios, and make sayle for their returne by the Cape of the Ile Cuba, which is called Saint Anthony, where they tooke in fresh water out of raine pits.

They set fire vpon the townes of S. Anthony, and S. He­lena.Then sayling along the coast of Florida, they seized vpon two townes, Saint Anthony and Saint Helena, which were abandoned by the Spanish Garisons, and burned them; and being caried further vpon a ragged and rocky coast, they found the English in the Plantation of Virginia (so called in the honour of They come to Virginia. ELIZABETH the Ʋirgin Queene)’ which Sir Walter Raleigh (whose worth and vertues pur­chased him the honour to be one of the Queenes chiefest fa­uourites) by his neuer enough praised labours, in the disco­uerie of remote Countries, and promulgation of the glory of the English Nauy, had placed there as Colony. Drake of­fered to Ralph Lan President there, all offices of humanity, two ships with prouision, and some men, if they thought good to remaine there and prosecute what they had begun: if not to transport them for England. But whilest prouisi­on was prepared for these ships, They bring the Colony thence. there arose a violent storm, and extraordinary furious tempest, which seuered and dis­persed the whole Nauy, in such sort, that it could not be col­lected together againe, vntill they all ariued in England. In­somuch [Page 107] that Lan, and the rest that were with him, being oppressed with penury, and much diminished in their num­ber, they all with one voice requested Drake to giue them passage for their Country, which he willingly agreed to.

These were the first (that I know of) that brought at their returne into England, that Indian Plant called Tobacco, Tobacco. or Nicotiana, which they vsed, being instructed by the Indians, against crudities of the Stomack. And certes since that time it is growne so frequent in vse, and of such price, that ma­ny, nay, the most part, with an insatiable desire doe take of it, drawing into their mouth the smoke thereof, which is of a strong sent, through a Pipe made of earth, and venting of it againe through their nose; some for wantonnesse, or rather fashion sake, and other for healths sake, insomuch that Tobacco shops are set vp in greater number then either Alehouses or Tauernes. And as one said, but falsely, the bodies of such Englishmen, as are so much delighted with this plant, The booty of the Eng­lish voyage and expedi­tion. did seeme to degenerate into the nature of the Sa­uages, because they were caried away with the selfe-same thing, beleeuing to obtaine and conserue their health by the selfe-same meanes, as the barbarians did. In this voyage pe­rished seuen hundred men, and almost all of that disease, cal­led Calentura. The pillage was esteemed to be worth 60000 pounds of English money, Their pil­lage. besides two hundred and forty great pieces of artillery, as well Brasse as Iron, which were taken from the Enemies.

Whilest these things thus passed in America vnder the torride Zone, A search made for the discoue­rie of a way to the East India. Iohn Dauis made search vnder the frigide Zone for a way to the East India, by the vpper part of Ame­rica, with two ships, at the expences of William Sanderson, (a man who by setting forth Globes hath well deserued in the studies of Geography) and of other inhabitants of Lon­don. He tooke his course towards the North; and being fiue hundred miles from the Cape of Not in Ireland, he discoue­red the Coasts of Greeneland, whose Cliffes being white by [Page 108] reason of the snow which couered them, might easily afarre off be discerned, & so round begirt with Ice, as with a fore­wall, for the space of two miles from the shore, that it was inaccessible. The course of this coast hee followed, which bent first towards the West, and then Northward to 64 degrees in Latitude; from thence passing the Ice, his course brought him amongst certaine greene flourishing Ilands, where he found the Inhabitants of a middle stature, little eyes, without beards, and of milder disposition then the most part of Northerne people. From whence sayling to 66 Degrees in Latitude, he encountred a shore, which dis­couered it selfe by little and little towards the West, with a Or Straits. sea of equall largenesse: into which being entred forty miles, and being full of hopes, hee turned sayle homeward vpon the end of August. The following yeare hee entred fourescore miles into these Straights; where hee obserued this sea to be on all sides well stored with Ilands, and in his returne found it full of fish. The third time he set forth, with two ships appointed for fishing, and a third for the discoue­rie of passages, in which hauing sailed to 83 degrees into this Sea, and discouering it to bee forty miles in breadth, hee returned.

An Edict against Woad.During this, an Edict was published in England, to re­presse the auarice of some priuate persons, that had conuer­ted the fertilest fields and pastures, into grounds to sow Woad in, for the vse of Dyers, not without much losse to the Cloath-workers and Husbandmen, which are commonly fed with Milke, Cheese, and such like meats. Whereupon it was forbidden, to sow that hearbe within eight miles of any of the Kings houses; and foure miles of Cities, Mar­ket-townes, and of other places wheresoeuer Drapery is vsed.

The compa­ny of the Barbary Merchants.But to the intent that English Cloathes might be sold to greater gaines, it was permitted to the Earle of Warwicke and Leicester his brother, Tho: Starkey, Gerard Gore, and [Page 109] other Merchants of London, to recompence their losses which they had sustained in Africa, being to all others pro­hibited, to traffique in Mauritania Cesariense, for the space of ten yeares. Which Mulley Hamet Xerisi receiued into protection.

In the beginning of this yeare dyed Edward Lord Clin­ton High Admirall, The death of the Earle of Lincolne. who in the yeare 1572 was by Queene ELIZABETH, created Earle of Lincolne. He was honora­bly interred at Windsor. Henry his sonne succeeded him in his honours: but Charles Howard Lord of Effingham (Cham­berlaine to the Queene) in the Admiralty. And to him in his Office succeeded the Lord Carie, Baron of Hunsdon, Gouernour of Barwick, who a few yeares before supplyed the place of Fra: Russell, Earle of Bedford, Of the Earle of Bedford. the second Earle of that Family, a Nobleman true professor of Religion and vertue: who hauing ouer-liued three of his sonnes, Edward, Iohn and Francis, and had but one liuing, who was Lord Russell, Baron of Thornaugh, and three daughters, all three Countesses: one maried to the Earle of Warwicke; the se­cond to the Earle of Bathe; and the third to the Earle of Cumberland, hee dyed of a Gangrene, the next day after his sonne Francis was slaine vpon the borders of Scotland, (as before is related) and was interred with Iohn his father at Cheney in Buckingham-shire: to him succeeded Edward sonne to Francis his third sonne.

About the end of this yeare, the Earle of Leicester being out of an itching desire of rule and glory, The Earle of Leicester sent into Holland. easily perswaded by those which studied more to assure their owne fortune and power in the Court, then his Honour; passed with great pompe and state into the Netherlands with this Title; ‘Generall of Her MAIESTIES auxiliary troops:’ Hee had also some command ouer the Nauy-Royall: His [Page 110] Lordship was accompanied with the Earle of Essex, the Lord Touchet Baron of Audley, and the Lord North, Baron of Kertling, vvith Sir William Russell, Sir Tho. Sherley, Sir Arthur Basset, Sir Walter Waller, Sir Gernase Clifton, and ma­ny other Knights, attended on by a chosen company of fiue hundred Gentlemen. The Queene at his departure forbade him to entertaine a thought of any thing, which vvould bee vnworthy either of her, or of the place which he vvas seated in. His instru­ctions. Shee commanded him to learne vvith all possible dili­gence, vvhat Garisons the Estates maintained; how, and by vvhat means. And her Maiestie still being carefull & good to the Souldiers, charged him to know by vvhat Art they in­haunced, & put down the value of their money (for in that Art they excelled all others) lest the Souldiers should re­ceiue that at a higher rate then they could put it off for. She admonisht him to cut off all prouision from the enemy, and to his power restraine the Dunkerks, vvhich much infested the seas. Finally, shee recommended to his trust the Nobilitie of that Country; and aboue all the children of the Prince of Orange.

THE NINE AND TWENTIETH YEERE of Her Raigne. Booke 3. Anno Dom. M.D.LXXXVI.

DVDLEY Earle of Leicester, landing at Flushing, was first by his Nephew Sir Philip Sidney Gouernor of that Citie, honorably receiued: and after by all the townes of Ze­land and Holland, with all sorts of honours, acclamations, tri­umphs, deuoted panegyricks, Banquettings, Absolute Authoritie is giuen to Leicester by the Estates. and such like things. And being in the mo­neth of Iuly come to the Hage, the Court of Holland, the Estates generall (so they are called) by Letters Patents, gaue to him the soueraigne command and absolute autho­ritie ouer the Vnited Prouinces, with the Title of [Page 112]Gouernor and Captaine Generall of Hol­land, Zeland, and the vnited and confede­rate Prouinces.’ Then being saluted of all with the attribute of ‘His Excellence,’ and tickled with flatteries, as if hee had beene seated in the highest and amplest degree of honour; he began to assume royall and Kingly thoughts of Maiesty. The Queen offended thereat. But the Queen be­ing highly offended, that the Estates had imposed and re­ceiued him with such exceeding honours, with a little letter abated the swelling winde wherewith hee was puffed vp, then when he least thought thereof. And these were the contents: ‘YOu shall vnderstand by this messenger, which wee haue expresly sent vnto you, She expo­stulateth with him. with what contempt you haue behaued your selfe against our pleasure. Wee had not thought, that you, a man we haue raised from the dust, and fauoured aboue all others, would haue violated, in so great a matter, our command with so great contempt, euen in a matter which so much and neerely concerneth vs and our ho­nour. But though against your duty you haue made so little respect of our honor, yet thinke not that we are so grosly negligent in the repairing thereof, that wee can passe ouer so great an iniury with silence and obliuion. Therefore we command you, that you, setting apart all excuses, incontinently, according to the faith and duty wherein you are bound vnto vs, performe all whatsoe­uer Heneage our vnder-Chamberlaine shall in our name declare vnto you, except you will draw vpon your head a greater danger.’

[Page 113]In other Letters which she sent to the Estates generall, she thus reasoned, ‘THat they without her aduice or priuity, With the Estates also. had to her reproach, transferd vpon Leicester the ab­solute rule of the vnited Prouinces, notwithstā ­ding she herselfe had refused the same, and had mani­festly declared to all the world, that she had but onely giuen ayde and succours to her afflicted neighbors, and not in any wise taken any command vnto her. And therefore she aduised them, To dispoile Leicester of that absolute authoritie, since she had prescribed to him his limits: not that she thought their cause was not to be defended, but that she might keepe safe her honour, which then her life she rather esteemed.’

The Estates answered: ‘THat they were much agrieued, They excuse themselues. that in giuing to Leicester without her aduice the absolute rule, they had offended her Maiesty; and reque­sted her to mitigate the offence by the necessity of matter; remonstrating to her, that of necessity that authority must haue been transferd vpon one or other, for the auoyding of troubles; neither was the authori­ty such as that word Absolute did seeme to inferre, seeing that principality and seueraigne rule, with the dignity of Gouernor, still remained intire amongst the people. But to reuoke the power which had already been transferd, would be a meanes to precipitate the Ne­therlands into extreame dangers.’

By these letters of the Estates, and those of Leicester, which hee (as one well skil'd how with feigned teares and griefe to re-obtaine the fauour of so gracious and milde a [Page 114] Princesse) had written in a sorrowfull stile this offence, by little and little vanished into obliuion.

In the meane space Leicester receiued the contributions of of the Prouinces, and established military lawes; and whilst he laboured to impose new taxes vpon their commerce, hee stirred vp the hate of the people against him. Now had Charles Earle of Mansueld, by order from the Duke of Par­ma Gouernor for the Spaniard in Flanders, for the space of some few moneths beleagerd Graue a towne in Brabant si­tuated vpon the riuer Mase, and had round intrenched him­selfe. Leicester sendeth suc­cours to re­leeue the Ci­ty of Graue besieged. Leicester to releeue the towne, sent the Earle Hoenloe a Germane, and Iohn Norris an English Captain, who hauing begun to raise a scance neere to the towne, that they might from thence send prouision & succors to the besieged, were soone assailed and repulst by the Spaniard: but certaine fresh companies of English ioyning with the other, and fal­ling vpon the Spaniard, repulsed them vvith a great slaugh­ter; only Norris receiued a small hurt. But the Duke of Par­ma comming with fresh supplies beganne furiously to play vpon the town with his great artillery, whereupon Homart Gouernor of the town; being a yong man, & vnexperienced in martiall affaires, without abiding any assault, after hee had conditioned for his owne, But it is yeel­ded vp. and the Inhabitants liues, he yeel­ded vp the towne. Whilest Leicester in the meane space expulsing the Spaniards out of the Betow, The Spani­ards expel­led out of the Betow. an Isle situated be­tweene the Rhine and the Waale, and fortified the scance neere Telon; Hemart for hauing vnaduisedly yeelded Graue was (for an example to others) beheaded.

An aduen­trous enter­prize.The Duke of Parma passing into Guilderland lodged his army before Venlo, where Skenke of Freezland, and Roger Williams a Welchman, being men of a resolute courage, put in practice a haughty enterprise, breaking through the army of the Duke by night, with intent to enter into the towne, and hauing slaughtered many, they had pierced as farre as the Dukes tent. But they were repulsed: and though they [Page 115] failed of their expectation, yet were they praysed amongst the best souldiers for their aduentrous hardinesse. Soone after the towne of Venlo was yeelded vp. In the interim, Venlo is lost. the Lord Willoughby Gouernor of Bergen op Zome intercep­ted store of Corne which was caried toward the enemy. On another side Phillip Sidney, and Maurice sonne to the Prince of Orange, surprised Axele a towne in Flanders. Axele is taken. Sidney swel­ling with courage by reason of this successe; being allured with hopes from some of the garison of Graueline, Graueline attempted. hee by night attempted to take the towne, but La Motte the Gouer­nor, by whom this plot was laid, issued out vpon him vn­expected, whereby he perceiued that he was deluded, and re­tired with the losse of some few men, safe and in perfect health. William Pelham Generall of the English horse scou­red vp and downe Brabant. Parma parting from Venlo, marched to Bergen, where Colonell Morgan with 1200 English vnder his command lay in Garison, which he belea­gerd: Leicester made hast to raise him, but finding himselfe vnequall in the number of his men, slenderly prouided of munition, not any place for retreat at hand, & the leaguer of his enemy strongly fortified: to draw the enemy from Bergen, he in likewise beleag [...]rd Duisbrough, and after that by the force of his cannon he had made a breach, Duisbourgh beleagerd. preparing to giue an assault, the towne vpon composition yeelded; so hee entred, Which yeelds. and tooke possession of the towne before the Duke of Parma had altogether left Bergen to come to re­leeue it.

Parma suspecting, that they would also march against Zutphen a neighbouring City, he caused prouision to be ca­ried into the towne but at the second returne of the cariage, the English by the fauour of the time which was then misty, encountred the Spaniards which conuoyed the same. Then began betwixt them a tumultuous conflict. The English standing two volleys of shot vntoucht, remained firme, putting to flight the troope of horse sent forth vnder the conduct of [Page 116] G. Cressiac a Wallon, who dismounted from his horse by the Lord Willoughby, vvas taken; Hannibal Gonzago with many others being slaine. Yet few of the English perished: but oh! Sir Philip Sidney is slaine. He that countervail'd many men, whose valor parallel'd if not exceeded the best, Sidney, his horse being slaine, whilst he ascended another, was shot through the thigh, of which wound fiue and twenty dayes after he dyed, hauing scarce out-liued his father foure moneths, and was much lamented of all good men. Leicester his vncle returning into Eng­land performed his obsequies and funerall duties, in the Church of St. Paul at London with great magnificence, and solemnities due to a noble Souldier. Iames the King of Scots honored him with an Epitaph, both the Academies cōsecrated their teares to him, and the new Colledge of Ox­ford erected a stately monument to his lasting memory. And to speake truth, the vertue of this man, his natural mag­nificent bounty, his adorned literature, and his sweet and milde behauiour, well deserued all this, yea and more.

Leicester, though sad & sorrowful, eagerly assaulted the forts before Zutphen, and to expugne them with better successe, he seized vpon the Iland with the places of defence therin; then assaulting the lesser fortresse, The valour of Edward Stanley of the house of Elford. hee subdued it by the va­lour of Edward Stanley who laying hold of a Spaniards Pike, wherewith he strucke him, kept such fast hold that hee was by the Pike drawne into the Fort, vvhereat the Spani­ards were in such sort amazed, that they fearefully fled. Leicester for this valorous exploit Knighted Stanley, rewar­ding him with 40 pounds English presently paid him down, and a 100 Marks yearely pension during his life. The night following the Spaniards abandoned the greater fort leauing behind them all their munition, and retyred into Zutphen. Leicester thought it not expedient to beleaguer the towne at that time, being then almost in the depth of vvinter, and the vveather very sharpe; besides, hauing garisons round about it, he thought it sufficiently besieged. For Sir Edward Stan­ley [Page 117] remained at Deuentrey, being sixe English miles from thence on the North side, with 1200 footmen, as well Eng­lish as Irish. Rowland Yorke kept the fortresses of Zutphen neere to Deuentry with 800 foote, and 100 horse. There were garisons likewise placed towards the East parts, at Lillo, Sherenbourg, and Douay.

Leicester hauing placed the rest of his troopes in garison, and seeing that the Duke of Parma was farre thence retired, hee returned to the Hage, where the Estates receiued him with many complaints: ‘THat the moneyes were not well distribu­ted, The Estates complaine to Leicester against him­selfe. that hee inclined his eares to evill Counsellors, that the numbers of the auxili­ary English were not compleat, that foreigne souldiers were inrol'd without their consent, that militarie discipline was neglected, that waggons and pioners were compeld, that the priuiledges of the prouinces were contēned, & that new formes of contribution were deuised.’

They requested him to apply a speedy and healthfull re­medy to these things. He that had his whole intendments busied about his returne into England, with a courteous an­swer gaue them faire promising. But vpon the day where­in he was to depart, he committed the administration of the Prouinces to the Counsell of the Estates, and vpon the same day, by letters of restraint secretly dispatcht, he reserued to himselfe the whole authority ouer the Gouernours of the Prouinces, Townes, and Castles, and exempted likewise the accustomed iurisdictions from the Counsell of the Estates [Page 118] and Gouernours of the Prouinces, and so vpon the third day of December he passed ouer into England. He retur­neth into England. Thus for this whole yeare were the English affaires caried in the Netherlands.

In England, Phillip Earle of Arundel who all the yeare had beene kept close prisoner, was accused in the Starre-Chamber.

The Earle of Arundell is accused of many things
THat hee contrary to the Lawes, had succoured the Priests, had inter­change of letters with Alan and Parson, Jesuits and enemies to the Queene: That he had derogated from the Justice of the King­dome by publike writing: and had enterpri­sed to depart the Kingdome without licence.

He answe­red them well, and is but fyned.But hauing made protestation of his obedience to the Queene, and loue to his Country, he modestly excused him­selfe out of his zeale to the Catholike Religion, and his ig­norance of the lawes, and submitted himselfe to the iudge­ment of the Assembly, who adiudged him to be fined 10000 pounds, and so long imprisonment as the Queenes pleasure should prescribe. But of these things in the yeare 1589 must more amply be discoursed.

The King of Denmarke intercedeth for Peace with the Queene of England.About this time ariued in England frō Frederick 2. King of Denmarke, Hen. Ramely Chancelor for the German affaires, with a warlike traine & guard of Muskettiers, who at large declared, with what affection the K. of Denmarke was trans­ported towards Queene ELIZABETH, and the generall peace of Christendome; to which he promised with his best indeauors to moue the King of Spaine to condiscend: [Page 119]THat (as hee said) the common enemie of mankinde, might not any longer with humane blood water those seeds of warre which he had sowne in the Netherlands.

The Queene gaue him a gracious hearing; and hauing often graciously entertained him with diuers discourses, she highly commended the pious intention of the King of Den­marke. And by the Lord Burghley, Treasurer; Charles Ho­ward, Lord High Admirall; Henry Lord Carie, Baron of Hunsdon, Chamberlaine; and Sir Francis Walsingham, principall Secretarie, she gaue him this answer; ‘THat she desired nothing more, Queene Eli­zabeth an­swereth. then to embrace a League of amity (in which were coucht no treacheries) with her neigh­bouring Princes. But considering the com­plots of the Spaniard which hee had practised against her, shee could not but prouide for her owne safety, the defence of the True Religi­on of Christ, and the conseruation of the pri­uiledges of her allyed neighbours in their en­tier.’

The selfe-same answer to the same purpose she gaue to Bodellan, sent into England by the Duke of Parma to treat of a Peace.

[Page 120]In the meane space shee furnished the King of Nauarre, by the hands of Horatio Pallauicine vvith a large summe of money; She furni­sheth Henry King of Na­varre with money. in whose person onely, the Guises oppugned the re­formed Religion in France. But the Queene was to nothing more attentiue, then to confirme a solid amity betweene England and Scotland, and to conioyne them in one vnited League of mutuall offence and defence, She desireth a league with Scot­land. By what counsell. vvhereby she might not onely cut off all hope of ayde from Scotland to foraine Nations, but to the Queene of Scots her selfe. For Queene ELIZABETH suspected, that shee, being greatly incensed, had imbraced some perilous counsell, since that the conditi­ons which vvere presented by her, vvere reiected; the asso­ciation agreed vpon, and she (as is before related) deliuered into the custody of Sir Aimé Poulet and Drury. And it was apparantly manifest, that the Iesuites on one side, and the fugitiue Nobilitie of the other, The fugi­tiues and Scottish Ie­suits do sug­gest diuers things to the Queene of Scots. had suggested her with diuers designes, and abrupt counsels, by their Letters writ­ten one against the other. For the Iesuites perceiuing that there was no other hope left for the establishing of the Ro­man Religion, either by her, or by her sonne, they framed to themselues new deuices; they beganne to coyne for the Spaniard (whose greatnesse they alwayes laboured to en­crease) a new and fained right to the succession of England. And (as Pasquier reported) they sent Saumier (if the name be not fained) into England, vvhich vvas one of their owne society, for to draw the Nobility to the Spanish faction, and to force her to some dangerous matter; denouncing that if she were any way troublesome, that neither shee nor her son should raigne at all. And by inciting the Guises, her alliance, to new commotions against the King of Nauarre and Prince of Conde, to the intent to hinder them from ai­ding of her and her sonne.

The French labour to hinder the League.But to conclude the League which was begunne by Wot­ton, and interrupted by the slaughter of Francis Russell, which also Desneuall the French Ambassador, and Corselle, [Page 121] a man of an impatient disposition, who not long before was ignominiously driuen out of England; began now to hin­der; Thomas Randolph vvas dispatched, vvhose dexteritie in the Scottish affaires, was accounted wise and fortunate, although to the King hee was scarce welcome, by reason of the troubles which he formerly moued in Scotland. He pro­posed to the King the same conditions of the League, which Wotton had before propounded. The King of Scots propound­eth condi­tions. The King would haue to be added the Articles concerning the yearely pension assig­ned, and the preiudice not to be offered to his Right to the Crowne of England, and vvould haue them inserted into the Contract. The Ambassador according to his instructi­ons promised him an assurance of these things in a writing separate by it selfe, prouided that hee constantly embraced the League. The King, out of the loue vvhich hee bore to his subiects, propounded that the Scots might inioy the self­same immunities in England as the English themselues. But the Ambassador shewing him that it could not be done except by the Parliament authoritie; and the States of England vvould not easily accord thereto: the King deli­berately proposing the Articles to himselfe, agreed vnto them, and commanded them to be imparted to his Nobili­ty, to the entent that they likewise should confirme them with their subscriptions. Yet the French Ambassador mur­muring, first, said, that the Queene had desired this League, not out of any loue to the King, but for the iust feare vvhich shee had, lest shee should bee ruined by her enemies which were ioyned against her: then hee iniected many feares, intermixt with threats, that the amity of France, which is most profitable to the Scots, vvould be by this meanes dis­solued: Lastly, he coniured the King, that hee would not doe any thing without the King of France his counsell.

But the King, who wel knew these to be but vaine speeches, He is not deterred by the French. could not be retarded or diuerted from his purpose. For hee wel knew that the English forces were much encreased by [Page 122] Englands League with the Low-Countries, made this seri­ous answer.

King Iames's answer to them.
THat he had reposed his confidence in the diuine bounty, and not in the friendship of such as were contrary to the glory of God. Neither was it lesse lawfull for him to con­tract a League with the Queene, without the French Kings counsell, then it was of late for the King of France to ioyne in friendship with her, without his aduice.

And although the Queene, that she might not be thought to buy this alliance, did send him lesse money then he ex­pected, and made lesse expression of the assurance of the succession, neuerthelesse for the zeale which hee bore to Religion, and his singular affection to the Queene, hee commanded the League to bee concluded; and further to acquite his promise, he determined to send into England the Carrs, which were suspected murderers of Francis Russell.

The League of fast friendship.A little after, vpon the beginning of Iuly, the Earle of Rut­land, the Lord Euers, and Tho: Randolph for the Queene: the Earle of Bothwell, the Lord Boide, and Iames Humy Col­dingknoll for the King of Scotland were assembled at Bar­wicke, and there consummated the League, which was called The League of fast friendship, (because the word of offence was displeasing to the Scots) as followeth.

FOrasmuch as the Raignes and Gouernments of of these Princes, are falne into these doubtful and dangerous times, wherein the neighbouring [Page 123] Princes, which will be called Catholiques, acknowled­ging the Papall authoritie, doe contract Leagues, and by mutuall alliances, doe oblige their faiths, to ruine and extirpate, the true, pure, and Euangelicall Reli­gion; not onely out of their owne Territories and Do­minions, but also out of foraine Kingdomes. To the end, that those which doe embrace the Euangelicall Religion, might not seeme lesse carefull to defend and protect the same, then those which at this time doe ex­ercise the Roman Religion are for the euersion & ouer­throw of it: The said Princes for their greater assurance, and securitie of their owne persons, vpon whose safety dependeth the good and welfare of the people; and for the conseruation of the true, ancient, and Christian Religion, whereof they at this present make profession, haue consulted and agreed to combine themselues in a straiter knot of mutuall alliance and friendship, then hath beene till now amongst the Predecessors of their Maiesties.

The first ARTICLE.

PRimarily then, to the end that this so godly and necessary Proposition of either Prince in this tur­bulent estate of things might come to an effect, for the common good, and propagation of the truth of the Gospell: it is conuented, agreed and concluded, that the said Princes shall by this mutuall and holy League, be especially carefull to defend and conserue the true, pure, and Euangelicall Religion, which they now professe, against all others that for the ruine thereof shall enterprize any thing against either of them; and shall labour and endeuour with all possible diligence, that the rest of those Princes which are professors of the same Religion, might accord with them in this [Page 124] holy propounded League, and conioyning their forces conserue in their Dominions the true seruice of God, and defend and gouerne their subiects vnder the said ancient and Apostolicall Religion.

The second.

ITem, it is conuented, accorded, and concluded that this mutuall League for the defending and main­taining of the Christian and Catholique Religion, which at this present is holden by either Prince, and by the grace of God obserued and nourished in their Realmes and Dominions, shall bee a League of offence and defence against all those that shall hinder, or en­deuour by any means to hinder the exercise of the same within their Realmes and Dominions; notwithstand­ing all Treaties, Leagues of friendship, and Confedera­tions past betweene either of them, and all aduersaries and persecutors whatsoeuer of the same Religion. That if at any time any Prince or State whatsoeuer, of what condition so euer he be, shal inuade or infest, the Realmes, Dominions, or Territories, of either of the said Princes, or any part of them; or indomage or iniure any man­ner of way their Maiesties persons, or subiects; or shall attempt these, or any of these things,

The third.

IT is conuented, accorded and concluded, that neither of these Princes, receiuing intelligence from the person inuaded, iniured, or indoma­ged, shall directly, or indirectly; openly, or couert­ly, aide, counsell, or fauour, at any time, the said inuaders, or infestors, in what kinde of inuasion so euer it shall bee; or by whomsoeuer it shall be at­tempted, [Page 125] notwithstanding all kindred, affinitie, amitie, or [...] before contracted, or after to bee contracted.

The fourth.

THat the said Princes shall reciprocally send aide either to other, in manner as followeth: If the Kingdome of England shall be inuaded or mo­lested by any stranger vpon those parts which are farre remote from the Kingdome of Scotland, the King of Scotland after demand made by the Queene of Eng­land, shall incontinently and without delay send two thousand horse and fiue thousand foot▪ or any lesse num­ber, according to the pleasure & request of the Queene, to bee conducted at the expence of the Queene, from the frontiers of Scotland next adiacent to the King­dome of England, into any part of England what­soeuer.

The fift.

THat if the Kingdome of Scotland shall bee inuaded or molested by any stranger, vpon those parts which are farre remote from the King­dome of England: the Queene of England after de­mand made by the King of Scotland, shall inconti­nently, and without delay, send three thousand horse, and sixe thousand foot, or any lesse number, according to the pleasure and request of the King▪ to be conducted at the expence of the King from the frontiers of Eng­land, next adiacent to the Kingdome of Scotland, into any part of Scotland whatsoeuer.

The sixt.

THat if the Kingdome of England shall by any one bee inuaded vpon the North parts within threescore miles of the borders of Scotland, the most illustrious King of Scotland being requested and demanded by the most excellent Queene of England, shall assemble all his forces and troopes to his possibi­litie, effectually and without delay; and ioyning them with the English troops, shall pursue in all hostile man­ner those that shall inuade the Kingdome of England, their fauourers and assistants whatsoeuer, for the space of thirty dayes together, or longer, if occasion and ne­cessitie shall require, according to the space of time, which the subiects of Scotland were anciently accusto­med, and to this day doe hold, for bringing of succours to the defence of the Kingdome.

The seuenth.

THat when the King of Scots shall haue notice giuen him from the Queene of England of any inuasion or deuastation happening in Ireland, he shall not onely forbid the inhabitants of the County of Argathel, of the Iles, and places adiacent to the said County, and the inhabitants of all other places whatsoeuer in the Kingdome of Scotland, not to enter into the Kingdome of Ireland, and to his power to hin­der them from entring: But also in what time so euer it shall happen, that the inhabitants of any part what­soeuer of the Realme of Scotland, shall, contrary to the intent of this Treaty, enter in hostile manner into any part of Ireland, with an extraordinary and vnusu­all number of Souldiers: the King himselfe, after he [Page 127] had giuen notice to the Queene of the said entry, shall, by a publique Edict, denounce the said inuaders, brea­king in hostile maner into the said Realme, for Rebels, disturbers of the publique peace, and men guilty of at­tempt against the estate, and as such shall pursue them.

The eighth.

THat neither of the said Princes shall giue (or permit any other in any sort whatsoeuer to giue) at any time hereafter, any aide, fauour, or as­sistance, to any conspirator, rebell, or one reuolted from either Prince; or suffer any such person or persons in publike or in priuate, to make stay or aboade in their Dominions. But either of the said Princes, vpon the first notice, or request of the Prince (from whom they haue reuolted) offered, shall deliuer or cause to be deli­uered vp the said conspirators, or Rebels, without any delay or procrastination, (according to the Conuenti­ons, in our former Treaties betweene our selues, and our predecessors, expressed) or at least shal compell them to depart out of the bounds of their Dominions. And furthermore, so long as the said Rebels, or conspirators shall remaine in the said Dominions, either of the said Princes shall giue reasonable satisfaction for all the wrongs and damages done by the said Rebels.

The ninth.

THat to compound for all and singular the iniu­ries and controuersies which haue hapned since the time that the most excellent King of Scots tooke the gouernment of the Kingdome vpon him, and for the space of foure yeares before, by reason of the [Page 128] frontier limits, or amongst the borderers. The Princes shall on either side, within six moneths after this league concluded, send capable Commissioners, desirous of peace, well instructed, with commands sufficient and proper for the same affaires, to some commodious place vpon the frontiers of both Kingdomes, which shall de­termine and end all causes & controuersies by a friend­ly and honorable composition.

The tenth.

THat neither of the said Princes shall contract any League or confederation with any other Prince, Common-wealth, or Communalty what­soeuer, to the preiudice of this present League and vni­on, without hauing and obtaining an expresse consent from the other, by Letters, either subscribed with his hand, or sealed with his Priuy Seale.

That both Princes, when either of them shall bee duely requested by the Ambassadors or Commissioners of the other, shall approue and confirme this holy League of Society, both by Oath, and vnder the Great Seale. And further, for the greater assurance and stabilitie of the same, shall deliuer, or cause to be deliuered Letters Pa­tents at a certaine time, which by the mutuall consent of either Prince shall be constituted.

The eleuenth.

THat all the precedent Treaties of friendship, and Conuentions of Leagues betweene the Pre­decessors of the said Princes, their Kingdomes and Dominions (though now seeming out of vse) shall [Page 129] remaine in their vertue, force, and vigour. And like­wise this present treaty of mutuall alliance, and fast friendship shall not derogate in any manner from the precedent Treaties, and confederations passed by the said Princes, with other their Allies, or diminish in any part their waight, and authoritie, (onely excepted the defence of the pure Religion which the said Princes doe defend and exercise at this present in their King­domes) in which manner we vnderstand, that this pre­sent League of offence and defence, in its owne force shall remaine ratified, and inviolable.

That when the King of Scotland shall come to the age of fiue and twenty yeares; he shall (so soon as he con­ueniently may) approue and confirme by a publique as­sembly of his Kingdome this present League. Likewise the Queenes Maiestie shall doe and accomplish the same thing, and shall cause to be done and accomplished in the Court of Parliament, by the Nobility and other states of the Kingdomes of England and Ireland.

In the same moneth that this League was concluded of, A conspira­cie against Queene Eli­zabeth. a most pernicious conspiracy was discouered against Queene ELIZABETH; of which (in as few words as may possible be) I will expound the originall and progresse, according to that which I haue extracted out of the voluntary confes­sions of the conspirators. Some out of the English Semi­narie at Rheims, admiring as it were with astonishment, a certaine omnipotency in the Pope of Rome, beleeuing that the Bull of Pius Quintus against Queene ELIZABETH was dictated to him by the Holy Ghost; perswaded them­selues, and others also that desired the glory of being Mar­tyrs: that it was a meritorious thing to murder such as were excommunicate; yea, and a martyrdome to dye in such a cause. Giffard Doctor in Diuinity, Gilbert Giffard and Hod­geson Priests, so farre possessed the minde of Iohn Sauage [Page 130] with these things (who was reputed to be a bastard) a man ready at all assayes, that hee freely and voluntarily vowed to murder Queene ELIZABETH. How disco­uered. And to make men be­leeue, that they desired to assure the Queene and her Coun­sellors, they published a booke at the same time, wherein they admonished the Papists of England not to enterprize any thing against their Queene, but with their teares (which are the weapons of Christians) to combate against her ene­mies. And also by this meanes they dispersed a false rumor, that George Giffard a Gentleman of the Queenes Guard, had sworne to murder her, and to that end was by the Guise hy­red with large summes of money.

Ballard re­turneth into France.In Easter Holydayes, Iohn Ballard Priest of the same Se­minary, after hee had visited many Papists in England and Scotland, and had sounded their minds, hee returned into France, accompanied with Maude, Walsinghams Spy, a most crafty dissembler, that had seduced his easie nature, and treated vvith Barnardino Mendoza then Leidger for the King of Spaine in France, and Charles Paget who was wholly deuoted to the Queene of Scots, about the meanes to inuade England; representing to him, the apt opportuni­tie of the time which then vvas, because the men of warre were then absent, and busied in the Low-Countries: nei­ther was there a fitter time to bee hoped for, because the Pope, Spaniard, Guise, and Parma had then determined to in­uade England, to diuert the warres from the Netherlands. But Paget clearely demonstrated, that it would be in vaine, to goe about to inuade England so long as the Queene was liuing. Ballard sent backe into England. Ballard neuerthelesse was sent backe, after hee had sworne, to procure speedy succours to them that should in­uade, and the liberty of the Queene of Scots.

Meeteth with Ba­bington.At Whitsontide this Priest ariued in England, apparelled in Silks, in the habite of a Souldier, and by a borrowed name called himselfe Captaine Foscue. Hee consulted at London about these things with Anthony Babington of Dethicke in [Page 131] Darbyshire, a yong man of a famous house, of a haughty spi­rit, in learning surpassing his age, and very zealous to the Roman religion; who without leaue, had before passed into France vnknowne, and there became familiar with Thomas Morgan a seruant to the Queene of Scots, and the Bishop of Glasco her Ambassador; who continually sounded in the eares of his ambitious yong man, the heroicall vertues of the great Queene of Scots, in whose seruice hee might ob­taine the meanes to rise to great Honours. Whereupon the yong man conceiued a certaine hope, and Morgan, without his knowledge, commended him by Letters to the Queene. For after that he was returned into England, the Queene of Scots graciously saluted him with her Letters; & after that, Morgan made vse of him for conueyance of Letters to and fro, vntill such time, that she was deliuered into the custody of Poulet: then he, perceiuing the danger which might en­sue, desisted. Ballard (as I said) consulted of the aforesaid things with Babington, hee plainely thought that the inua­ding of England would be to no purpose so long as Queene ELIZABETH liued. But Ballard giuing him to vnderstand, He instructs him in the stratagem. that she had not long to liue, because Sauage who had vowed to murder her, was then ariued in England; Babington was of another aduice, and thought it not fit, that affaires of such greatnesse should be committed to him alone, lest he should faile in the attempt. But to sixe valiant and Noble­men, of which he would haue Sauage to be one, to the end he might not infringe his vow. And therfore Babington sought out a new meanes for the inuading of England by the stran­gers, at what Port they should land, what assistance should be ioyned with them; how the Queene of Scots should be set at liberty: and lastly, for committing the tragicall murder (as he called it) of the Queene of England.

Whilst hee wholly bent his cogitations vpon these mat­ters, Babington receiueth Letters from the Queene of Scots. hee receiued Letters by a boy vnknowne from the Queen of Scots, written in a familiar Character betwixt [Page 132] them: wherein she gently blamed him for his long silence, and commanded him with all speed to send the packet of Letters sent from Morgan, and deliuered to him by the Se­cretary of the French Ambassador, which hee performed, and by the same messenger sent her a Letter, by which He writeth back to her.HE excused himselfe of his silence, because hee was destitute of opportunitie to send to her, since she was giuen into the custodie of Sir Aimé Poulet that Puritan, wholly deuo­ted to Leicester, and a cruell and bitter enemy to the Catholique faith. He writ of the confe­rence which he had with Ballard. Hee gaue her notice that sixe Gentle-men were chosen to commit a tragicall murder; and that he with a hundred others at the instant would deliuer her. And he desired her to propound recom­pences to the heroicall actor of this tragedie (so he called it) or to their posteritie if they dyed in the attempt.’

She answe­reth him.She answered these Letters the 27 of Iuly: And ‘SHe praised his singular affection to the Ca­tholique religion, and to her selfe. But she admonished him to be considerate in this enter­prise, [Page 133] and that he should conclude an associati­on amongst the authors and actors in the same, for feare of the Puritans; not to attempt any thing before he was sure of the foraine succors to stirre vp some combustion in Ireland, whi­lest the blow was to be giuen here; to draw to his faction the Earle of Arundel and his bro­thers, with the Earle of Northumberland, and secretly to repeale into the Kingdome the Earle of Westmerland, Paget, and others.’

She prescribeth the meanes of her deliuerie; ‘EIther by subuerting of a Cart in the Port, or setting fire vpon Stables, or by inter­cepting of her when she should ride to take the aire, or recreate her selfe betweene Chartle and Stafford. Finally, she requested Ba­bington to promise recompences to the sixe Gentle-men, and to all the rest.

He had now associated to him certaine Gentlemen of No­ble race burning with zeale toward the Romane Religion; His associ­ates in the conspiracie. amongst whom the principall were Edward Windsor, bro­ther to the Lord Windsor, Baron of Bradnam, a yong man [Page 134] of a pleasing and milde disposition. Thomas Salisbury issued from a house of ancient Knighthood in Denbigh-shire. Char: Tilney of a remarkable and famous race; who was the onely hope of that house; with one of the Gentlemen Pensioners to the Queene, whom Ballard a while before had reconci­led to the Romane Church: and Chidiock Tichborn of Hamp­shire, and Edward Abington, whose father was the vnder-Treasurer of the Queenes houshold; two braue yong men; Robert Gadge of Surrey, Iohn Trauerse, Iohn Charnock of Lan­cashire, I. Iones, whose father was keeper of the Wardrop to Queene MARIE: Sauage, of whom I haue spoken: Barnwell, of a Noble House in Ireland, and Henry Dunne Clerke for the receipt of first fruits and tythes. Into this company Pol­ly insinuated himselfe, vvell instructed in the affaires of the Queene of Scots, very expert in dissembling, vvho stil from day to day, laid open all their counsels to Walsingham, and by the mischieuous aduice which he suggested to these yong men, being of themselues inclined to euill, hee precipitated them to farre vvorse matters: notwithstanding Naue the Queene of Scots Secretary, had forwarned them of him.

Babington giueth to euery one his taske.To these Babington communicateth the matter, but not to euery one, all; he shewed to Ballard, Tichborne and Dunne his owne Letters, and the Letters of the Queene of Scots. Also he soliciteth Tilney, and Tichborne to doe the deed. At the first they refuse to staine their hands in their Princesses blood. But Ballard and Babington labouring hard to teach and giue them to vnderstand how iust and lawfull it vvas to kil Kings or Princes excommunicated, and that if right were to be violated, it must needs be for the Catholike Religion; yet notwithstanding they with much adoe are perswaded to it. Abington, Barnwell, Charnock, and Sauage yeelded their ready consent vvith alacritie, swearing to act the murther. Salisbury they could not possibly induce to bee a Regicide, nor draw to any thing more, then to imploy his best ende­uours for the deliuerance of the Queene of Scotland. Ba­bington [Page 135] maketh choice of Tichnore to be the odde man ouer and aboue the number of those that should doe the deed; of whose secrecie, trust and resolution he made no doubt; but he was then abroad in trauell. Babington commandeth that before they had taken their oath, they should not impart the businesse to any.

After this, they met in Sr. Gyles fields to conferre further; They con­fer together. in Paules also, and in Tauernes, where they feasted often, puft vp with vaine hopes of preferment to great honors and dignities: whereupon they would often commend the no­ble courage of those valiant Scots, which had lately seized on the Kings royall person at Sterlin; and Girard the Bourgoni­an, who slew the Prince of Orange at Delph. Moreouer, Their vani­ty. they grew to that height of vanity, that thy would needs haue the pictures of them drawne in a table, and Babington in the midst, with this versicle or inscription: ‘Such be my consorts, as dare incurre my dangers.’

But this pleased them not so well, as being a little too plain, wherefore they exchanged it with this other; ‘Quorsum haec, aliò properantibus.’

Some are of opinion that this table was once show'd to Queene ELIZABETH in priuate, of which shee could not discern or know any other man by his effigies, but Barnwell onely who had had at diuers times accesse to her Maiesty from the Earle of Kildare whom hee serued; but being in­structed in the businesse, she knew him to be the man should haue attempted her life; for on a time walking abroad, and espying Barnwell, whom she beheld with an vndanted coun­tenance, turning herselfe suddenly towards Sir Christopher Hatton Captaine of her Guard, and others; she said, Am not I fairly guarded now, hauing not one man of my followers, that is prouided of a sword? This Barnwell reported this to [Page 136] the rest of his fellowes, telling thē how easily it might then haue beene done, had he had his consorts with him: and Sauage said the same.

Babington in care to bring in the forraigne aides, sends Ballard to worke for him. Insinuateth with Wal­singham.After this, Babington cast all his care, how he might bring in the forraigne power according to his promise. For the more certainty hee resolued to passe himselfe into France and to send Ballard before to the same end, for whom in an other name he had procured a licence to trauell. And for the better auoyding of suspition, insinuateth himselfe with Sir Francis Walsingham, by meanes of Polly already spoken of, whom he earnestly intreated to procure him a Passe from the Queene to goe into France, promising him he would be exquisitely industrious to finde out all the hidden plots the English fugitiues had in hand concerning the Queene of Scots: He commendeth much the yong Gentlemans pur­pose, Deceit by deceit de­ceiued. promising him not only his Passe, but greater matters. Neuerthelesse putting off from time to time both the one and the other, hauing serued his turne in the meane time by his owne intelligencers, who had acquainted him before­hand with all things, though they thought themselues as se­cret as the Sun; he who discouered most of these matters to Walsingham, Giffard dis­couereth all the conspi­racy. was one Gilbert Giffard, descended from the noble family of the Chilingtons in Staffordshire neere Chart­ley, where the Queene of Scots had lyen, and was then sent by the fugitiues into England, vnder the name of Luson, to put Sauage in mind of the vow he had made: and being now to bee their factor, was to keepe himselfe close, and the Queene of Scots letters safe which were to bee sent ouer, when as they could not in those dangerous times draw in the Countesse of Arondel, the Lord Lumley, the Lord H. Howard, nor Sir G. Shirley.

The fugitiues to try whether they might safely expect letters out of England from Giffard, sent often empty white papers (which they call blanckes) bound vp in packets like letters, which perceiuing by the answers they receiued that [Page 137] they had beene deliuered, and now beleeuing their cariers better then before, write materially, but in characters. Whether this Giffard was troubled in conscience, or cor­rupted with money, before hee carried ouer his letters, or terified with feare, I cannot well tell; but hee went to Wal­singham first in secret, to vvhom hee discouered himselfe, and for vvhat cause hee was thus imployed into England, offering his seruice for the loue hee bore vnto his Prin­cesse and Countrie, vvith promise that what Letters so euer from the Fugitiues, or the Queene of Scots should come in­to his hands, hee would acquaint him with. Sir Fran: Walsingham, embracing his offer, entertaineth him kindely, and sending him into Stafford-shire, vvrit to Sir Aimé Pou­let, intreating him to giue this Giffard leaue to intice some of his seruants. He vnwilling that any seruant of his (as he said) should by dissimulation, or otherwise, bee brought to turne Traitor, seemed not to be pleased therewith. Neuer­thelesse suffered him to practice vntill hee had brought in a Beare-brewer, and an Oate-meale-man, his neare neigh­bours, whom he made sure. Giffard vvith a few crownes had easily corrupted the Brewer; who by a hole made artifici­ally in a wall, wherein vvas a stone that vvas to be easily put in and out, he both deliuered & receiued Letters, the which by Carriers appointed for the purpose, viz. relapsed Priests, came to Sir F. Walsinghams hands. He opened them, tooke Copies of them, and by the cunning of Tho. Sendeth the Letters he receiued, to Walsing­ham. Philips found out the Charactory, and by the deuice of Arthur Gregory, so closed them vp againe, that it was not to be per­ceiued that they had been vnsealed, then sent them to whom they were directed, according to their superscriptions. In this fashion were the two first Letters intercepted which the Queene of Scots had written to Babington, and his answers againe to her (wherein in the same Characters was added at the end of the Letter a Postscriptum: in which they found sixe Noble-mens names, if no more) as also other Letters, [Page 138] which all in one day were vvritten to the Spanish Ambas­sador, to the Lord Paget, Char: Paget, the Archbishop of Glascow, and Sir Francis Inglefield: all which were first writ­ten out, and so sent away againe.

So soone as the Queene vnderstood by these Letters, vvhat a horrible storme vvas ready to light on her, as well out of diuers places abroad, as at home; she commanded out of hand, Ballard vp­on his de­parture is taken. to apprehend Ballard, vvho vvas at vnawares taken in Babingtons house, being vpon his departure for France. This brought a thousand doubts and dreadfull thoughts into the perplexed heart of Babington, who hereupon vvent to Tichbourne for his aduice vvhat to doe. Tichbournes coun­sell vvas that euery man should fly out, to saue himselfe. But Babington vvas of a minde to send forth Sauage and Char­nocke to performe the murder. But first, that he might haue the better accesse in Court, to apparell him richly; and to this end, had conference with the rest in Pauls that day. But changing his opinion, and hauing hidden in his perplexed heart, Babington soliciteth for Ballards libertie. the thornes of his sorrowes, importuneth Walsingham by Letters and intreaties, being then at the Court, without further delay to let him haue his Licence for France, and for that he had speciall vse for Ballard to set him at libertie. Wal­singham deferred his suit vvith faire promises, laying the ta­king of Ballard vpon Yong the cunning Catcher of the Pa­pists, Falleth into the same net. and vpon his Pursuiuants, aduising him as it were in kindnesse to keepe him out of the clawes of such as they; and this he easily perswaded him to (being a yong man) and to take his house in London for his lodging for a vvhile, till the Queene had signed his Passe, and till himselfe returned to London, that they might conferre the more priuately to­gether of such great matters, and that otherwise by his of­ten goings vp and downe, which he must needs vse if he be lodged any where else, the fugitiues could not but grow suspitious of him vpon his going into France.

In the meane time one Scudamore, a seruant of Sir Fran­cis [Page 139] Walsinghams, vvas commanded to haue an eye to him, to accompany him euery where; giuing him to vnderstand, that this was done to saue him from Pursuiuants and Serge­ants. This webbe Walsingham had closely wouen vvithout the knowledge of the Queenes Councell, and thought to lengthen it a little more. But the Queene would not haue it so, lest in not seeking to saue her selfe whilest she might, her Maiestie should seeme (as shee said) rather to tempt God, then to trust in him. Hereupon a letter was sent from Wal­singham at Court, to his man at home, to looke a little more narrowly to Babington then hee had done. This vvriting was deliuer'd him vnsealed, sitting at table next to Babington, who tooke occasion to read it vvith him. He hauing a guilty conscience began to suspect that all was discouered; so that being the night following vvith Scudamore, and two others of Sir Francis Walsinghams seruants at supper in a Tauerne; Getteth himselfe out. After they had supped, he riseth from the table, leauing his Cloake and Rapier behind him, as if he had gone to pay the shot, taking the benefit of the darke night, slipt away to Westminster, where hee changed his cloathes with Gage, which Gage soone after put off in Charnocks Chamber, and put on his: being so arrayed, they went to saue them in Saint Iohns Wood, neare the Citie, vvhere Barnwell and Dun came to them. The meane while, they vvere proclaimed traytors thorow the vvhole countrie. Lyeth in a wood. They lurked in woods and by wayes, after the French Ambassador had refused to lend them money, and Tichbourne horses. Babington cut his head-haires, and because he vvas faire of complexion, they besmeared his face vvith the huskes of greene Wal-nuts. Hunger at the last inforced them to retyre themselues into the houses of the Bellamis neare Harrow-hill, Harrow-Hill. a people zea­lously affected to the Romane religion, which hid them in barnes, and put them in Rusticke apparell, and relieued them with meat. But being found ten dayes after, They are found. they vvere conueyed from thence to London, and the Citizens to ex­presse [Page 140] their great ioy, rung Bels, made bonefires, and sung Psalmes; which the Queene much commended, and gaue the City thankes.

And all the rest of the conspiratorsThe other Conspirators vvere taken presently after, the most of them in the Suburbs; Salisbury in Cheshire: his horse being shot through by those vvhich pursued him, and Tra­uers with him: after they had swom ouer the Riuer Weauer: and Iones in Wales, who not vnacquainted with the treason, had lodged them in his house, after he had heard them pro­claimed Traitors, and had changed Cloakes with Salisbury and his man, (who vvas a Priest) which fled on horsebacke. Many dayes were spent in the examination of these, which bewrayed one another, All disco­uered. not concealing any thing of the knowne truth.

Now whilst these things past thus, the Queene of Scots and her seruants were by Sir Aimé Poulet kept with watch and ward, that she might not heare thereof, although it were knowne all the Land thorow. But so soone as they were all taken, Sir Tho: Gorge vvas sent to aduertize her briefely hereof, which he did purposely, shee not dreaming of any such matter, but was now mounted on horsebacke to goe hunt, and vnder a show of honour is conducted vp and down from one Noble mans house to another, not suffering her to returne home. In the meane time, Sir Iohn Manners, Ed. Aston, Ri: Bagot, and Wi: Waade (who knew not any thing of this businesse, The Q. of Scots kept with a guard and separa­ted from her ser­uants. hauing beene lately sent into this Countrey) receiued Letters and Commission from the Queen to execute the same, to separate Naune, & Curle, and the rest of her seruants, to be kept safe and seueral from com­ming to haue any communication with her, or shee with them. And breaking open the doores of her Closet, sent away to the Court all her Desks, or Coffers, wherein were any Letters vnder her owne hand and Seale. Her Cofers with Letters sent to the Queene. Then Poulet (as it was commanded him) seized vpon all her mo­ney, that she might haue no meanes, to bribe any, promising [Page 141] to restore it to her againe. The Coffers being opened be­fore Queen ELIZABETH, diuers Letters were found writ­ten to her by Strangers, copies of such as she had sent to sundry; notes, memorials and secret Characters [...]o the num­ber of threescore more or lesse; with diuers amorous Let­ters, and Letters of complement from some great men of England: ELIZABETH notwithstanding passed all ouer in silence, vsing her old Motto.

Video, Taceo (que).
J see, and say nothing.

But as they had knowledge of these things, those who be­fore had fauoured the Queene of Scots, from thenceforth were her aduersaries.

After this, Giffard sent into France, dyeth mise­rably. Giffard (hauing first playd his part in this Tra­gedie) was sent into France, as if he had beene banished, but before he went, he left with the Ambassador of France, an indented Paper, willing him not to deliuer the Queene of Scots her Letters, nor those of the Fugitiues to any but him that should show him a Paper sutable to that, the which he left secretly with Walsingham. Hee returning into France within a few moneths after, being committed to prison for some impuritie of life, and suspected of these matters, en­ded his dayes miserably, confessing that the most of that which hee had said was true, as was apparant by that which was found in his Deske.

The thirteenth day of September seuen of the Conspi­rators were arraigned, vvho confessed themselues guilty, The Tray­tors come to Iudgement. and vvere condemned of High treason. The second day after, the other seuen was likewise called to the barre; who pleading not guilty, put themselues (as the manner is) to be tryed by God and the Countrey, and vvere by their owne confessions found guilty and condemned: Onely Polley (though he were guilty of all) saying hee had something to [Page 142] speake to Sir Fran: Walsingham was not brought forth.

Are puni­shed.Vpon the 20 day of the moneth, the first seuen were hanged on a Gibbet, a seaffold being set vp for that purpose, in S. Gyles fields, where they had commonly vsed to meet. They were no sooner hanged, but presently cut downe: their priuy members cut off, their bowels ript vp, and quar­tered (they yet aliue, and looking about them) which was not without some note of cruelty. The first was Ballard the Arch-traytor, after he had asked God and the Queene forgiuenesse, if euer he had offended her. Then Babington (who neuer seemed dismayed at Ballards execution) whilest the other turning aside, prayed on their knees, confessed his faults ingenuously; and being cut downe from the gallowes, and lying vpon the blocke to be quartered, cryed aloud in Latine; Parce mihi Domine Iesu. Sauage (the Rope being crackt) fell from the Gibber, and being presently snatcht vp by the executioner, had his members cut off, and was bo­welled aliue. Barnwell excused his crime out of a pretext of conscience and Religion. T [...]hbourne most penitently confessing his offence, was much pitied of the beholders: so also was Tilney a man of modest demeanor, & of comely personage. Abington ▪ of a furious and turbulent spirit, threat­neth, that shortly there should bee no little blood-shed through England.

The next day, the other seuen being drawne to the same place, suffered the same punishment▪ But with lesse seueritie, by the Queenes commandement, who hated the first dayes cruelty after she heard it▪ [...]or they hung till they were dead, and then were taken downe, bowelled, and quartered. Sa­lisbury was the first, who dyed very penitently, exhorting Catholikes, neuer to attempt the restoring of Religion by force of Armes Dunne, who vvas next, spoke to the same effect Next was Iones, vvho protested hee had diuers times disswaded Salisbury from the enterprize, nor did euer ap­proue the bringing in of foraine inuasion. Charnock and Tra­uers [Page 143] were earnest in prayer, commending themselues to God, and to the Saints. Gage acknowledgeth the bountifull fauours of her Maiestie towards his father; and his owne detestable ingratitude by his treachery. Hierome Bellamie, (who had concealed Babington after hee was proclaimed Traytor) confused and silent, concluded the Tragedy. For, Babingtons brother, being guilty of the same, had strangled himselfe in prison.

After this execution, M. Nauue a Frenchman▪ and Curle, The Queen of Scots her Secretaries examined. both Secretaries to the Q. of Scots, being examined of the Letters, copies of Letters, Notes, and Characters found in the Queenes Closet, presently confest, and subscribed, that they vvere their hand-writings, dictated from her to them in French, taken by Nauue, and translated by Curle into English, and vvritten out in secret Characters. Neither de­nyed they, that they had receiued Letters from Babington, and that they, by her bidding, had written backe to him a­gaine. I will not say, that they were hyred to say what they did; yet this was plainely to be seene by their Letters, and what Curle challenged at that time by Walsinghams promise; but he reproued him as vnmindfull of the gracious fauours hee had receiued, saying, that hee had confessed nothing, but what his fellow Nauue vrging him to, hee could not deny.

Presently after, Sir Edward Wotton is sent into France, The King of France is aduertised. vvho was to certifie the King of all the Conspiracy, and to shew the Copies of the Letters of the Queene of Scots, and of others of the Nobility of England, to testifie the truth of the cause, that the King might perceiue in what pe­rill the Queen was, by the practices of Morgan, Charles Paget, and others then resident in France.

The Councell could not determine what should be done vvith the Queene of Scots. Sundry opi­nions how to dispose of the Scottish Queene. Some aduised not to deale with her too rigorously, but to haue her kept [...] in Prison, for that shee was not the Author of the conspiracie: but [Page 144] conscious: and because she was sickly, and not likely to liue long. Others were of opinion to haue her put to death by course of Law, for feare of endangering Religion. But the Earle of Leicester thought it better to dispatch her with poi­son, and sent a Diuine to Sir Francis Walsingham, to tel him, that he thought it might lawfully be done. But Sir Fr. Wal­singham protested that he was so farre from consenting to haue any violence offered her, as that he had diuerted Mor­tons purpose, which was to haue had her sent into Scotland, and to haue slaine her on the Borders. It was argued againe amongst them, by what Law she should be iudged. Whe­ther by that of An. By what Law shee should be iudged. 25 of Edward the 3, (by which, such were held guilty of Treason, as conspired the death of the King or the Queene, which should bring warre vpon their Kingdom, or take part with their Enemies) or by that of Anno 27 of ELIZA­BETH, which I spoke of. But the aduice of those, which thought better of the latter, preuailed: for it vvas made in the case, which vvas now to be handled, and therefore pro­per. Commissio­ners appoin­ted to heare the cause. There vvas chosen by Commission, many of the Priuy Councell, and of the Peeres of the Realme, to proceed, by vertue of the Law aboue-mentioned, and to passe iudge­ment against such, as had raised rebellion, inuaded the Land, or offered violence to the Queene, &c. And behold the words of the Statute, as they are in the originall. A Commis­sion granted to that end. ELIZABETH by the Grace of God Queene of England, France and Ire­land, &c. To the most Reuerend Father in Christ, Iohn, Archbishop of Canterbury, Primate and Metropolitane of England, and one of our Priuy Councell; and to our be­loued [Page 145] and faithfull Tho: Bromley knight, Booke 6. Chancellor of England, and of our priuy Coun­cell; as also to our welbeloued and faithfull William CECILL, Baron of Burghley, Lo: high Treasurer of England, our Priuy Counsellor, &c. Greeting, &c. The rest of the Lords Cōmissioners names, for breuities sake, are William Poulet Marquesse of Winchester, Ed­ward de Ʋere Earle of Oxford▪ Lo: high Cham­berl [...]ine of Eng­land, George Tal­bot Earle of Shrew [...]bury Earl Marshall, Henry Gr [...]y Earle of Kent. Henry St [...]y Earle of Derby, William Somerset Earle of Worcester, Ed­ward Manners E. of Rutland, Am­brose Du [...]ley E. of Warwick, Master of our Ord­nance, Henry Herbert Earle of Pembroke, Robert Dudley E. of Leicester, Master of our horse, Henry E. of Lincoln, Charles L. Howard high Admiral of Eng­land, Anthony Viscount Mon­tagu, Henry Cary Barō of Huns­don, Lo. Chamberlaine of our houshold, Henry Neuill Baron of Abergaueny, Edward Lord Zouch, Edward Parker L. Mor­ley, Will. L. Cobham, Lord War­den of the cinque Ports, Ed­ward L. Stafford, Arthur Lord Gray of W [...]lton, Iohn L. Lum­ley, Iohn L. Stu [...]ton, William L. Sands, Henry L. W [...]ntworth, Lo­dowick L. Mordant, Iohn L. Saint Iohn of Bletso, T [...]mas Sackvill Baron of Buckhurst, Henry L. Compten, Henry Lo. Cheney, Sir Francis Knolls knight, Treasu­rer, Sir Iacob Crofts knight, Cō ­troller, Sir Christ. Hatton Vice-Chamberlaine, Sir Francis Wal­singham our Secretary of State, William Dau [...]son Esq. our se­cond Secretary, Sir Ralph Sad­ler knight, Chancellor of our Dutchy of Lancaster, Sir Wal­ter Mildmay knight, [...] Aym [...] Poulet knight, gouernor of our Island of sarsey (all our tr [...]sty & beloued priuy Counsellor,) and Sir Christopher W [...]ay knight L. chiefe Iustice of the Com­mon plees, Iohn W [...]sey esq. our Secretary for the Latin, Sir Ed­mund Anderson knight, L. chiefe Iust. of our Bench, Sir Roger Manwood chiefe Baron of our Exchequer, Sir Thomas Gawdy, and Sir William Pickering. thus inserted.

Then after the rehearsing of the Law, or Act (as wee tearme it) these words follow.

FOrasmuch as since the last Session of Parlia­ment, to wit, since the first of Iune, in the xxvij. yeare of our raigne, diuers things haue beene at­tempted and conceiued, tending to the hurt of our roy­all Person; aswell by Mary, daughter & heyre to Iames the fift, late King of Scotland and Dowager of France, pretending a title to the crowne of the Kingdome of England: as also by diuers other persons, with the pri­uitie of the said Mary, according as it hath beene gi­uen vs to vnderstand. And whereas we intend and determine, that the said Act should in all and by all be well, duely, and effectually executed, according to the forme and tenour of the said Act. And that all the of­fences in the aforesaid Act, and the circumstances of the same (aboue mentioned) be duely examined, and sentence, or iudgement, accordingly be giuen, agreea­ble to the tenour and effect of that Act: We giue to you, or the maior part of you, full and absolute power, licence and authority, according to the purport and meaning of the aboue recyted Act, to examine all & euery thing and things, tending to the impeachment of our royall person, which haue beene practised or conceiued, aswell [Page 146] by the aforesaid Mary, as by any other persons whatso­euer, with the knowledge and priuity of her, all circum­stances of the same (and other forenamed offences whatsoeuer specified, as hath beene abouesaid) and all circumstances of the said offences, and euery of them. And moreouer, according to the forenamed Act, to pro­nounce sentence, or iudgement, according as the matter shall appeare to you, vpon sufficient proofe: And there­fore We command you, that yee proceed diligently vpon the foresaid matters, in maner abouesaid, vpon cer­taine dayes and in certaine places, as you, or the maior part of you, shall thinke good.

Commissi­oners come to her.Most part of these Commissioners met together the 11. of October, at Fotheringham in the countie of Northamp­ton, vpon the riuer Nen, where the Queene of Scotts was then kept. The next day after, the Commissioners sent to her, Mildmay, Sir Ayme Poulet, and Barker publick Notary, who deliuered vnto her the Queenes Letters; which when she had read, with a bold spirit and maiestick countenance, she thus answered: She answe­reth the let­ters vpon the sudden.IT grieueth me, that my dearest sister the Queene hath beene so badly informed against me, and that after so many yeares as my body hath beene shut vp, and kept with watch and ward, the many iust con­ditions which I haue offered for my liberty, haue been neglected, and my selfe abandoned. I haue sufficient­ly aduertised her of many dangers, yet neuerthelesse she hath not giuen credite vnto me, but alwayes reie­cted them, though I be the next of her bloud. When a combination was begunne, and an Act of Parliament thereupon made, I foresaw that what dangers soeuer might happen eyther from forraigne Princes abroad, discontented persons at home, or for Religion, would re­dound [Page 147] vpon me, hauing so great enemies in Court. Booke 3. I might take it ill, to haue my sonne contracted without my knowledge; but I omit that. Now as touching this Commission, it seemeth strange to me, to be arraigned in iudgement like a subiect, being an absolute Queene, not committing any thing preiudiciall to the Queenes royall Maiesty, to any Princes of mine owne ranke and dignitie, or against my sonne. Mine heart fayleth me not yet, nor will I faint in aduersitie: I referre me to my confession made to Bromley now Lo: Chancellor, and Baron Lauar: I am ignorant of the English lawes and Statutes; I haue no Counsellers at law: Who are my Peeres, I know not. My notes and writings are taken from me, and there's none dares mediate for me. I am free from all trespasse against her Maiestie, I haue animated none against her, neither am I to be called into iudgement, vnlesse it were for some word or wri­ting of mine owne, that could be produced against me, wherein I haue recommended my selfe and cause to some forraigne Princes; which I would not deny.’

The day following Sir Ayme Poulet and Parker, two of the Commissioners, repayred to her, who shewed her (in wri­ting) her answer, and demanded whether she would persist therein: which after she had heard read distinctly and truly vnto her, she commended it, saying she would.

But this (quoth she) was out of my minde,
Addeth the next day to her answer,
that which I would haue added now; that the Queene wrote vnto me, that I was subiect to the lawes of England, and to be iudged by them, because I liued vnder their tuition.

To which I answer: ‘That I came into England for ayde; and hauing euer since beene detayned prisoner, I could neuer enioy the tuition or benefite of the lawes, nor till this present had I any to teach them vnto me.’

[Page 148]In the afternoone, certaine of the Commissioners, with some learned Counsellers at the Ciuill and Canon Law, came to her. The Chancellor and Treasurer shewed their authoritie by Commission; telling her, That neyther her detayning in captiuitie, nor her Princely prerogatiue, could priuiledge or exempt her from answering in the kingdome; gently intreating her, That she would be pleased to heare what was obiected: if not, they were to proceed by course of Law against her, though absent. She answereth, She refuseth her tryall.She was no subiect, and that she would rather dye a thousand deathes, than acknowledge her selfe to bee one, seeing that by such acknowledgement, shee should preiudice the soueraignty of her royall Maiesty, and become lyable to the Lawes of England, yea, in case of Religion: notwithstanding, she was ready to answere to all things in open Court of Parliament, though shee knewe that this Convention was (for formalities sake) purposely continued for the taking away of her life, already condemned in opinion. She wisheth them to examine their owne consciences, and to remember, that the spacious Theater of the world, was more than the Kingdome of England.

Then she began to complaine of some iniuries offered her: but the Treasurer interrupting her, recited fauours which she had receiued from her Maiestie, namely, that she had punished some for impugning the title of her right to England, stayed the State when they would haue condem­ned her for seeking to haue married with the Duke of Nor­folke, and for consenting to the rebellion in the North. But when they saw she made no reckoning thereof, they depar­ted from her.

After a few houres Sir Aimé Poulet and the Sollicitor, presented the Commission, and the names of the Commis­sioners to her, that thereby she might see, they were to pro­ceed by no fraudulent, but a legall course in equity. As for [Page 149] the Commissioners, she tooke no exception; but that shee excepted against, was the seuere new Law, Exception against the new-made Law. as vniust and pur­posely deuised against her, and vpon which their Commis­sion depended, whereof they could shew no president: nei­ther would she euer yeeld vnto it. She demanded by what Law they should proceed, Ciuill or Canon? saying, they must send for Interpreters from Padua, Poytiers, and other outlandish Academies, because there were none in England that vnderstood them: adding further, that by the expresse words of the Queenes letters, it appeared she stood already conuicted of diuers crimes, and condemned before she was tryed; and therefore had no need to come before them to a second hearing: but desired to be resolued of some scru­ples she had found in the letters, yet would not deliuer them out in writing, because (shee said) it became not a Queene to play the Scribe.

For this cause the selected Commissioners went again to her, of whom she desired to know what these words meant; ‘For that she was vnder the Queenes protection.’

To which the Chancellor made answer: ‘This was easie to be vnderstood by any; yet was it not the subiects part, to interprete their Soueraignes meaning, neyther were they come for that cause.’ She likewise required them, that they should shew forth the Protestation, which once she had made. But it was answe­red, That it had not beene allowed, nor should it be now: because it was preiudiciall to the Realme of England. Then she demanded by what authoritie they were to proceed. To whom it was answered, By the authoritie of the Commis­sion, and the Ciuill Law of England. ‘But (sayth she) you make Lawes as you list, and I am not bound to submit my selfe to them, seeing the English long since refused to be subiect to the Law-sa­lique of France: and that if they would proceed by the Ciuill law of England, they must produce examples, [Page 150] for that, that Law consisteth, for the most part, of presi­dents and ancient customes. But if by the Canon Law, none but the founders therof ought to be the expositors.’ Answer was made, They would proceed neyther by the Ciuill, nor Canon, but by the Law of England: yet by the Caesarian and Canon Law both, it was plaine (if she would heare it) that she ought to appeare. She refused not (shee said) to heare them, by way of discourse, but not iudiciarily.

From this she fell into other speeches: That she neuer had any thought to destroy the Queene: That she had been forced to endure many iniuries: That she should become a common stone of offence (if she were thus stil abused:) That she had offered to imploy Nauue, for the repealing of the Popes Bull, and that she would sundry times haue excused her innocencie (by letters) but was not permitted: finally, That all the offers of good-will, which she had offered for twentie yeares space, were still reiected. As she slipped a­side by these prettie digressions, they brought her to the point, and intreated her to say plainly, whether she would answer the Commissioners. She replyed; ‘Their Commission was grounded vpon the new Law, which was made to entangle her; hauing there­fore iust cause of suspioion, she could not endure it: and hauing alwayes carried a true heart, she would not now trespasse so much against the Kings of Scotland, her ancestors, as to acknowledge her selfe a subiect to the Crowne of England. For what were that else, but to proclaim them rebells and traytors? notwithstanding she refused not to answer, yet by no meanes in the na­ture of a subiect; for that shee had rather perish, than to answer as a malefactor.’

Sir Christo­pher Hatton perswadeth her to ap­peare.Then answered Sir Christ [...]pher Hatton, Vice-Chamber­laine, saying:

You are accused of conspiracy against our soueraigne La: the Queene (an anointed Queene) but not con­demned. [Page 152] You say you are a Queen. Admit it: yet are you not of royall estate, neyther by the Caesarian, Canon, nor Law of nations or of nature, exempt from answering in such a case. For all iustice would swarue, nay ly dead, if such crimes should escape vnpunished. If you be in­nocent, you dishonour your selfe in your reputation, to refuse to come to iudgement. You protest your selfe to be so, but the Queene thinkes otherwise, yet not with­out cause, to her great griefe; and hath appointed per­sons honourable, wise and vpright, to examine your innocency, who must heare you with equity and fauour, and will be very ioyfull that you shall cleare your selfe of these crimes. Beleeue mee, the Queene her selfe will greatly reioyce: for she assured me at my departure, that no greater griefe had euer befalne her, than this of your accusation: wherefore setting aside this vaine conceit of soueraignety, which at this time standeth you in no stead, shew your selfe blamelesse, attract no more suspici­on to your selfe by subterfuge, but rather wipe away the spot, which else will sticke perpetually vpon your reputa­tion.

I refuse not (said she) to answer in open Court of Parliament, Her tergi­uersation. before the States of the Realme lawfully conuecated so I may be declared next heir to the crown; or else before the Queene and Councell, so my prote­station be admitted, and I acknowledged the Q [...]eenes next kinswoman.

The Chancellor asked her, if she would answer when her Protestation was admitted. ‘Neuer will I (quoth she) put my selfe vnder this new Law, mentioned in the Commission.’ Whereupon the Treasurer concludeth: We will proceede notwithstanding in the case to morrow, be you absent or ob­stinate.

Examine (said she) your owne conscience: respect [Page 152] your credite, and God reward you and your children as you deale with me in y [...]ur iudgement.

The morrow after, which was the 14. of the moneth, shee sent for some of the Commissioners to come to her, and de­sired them that her Protestation might be admitted and ap­proued. The Treasurer asked her, if she would answer the Commission, if it were simply admitted and recorded in writing, Shee yeeld­eth at last to appeare and answer. without approbation. At last she condescended, though very hardly, because she would not seeme to dero­gate from her predecessors or successors. And then she said, that (being perswaded by Hattons reasons, after she had thought of them considerately) she desired to purge her selfe of the imputed crime.

Instantly the Commissioners came together in the Chamber of presence; at the vpper end whereof was pla­ced a Chaire of Estate for the Queene of England, and in a remote place below, a Chaire for the Queene of Scotts, op­posite to the other. The maner of the sit­ting. By the wals on the otherside were seats; on the one side sate the Lo: Chancellor of England, the Earles of Oxford, of Kent, Derby, Worcester, Rutland, Cumberland, Warwick, Pembroke, and Lincolne, and the Viscount Montagu: on the other side, the Barons d'Aber­gaveny, Zouch, M [...]rley, Stafford, Gray, Lumley, Sturton, Sands, Wentworth, Mordant, S. Iohn of Bletso, Compton, and Cheny. After these, the Knights that were of the Priuy Councell, Cr [...]fts, Hatton, Walsingham, Sadler, Mildmay, and Poulet. Right ouer against the Earles, sate the two chiefe Iu­stices, and the chiefe Baron of the Exchequer: on the other side, the two Barons, the other Iustices, Dale and Ford, Do­ctors of the Ciuill Law: and at a little table in the midst of the roome, Popham Atturney, Egerten the Queenes Sollici­tor, Gaudy Sergeant at Law, the Clerke of the Crowne, and two other Notaries.

When she was come and set in her place, Bromley Lord Chancellor turning towards her, spake to this effect. [Page 153]THe Queenes most excellent Maiesty of Eng­land, The Lord Chancellor speaketh to her. being certified (to her extreame griefe of heart) that you haue practised the subuersi­on and ruine of her, the Kingdome of England, and the Religion established therein: to discharge her selfe of her duty towards God, her selfe and her subiects, with­out any malice of hart, hath appointed these Commissi­oners to vnderstand the things you are accused of, how you can discharge your selfe of them, and demonstrate your innocency.’ Vpon this, she rose vp, and said: ‘She was come into England to craue the ayde that was promised her, Her prote­station and yet euer since she had beene kept a prisoner: protesting withall, that she was no subiect to the Qu. of England, but a free and absolute Queene, and therefore ought not to be brought to appeare (vpon any cause whatsoeuer) before any Commissioner or Iudge, but God the soueraigne Iudge of the World; nor would she derogate so much from royall Maiestie, or her sonne the King of Scotts, her successors, or other ab­solute Princes. But shee was now come in presence, to answer what should be obiected, and desired her ser­uants to beare witnesse of the same.’

The Chancellor, taking no notice of her being promised ayde, answered: ‘That this protestation was vaine, Recorded. forasmuch as who­soeuer in England, of what condition or estate soeuer, shall offend the law, must be subiect to the same, and be examined and iudged according to the late establish­ed Act. Therefore this protestation (made as it were in preiudice both of the Queene and her Lawes) was not sufferable.’ The Commissioners, notwithstanding, commanded it to be recorded, with the L. Chancellors answer. Then the Com­mission, which was grounded vpon this Law (whereof I [Page 154] haue so often made mention, being openly read, she with great an imositie againe reinforceth her former protestation, is a thing directly enacted against her, and of set purpose, whereof she charged them vpon their credites. The Trea­surer (hauing answered, that euery one in this Kingdom did hold the Lawes, euen the newest of all, not to be contradi­cted) said, That the Commissioners should iudge her accor­dingly, what protestation or interruption soeuer shee made or interiected. In conclusion, she said she was ready to giue attention, and to answere any fact against the Queene of England.

Proceeding. Gaudy expounded the Law from point to point, affirming that she had offended against it; and then entring into an historicall narration of Babingtons conspiracie, he conclu­ded, ‘That shee had knowne, approued, and consented to the same, promised assistance, and had shewne the way and maner.’ To which she answered boldly: She denieth the former allegation.THat she neuer knew Babington, nor had receiued any Letter from him, nor written to him, nor at­tempted the Queenes death: and to make it good, they must shew some signe vnder her owne hand. That shee neuer had heard speech thereof, neyther did she know or assist Ballard. But she had learned of some, that the Catholicks suffered great troubles in England, and that shee had writ to the Queene, intreating her to haue compassion on them. That many persons, whom she knew not, had offered her their seruice, yet she stir­red not any vp to commit any crime; and being in prison, she neyther knew of, nor could hinder their pra­ctises.’

Moreouer, they insist vpon Babingtons confession, that there had beene entercourse of letters betwixt them. She confessed, that shee had had conference, by letters, with di­uers, [Page 155] yet notwithstanding it followed not, that therefore she was accessary to their wicked designes. Shee desired them to shew any thing vnder her owne hand, demanding withall, what hurt any had receiued by any letters which came to her for a whole yeare together. Then were the copies of Babingtons letters produced and read to her, Copies of letters she­wed. de­scribing the plot of the conspiracy.

AS for these letters (said she) it may possibly be that Babington writ so: but let it be proued that I euer receiued them. If Babington or any haue affirmed it, they haue belyed me. Others crimes are not to be cast vpon me. A whole Packet, that had been detained a yeare together from me, about that time came to my hands, but sent from whom I know not.

To proue the receipt of Babingtons letters, there was read the principall points of the letters out of his confession, Extracts out of Bab­bingtons confession. wherein he voluntarily granted, that she had receiued them, and had written back againe; in which letters was mention made of the Earle of Arundell and his brethren, and of the Earle of Northumberland: which hearing, she wept, & said: ‘NOw alas, miserable woman that I am, how many things hath that noble house of the Howards endured for my sake!’ And after that, hauing dryed her cheekes, she said: BAbington might confesse what he pleased: She denieth them. but to say, that she had practised to escape, was a notori­ous vntruth. That her aduersaries might (as well as she) get the same characters, and write what falsities they would in the same: nor was there any probabili­tie, that she should vse the helpe eyther of Arundell or [Page 156] Northumberland for her escape, seeing the one was a prisoner, and the other a young man, and vnknowne to her.’

They read also the abstracts of Sauages and Ballards con­fession, They vrge her with the confessions of Sauage and Ballard. importing, that Babington had shewed them letters of hers. But she protested, ‘He had neuer receiued any from her. On the contrary, she was so farre from consenting to the inuading of the Realme of England ▪ or giuing counsaile thereto, that she alwayes perswaded the contrary.’

Then they shewed her letters, wherein she had commen­ded and approued Babingtons proiects. She demanded the sight of them: which hauing seene, she said, ‘These neuer came from her, but peraduenture from the Alphabet of the letters she had in France. That shee had labourd to recouer her liberty, being a thing we all naturally desire; and to sundry which had offered her helpe to that end (whom she would not name) she answe­red not a word: yet notwithstanding she heartily desi­red, that the persecution of Catholicks might cease in England, and that she had begged it in loue of the Q. She would not purchase a kingdome with the bloud of the poorest subiect, much lesse of the Queene. That ma­ny had practised dangerous matters vnknowne to her, and that (by letters) some had asked her forgiuenesse for so doing, that neuer had spoken to her thereof. That any might easily counterfeyt the cyphers or characters: as a yong fellow in France (not long since) had done, nominating himselfe the base brother of her sonne, the King of Scotts: She blames Walsingham. and she suspected, this was Walsing­hams doing to haue her life, who, as she heard, had pra­ctised both against hers and her sonnes. She protested, she had neuer conceiued any thing hurtfull to the the Queene, and that she would more gladly lose her life, [Page 157] than to be a cause that the Catholicks should be so affli­cted and cruelly tormented.’ And with that there gushed from her abundance of teares.

BVt (said the Lo: Treasurer) there hath not any beene put to death for Religion, which would be­come an obedient subiect: onely some few, for commit­ting treason, in maintayning the Popes Bull and autho­rity, against the Queene. Yet I haue heard, said shee, the contrary, and haue read as much in printed bookes. The authors of such bookes, replyed he, write also, that the Queene is to be depriued of all regall power.

Then Sir Francis Walsingham, who was toucht a little be­fore in words, taking his time, stood vp; and, hauing prote­sted that he carried no ill will in heart, said: I Take God to record, Walsingham maketh his Apologie. in the place of a priuate person I haue done nothing vnbeseeming an honest man; nor any thing in publike, but that becomes a person of my ranke. I must say, that out of my zealous care for the Queene, and the good of the Kingdome, I haue been in­quisitiue in discouering conspiracies against her. If Ballard had offered me his seruice, I would not haue re­fused it, but rather recompenced him for his paines. If I conspired with him, why bewrayed he it not, to saue his owne life?’ This answer, as she said, satisfied her. And ‘She desired him he would not be offended at that which she had heard by report; and that he would no more be­leeue her calumniations, than shee did his: for these pick-thankes are men of little credite, which pretend one thing, and say another; and that he would not by a­ny meanes beleeue, that euer she had conspired the death of her dearest sister the Queene.’

And here she brake forth into teares againe, saying: ‘I will neuer make shipwrack of my soule, by conspiring [Page 158] my dearest sisters death and ruine.’

The Lawyers answered, That would appeare by euiden­ces. This past in the forenoone.

In the afternoone, to proue this, they produced the copie of the letters which Charles Paget had written, Charles Pa­gets letters are produ­ced, and Curle one of her Secretaries, testified she had receiued, touching conference had with Mendoza and Ballard, for inuading the Realme, and setting her at libertie.

This, she said, was nothing to the purpose, nor any proof that she had plotted the Queenes destruction.

and Babing­tons,The Lawyers passing further, said, That they could proue she had conspired the Queenes death, by the confession of Babington, and letters of his; wherein he called her his La­dy and most excellent Queene: as also out of those she had written vnto him; And by the way, put her in minde of consultation had, how the kingdome of England was to be transferred to the Spanish King. She confessed, that once a Priest had visited her, and said, That if she interposed not her selfe, her sonne and she both would be excluded from their inheritance: but she would not name him. He added, That the Spaniard pretended a title to the crowne of England, and would yeeld to none but her. Then they pressed her vpon Babingtons confession, from the testimonies of her Secre­taries Nauue and Curle, and letters written interchangeably betwixt them. and the te­stimonies of her Secreta­ries. And though all the proofe was grounded vpon their bare assertions, yet were they neuer brought forth face to face. She confest Curle to be an honest fellow, but no fit witnesse against her: That Nauue (sometimes Se­cretarie to the Cardinall of Lorraine) had beene commen­ded to her by the King of France, and that he might be easily drawne for money, She obiect­eth against their cre­dites. hope or feare, to depose falsly; and had bound himselfe thereto by a rash oath, hauing Curle (a fel­low of a flexible nature) at his command, to write what hee would. And it may be, they had put things into the letters which she dictated not, & possibly such letters might come [Page 159] to their hands, which notwithstanding she neuer saw. Then she broke into these or the like speeches: ‘THe state of all Princes is at a weake stay, if they depend vpon the writings and testimonies of their Secretaries: for my part, I deliuered no­thing to them, but what nature put into my minde for the recouery of my libertie; nor ought I to be conuicted, vnlesse it be by mine owne words or writing. If they haue written any thing preiudiciall to the queene my sister, they did it without my knowledge, and therefore let them be punished for their inconsiderate insolency. I know for certainty, that if they were present, they would cleere me in this case: and if I had my manu­scripts here, I could answer all this particularly my selfe.’

With that the Treasurer obiected, Arguing a­bout trans­ferring the kingdome. that shee had determi­ned to send her sonne into Spaine, and to conuey to the Spa­niard the right she challenged to the Kingdome of England. Whereto she answered: ‘That she had no kingdome to bestow, yet was it lawfull for her to giue her own at her pleasure, neyther was she to be accountable to any therefore.’

And when they obiected further, out of Curles testimony, that she had sent her Alphabet to D. Lodowick and Fernhurst, she denied not, ‘But she had written out many of them: and amongst o­thers, that for D. Lodowick, after she had recōmended him and another to the honour of Cardinal. And with­out offence, she hoped, it was as lawfull for her to haue entercourse of letters, for the dispatch of her affayres with people of her own religion, as it was for the Queen with those of another religion.’

After this, they vrged her againe vpon the euidences of Nauue and Curle, which agreed together: whereto shee ey­ther [Page 160] replyed as before, or reiected them with a precise deni­all: protesting againe, that she neyther knew Babington nor Ballard. With this, the Treasurer interrupting her, said, That she knew Morgan very well, who had secretly sent Parry to slay the Queene, and that she had giuen him an annuall pen­sion. She said, ‘She knew not that Morgan had done so, but she knew well, She excu­seth her selfe for hauing giuen Mor­gan an an­nuall pensi­on, that he had lost all he had for her sake, and there­fore it stood with her honour to relieue him: neyther was she bound to reuenge the wrongs done to the Queen by one who had well deserued from her; yet had she al­wayes done her best to disswade him from such wicked enterprises: saying withall, that out of England like­wise there were pensions giuen to Patrick Gray, and other Scotts, by pensions giuen to the Scottish­men. enemies to her and her sonne.’

Whereto the L. Treasurer answered: ‘Because the treasure of Scotland had beene much im­payred, by the negligence of the Regents or Vice-royes, therefore the Queene had dealt the more bountifully with her neere kinsman your sonne.’

Then was shewed some of the letters, which shee had written to Inglefield, to the Lo: Paget, and to Bernard Men­doza, touching the forraigne supplies: but when she had an­swered that, ‘That tended not to the ruine of the Queene, because some strangers had a desire to procure her liberty; and that she had manifested plainly enough to the Queene, that they sought nothing but her freedome:’ the mat­ter was prorogued till the next day.

On the day following, she reiterateth her protestation be­fore mentioned, requiring to haue it recorded, and a copie thereof to be deliuered her: lamenting, ‘That the most reasonable conditions, which she had of­fered the Queene, were still reiected, especially hauing promised to deliuer her sonne and the Duke of Guise [Page 161] Hostages, that neyther by her, nor by her meanes, the Queene nor kingdome should receiue any detriment. She offereth the Duke of Guise and her sonne pledges for her libertie. That she her selfe (altogether excluded from all hope of liberty) was now most vnworthily handled, whose ho­nour and reputation was called in question by common Lawyers, who, by their contorted arguments, make slen­der circumstances matters of great consequence; wheras anointed and consecrated Princes are not sub­iect to lawes, as priuate persons. Moreouer, whereas the authoritie of their Commission is to examine mat­ters tending to the hurt of the Queens person, yet they so handled the matter, and so wrested their letters of Commission, that they called in question the Reli­gion she professeth, the immunitie and maiesty of for­raigne Princes, and the priuate commerce they haue a­mongst themselues by writing, and brought her to be arraigned at a Barre like a malefactor, to the preiudice of Maiestie and soueraigne dignitie: And this was done to no other end, but to bring her in disgrace with the Queene, and to seclude her from the right of inhe­ritance to the Kingdome.’ She called to mind withall, ‘How Qu. Elizabeth her selfe had bin questioned about Wyats rebellion, though she were most innocent: pro­testing most deuoutely, that notwithstanding she wish­ed the Catholicks welfare, yet shee desired not the pro­curement thereof by the slaughter or bloud of any one. She had rather play the part of Hester than Iudith, ra­ther make intercession to God for the people, than take away the life of the meanest.’

Expostulating the matter, she complained that her aduer­saries had bruited it abroad, that she was of no religion: ‘Which was that time, she said, when she desired to be informed of the Religion of the Protestants, but none would vouchsafe her the fauour; a signe they had little [Page 162] care of the safety of her soule.’ Then concluding: ‘When you haue done all you can (said she) against me, you shall aduance your selues nothing in your cause or hope.’ And so inuocating God, and appealing to the Princes of her acquaintance, desired she might haue another day of hea­ring, and that she might be allowed an Aduocate to pleade her cause; and being a Queene, she might be beleeued vpon her royall word: ‘For it was extreme imprudence in her, to be arraigned before those whom she perceiued to be armed with pre­iudice against her.’

To this the Lo: Treasurer made answer: The Lord Burghley answereth.FOrasmuch as I represent two persons, the one of a Counsellor, the other of a Commissioner, first heare me speake as a Commissioner: Your protestation is re­gistred, and you shal haue a copie of it. The power which we beare, hath bin imposed vpon vs vnder the Queens signet, and the great seale of England, from the which there is no repeale: Nor are we come with any preiu­dice, but to censure according to the rules of Iustice: Nor doe the Lawyers exaggerate the matter, otherwise than to make it plainly appeare, wherein you haue of­fended against the person of the Queene. Our authori­tie is to heare and examine the matter in your absence, yet notwithstanding we haue willed you should be pre­sent, for that wee would not seeme to derogate in any thing from your honour: Nor haue wee any purpose to obiect against you any thing, but what your attempts haue beene against the person of the Queene, or with those with whom ye haue beene confederate. Your let­ters were read, only to shew your practising against the queenes person, and such other things as concerne the same; which are so intermixt, they cannot bee seque­stred: [Page 163] therefore the letters were read wholly, and not in parts, to extract the particularities of the things you had intreated of with Babington.

As he was thus speaking, she interrupted him, saying:

That the circumstances indeed were probable, She inter­rupteth him but not the thing: That her sincerity depended not vpon her Secretaries fidelity or memory, though she knew them to be ingenuous. Or if for feare of punishment, or hope of profite and escape, they had confessed any thing, it was not to be admitted, for diuerse good reasons which she had alleaged before. That the mindes of men are carried away with many passions: for her Secretaries would neuer haue confessed such things, if eyther pro­fite or some other hope had not induced them thereto. That the letters might be directed to others than them they were written to; and that oftentimes ma­ny things had beene inserted that were not dictated. And if her papers had not beene taken from her, or if she had a Secretary, she could more soundly haue confu­ted their obiections.

But, said the Lo: Treasurer, He procee­deth. they will obiect no­thing but since the xix. of Iune; and your papers would stand you in no stead, seeing the Secretaries and Ba­bington himselfe, vninforced by torture, haue confes­sed that you sent these letters to Babington. But if you shall deny this, let the Commissioners iudge, whe­ther there be more credite to be giuen to your denyall, or their affirmation. But to returne to the point; marke what I denounce as a Counsellor: You haue men­tioned many things for the procuring of your liberty, (which haue had no successe) and that hath procee­ded from your selfe or the Scotts, not from the queene. For your Lords of Scotland haue refused to deliuer the King of Scotts in hostage: and when last there was a treaty about your liberty, Parry was sent from Mor­gan, [Page 164] your clyent to slay the queene. Ah, said shee, you are mine aduersary. I, replyed he, I am aduersary to all Q. Elizabeth's enemies. But enough of this. Let vs returne to our proofes.

When she refused to heare, ‘Yet we will heare, said he. And I too, answered she, in another place, and will defend myselfe.’

Letters she­wed again.Now they read againe her letters to Charles Paget, wher­in she certified him, That there was no way left for the K. of Spaine to bring the Low-countries into his subiection▪ but by placing a Prince in England to serue his turne: And her letters to the Lo; Paget, to hasten the ayde he should send for the inuading of England: And those which Cardinall Allen had sent her, wherein he saluted her by the name of Most excellent Lady; and certified her, that the matter was recommended to the Prince of Parma. Whilest they were reading them▪ she said, She inter­rupteth their rea­ding.That Babington and her Secretaries had accused her to excuse themselues: That she neuer heard of six mur­therers, the rest were nothing to the purpose. She held Allen a venerable Prelate, and knew no other head of the Church, but the Pope of Rome; neyther could shee tell how he, or other stranger kings, did style her: nor could she hinder them (in their letters) from calling her queene of England. Affirmeth her Secreta­ries were not to be credited. Affirming, that her Secreta­ries were not to be trusted, for that they had proceeded against her, contrary to the duety and fidelity which they had sworne to her. That the periured are not to be credited, though they sweare neuer so much: neyther did shee thinke their oathes were to be taken in any C [...]u [...]t of conscience, because formerly they had sworne fidelity and silence; neyther were they any English subiects. That Nauue had often written otherwise than she dictated, and Curle alwayes that which he told him. That she could beare with their faults [...]n all [Page 165] things, but such as touched her honour. They might al­so confesse these things for to saue themselues, thinking that in so doing, she could not hurt them, and that be­ing a queene, they would deale more gently with her: And that she had neuer heard of Ballard, but of one Hallard that had offered his seruice to her; which not­withstanding she refused, because she had heard that he had likewise proffered it to Walsingham.

After this, when they read certaine notes out of letters, She is accu­sed againe for trans­porting the Kingdome. She con­demnes her Secretaries as periured. which Curle confessed hee had written to Mendoza in her secret characters, and pressed her with them, as hauing had a purpose to make ouer the title of the kingdome to the Spa­niard, and that Allen and Parsons were resident now in Rome for that cause: shee protesting that they had forsworne themselues, answered; ‘I being a prisoner, without hope of liberty, languishing in griefe, and in dispayre t [...] performe that which many expected from me, who am n [...]w in my declining age, and without my health: some were of opinion to settle the succession of the English Crowne vpon the Spa­niard, or some other English Catholick. A booke was sent me, to declare the Spaniards right, but because I refused to receiue it▪ s [...]me were grieued at me. As for the rest, being at this instant out of all hope of aide from England, I haue resolued not to reiect that of the Stranger.’

Vpon that, Sir Thomas Egerton, the Queenes Sollicitor, o­pened to the Commissioners what would become of them, Sir Thomas Egertons (the Q Sollicitors) demonstratiō. their honours, goods, and children, if the kingdome were so transported. But the L. Treasurer answered, That could not be, because by the Law the Crowne was hereditarie. Then ask [...]d he the Queene of Scotts, if she had any more to say.

She desired to be heard in open Parliament, She crauest a hearing i [...] open Parliament. or in presence of Queene Elizabeth and her Councell; not doubting but one Queene would haue consideration of another. Then [Page 166] rising vp, with a bold countenance, she conferred apart with the L. Treasurer, Hatton and Walsingham, about some busi­nesse. That being done, they reiourned their meeting to­gether again vntill the xxv. of October, in the Starre Cham­ber at Westminster. And this is that which I haue gathered from the memories of Ed. Barker, chief Clerke of the Coun­cell, Tho. Wheeler publique Notary, and Clerke of the Court of Canterbury, and other credible persons, whose assistance I haue had in this.

At the time appointed, all the Cōmissioners being assem­bled together, except the Earles of Shrewsbury & Warwick, who then were sick: & Nauue and Curle hauing voluntarily, without hope of future preferment or present reward, affir­med & ratified by oath, that all & euery the letters, & copies of letters to fore produced, were most true; sentence was pronounced against the Q of Scotland, signed and sealed by the Commissioners, and recorded in these words: ‘WIth one vnanimous accord and consent of theirs, Sentence pronoun­ced against her. they pronounce and giue their sentence and iudgement, which was read aloud, vpon the last day, and in the assigned place, saying, That since the end of the aforesaid Sessions of Parliament, specified in the said Commission, to wit, since the said first day of Iune, in the yeare xxvij. afore mentioned, and before the date of the said Commission, many things haue bin attempted and conceiued against the Realme of Eng­land, by Anth. Babington and others, with the know­ledge and priuity of the said Mary (pretending that the Crowne of England appertayneth to her) tending to the hurt, death, and destruction of the royall person of our soueraigne La: the Q. that is to say, that since the first of Iune, Ann. 27. and before the date of this Com­mission, the said Mary, pretending as aforesaid, pra­ctised and conceiued against this Realm, many things tending to the hurt, death and destruction of the royall [Page 167] person of our said Lady Q. Elizabeth, against the forme of the Statute specified in the said Commission.’

This sentence bred diuers doubtfull opinions amongst men, Some su­spect the credite of the Secreta­ries. because it was grounded onely vpon the credite of the Secretaries; and they were neuer brought face to face, as was required by the first Statute Anno 13. of Elizab. some thinking them men of credite, and some not. I saw Nauue's Apology, which he wrote to the Kings Maiesty in Scotland, 1605. wherein he greatly laboureth to excuse him selfe, pro­testing, that he was neyther author nor perswader to this matter, nor yet the first discouerer. And that he had neither by negligence nor ignorance fayled in his Or, duety. devoire, but stoutly at his death defended the contrary, to all the accusa­tions brought against the Queene his Mistresse: notwith­standing there are publicke Acts thereof to be seene. Now the same day the Commissioners and Iudges of the Realme, declared, Declaration that the sentence a­gainst the Q. of Scotts did nothing preiudice her sonne. A Parlia­ment held. The banish­ing of tray­tors confir­med. The States approue & confirme the sentence and desire the publica­tion therof. ‘That this sentence did derogate nothing from the right or honour of Iames King of Scotland: but that he remained and was in the same ranke, estate and right, as if it had neuer beene.’

A few dayes after, the Parliament sate at Westminster, commenced by certaine authoritie granted by Qu. Eliza­beth to the Archb. of Canterbury, the L. Treasurer, and the Earle of Derby, as her Lieutenants, and that not without ex­ample: wherein was confirmed a Proscription, that the goods & possessions of the L. Paget, C. Paget, Sir F. Englefield, E. Iones, Chediock, Tichburne, C. Tilney, & other traytors, were adiudged confiscate. The States of the Realme also, after they had by generall suffragie and consent, approued and confirmed the sentence pronounced against the queene of Scotland: all with one accord (by the Lo. Chancellor) pre­sented a petition to the queene, wherein they desired, that for the preseruation of the true Religion of Christ, the tran­quillitie of the land, the securitie of her person, the good of [Page 168] them all and their posteritie, the Sentence against Mary Q. of Scotland, might be publickly pronounced, according to the tenour of the Law: alleaging reasons drawne from the dangers stirred and practised against Religion, her own per­son and the Realme, by her who was a mother-nourse of the Romane Religion, and had sworn an inviolable accord to extirpate the Religion now established, and had long since laid claime to the Crowne, Q. Elizabeth yet liuing; estee­ming, that (seeing she was excommunicated) it was lawfull to conspire against her, and meritorious to take away her life: She had ruinated some noble houses of the land, and had kindled the fire of rebellion in England: That to par­don her, were to destroy the people, who much repined at her impunitie, and that she could not be freed from the oath conspiracie, otherwise than by punishment: and lastly, they recited the example of the horrible vengeance of God a­gainst K. Saul, for not putting Agag and Benadad to death. And this is that which was presented by the States of the Parliament.

Queene Elizabeth with a most graue countenance, and [...]sticall speech, answered to this effect:

The Queen answereth.THe benefites which God hath bestowed vpon me are so great, that I doe not only ac­knowledge them with humilitie, but call them to minde with admiration, wanting wordes sufficiently to expresse them. And although there be no mortall aliue more bound to the Almighty, who hath so often and so miraculously deliuered me from eminent dangers; yet am I most of all for this, that after hauing gouerned this kingdome now the space of 28 yeares, I doe finde in my sub­iects the same, if not farre greater affection, than [Page 169] when I came first to the Crowne: the which en­tire loue if I should finde to fayle, I might well per­haps perceiue my selfe to breathe, but not to liue. And now my life hath bin attempted to be taken away, it grieueth mee most, that it was by such a person as was of mine owne sex, estate and ranke; to whom I was so farre from bearing ill will, that on the contrary, after she had complotted diuerse matters against me, I wrote to her in priuate, that if in any writing secretly she would acknowledge them, I would bury them all in obliuion. Ney­ther would I haue done this to entrap or circum­uent her; for I knew already all she could confesse: and although the matter was at that passe, yet if she had but shewed her selfe truely penitent, none should haue taken her cause (against me) in hand. Neuerthelesse, if only it had concerned mine owne life, and not the safegard of my people (without o­stentation be it spoken) I would willingly haue pardoned her. If England by my death might flou­rish the more, or gaine a better Prince, I could bee well content to lay downe my life: for I desire to liue onely for your good and the peoples. Neyther is there any cause (I haue so ledde my life) why I should desire life, or feare death. I am not ignorant of the common state of life; I haue obeyed, I haue commanded: I haue had both good & bad neigh­bours: I haue found treason in trust▪ I haue be­stowed some benefites ill, and where I haue done [Page 170] good, I haue beene badly requited. When I ponder these things in minde, I see what the condition of the present time is, and I foresee the future, thinking them the happiest that soonest depart hence. But against these, and such like, I haue put on a warlike resolution, that whatsoeuer shall happen, death shall not surprise me vnprouided.

As touching these late treasons, I will not so much preiudice neither my selfe, nor the ancient lawes of my countrey in such fashion, as not to thinke this arch-treason to be subiect thereto, al­though this new had neuer bin made; the which (although some fauourers of her haue suspected so) was not made against her, but was so far from entangling her, that rather it was an aduertisement or preadmonition to her, not to come within the danger of it: neuerthelesse seeing she hath now in­curred the lawe, it is thought good to proceede against her by vertue thereof. But you, captious Lawyers, you are so precise, so curious in the quercks and quidities of law, & to follow the for­malitie of it, in stead of interpreting the true sense, that forsooth according to the form of proceeding, she should be called to iudgment within the coun­tie of Staffordshire, there to appeare holding vp her hand at the Barre, to stand to the verdict of twelue men, vpon her fact. And is this a braue fashion of proceeding against a Princesse? But I haue thought good rather (auoyding such absurdities) that it was [Page 171] more conuenient, to referre a matter of such im­portance to the Peeres and Iudges of the Realme, to be examined. And yet hardly will that serue, be­cause all the world haue their eyes vpon vs Princes, as if we were set vpon a Stage, and do marke afarre off the least spot or blemish that is on vs: so that we had neede to be carefull, we do nothing vnbe­seeming vs. But you haue by this new law brought me into such a narrow straite, that I am to deter­mine vpon the punishment of a Princesse my next kinswoman; whose practises haue afflicted mee with so great griefe, that, not to augment my sor­rowes in hearing it spoken of, I did willingly ab­sent my selfe from this Parliament, & not (as some thinke) for feare of treachery. Notwithstanding I will not leaue (although I vse few words of it) to put this secret out of my heart, which I haue seene with mine eyes, and read the oath, by which some haue bound themselues to dispatch me within one moneth. From hence I foresee your danger in my person; and certainly I shall be carefull and diligent to repell it. I haue not forgot the combination you haue made for my safety, of which I neuer thought before I saw it confirmed vnder the signes & seales of the most part of you: & assuredly it hath bound me in strict bonds of loue towards you perpetual­ly, who doe affect no greater comfort, than in the loue of you and the common-wealth. But for as much as the matter now in hand, is an example as [Page 172] important, as rare; I deeme you expect not, that I should resolue any thing for the present: For My manner is, euen in things of lesse consequence, to be long in deliberating, about that I must once re­solue vpon. I will pray to God Almightie, that he will illuminate My heart, to fore-see what is com­modious for the Church, the Common-wealth, & your safeties. Notwithstanding, lest delay should bring danger, you shall (as the oportunitie of time will serue) vnderstand My purpose. In the meane time, I would you should expect all the goodnesse from Me, which good Subiects may look for from a good Princesse.

She desireth them to find out some o­ther reme­die.Twelue daies after, when she had more deeply weighed the matter in her minde, seeing her selfe with many doubts and difficulties variously distracted, and vnable to counsell her selfe; she sent the Lord Chancellor to the Noble men, and Pickering to them of the Lower House; intreating them to consider more seriously of so weighty a matter, and to deuise some more wholesome remedy, that the Queene of Scotlands life might be preserued, and she secured.

Their An­swer to her.After they had deliberated a long time, and considered, that the good or ill of Princes concerneth the Subiects; with one-according voice, they all put on againe the same resolution, which they had before, grounded vpon these Reasons: ‘THat so long as the Queene of Scotland liued, Queene Elizabeth could not bee secure, vnlesse shee would become penitent, and acknowledge her crimes; and that shee should be kept more straitly, and bound by oath and writing; or that shee should deliuer Hostages; or that shee should depart the [Page 173] Kingdome. Of her Repentance they had no hope, for that shee had beene vngratefull to Queene Elizabeth, who had saued her life; and would not so much as ac­knowledge her faults: As for a straiter Guard, her hand-writing, oath, or Hostages, they would be all as no­thing; for that Queene Elizabeth being dead, all these would vanish away instantly. As for departing the Land (if shee were out of it) they feared shee would raise Armes against it.’

The L. Chancellor, and Pickering the Speaker of the Lower House, declared these things at large to Queene Elizabeth; importuning her earnestly, that the Sentence should be put in execution; shewing her, ‘That if it were iniustice to deny the Execution of the Law to the meanest Subiect, much more to refuse to grant it to the whole Body of the People, who with one voice & will demanded it so iustly.’ To which she answered:

O how wearisome is that way, Her reply to them. where We find nothing but irksomnesse whilst we are going in it, & when tis past, vnquietnes? I am troubled this day (if euer the like) whether to speake, or hold My tongue: if I should speak, and not complaine, I de­semble: if I hold my tongue, the paines you haue taken is in vaine: if I complaine, it will seeme strange; notwithstanding, I confesse, that My first request was both for your securitie, and mine owne: Some other meanes should haue beene found out, than that you now propound: Inso­much, that I cannot but complaine to you, though not of you; for that I learne by your demands, that My safetie dependeth vpon anothers ruine. If any thinke, that I haue purposely prolonged the time, [Page 174] to purchase a counterfeit praise of clemencie; vn­doubtedly they wrong Mee vnworthily, and he that searcheth the depth of all inward thoughts, knoweth it well. And greater wrong they doe Mee, if they thinke that the Commissioners durst pronounce no other sentence for fear of displeasing Mee, or seeming to neglect My safetie. For either My Officers haue failed Me in their duties, or else certified the Commissioners, that My will and Command was, That euery one should proceede freely, according as they thought good; and that they should tell Mee in particular, what they pur­posed to publish openly. Out of the great affecti­on I bore her, it was, that I would haue some other means inuented, to haue preuented this mischiefe: But because it now clearly appeareth, that I can­not be safe, vnlesse shee die; I am touched with a deepe dolour, to see that I, who haue shewed fa­uour to so many Rebels, wincked at so many trea­cheries, should at the last be seene to deale cruelly with so great a Princesse.

Since I tooke in hand the managing of this King­dome, I haue seene infamous Libells cast out a­gainst Me, as a Tyrant. Much good may it doe the writers: I thought they would signifie som strange thing, & indeed it was strange to Me, to be taxed of tyranny; I would it were as strange to heare of their impietie. But now, what is it they will not put forth in their writings, when they shall know, that [Page 175] I haue consented that an executioner shall imbrue his hands in the blood of My neerest Kinswoman? And in the mean time, I am so farre from cruelty, that I would not to saue My life, doe her any vio­lence; nor haue I had so much care to prolong it, as (in the preseruing of it) to preserue hers, & with in­tolerable griefe, that it cannot be so still. I am not so senselesse, as not to see the perils which lye before Me; so vnaduised, to whet the knif that shal cut My throat; nor so carelesse not to respect My life: But I thinke with My Selfe, that there are many; which for the safeguard of a Prince's life, aduenture their owne; but I franckly confesse, I am none of that number. These things haue I often cast in My minde: But forasmuch as diuers haue imploy­ed their tongues and pens against me, giue me leaue to defend My Selfe as I may, to the end you may see what a woman shee is, for whose well-fare you haue been so circumspect. Certainly I doe well, and with gratitude of heart call your vigilant care to minde, but neuer shall be able to giue you con­digne thankes, although I should liue as long as euery one of you.

So soone as I receiued the Scepter, being not vn­mindfull of God, who gaue me his grace, I begun my Raigne in his seruice, and the Religion where­in I was borne, and haue beene brought vp, and I hope shall die. And although I am not ignorant, how many ieopardies haue encompassed Mee at [Page 176] home; and how great Princes, for changing Reli­gion, haue enuied Me abroad, yet haue I not beene moued thereat: For I know, that God, whom a­lone I respect, will defend both Mee and My cause. From thence haue sprung vp against Me, so many attempts and conspiracies, that I wonder I liue; but God hath alwaies beene my succour and support, and sent me aide beyond My expectation. Since that, to proue My selfe a Proficient in the Art of Raigning, I haue of long time bethought Mee, what things were fitting for Kings, and haue found, that nothing is more necessary, than to be plentifully furnished with the predominant Ver­tues of Iustice, Temperance, Wisedome, and Forti­tude. For the two last, which appertaine more properly to men, My sexe permits Me not to attri­bute them to my self: but as for the two precedent, and the more mild, I dare say (without glorying) I haue with indifferency, conioyned the highest with the lowest. I haue not preferred any vnwor­thily: Mine eares haue not beene too credulous; nor haue I (before I heard the cause) past my iudge­ment rashly: yet I will not say, but many things perhaps haue bin brought by report to me, by som too partially affected to the Parties; For the good and wary Prince is often sold, for that hee cannot heare euery Cause. My iudgement (the best it could) hath euermore inclined to the Truth; as he which ad­monished his Friend to make no answer, before [Page 177] he had repeated the Alphabet; so haue I done no­thing vnaduisedly.

As concerning therefore your Counsels & Con­sultations, I acknowledge them so elaborate, pru­dent, and prouident for My conseruation, issued from hearts so sincere, and so well-affected to My seruice, that it is My part to endeuour with all My power, not to be vnthankfull to men of so great demerit. But as concerning your demand, I intreat and charge you, to hold you content with an An­swer without Answer. I commend your Iudge­ments, and apprehend the reasons thereof. But excuse Me (I pray) for that doubtfull perplexitie of thought which troubleth Me. Let the most gracious affection which I beare you be accepta­ble and pleasing to you; and withall this Answer, if so be you esteeme it an Answer. If I say I will not do your demand, perhaps I shall say more than I thinke: If that I will; I (whom you would so gladly preserue) shall runne headlong vpon mine owne destruction. And I thinke (such is your wis­dome) you would not that, if you obserue seri­ously the times, and manners of persons. After this the Parliament was prorogued.

At that time were sent to the Queene of Scotland, The Q. of Scotland is certified of her iudg­ment. the Lord Buckhurst, and Beal, to certifie her, that Iudgement was giuen against her; and that it was approued most iust by Authoritie of Parliament, and that the States had de­manded the execution thereof; for Iustice, Securitie, and Necessitie: And therefore they perswaded her, that after [Page 178] she had acknowledged her offences to God & Queen Eliza­beth, she should satisfie therefore by repentance before she dyed; and to shew, that if she liued, the Religion receiued in England could not stand. At which she seemed to tri­umph with extraordinary cheerefulnesse: giuing thankes to God, and reioycing, that she was held to be a worthy Instru­ment, for the re-establishing of her Religion in this Iland. Shee did with great feruour and affection desire a Catholike Priest to direct her Conscience, and to administer the Sa­craments; refusing (vpon the first motion) the Bishop and the Deane, which they recommended to her to that end: And she greatly blamed the English Nation, saying often: ‘The English haue many times mur­dered their Kings: & it is no strange thing, if they do the like to me, who am deriued of their Royall blood.’

The Am­bassador of France slay­eth the pub­lishing of the Sen­tence. Notwith­standing, it is published. L'Aubespine the Ambassadour of France stayed the pub­lishing of this Sentence: yet by suite and soliciting of some Courtiers, it was published in the Month of December, with the sound of a Trumpet thorow the Citie of London, in the presence of the Maior, the Sherifes, and certaine selected Citizens. And Queene Elizabeth protested seriously in the Preface of this publication, that she had beene drawne to it, with great griefe of heart, by a certaine necessitie, and the earnest request of the States of the Kingdome. Notwith­standing, there were some that thought, it was done by a certaine familiar policie incident to women, who seeme to doe by compulsion, the thing they most desire.

The Queen of Scotland carrieth her­self with a resolute courage.The publishing of this Sentence of death being decla­red to the Q. of Scotland, she was so far from fainting in cou­rage, or seeming disanimated, that with alacritie casting vp her eies & hands towards heauen, she thanked God for it, & [Page 179] getting leaue of her keeper Sir Ayme Poulet, she wrote to Q. Eliza.

That She putteth off all malice of minde towards her; giueth thankes to God for this Condemnation, She moues a request to Queen Eli­zabeth. seeing it was his good pleasure to adde an end to the irkesome pilgrimage which she had in this life; and desired her, for that shee could not expect any good from some hot­spirited Nouators, which held the chiefest ranke in England, that she might be beholden to her alone, and no other, for the benefits following:

First, that when her Aduersaries were glutted in her innocent blood, her Body might be carried from thence by her owne seruants to some sacred and hallowed ground, there to be buried; and aboue all, in­to France, where her Mother lyeth in rest, seeing that in Scotland they had offered violence to the dead bo­dies of her Ancestors, profaned or ruinated the Chur­ches: and in England, she could not hope for any buri­all according to the Catholike solemnities, amongst the ancient Kings, both their Ancestors: And so her Body that neuer had rest so long as it liued with her Soule, may haue some at last after it is parted from it.

Secondly, (for that she feared the close tyrannie of some) she may not suffer her punishment vnknowne to the Queene of England, in some secret place, but in the sight of her seruants, and other people, which may truly beare witnesse of the Faith which she shewed in Christ, of her obedience to the Church, and of the end of her life, against the false rumors which her Aduer­saries may bruit abroad.

Thirdly, that her seruants may be suffered peaceably to depart whither they will; and to enioy the goods she had bequeathed them by her Will. Shee beseeched her, in the name of Iesus Christ, to grant her these things, and combined her thereto, by their alliance in Blood, by the Ghost and memorie of Henry the seuenth, [Page 180] Progenitor to them both, and by the Princely honour which sometimes she had. Then she complained, that all her Princely Robes were taken away by the com­mand of the Counsellors. Shee presageth; their malice will extend to worse things. Shee added, that if they had shewed without fraude or falshood the papers which they tooke from her, it would clearely haue appeared by them, that nothing had caused her vntimely death, but the doubtfull care which some had of Queene Eliza­beths safetie.

Finally, she intreated her, to returne her an Answer vnder her Hand, touching these things. Whether these Letters came to the hands of Queene Eliza­beth, I cannot say.

Opinions of the Q. of Scotl. cause.As for the rest, there past, according to the diuersitie of mens natures, diuerse speeches vpon this matter; not to speake of the declamations and exclamations made by the Clergie pro & contra, which commonly are very sharpe.

In her be­halfe.Some weighing the matters in equitie, thought they had handled her too hardly, because she was an absolute and free Princesse, ouer whom God alone had the command, being very neerely allyed in blood royall to Q. Elizabeth; and that being driuen out of Scotland by the rebells, shee was no soo­ner arriued in England, but Q. Elizabeth promised her vpon her Princely word, by Hen. Mildmore, to shew her all cour­tesie, and to welcome her with all royall deeds of hospitali­tie; yet neuerthelesse, contrary to this promise, imprisoned her, and violated these sacred rights. That shee could not be held but for a prisoner of warre, and to such it was lawful to practise any meanes for their libertie and freedome. That she could not commit treason, because she was no subiect: and that none hath power ouer his equall. That, that had disanulled the sentence of the Emperour against Rob. King of Sicily, because he was not subiect to his Empyre. That if Embassadors, which [...]e but Princes seruants, shal haue con­spired [Page 181] against those to whom they are imployed in Embas­sage, are not culpable of treason, much lesse the Princes themselues: and that the will ought not to be punished, vn­lesse it take effect. That it was a thing neuer heard of, for a Queene to passe vnder the hands of a common executio­ner. That she was condemned contrary to the law of God, the Romane Ciuill Law, and the English; yea, euen against the Statute of the Parliament Anno 13. of Elizabeth, where­by it was ordained, That no person should be called into iudgement for hauing attempted the ruine of the Prince, but vpon the testimonie and oath of two lawfull witnesses, who should be brought face to face before the accused; and in her trial no witnes was produced against her, but she was condemned from the testimony of two Secretaries absent. They discoursed diuersly also of the credite that was to bee giuen to domestick seruants, being prisoners: They much commended the speech of Adrian the Emperour: Testibus, non testimonijs credendum, That wee should rather trust the the witnessors, than the witnesses. Others priuately com­plained, that Spyes or Intelligencers had beene suborned, who by forgerie, false letters, and deceitfull sleights had de­luded this Princesse exposed to iniuries, had preuented her purposes, encouraged her to bad matters, of which shee had not so much as once thought, had she beene kept as was re­quisite, and if such fraudulent Machinators had not beene put to her to that purpose. That it hath beene a familiar thing in all ages, for those that are enuyed by Courtiers, e­uen against their wills to be brought into treason, and to heape more dangers (more treacherously▪) vpon the inno­cent, being once restrained of liberty.

Others thought that she was not a free and absolute Qu. Against her. but only titulary, because shee had forsaken her kingdomes gouernement, and was vnder the protection of the queene of England, so soone as she was come within the kingdome: and as in doing well she had tasted the benefite of the Law, [Page 182] so in doing ill, she was subiect to the rigour thereof; accor­ding to the Lawyers Maxime: ‘He deserueth no benefite of the Law, which trespasseth against the Law.’ Otherwise the condition of a stranger-king, offending with­in the countrey of another, should be better than of him which raigneth well: That she was a subiect temporally, but not originally; because that in respect of regall authori­tie, there cannot be two absolute Princes together in one Kingdom: That by the common receiued opinion of Law­yers, ‘The king out of his Territories is a priuate man, except in expedition of warre: and therefore can neyther conferre nor exercise the royall Rights.’ Besides that, that she had lost her soueraignety of Empire by her trespasse: and that those which are subiect to a King by reason of domicile, may commit treason. As touching the parentage, there is no neerer kindred than our country; for that it is a second Diuinity, and our first and greatest parent. As touching the promises of the duties of humanitie and hospitalitie, these are no priuiledges to commit euills vn­punished: That promises are to be vnderstood so long as things remain in the same estate, and are not changed. That he which hath committed a crime, deserueth not to enioy any promised security, and the rights of hospitalitie as sa­cred: but our countrey is more sacred. That the Prince, no more than the Pope, neuer bindeth his hands, and that all Princes are more neerely obliged to their Cōmon-wealths, than to their promises. That if they should proceed with her, as with a prisoner in warre, they obiect I know not out of what author, [Page 183]That onely captiues are to be pardoned, from whom we can suspect no disturbance of the peace; and no others.’ And that euery one hath power ouer his equall, alwayes and when the equall submitteth himselfe to his iudgement, eyther expressely by word, or secretly by contract, or else by offending within his iurisdiction. That the Pope had cut off the sentence giuen by the Emperour against Rob. King of Sicily, because the fact was not committed within the Em­perours dominions, but within the Popes. That by the law of Nations, Ambassadors haue beene so fauoured for the necessity of their Ambassages, as not to be violated: but Kings which trespasse in the countrey of another, haue no such graunt. Finally, that in matter of treason, the will, though wanting effect, is punishable: and to practise the death of the Prince, nay to know of the practice, & to con­ceale it, is held for treason. That many Kings haue beene condemned and punished, as namely Rescuporis of Thrace, by Tiberius, Licinius & Maximinianus by Constantine the great, Bernard of Italy, Conrade of Sicily, &c. And that which is the summe of all, The soueraigne Law is the safetie of the people: now no law more soueraigne, than the welfare of the Common-wealth. And that Iupiter himselfe made this law, That whatsoeuer is for the commodious good of the Common-wealth, is lawfull and iust. On the contrary, that the Bishops of Rome haue put to death some Ecclesiasticall Princes, not for the safeguard of the Common-wealth so much, as for their owne particular: as Boniface the eightth put to death Celestine the fift, deposed from the Papacy, fea­ring that he should be called againe, because of his singular piety: Vrban the sixt, who caused fiue Cardinalls to be sew­ed vp in sackes, and cast into the Sea, beheaded some, and two others he caused to be baked in an Ouen; and for the more terror, commanded they should be laid on Mules, and carried about the countrey. Moreouer that Secretaries are not to be held for seruants, and that domestick witnesse is to [Page 184] be admitted for proofe of secret things done in the house. And it was argued vpon, whether the accusers which haue sworn voluntarily, and those which are suspected of crimes, ought to come face to face in criminall matters, to maintain the accusation. Lastly, That there is no such perfect exam­ple, but hath some thing in it which is not iust. These, and such like, are the matters which then were debated.

The Q. of Scotland's sonne inter­cedeth for her.In the meane time the K. of Scotland, for the remarkeable deare loue he bore his mother, laboured with all his power, by the imploimēt of W. Keith, to saue her; omitting nothing beseeming a good & vertuous sonne: but without successe, because the Scots were diuided into factions amongst them­selues, Some Scots against her. & more fauoured Q. Elizabeth, than their prisoned Q. insomuch that some of them by priuate letters sollicited Q. Elizabeth to hasten her punishment: and that the Ministers of Scotland, being commanded by the King to pray to God in the Churches for his mother, they obstinately refused so to do, for the hate they bore the Religion which she profes­sed. The K. by letters and messages. And though the King had formerly beene earnest (by messages and letters) with Q. Elizabeth in his mothers be­halfe, yet then he became more instant; complayning, ‘That it was most vniust, that the Nobles, the Counsel­lors and subiects of England should giue sentence a­gainst a Queene of Scotland, borne of the English blood; and as vniust also but to thinke, that the States of England can by authority of Parliament exclude the true heyres from the right of succession, and their lawfull inheritance.’ The which some did often threaten, to cause the more terrour.

He sent also Patrick Gray and Robert Meluin, to delare to Q. Elizabeth, ‘That the great proximitie which was betwixt them, would not let him beleeue, that shee would violate that renowned reputation, which shee from all parts had purchased by her vertues; and especially by her merci­fulnesse, [Page 185] which shee had reserued vnstained with any spot of cruelty; and that she would by no meanes now defile it in his mothers blood, who was of the same princely dignity, parentage, and sexe: whom he (because his mothers blood had so great an interest in him) could not forsake, nor leaue to the cruelty of those, who had so long breathed after his death, as well as hers.’

After he had by other letters shewed at large, with what heauinesse of heart, and doubtfull perplexities he was affli­cted, by reason of this weighty businesse, which touched and bound him in nature and honour, and into what extremities of distresse and danger his reputation was like to fall among his subiects, if any violence were offered to his mother; these things he propounded to her serious consideration, And pro­poundeth some things considera­ble. drawne from the inward sense of his sorrow and filiall affe­ction: ‘How greatly it concerneth his honour, being a King and sonne, if his dearest mother (who was also an absolute Princesse) should dye an infamous death, and that by her commandement who was the next in league of loue and consanguinitie. Whether by the word of God any thing may iustly be enacted by law against those, whom God hath established for the administration of iustice; whom be vouch safeth to call gods vpon earth, whom he hath anoynted, whom he hath forbid to touch, because they are his anoynted, and whom he will not permit to suffer wrong vnreuenged. How monstrous a thing were it that an absolute Prince should be subiect to the cen­sure of subiects: How prodigious, that an entyre Prince should leade the way, to giue such a detestable example, to prophane the diadems of others: What should inforce her to this bloody cruelty? Honour, or profit? If honour, then might she acquire more and greater in pardo­ning; for so (to her eternall glory for her clemency) should she binde to her for this benefite, both Him and [Page 186] all the Kings of Christendome, whose affection other­wise she should lose, together with her reputation, and brand her selfe with the marke of cruelty. If profite, it is to be considered, whether any thing can be accoun­ted profitable, but that which is iust and honest. And then concluded, in desiring her to send such an answer by his Ambassadors as should be welbeseeming so pious a Princesse, and not vnworthy for such a King as was her most affectionate kinsman.’ But these Ambassadors, intermingling tempestiue menaces with their messages, were not pleasing: and so taking their leaue, some few dayes after returned back, carrying with them as little comfort as hope.

As the K. of France did by his Am­bassadors. Pomponius Bellieure, sent for this cause from the King of France, had accesse to the Q. of England, (accompanied with l'Aubespine de Chasteauneuf the ordinary Ambassador) and hauing giuen her to vnderstand how many contrary thoughts had troubled the K. of France; on the one side, for the singular affection which he bore her; on the other, for the neere alliance of kindred which was betwixt him and the Q. of Scotland: propounded to Q Elizabeth at two seue­rall times in writing, these and the like things, viz.

Bellieures reasons for the Qu. of Scotland.That it neerely concerned the K. of France, and other Kings, that a free Queen and absolute Princesse should not be committed to death.

That the safetie of Queene Elizabeth would be in more danger by the death of Mary, than by her life, and that being set at libertie, she could not attempt any thing against the Queene of England, because that her want of health did promise no long life.

That she had arrogated to her selfe the Kingdome of England, was not to be imputed (as a crime) so much to [Page 187] her, as to that she had learned in her youth of naughty Counsellors.

That shee came into England as a suppliant, and ther­fore she could not be iustly detained, but was at the last to be released eyther for money or mercy. And besides, that an absolute Prince ought not in any sort to be brought to arraignement: which made Cicero say, that it was a thing neuer heard of, that a K. should bee called in question, of accused of any capitall crime.

That if she were innocent, she ought not to be punished: if culpable, she should be pardoned, because that would redound to the greater honour and profite, and would re­maine an eternall example of the English clemency. Al­ledging to this purpose the History of Porsenna, which drew out of the fire the right hand of M. Sceuola, who had conspired his death, and let him go.

That the first precept to raigne well, is to spare blood: that blood cryeth for blood, and to be seuere vpon her, cannot but seeme a thing cruell and bloody.

That the K. of France would endeuour seriously to dis­solue the designes of those, which conspired against Queen Elizabeth, and that the Guises (the Queen of Scotland's kinsmen) should swear and subscribe to do the same, who would take it very grieuously if she were put to death, and perhaps, would not suffer it vnreuenged.

Finally, they required she should not be handled with such rigorous and extraordinary iudgement: for if shee were, the King of France could not but take it as a most grieuous offence, howsoeuer the other Princes tooke it.

[Page 188]To euery one of these Articles, answer was made in the Margent, Answers to his Reasons That the Queene of England hoped, that the most Christian king of France made no lesse reckoning of her, than of the Queene of Scotland, who had practised her destructi­on, she being an innocent Princesse, her neere Kinswoman, and in league of Alliance with the King of France: That it is expedient for Kings and their Countries, that wicked acti­ons be not left vnpunished, especially against Princes.

That the English, who acknowledge Queen Elizabeth the sole Supreame Gouernesse of England, cannot at once acknowledge two Soueraignes, free and absolute Princes; nor any other whilst she liued could participate in equalitie with her: Neither could she perceiue how the Queene of Scotland, and her Sonne, which then raigned, could be held at once for Soueraigne and absolute Princes.

Whether that the safetie of Queene Elizabeth be exposible to greater perils, shee being put to death, seeing it dependeth vpon future contingencie: That the Estates of England, ha­uing well weighed this point, are otherwise conceited: namely, That whilst shee liueth, there will alwaies be new plots of mis­chiefe breeding; especially, because it is now come to that issue, that there is no hope left for the one, if the other be not extinct: and this saying should often present it selfe to her mind; Either I shall dispatch her, or shee me. And the lesser time her life shall last, the more celeritie will the Conspirators vse, to execute their plots.

That hitherto she would neuer renounce her claime and chal­lenge to the English Crowne, and therefore was for iust cause to be detained in prison, and detained must be, till she renounce it, although she came to England for succour and support. And for what cause soeuer she was put in prison, she is to be punished for the faults she hath cōmitted since the time of her imprisonment.

That the Queene of England had pardoned her before, when shee was condemned of all the Estates, for consenting to the Re­bellion in the North; the which was raised, to haue made the [Page 189] Maryage betwixt her and tbe Duke of Norfolke: and to pardon her againe, were imprudent and cruell mercy. That none are ignorant of that Maxime of the Lawyers: An offender found within the Territorie of another, is to be punished, where he is found to haue committed the fault, without respect of Dignitie, Honour, or Priuiledge. And that the same is per­mitted as well by the Lawes of England, as also by the examples of Licinius, Robert King of Sicilie, Bernard King of Italy, Conradine, Elizabeth Queene of Hungary, Ioan Queene of Naples, and of Deiotarus, for whom Cicero pleading, said: It is not a thing vniust, though vnusuall for a King to be arraig­ned. His very words are these: Primùm dico pro capite, for­tunis (que) Regis, quod ipsum etsi non iniquum est, in tuo dun­taxat periculo: tamen est ita inusitatum, Regem capitis re­um esse, tante hoc tempus non sit auditum.

That shee that hath beene found guiltie by a iust Iudgement, ought to vndergoe punishment; forasmuch, as that which is Iust, is Honest; and that which is Honest, is also profitable.

That the History of Porsenna hath no allusion to the matter in question, except it were to be thought, that there are a great number yet behinde, of them, which conspire against Queene E­lizabeth; and so could perswade her out of feare and some little respect of honour, to dismisse the Queene of Scotland, without putting her to any paine; as Porsenna past off Mutius, after Mutius had told him, there was yet 300. more of his Fellow-Confederates, which had sworne his death. Besides, that Muti­us set vpon Porsenna in open warre, and assured himselfe, that by sending Mutius away, he was out of all danger.

That blood is to be spared, but that is innocent blood: That God hath said, Blood cryeth for blood, it is true; and that France both before the Massacre of Paris & since cā testifie this.

That punishment by death, iustly inflicted, cannot be accounted bloody, no more than a wholsome medicine, can be deem'd hurtfull.

Howsoeuer the Guises, the Queene of Scotlands Cousens re­lish it, Queene Elizabeth hath more nearer cause to respect her [Page 190] selfe, her owne safetie, her Nobilitie, and the good of her Peo­ple, on whose loue shee wholly dependeth, than the discontent of any other whosoeuer: And that the matter was now at that point, that the old Prouerbe of the two Princes, Conradine the King of Sicilie, and Charles the Duke of Anjou, might be vsed, and truly said, of these two Queens, ‘THE DEATH OF MARY, THE LIFE OF ELIZABETH: And THE LIFE OF MARY, THE DEATH OF ELIZABETH.

The promises of the French King, or the Guises, cannot se­cure the Queene of England, nor the Realme of assured safetie: much lesse make amends for her death, if she be made away.

That the French King cannot discouer, or keepe in the plots of Treason, which are practised against him in his owne Country; much lesse this against the Queene of England; for that Trea­son is closely carryed, and therefore ineuitable. And if the wic­ked act were once committed, what good would come on it to claime their promises? How can the life of an incomparable Prince, after death be repaired? and what redresse can be found out for the Common-wealth, (failing with her) in this sad con­fusion of all things?

That the hand-writings, or oathes of the Guises can be of no great moment; for that they hold it a meritorius matter to put to death the Pope of Romes Aduersaries, and may easily haue a dispensation of their oath. And when Queene Elizabeth shall be slaine, and the Queene of Scotland, which is of the House of the Guises, aduanced to the Royaltie, who is he will accuse them for her death? or if they should be accused, that can bring her to life againe?

But in that the Ambassadours haue said, That the Iudgement was rigorous and extraordinary; they haue spoken indiscreetly (for they saw neither the proceedings of the businesse, nor heard the proofes) and haue with too much asperitie reprehended the [Page 191] Estates of the Realme of England, being Personages of chiefest note in the Kingdome, for noblenesse of Birth, Vertue, Wise­dome, and Pietie. Yea, and that they haue altogether deliuered these speeches from the King of France, to terrifie the Queene of England, and the Estates of the Land. That the English are not wont to feare the Frenchmens menaces, nor can these diuert them, from prouiding how to settle their State in securitie, For­asmuch as the Ambassadours, in the meane time, haue not made any demonstration or mention, how to preuent the imminent ieopardies, and dangers hanging ouer Englands head.

THE NINE AND TWENTIETH YEARE OF HER RAIGNE, ANNO DOM. M.D.LXXXVII.

AS men thus (according to the varie­tie of their apprehensions) discour­sed busily, and at large of these matters, as they were led either by enuy or affection: D' Aubespine the Ambassadour for France in Eng­land, who was of the Faction of the Guises, The Am­bassadour of France attempteth Queene Eli­zabeths life. thinking, that if he could not by Arguments or Reasons deliuer the Queene of Scotland, yet would he by some mischie­uous craft: Treateth priuatly, and first with one William Stafford, a young Gentleman, and apt to conceiue strange hopes, whose Mother was one of the Ladies of Honour, and his Brother Leger in France, about the killing of Queen [Page 193] Elizabeth. At first he dealt with him vnder-hand, but after­wards more plainely by his Secretary Trappe, who promi­sed him, if he performed it, that he should haue thereby, nor only great glory, and a large summe of money; but also ex­ceeding fauour from his Holinesse the Pope of Rome, the Guises, and all Catholikes. Stafford, as loathing such a mon­strous mischiefe, would not be the Actour thereof; but not­withstanding, notifyed to him one Modey, a fit fellow to be imploed in matter of murther, & one who would dispatch it though neuer so bloody, for money. This Modey was a pri­soner in London; to whom Stafford made it knowne, that the French Ambassadour desired to speake with him. He answered, that he desired the same, if he were out of Prison; intreating him in the meane time, to speake with Cordalion, the Ambassadours vnder-Secretary, who was his familiar friend. The morrow after, was sent to him Trappe and Staf­ford; which Trappe (Stafford going apart) grew into talke with Modey, how and by what meanes they might kill Q [...]eene Elizabeth. Modey aduised to haue it done by poy­son, or by bringing priuately into the Queenes Chamber, a barrell of Gun-powder, to be secretly set on fire. But this liked not Trappe, who desired a resolute fellow, which fea­red nothing, such a one as the Bourgoignon, which had slaine the Prince of Orange.

Stafford had quickly reuealed this to the Councell: Stafford dis­couereth the enterprise to the Coū ­cell. And Trappe (now preparing himselfe for France) is apprehen­ded, and being examined, confesseth all the matter. Here­upon, the twelfth of Ianuary following, the Ambassadour was sent for to the House of Cicile, whither he came about euening, where there was present at that time, by the com­mandment of the Queen, Cicile the Baron of Burghley, Lord High Treasurer of England; the Earle of Leicester, Sir Chri­stopher Hatton, Vice-Chamberlaine to the Queens Maiestie; & Dauison, one of her Maiesties Secretaries: who declared, that they had inuited him thither, to acquaint him with the [Page 194] cause, why they had stayed his Secretary Trappe, being bound for France; and so discoursed to him the whole mat­ter, as Stafford, Modey, and Trappe themselues had confessed; and had caused them to be brought in, to testifie the same before his face. The Ambassadour (with great impatience) bending his browes, and standing vp, said: That he (being the Kings Ambassadour) would not abuse his Master the King of France, or preiudice other Ambassadours in that kinde, to be a hearer of Accusations, be what they will. But they hauing answered him, that these things were not produced as accusations against him; but to let him perceiue that they were neither false nor faigned: and, to the ende hee might take occasion to conuince Stafford of Calumnie the more freely; hee became quiet. But so soone as Stafford came in, and had begun to speake; he interrupting of him, in rayling manner, swore: That Stafford had first mentioned the matter, The Ambas­sadour de­nieth it. and that he had threatned to send him bound hand and foote, to the Queene of England, if he would not giue ouer that businesse; and that at that time he forbore him, for the loue and affection he had to his Mother, his Brother, and his Si­ster. Stafford falling on his knees, protested many times vp on his Saluation, That the Ambassadour had first broken the matter to him. The Ambassadour then more moued than before, Stafford was commanded forth, and Modey not per­mitted to come in.

The Ambas­sadour mild­ly rebuked.Hereupon the Lord Burghley, out of his owne words, and Trappe his Confession, reproued him, but somewhat gently, for this intended mischiefe. The Ambassadour an­swered; Whether an Ambassador be to disco­uer the at­tempts, if he know any to be com­mitted a­gainst the Prince to whom he is sent. If he had beene guiltie, or acquainted with the matter, yet as being an Ambassadour, he was not bound to reueale it to any but his owne King. Burghley answering, said; Admit it be not the part of an Ambassadour (which yet is a matter que­stionable) to discouer such matters, but only to their owne King, when the life of a Prince is in hazzard: yet it is the part of a Christian to preuent such enormities, as touch the life of a [Page 195] Prince; nay, of any priuate Christian. This he stoutly denied, and withall recited an example of a French Ambassadour, not long agone in Spaine, who knowing of a treacherous practise against the King of Spaine, although it concerned his life; yet discouered it not to him, but to his owne King: for which he receiued great commendation, both of his King and of his Councell. But the Lord Burghley very grauely admonished him, hereafter to haue a care how he offended her Maiestie, and not to forget his duty, and her Maiesties mercifulnesse, which was loath to offend the good Ambas­sadours, by punishing the bad: neither was he all this while exempt from the fault, though freed from the punish­ment.

From this attempt, such as were the sworne enemies of the Queene of Scotland, and sought to doe her hurt, tooke occasion hereby to hasten her death; knowing that in ex­treame danger of safetie, Feare leaueth no place for Mercy, and tooke order (the more to terrifie the Queene of Eng­land) to spread rumorous speeches daily, and false and feare­full exclamations all ouer the Land; to wit: ‘That the Spanish Fleet was already landed at Milford-Hauen; That the Scots were come vpon their borders; That the Guise was in Essex with a mighty Armie; That the Queene of Scots had broken prison, raysed a great troope of Souldiers, and began to make a Rebellion in the North; That there were new plots in hand, for murthering the Queene, and to burne the Citie of Lon­don; yea, That the Queene of England was dead,’ and such like: which in those that are crafty and fearefull (by a natural desire) are nourished, and encreased; and Princes (cre­dulous by curiositie) will soon lend their eares thereunto.

By such divulged horrors, and fearefull arguments, they brought her Maiestie into such trouble and perplexitie of minde, that she signed the Letters of Warrant to her deadly Sentence, and was perswaded most of all to it, by Patricke [Page 196] Gray Scottishman, whom the King of Scotland had sent to disswade the Queene of England, from putting his mother to death: But Gray the Scot, more. who many times put these words into her eares; Mortua non mordet: Being dead, she will byte no more.

And notwithstanding, as she was naturally slow to anger, she had this custome, She weigh­eth these businesses. that she neuer would enter vnadui­sedly, or without premeditation, into any action: so she be­gan to weigh in her minde, whether it were better to put her to death, or to let her liue. From putting her to death, she was disswaded, ‘By her owne naturall clemency, not to vse cruelty to her who was a Princesse and her next kinswoman; from the feare that she had, Histories should make her infa­mous to posterities, and from the dangers which might fall vpon her, as from the part of the King of Scotland, who then was the next in succession to the Crowne of England: so also from the Catholick Princes, and from desperate people, who would attempt any thing.’ From pardoning of her likewise, she foresaw no lesse danger to ensu [...]; ‘That the Nobility which had giuen the sentence a­gainst her, would couertly seeke to regaine the fauour of her and her sonne; and that could not be done without danger to her selfe. That her other subiects would take it ill, when they perceiue their labour to be lost; and though then they were carefull for her welfare, yet hereafter they might grow carelesse: and that many would change their religion, and become Popish, vpon a supposition of greater hopes, seeing her preser­ued, as it were by fatall prouidence, to inherite the Kingdome of England. That the Iesuites and Semi­naries, whose eyes were all cast vpon her, seeing her sickly, and not like to liue long, would be so much the more busie to procure the death of Q. Elizabeth, to set vp their religion.’

[Page 197]Her Courtiers also ceased not to suggest these and the like things, vnto her: The Cour­tiers per­swade her, ‘Wherefore should you pardon so monstrous a malefactor, being already iustly condemned; who, after shee had subscribed to the combination made for the preserua­tion of your health and safety, notwithstanding pre­sently after attempted the taking away of your life, and thereby to procure the vtter ruine of Religion, By reasons. the No­bilitie, and commons? Clemency indeed is a Princely vertue, but not to be shewed to such as are mercilesse. Let the vaine shew of mercy yeeld to life-preseruing seueritie, and haue regard, that your mercy bring you not to misery. It is enough to haue the commendation of clemency, in that you haue once giuen pardon: to pardon her againe, were nothing else but to pronounce her innocent, to condemne the States of the Kingdome of iniustice, to animate her agents to attempt new mis­chiefes, and to discourage your faithfull subiects from hauing any care for the preseruation of the weale pub­lick. Religion, the Common-wealth, your own welfare, the loue of your countrey, the oath of association, the care of posteritie to come, doe all together begge and beseech you, that she which desireth the destruction of all these, may speedily be brought to destruction her selfe. If these be not heard, there is no safety left for this State, and Historians will leaue it recorded to the ages to come, that the fayre sunne-shine dayes of all pro­sperity, which were in England vnder Q. Elizabeth, ended in a darke and dreadful euening, nay turned in­to a dismall night of eternall obscurity. Our posterity shall find, that we wanted wisedom; hauing power to foresee our miseries, but not to preuent them: the which will thereby become the greater: the grossenesse whereof will be imputed, not so much to the malice of our enemies, as the improuident stupidity of these [Page 198] times. That the life of a titulary Queene of Scotland, was not so much worth, as the safety of this whole kingdome: nor is there any place left for lingring; for delayes are dangerous. We should not giue malefactors of that monstrous nature, leaue to breathe, which from their insolency will take their last support, and from the impunity of their crime, expect some recompence. He which keepeth not himselfe out of danger when he may, seemeth rather to tempt God, than to trust in him. All the danger that can be from strangers, will cease with the cause, and cannot harme England, vn­lesse it be by her. What will or power soeuer the Pope can haue to hurt, will cease with her death. The Spa­niard can haue no cause to finde fault, who for his own security, put his onely sonne Charles to death, and doth what he can at this present also to make away Don Antonio King of Portugale, the more to extend his ambition. The king of France entertayneth an inuiolable league of loue with England, and is aboue all things so interested herein, that by the present di­spatch of the Q. of Scotland, the hope of the Guises shall be layd flat vnder foot, since it is so that (out of the desperate hope they haue in the long looked-for ayde from their kinswoman) their insolency is growne so great at this time against him. That the King of Scotland, euen in nature, and out of a true respect of his royalty, cannot but be moued to displeasure at his mothers death, yet he will rather (out of better deli­beration) wayt wisely, till time shall ripen his hopes with security, than to attempt, out of season, the things which can affoord him nothing but disturbance and danger. And the neerer he shall growe to his great hopes, the farther off will forraigne Princes (who of customary course are alwayes opposite to the growing greatnesse of others) estrange themselues from him.’

[Page 199]They propounded also to her domesticall examples, be­cause that that which is warranted by president, And by ex­amples. is the more tolerable: As, ‘What comportment the Kings of England (for their securities) haue had with their competitors, namely, Henry the first with Robert his elder brother, Edw. the third, or rather his mother, with Edward the se­cond, Henry the fourth with Richard the second, Ed­ward the fourth with Hen. the sixt, with his sonne the Prince of Wales, and George of Clarence his owne naturall brother, Henry the seuenth with the Earle of Warwick, the yonger sonne of the Duke of Clarence, and HENRY the eightth with De-la-Poole Earle of Suffolk, with Margaret of Salisbury, and Courtney Marquesse of Exeter: all which (in comparison of their offences) dyed for very sleight matters.’ Neyther did the Courtiers only suggest these, and the like to the Queene; but diuerse fiery-tongued Preachers also, tooke occasion to exercise (with all asperity of spirit) the heate of their desires, in hastning on her death. Sundry also of the vulgar sort were of the same temper, according as their affections or humours carried them away with hope or feare.

Amidst these sad-afflicting thoughts of minde (which so troubled the Queene of England's perplexed heart, She is not­withstand­ing suspen­siue & per­plexed with doubtfull feares. She com­mandeth a Warrant to be drawne for the exe­cution. as that she delighted to be all alone, and to sit solitary by her selfe, neyther looking vp, nor vttering any speech; yet would suddenly many times, breake out into these words, and sigh­ing, say, AVT PETERE AVT PERCVTE, and withall, also a kinde of Emblem: PREVENT THE STROKE BY STRIKING) shee deliuered Secretarie Dauison letters vnder her hand and seale, wherein hee was commanded to make ready a Warrant, vnder the great seale of England, for the execution of the Qu. of Scotland, and to [Page 200] keepe it priuate, not acquainting any therewith, lest happely in this turbulent time of feare, some sudden violent danger might happen. But the morrow after (some sudden affright mixing it selfe with her pensiue thoughts and meditations of minde) changing her former purpose, she recommanded Dauison (by Killegray) to dispatch his Warrant. Dauison, going to her, told her it was ready, and sealed. Whereat she grew very angry, saying, He was too hasty. But for all this, he forbore not to publish the matter, and to impart it to the Councell; Her Coun­cell send secretly. who (beleeuing that willingly, which they desi­red earnestly) were easily perswaded, that the Queene had giuen commandement for the execution; and (vnknowne to her) sent presently away Beale (who, out of a feruour of zeale which he bore to religion, was more eagerly bent a­gainst the Queene of Scotland, than any other) and with him two executioners, and letters Patents, whereby authoritie was granted to the Earles of Shrewesbury, Kent, Derby, Cum­berland and others, to proceed in this execution. And al­though the Queene had told Dauison at that time, that shee had a purpose to deale otherwise with the Queene of Scot­land; yet for all that, he did not stay or recall Beale.

Now assoone as the Earles were arriued at Fotheringham, they found the Q. of Scotland with Sir Ayme Poulet and Sir Drue Drury, to whose custody she was committed; and then (reading the Mandate) shewed the cause of their comming, admonishing her, in few words, to prepare her selfe to dye against the next morrow. Sh, ehearing that, with an vndan­ted courage and countenance, answered them: I Neuer thought, that my sister, the Queene of Eng­land, The Q. of Scotl. pre­pares herself for death. would haue consented to my death, seeing I am not subiect to your law: but since her pleasure is such, death to me shall be most welcome. And surely that soule were not worthy the eternall ioyes of heauen, whose body cannot endure one stroke of a Headsman.’ She desired of them to haue conference with her Almner, [Page 201] her Confessor, and Meluine her Steward. As for her Con­fessor, they flatly denyed her him; and appointed her for comforters, the Bishop and Deane of Peterborough, whom shee refused. Thereupon, the Earle of Kent (a zealous pro­fessor of Religion) amongst other his speeches, vttered this: ‘Your life will be the death; and your death, the life of our Religion.’ Then hauing made mention of Babington, shee confidently affirmed, she neuer kn [...]w of his practices. Shee referred the due reuenge of all to God: and hauing inquired what was become of Nauue, and Curle, asked; ‘If euer it was heard of, in former times, that the Ser­uants should be suborned to betray their Lady and Mi­stresse to death, and also be admitted as Euidencers a­gainst her.’ When the Earles were departed, shee called in for supper, the better after to dispose of her businesses. Shee supped that night (as her manner euer was) very temperately: and noting her seruants at supper time, both men and women, to weepe and mourne; with cheerefull aspect, and hearty ala­critie, shee comforteth them, bidding them to wipe their eyes, and rather to reioice with her, for that shee was now to depart this Gulfe of miseries. Then turning to Burgon her Physician, she said: ‘Haue you not obserued how powerfull and great the Truth is. For (quoth she) the common report is, That I am to dye for conspiring the Queene of Englands death; but the Earle of Kent, notwithstanding, told me euen now, That the feare they haue of their Religion, is the cause of my death. Now this is no criminall fact committed against the Queene of England, but the feare they haue conceiued of me, which hath brought this slaughter vpon me, the whilst some besides (euery one for himselfe, seeking to serue his owne turne) con­spired [Page 202] vnder a pretext of Religion, and the Common­weale.’

Supper being almost done, she dranke to all her Seruants; who in order, one by one, vpon their knees, tooke her pledge, mingling their teares with the wine, and crauing pardon of her, wherein soeuer they had beene negligent in doing their duties: so did she likewise of them. After supper, she peru­sed her Will, lookt ouer the Inuentory of her vtensiles, and Iewels, and so set downe the names of such to whom shee had bequeathed any thing, to euery one their share apart. To some of them, shee distributed money with her owne hands. Shee wrote also to her Confessor, to pray for her. And to the King of France, and the Duke of Guise, by her Letters she recommended her Seruants. This done, she reti­red herself at her ordinary time to her rest, slept a few hours; and awaking, past the rest of the night away in Prayers.

The fatall day beginning to appeare, which was the 7. of February, she attired her selfe in such garments as she vsu­ally wore vpon Festiuall daies; and calling her Seruants a­bout her, caused her Will to be read, desiring them to take in good part the Legacies she had giuen them, seeing it was not in her power to make them better. Then wholly fixing her mind vpon God, she betook her self into her Oratory or place of Prayer, where with sighs, grieuous gronings, and feruent prayers, she called vpon God; till such time as Tho­mas Andrey, Sherife of the Shire, signified to her, that it was now time for her to come forth. Then forth shee came, in gesture, Shee is brought to the scaffold. carryage, and demeanour, right Princely and maje­sticke; cheerefull in countenance, and in attire very modest, and Matron-like: shee wore a linnen vaile vpon her, and be­fore her face, which shee discouered: at her girdle hung her Rosarie, or rowe of Beades, and in her hand she held a Cru­cifix of Iuory.

In the Porch or passage of her lodging, met her the Earles, and the rest of the Noblemen, where Meluine (one [Page 203] of her Seruants) falling on his knees, and pouring forth teares, bewailed his vnlucky fortune, that he was design'd the man, that should carry into Scotland the sad message of the tragicall death of his dearest Mistresse. ‘Oh weep not (quoth she) for you shall shortly see Mary Stuart at an end of all her sorrowes. You shall report, Her spee­ches to Meluine her Steward. that I dye true and constant in my Religion, and firme in my loue to Scotland and France. God forgiue them which haue thirsted after my blood, as the Hart doth for the Water-brooke. Thou (oh God) which art Truth it selfe, and which soundest the deepest secrets of my in­ward heart; euen thou knowest how earnestly I haue desired the vnion of the two Kingdomes of England and Scotland. Recommend me to my Sonne; tell him for certainty I neuer did, or attempted any thing pre­iudiciall to the Kingdome of Scotland. Counsell him to entertaine amitie with the Queene of England, and be you his true and trusty Seruant.’ By this, the teares flowed from her eyes, shee repeating a­gaine, and againe, Adieu, Adieu, Meluine: who wept all the while, no lesse lamentably. To the Earles. Then turning her towards the Earles, she intreated them, that her Seruants might be gent­ly vsed, that they might enioy the things she had giuen them by her Will, that they might be permitted to be with her at her death, and lastly, might be safely conducted and sent home into their Countries. Her two first requests they granted, but for the hauing of her Seruants by at her death, the Earle of Kent seemed scrupulous, fearing there might be some superstition in that. To him she said: ‘Feare you not, Sir: the poore wretches desire nothing but to take their last leaues of me. And I know, my Sister, the Queene of England, would not you should deny me so small a request: For, for the honour of my sex, my Seruants should be in presence. I am the nearest of her Parentage and Consanguinitie, grand-childe to [Page 204] Henry the seuenth, Dowager of France, and anointed Queene of Scotland:’ Which when shee had said, and turned her about, it was granted her, to haue such of her Seruants as shee would no­minate. Then she named Meluine, Bourgon her Physician, her Apothecarie, her Chyrurgion, two of her Maides, and some others, of which Meluine carryed vp her traine. Then the Noblemen, the two Earles, and the Sherife of the Shire going before, she came to the Scaffold, the which was built at the vpper end of the Hall, vpon the which was a Chaire, a Cushion, and a Blocke, all couered with blacke. So soone as she was set, and silence commanded, Beal read the Warrant or Mandate, to which she listened attentiuely, as if it had beene some other thing. Then Doctor Fletcher (Deane of Peterborough) made a large discourse of the con­dition of her life past, and present, and of the life to come. Twice she interrupted him, intreating him not to importune her: Her last words. Protesting, that she was setled and resolued in the ancient Romane Catholike Religion, and ready euen now to shed her blood for the same. He vehemently exhorted her to be repentant, and with an vndoubted Faith to put her whole trust and confidence in Christ: But shee answered him; That she had beene borne and brought vp in this Religion, and was ready to die in the same. Then the Earles saying they would pray for her; Shee replied, shee would giue them great thankes, if they would pray together with her, but to communicate in Praier with them which are of a different Religion, were a scandall, and great sinne. Then they bade the Deane to pray: with whom, whilst the Assembly about him ioyned in Prayer; Shee falling on her knees, and holding the Cruci­fix betwixt her hands, prayed in Latine, with her owne peo­ple, out of the Office of our blessed Lady.

After the Deane had ended his Praiers, shee prayed in En­glish for the Church, for her Sonne, and Elizabeth Queene of England, beseeching God to turne his heauy wrath from [Page 205] this Iland, and protesting (as she held vp the Crucifix) that she reposed her hope of Saluation in the blood of Christ Iesus: shee called vpon the holy Company of Saints in Heauen, to make intercession for her vnto him. Shee for­gaue all her enemies: then kissing the Crucifix, and making the signe of the Crosse, she said: As thy armes (ôh Lord Iesu-Christ) were spred forth vpon the Crosse, so receiue me into the same armes of thy Mercy, and pardon me my trespasses. Then the Executioner asked forgiuenesse, whom shee forgaue: and her seruants (she making haste) tooke off her vpper gar­ments, crying and lamenting aloud: yet neither by her kissing or crossing of them, did she euer change her cheerfull coun­tenance, but bade them forbeare their womanish weeping, saying; That shee was at the end of all her calamities. Like­wise turning her selfe towards her other seruants, most piti­ously weeping, she signed them with the signe of the Crosse, and smilingly bade them all, Adieu. Then hauing a linnen cloth before her face, and laid her head vpon the Blocke, she recited the Psalme; In thee (O Lord) haue I put my trust, let mee not be confounded for euer. Then stretching forth her body, and many times together ingeminating these words; Lord into thy hands I commend my Spirit, her Head at the se­cond blow was cut off; the Deane crying aloud, and saying, So perish all the Enemies of Queene Elizabeth; to which, the Earle of Kent answerd, Amen: so likewise did the people wee­ping. Afterwards her body being imbalmed, and solemnly made ready was with Princely Funerals interred in the Ca­thedrall Church of Peterborough. And in Paris were her Obsequies in most magnificent manner, also, celebrated by the Guises; who neither in her life omitted any offices of loue or kindred toward her, nor yet after her death, to their great land and glory.

Here you haue seen what was the lamentable end of the life of Mary Queen of Scotland, daughter to Iames the Fift, King of Scotland, grand-childe to Henry the seuenth King of Eng­land, [Page 206] by his elder daughter, of 46. yeares of age, and the 18. yeare of her imprisonment. A woman most constant in her Religion; of singular zeale and sanctimonie towards God; of inuincible animositie and courage; in wisedome aboue her Sexe; of surpassing beautie, and worthy to be re­corded in the Catalogue of those Princes, who of happy and prosperous, became miserable and vnfortunate. Being yet an Infant, shee was with great sedulitie sought for, both by Henry the eighth, King of England, for his sonne Edward; and by Henry the second, King of France, for Francis the Dol­phin. Shee was sent into France at fiue yeares of age, and at ten marryed to the Dolphine. After the death of her husband, returning into Scotland, and being marryed to Hen­rie, Lord Darley, she had by him IAMES, the First Monarch of Great Britanne. Shee was persecuted by Murrey her base Brother, and others her disloyall and ambitious subiects de­posed from the Kingdome, driuen into England, circum­uented (as some worthy persons haue conceiued) by cer­taine in England, carefull for the retaining of their Religion, and the preseruation of Queene Elizabeths life; exposed in­to perilous attempts, by others (desirous of re-establishing the Romish Religion) and brought to ruine by the intimati­ons or witnesses of her absent Secretaries; who (as it is thought) were corrupted with coine. By her Tombe was fixed, and soone after taken away, this following Epitaph:

[Page 207]

MARIA SCOTORVM REGINA, The Epitaph. REGIS FILIA, REGIS GALLORVM VI­DVA, REGINAE ANGLIAE AG­NATA, ET HAERES PROXIMA, VIRTVTI­EVS REGIIS ET ANIMO REGIO OR­NATA. IVRE REGIO FRVSTRA SAEPIVS IMPLORATO, BARBARA ET TYRANNICA CRVDELITATE, ORNAMENTVM NO­STRI SECVLI, ET LVMEN VERE RE­GIVM EXTINGVITVR: EODEMQVE NE­FARIO IVDICIO, ET MARIA SCOTORVM REGINA MORTE NATVRALI, ET OM­NES SVPERSTITES REGES, PLEBEII FACTI, MORTE CIVILI MVLCTAN­TVR.

NOVVM ET INAVDITVM TVMVLI GE­NVS, IN QVO CVM VIVIS MORTVI IN­CLVDVNTVR, HIC ERAT: CVM SACRIS ENIM DIVAE MARIAE CINERIBVS, OM­NIVM REGVM ATQVE PRINCIPVM VI­OLATAM, ATQVE PROSTRATAM MA­IESTATEM HIC IACERE SCITO; ET QVIA TACITVM REGALE SATIS SV­PERQVE REGES SVI OFFICII MO­NET, PLVRA NON ADDO, VIATOR.

[Page 208]IN the lamentable death of this great Princesse, mani­festly appeared (as some haue obserued) the prouidence of God: The proui­dence of God plainly seen in her death. For the things which Elizabeth and Mary wished from the beginning, and were resolued vpon in all their designes, were hereby effected and consummate. Queene Mary (as her selfe confest at her death) desired no­thing more feruently, than that the Kingdomes of England and Scotland (which were diuided) might be vnited and ioyned in one, in her dearest Sonne; Nor Elizabeth, but that the true Religion, together with the good and safety of the People in England might be continued and maintained. And England now with vnspeakable ioy and gladnesse, ac­knowledgeth, that God Almighty hath granted both their desires, to her vnexpected and euerlasting felicitie.

Elizabeth is sorry there­fore, and grieueth thereat.So soone as report (the messenger of this death) had brought the newes thereof to Queene. Elizabeth, who not so much as thought of any such matter, she tooke it most im­patiently: her speech, and countenance, at once failed her: through the extremitie of her grieuous discontent, shee became quite comfortlesse and disconsolate; and attired her selfe in mourning weedes, bitterly lamenting, and sheading many brinish teares from the compassionate riuers of her eyes. Is angry with her Councell. Shee sharply rebuked her Councell, and chased them out of her sight, commanding they should be questioned. And as for William Dauison, he was brought into the Starre-Chamber to be tryed. And so soone as her passionate an­guish and excesse of sorrow, suffered her to write, shee sud­denly addrest (by sir Robert Carey) to the King of Scotland, this Letter following, of her owne hand-writing:

Queene ELIZABETH's Letter to King IAMES.

MOST DEARLY BELOVED BROTHER:

Would to God you did know, but not feele, with what in­comparable sorrow my sad-af­flicted heart is troubled, by the late lamentable euent, which hapned contrary to my minde and meaning: but because my Penne abhorreth the recitall thereof, you shall vnderstand it by this my Kinsman. I be­seech you, that (as God and many good men are witnesses with me of my innocencie) you also would belieue, that if I had once com­manded it, I would neuer haue denyed the same. I am not so base-minded, nor of such a degenerate or ignoble spirit, as that [...]ither I am affraid to doe the thing that is iust, or to disclaime it being done.

But as it is most dishonourable in Princes, to couer or colour the conceptions of their hearts, in disguised words: So will I neuer dis­semble any action of mine, but let it appeare in its owne liuely colours. Know this for certainty, that as I am sure, it hapned not by any fault of mine; so if I had euer intended such a deed, I would not haue im­puted it to others. Nor can I assume that to my selfe which I neuer thought. The rest, the Deliuerer of these lines will impart vnto you. [Page 210] For my part, I would haue you belieue, that there is none more intire­ly louing you, nor more studiously carefull for the good of you and yours, than my selfe. If any haue suggested to you the contrary, be you perswaded, that such a one beareth more affection to others, than to you. God keepe you long safe and sound.

Whilest Sir Robert Carey was on the way with these letters, William Dauison was brought into the Starr-Chamber before certain Commis­sioners, to wit, Sir Christopher Wray Lo▪ chiefe Iustice of the K. Bench, who for that time was likewise made Lord Keeper of the Priuy Seale; the Arch Bishops of Canterbury and Yorke, the Earles of Worcester, Cumber­land, and Lincolne; the Lords Gray and Lumley, Sir Iames Crofts Comp­troller of the Queens house, Sir Walter Mildmay Chancellour of the Ex­chequer, Sir Gilbert Gerard Master of the Rolls, Edm. Anderson chiefe Iu­stice of the Common Pleas, and Sir Roger Manwood chiefe Baron of the Exchequer. In the presence of these, Sir Francis Popham, the Qu. Attur­ney generall, accused William Dauison of contempt against her Maiestie, of the breach of his allegeance, the neglect and omission of his dutie; for that the queene of England, out of her royall clemency, being vn­willing that the queene of Scotland (although shee stood condemned) should be put to death, for certaine causes best knowne to her selfe, such as were not to bee sounded into by any others, nor could be drawne from her, eyther by the importunate vrging of the States of the land, or by her Councell: notwithstanding shee had commanded the Warrant for her execution to be drawne (for the preuenting of some eminent pe­rils) the which she committed to the said William Dauisons trust and ta­citurnitie; he, being a sworne Secretary, forgetfull of his faith and obe­dience, (contemning her Maiesties command) had imparted the same [...]o the Councell, and brought her to execution, without the knowledge or pri [...]itie of her Maiestie.

William Dauison (such was his singular modesty) answered temperat­ly, and yet with audacitie;

That he was very sory, that he should be thus troublesome to Commissioners, concerning the Q. of Scotland and the iudgement giuen against her (most grie­uous, if it were) to the impeachment of his credite, if not to the finall losse ther­of; [Page 211] which to him was all in all. But this most grieued him, to be taxed of contempt against her Maiestie; to whō for her Princely fauours, he was so obliged, that his offence must thereby be the more intolerable. That hee confessed himselfe guilty of the crimes obiected against him. That he had made shipwrack of his credite, which hee reckoned equiualent with his life. If in ma­king his Apologie, he should contest with the Queen, he should do that which were most vnbeseeming the obedience of a subiect, the respect of a seruant, and the fidelity and reputation of a Se­cretary. He protested before God and the Commissioners, That he had done nothing therein wittingly and willingly, but what he was perswaded was the Queenes will and pleasure; wherein if by ignorance or negligence he had done any thing preiudiciall, he could not but for that be sory, and submit him­selfe to the censure of the Commissioners.

Now as touching the particulars: Whereas the Queene blamed him for hauing beene ouer-hasty in setting the great seale to the Mandate, he auouched; ‘That she had darkely signified, but not expressely commanded that he should keepe it by him: Neyther, as hee thought, had hee trespassed in matter of secrecie; for that he had not imparted it to any but the Councell. As touching that, that he did not reuoke the Warrant, after the Queene had giuen him to vnderstand that shee had altered her minde; he affirmed, That it was a­greed vpon by the generall consent of the Councell, that forth­with it should be sent away, and the Queene of Scotland exe­cuted, for feare the Queene or State might be indangered or dam­nified.’

Vpon this confession, Sir Thomas Egerton the Queenes Sollicitor (hauing read some part of it) began to presse him. They vrge him vpon his owne confession. But he desired him to reade it all thorow, and not selected parcels here and there; though he had rather it should not be read at all, because in it were contayned some secrets not fit to be reuealed; oftentimes interposing these words, ‘That as he was vnwilling to contest against the Qu. so was he [Page 212] loth his modesty should be preiudiciall to the truth, or his owne reputation.’

The Queen, Sergeants reproue him.Sir Thomas Gaudy and Sir William Pickering, the Queenes Sergeants at Law, likewise in many and sharpe speeches, re­buked him, for that he had fraudulently abused her Maie­sties Priuy Councell, as was confessed by William Cecill Ba­ron of Burghley, Lo: high Treasurer: to whom (doubting whether the Queene had granted that they should proceed to the execution of the Queen of Scotland) he affirmed and protested she had: as also he said the like to the rest, who had subscribed to the Warrant or Mandate, for the executi­on of the said Q. of Scotland. Here Dauison, shedding teares, desired the Lawyers not to vrge him any further, but that they would remember, That he was not to contest against the Queen; wherefore he wholly submitted himselfe to her Ma­iesties conscience, and the Commissioners censure.

The Iudges opinion vp­on his fact.Sir Roger Manwood, beginning, made an historicall relati­on of the Queene of Scotland; how from her tender age she had vsurped the Armes of England: and so continuing his discourse to Babingtons conspiracie, commended the sen­tence pronounced against her by vertue of the law, made knowne the clemency of the Queene, and gaue censure, that Dauison, for his inconsiderate anticipation, should be fined at ten thousand pounds, and imprisonment during the Qu. pleasure.

Sir Edmund Anderson argued, that he had done right, but not rightly; otherwise the man was honest.

Gerard was of the same opinion.

Sir Walter Mildmay, after he had declared with what ma­ture deliberation, and setled grauity, they had proceeded in iudgement against the Queene of Scotland, and by what great, and how many intreaties and imprecations queene E­lizabeth was drawne thereto; produced against Dauison this passage out of the holy Scripture: The heart of the King is in the hands of the Lord; and therefore none, much lesse a [Page 213] seruant, ought fraudulently or couertly to anticipate the de­terminate purposes of Princes, without whose aduice no­thing ought to be done, especially in matters of so great mo­ment, as is the death of a Prince. But he cleered Dauison of malice, yet reproued him, as hauing beene inconsiderate in Princes affaires, and too forward in preuenting the queenes determination. And, for a caueat hereafter to men of his ranke and place, not to commit the like errour; accorded with the rest concerning his fine and imprisonment.

Sir Iacob Croft checkt and chid him, for hauing vnwisely vttered the things which he ought to haue concealed, for that Princes impart that to some one of their Councell, which they conceale from the rest.

Iohn Baron Lumley was of opinion (with the Iudges) that the sentence against the Qu. of Scotland was iustly giuen, yet seriously auerred, That in the memory of the precedent times, it was neuer heard or read, so high a contempt to haue beene committed against a Prince, that the Lords of the Councell, in the queenes house, at the Councell Table where her Maiestie was (as it were President of the Coun­cell) should haue decreed such a businesse, and that without her priuity, they (and Dauison too) hauing free accesse vnto her when they pleased; protesting, That if he had but one on­ly sonne that were faulty in such a fact, he should think him worthy to be very seuerely punished. But being perswaded of the honest disposition of the man, he would censure him no deeper than others did.

Arthur Lord Gray, inflamed with a religious zeale, in a set speech, yet somewhat exasperate, excepted against him, saying: The L. Gray defendeth him. DAVISON is accused to haue behaued himselfe con­temptuously towards the Queene; and this contempt is vrged to the full: for that he imployed his diligence in dispatching the Q. of Scotl. That he bewrayed secrets, and concealed from the Q. the sending away of the Warrant. But what was this Qu. he was so busie to make away? Was it not shee (I pray you) by whose life [Page 214] our religion the queene, the kingdome, and euery one of vs were in continuall danger? yet it is for her being so cut off, that wee haue this dayes businesse in hand. Now my opinion is, That he which hath deliuered our England from so great euills, deserues to be royally recompenced. I do not thinke him to haue reuealed any secrets, for hauing imparted the matter onely to the Coun­cell, (and Magistrates appointed for matters of State,) whom chiefly it concerned to vnderstand that and such like, and which the queene her selfe before had vttered to two or three. If Da­uison haue offended in any thing, it is chiefly in this, That the queene meaning to take another course, he told her not that the Warrant was already sent away. But questionlesse he was dri­uen into a double doubt: whether to lose the queenes fauour, in sending away the Warrant without her knowledge; or by recal­ling it, to bring new plots and perills to the queene. Who remem­breth not how turbulent the time was? what fearfull rumours were euery where dispersed? If any wrong or violence had then hapned to the queene or religion, whilest the Mandate was in his hands, had not the fault truly beene in him? Should not we, our wiues, and children, haue falne furiously vpon him? Should we not haue imbrued our hands in his blood? haue curst his im­prudence, and haue erected, to his eternall ignominy, a trophee of indiscretion, engrauen in letters of blood? What mulct or penal­tie soeuer you impose vpon him, shall not displease me; but surely I will alwayes hold him for an honest man. This is the Ora­tor-like speech, which we heard the Lord Gray made, and deliuered with a good grace and manly countenance.

The three Earles agreed in opinion with the rest, concer­ning the premised penaltie inflicted vpon Dauison, and with the Lo: Gray, touching his reputation.

The Archbishop of Yorke discoursed of matter of Reli­gion, and shewed the blindenesse of heart, and naturall cor­ruption, to be the fountaines from whence it sloweth.

The Lords Grace of Canterbury approued the act, and commended the author of it, but discōmended withall the [Page 215] maner or circumstance of proceeding which he had vsed.

Lastly, Sir Christ Wray (Lord Keeper of the priuy Seale) hauing made a briefe recapitulation of all the Commissio­ners opinions, confirmed the penaltie imposed by them, Sentence gi­uen against him. and declared, That although the queene (being iustly moued to displeasure) had submitted her Counsellors to examination, yet notwithstanding she did then pardon them; acknow­ledging, that what they had done, was from a desire and de­signe tending to the defence of Religion and the State, and the repelling of eminent dangers.

Dauison became humble Petitioner to the Cōmissioners, He maketh request to the Com­missioners. That they would intreat for him; not to be restored to the honourable place of Secretary, which he formerly enioyed, nor to haue his liberty granted him, nor his fine or punish­ment mitigated: but that he might yet be partaker of her Maiesties gracious fauour. The which, for all this, he neuer regained: neuerthelesse she sometimes supplyed and relie­ued his wants.

And thus this Dauison, a man of honest disposition and e­steeme, not cunning nor acquainted with Court-tricks, was purposely brought vpon the Stage (as diuers haue thought) to be an actor in this Tragedie: and being put out of his part, as being at a non plus in the last Act, was for a long time after shut vp in prison, to the great griefe of many. Hither­to hath beene related what was publikely done against him: Now obserue, in briefe, how he excuseth himselfe, as I haue collected out of his owne accusation, and the Apologeticall discourse, which he made thereof to Sir Fr. Walsingham,

The queene (said he) after the Ambassadors of France and Scotland were departed, Dauison his particular Apologie. wished me to shew her the Warrant for the execution of the sentence, pronounced against the queene of Scotland. Hauing shewed it, she willingly set her hand there­to, and bid me likewise affixe the great Seale of England; and iestingly, said, You will shew this now to Walsingham, who is sicke already, but will dye when he sees it. She added by and by, [Page 216] That she had put it off so long, because shee would not seeme to be carried away by violence; yet knowing well the necessitie thereof. Then blaming Sir Ayme Poulet and Sir Drue D [...]u­ry for not hauing eased her of that care and trouble; commanded Walsingham to know the cause of their cessation and delay.

The day after I had sealed the Warrant, she forbade me, by Kil­legray, to doe it; then telling her, that it was done already, shee checkt me for my diligence, saying; That by some wise-mens ad­uice, another course might haue beene taken. I answered that iust courses are alwayes good and sure. But fearing she would cast some blame on me, as she had formerly done vpon the Lo. Burgh­ley about the Duke of Norfolks death: I disclosed the whole matter to Sir Christ. Hatton; protesting, that I would neuer hereafter be so forward in so weighty a busines. Hatton present­ly discouered it to Burghley, and he to the rest of the Councell, who all concluding vpon the dispatch of the execution, vowed (as reason was) to be faulty alike; and to effect it, sent Beale in­stantly away with the Warrant and Letters. The third day af­ter (I perceiuing the Queene to be troubled in minde, to haue the precedent night (as her MAIESTY sayd) drea­med of the Queene of Scotland's death) I asked her, if shee had changed her purpose. She answered me, That some other meanes might haue beene vsed; and then inquiring of me, Whether I had receiued any answer from Sir Ayme Poulet; I shewed her his letters, wherein he refused to vndertake the execution, as vniust: to which, in great choler she replyed; He and his confe­derats are all faithlesse & periured, in promising great matters, and not performing: but she should find some, that for her sake would doe it. As for my selfe, I told her how ignominious it was, and into what perills shee should bring Poulet and Drury. If she approued the deed being done, her renowne would be blasted with iniustice and disgrace (besides other dangers:) and in dis­allowing it, she should ruinate men of worthy merite, and their posterity for euer would be vndon. To conclude, the very day that the queene of Scotland dyed, her Maiesty checkt me iestingly, for that it was not yet dispatched.

[Page 217]Now setting aside to speake of the anger and sorrow which the Queene of England conceiued for the death of the Queene of Scotland, and her anger against William Daui­son, the truth is, that the King of Scotland, her onely Sonne, drew thereof extreme anguish, bitter and passionate tor­ments; shewing himselfe a more pious Son then any that can be heard or read of; he lamented night and day his deare Mothers lamentable end, in weeping, and shedding many sad and brinish teares in his bitter agony; not thin­king that Queene ELIZABETH (in regard of the mutu­all loue which was betwixt them, the late and strait con­tracted league of amity, and the intercession of so many mighty Princes) would haue suffered his Mother to haue beene exposed into the cruell hands of an Executioner, she beeing a Princesse of coequall Maiestie, of her neerest alli­ance and consanguinity from the Blood Royall: nor could he receiue in Scotland, Sir Robert Carie, Sonne to Henry, Ba­ron of Hunsdon, who was sent with Letters from ELI­ZABETH, to excuse her Maiestie, and to cast the fault vp­on Dauison, and the Councell. He heard him (but hard­ly) from the mouth of another, and hardly receiued the Letters he brought. He reuok't the authority of his Am­bassadour in England, and thought of reuenge: For there was no want of folke, which were busie to egge him on by perswasions, that the Christian Princes would not leaue vnreuenged so great and grieuous an iniury offered to Roy­all Maiesty, and to the Royall Name.

The Estates of Scotland, The indig­nation of the Nation of Scotland. which were then gathered to­gether in multitudinous numbers, protested to his Maie­stie, that they were ready, and prest to reuenge this death, to defend the rightfull Title which hee had vnto England, and in that to hazzard both life and goods, and that they could not digest this iniury, offered not so much to his Maiestie, as to the whole Nation of Scotland. Some perswa­ded him to demand Nauall assistance of the K. of Denmarke, [Page 218] with whom he had then begun a Treaty, touching marriage with his Daughter. Others (addicted to the Roman Religi­on) exclaiming against the Queene of England, that She which had slaine the Mother, would willingly slay the Sonne too; Suggestions vsed to the King. put it into his head to ioyne rather with the Kings of France and Spaine, and with the Pope of Rome, and that he might easily by this meanes possesse himselfe of England. Aboue all, he should not trust the Protestants of England; That they were now at the full height of their power, and sought secretly his ruine. Others admonished him, not to shew himself openly inclin'd to any party, but to hold both Papist and Protestant in suspence. Because that if he should openly ranke himselfe with the Protestants, all the Papists of Europe in their practices, would make him their marke to shoot at, and would prouide them in England some other Support then he, to rely vpon, which could not be without danger to him. Others aduised him, to continue constant in amity with England, not to expose or put foorth a cer­taine hope into the vncertaine hazzard of warre, and to perseuer in the Religion now receiued; wherein if he should seeme to wauer, he could neither purchase friends, nor put off enemies. These were the things propounded to him by one and other, as euery mans particular pleasure or desire carried him. The King himselfe, of perspicuity, and politique apprehension aboue his age, beeing some times alone by himselfe, and sometimes with some few others; not with precipitate rashnes (which is alwayes blind) but with deliberate consideration, at many times, and for a long space together, cast these things in his mind.

Qu. Eliza­beth indeuou­reth to ap­pease them.But Queene ELIZABETH, after shee had laid all the fault vpon Dauison, and the rash credulity of her Councell, seeketh by little and little to weare away his griefe, lest consolations vntimely applyed, should the more irritate; and attended, till the dolour (being appeased by the pro­traction of time) would suffer it selfe to be dealt withall. [Page 219] For, perceiuing then, that the French did sharpen and inci­tate the young King to reuenge, and fearing, that through suttle sleights, and eager desire of reuenge, he might be di­uerted from the Protestant Religion, and from louing the English, she imployed all her possible industry, and Prince­ly meanes, to cure his wounded heart, and alienated from her:

And for that cause propounded to him, by such Agents as shee had in Scotland, as also, by the Lord of Hunsdon, Gouernour of Berwicke.

FIrst,
By what reasons.
what danger there was in making warre vpon England, for this cause, which now to all the Estates of England seemed necessary for the good of the whole Iland, and most iust. And whether hee were of power to goe thorow withall, England be­ing then neuer more potent in military men, money, and munition, and Scotland neuer weaker, being brought low, and exhaust by ciuill and intestine broyles. If hee would haue the assistance of forreine powers, let him learne by the experience of his Mother, (who so long and often implored that in vaine,) what labour and trouble he would haue to obtaine it. And if he should procure it, what successe could he hope for by it, seeing that England ioyning with the shipping of Holland and Zeland, feared not the most puissant Princes of Europe. What hope could he put the King of France or the King of Spaine in, sith his power being once in­creased with the addition of England and Ireland to his Crowne, ought to be contrary to their designe, and that his Religion was so directly opposite to theirs, that they could not ayde and succour him, but to their owne pre­iudice. That the King of France could not behold, but with griefe, the King of Scotlands Dominion augmen­ted by the Kingdome of England, without feare that [Page 220] he should pursue the ancient right which the English haue in France, or giue assistance to the Guizes his Allies, who at this instant gape for the Kingdome of France. That the King of Spaine, who would questi­onlesse giue place to his ambition, because that he brags (though falsly) to be the first Catholique King issued from the Bloud-Royall of the English, and of the house of Lancaster. That to this purpose some Iesuites and others haue with their vttermost power endeuoured, du­ring the life of Queene MARY of Scotland, to en­throne him by election, in the Kingdome of England, as most fit to re-establish there the Romane authoritie in eiecting from the Crowne both Mother and Sonne. Nay moreouer, they begun to perswade the Queene of Scotland to make him thereof a legacy by her Testa­ment, if King IAMES her Sonne would still perse­uer in the Protestant Religion. Let the King consider whither these things doe tend, what succour hee can looke for from Spaine, and to what ignominy hee will precipitate his Soule to his eternall damnation, and all Great-Britaine to his vtter ruine, if hee forsakes the true Religion in which hee hath beene educated. That the Peeres and States who haue giuen sentence against his Mother, seeing that hee meditates vpon a reuenge, will not fayle to exclude him from the Crowne of Eng­land, by a new Act of the right of Succession. That in giuing place to necessity, and keeping in the agitation of his courage, hee will mediate easily their loue, sith that which is done, cannot be vndone. Let him then expect to possesse in his time the most flourishing King­dome of England, and enioy in the meane while a Crowne of securitie, and beleeue that those which can tell well how to weigh and prize things, will iudge, that hee hath sufficiently fore-seene to his honour, in not fay­ling in due opportunitie to doe his Mother all the duti­full [Page 221] seruices of a most pious sonne. Moreouer, let him likewise assure himselfe, that the Queene of England will accounnt, hold, and esteeme him as her owne sonne, and will doe him all offices of amity, and vse him as a Mother her dearest sonne.

These are the things that Queene ELIZABETH en­deuoured with great care to possesse the King with: and to the end hee should not doubt but that his Mother had beene put to death without Queene ELIZABETHS con­sent, shee resolued to send him the sentence pronounced a­gainst William Dauison, sealed with the broad Seale of England, and all the Commissioners hands subscribed ther­unto: and to appease his Maiestie the more, another iudge­ment signed by all the Iudges of England, certifying that that sentence pronounced, could in nothing hinder or bee preiudiciall to his right to the Kingdome of England.

In the mean time that Q. Sir Francis Drake is sent into Spaine, to preuent the comming of the Jnuinci­ble Nauy for the inuasion of England. ELIZABETH by these or such like reasons endeuoured gently to calme the King of Scot­lands agitations, fore-seeing the warre wherewith she was furiously threatned by the King of Spaine, whose hopes to frustrate, shee sent Sir Francis Drake with foure Royall Ships well appoynted, to the Coast of Spaine, and else­where, with command to take, burne, and pillage all such Ships as hee could finde, as well in the Harbours and Port-Townes, as on the Ocean: Drake arriuing in the Streight of Gibraltar, entred the Hauen thereof, where, after he had caused sixe great Ships to flye vnder the Forts protection, hee tooke and burnt a hundred Ships, more or lesse, in the which there was infinite prouision of warlike munitions & victuals, and among others, the Great Gallion of the Mar­quis of Santa Cruz, called Rageusa, richly loaden with mer­chandize. From thence, returning to Cape S. Vincent, His expedi­tions. hee there burnt all such Ships and Fisher-boats, which lay in that Rode: And then went to Cascalet Hauen, which is situated at the mouth of Tage: he vrged there the Marquis [Page 222] Santa Cruz to fight: but hee not daring, stirr'd not, but let Drake freely sayle along that Coast, and take their Ships without the least impeachment. Then, hauing turned saile to the Iles of Azoris, met by chance (which he tooke with ease) a great and lusty Ship, most rich, and well furnished, called Saint Philip, The great Carraque Saint Phi­lip is taken. which was returning from the East-Indies: This act caused the vulgar sort of Mariners of di­uers Countries to take the name of Philip for an ill signe or prognostication against Philip King of Spaine.

By this Drakes worthy, though briefe expedition, England was much enriched and; the Spaniards sustay­ning so great a losse of munition and warlike preparations, were constrayned to giue ouer their designe they had to inuade England for that yeere: The profit which the English re­ceiued there­by. Since which time, the Eng­lish begun with alacrity couragiously to assault those great and huge Ships, most like vnto Castles, which they before did much dread and feare, and discouered so plainely the opulent and rich commodities of the Indies, & the meanes how to trade and traffique in those Easterne parts, in such sort, The East Indies Com­panie. Thomas Ca­uendish cir­cuits the Earth. that they haue since established an aduantagious trade, and profitable nauigation in those Countries, hauing esta­blished an East-Indie Company of Merchants.

At that very time, Thomas Cauendish, a Suffolke man, which two yeeres since was gone out of England, with three good Ships was sayling the Sea in another Climate of the World, and hauing past beyond the Streight of Ma­gellan, burnt and ransacked in the entry of Chile, Peru, and New Spaine, many Townes of the Spaniards, tooke and pil­laged neere Calliforma, eighteene rich Ships loaden, and a sumptuous Ship-Royall of Spaine, with infinite riches, re­turning happily the same yeere into England (by Philippi­nas, Molaques, the Cape of bona Speranza, and the famous Ile of Saint Helen) with a precious bootie, and memorable glory, as beeing onely the third, who, since Magellan, cir­cuited the whole Earth.

[Page 223]As Sir Francis Drake, and Master Iohn Cauendish purcha­sed to their perpetuall honors an illustrious glory & splen­dent reputation, in doing their Countrey good seruice, so at that time two other English men, Sir W. Stanley, Stanley and Yorke, Trai­tors. and Row­land Yorke, got an ignominious name of Traytors. This Yorke, borne in London, was a man most negligent and la­zy, but desperately hardy; he was in his time most famous among those who respected Fencing, hauing been the first that brought into England that wicked and pernicious fa­shion to fight in the Field in Duels, New kinde of Duels brought into England. with a Rapier called a Tucke, onely for the thrust: the English hauing till that ve­ry time, vsed to fight with Backe-swords, slashing and cut­ting one the other, armed with Targets or Bucklers, with very broad weapons, accounting it not to be a manly acti­on to fight by thrusting and stabbing, and chiefly vnder the waste. This Yorke hauing receiued some light iniury by the Earle of Leicester in the Low-Countries, ran away, and liued as a Souldier a certaine time on the Spanish side; and lastly, being reconciled, was made Gouernour of a strong Fort, situated neere the Towne of Sutphen. But as he was not vsed to pardon wrongs, & suffer himself to be despised, hee hammered in his head how he might be reuenged: and he being corrupted with money, yeelded vp not onely the said Fort to the Enemy, but also many and sundry times hee protested by oath to Sir William Stanley (who had for­merly borne Armes in the warres of Ireland, with a singu­lar fidelity and generous valiancy) that he was manifestly accused and conuicted to haue been one of Babingtons con­spiracy, by the assertion and confession of the Conspira­tors; and that hee looked but for the houre that he should be apprehended and hanged. By these or such like perswa­sions hee drew him to be a consort to his wickednesse, and second to his wicked designes, causing him to yeeld vp the faire, strong, and rich Citie of Dauentry to the Spaniard, against the oath and faith hee had giuen both to the Earle [Page 224] of Leicester, and the States. After this perfidious man had committed this deplorable crime, hee considered the hay­nousnesse of his offence, and fore-saw that hee should be forthwith exclaimed of, and attainted of Treason: but hee fortified his affrighted and trembling conscience vpon this, that hee had restored a place detained by Rebels, to him who was the right Lord and owner thereof: and as he was a ranke Papist, caused incontinently Papists to flocke to his Regiment, which consisted of one thousand and three hundred English and Irish, for to instruct them in the Romish Religion, vanting, hee would make a Seminary of souldi­ers, who would by armes couragiously defend the Romane Church, as Seminary Priests by words and writings: and to that purpose Allen (who shortly after was made a Car­dinall) sent him suddenly Masse-Priests, publishing withall a little Booke, by which he commended his treason in the behalfe of Pope Pius the Fifth his Bull against Queene ELI­ZABETH, exhorting and exciting the rest to doe the like trechery, as if they had not beene bound to serue and obey a Queene excommunicated by the Pope. But behold, marke here the end, With what successe. the Spaniard set Yorke and Stanley to­gether by the eares; afterward, they poysoned Yorke, who dyed thereof miserably, they pillage his goods, and his bo­die hauing beene buried in the ground, three moneths after, the States of Holland caused it to be taken vp, and hanged on a Gallows in chains. (So much for York). Now for Stan­ley; they turn'd him and his Regiment out of Dauentry, and exposed them to danger, leauing them to stray and wander vp and downe at the mercy of their Enemies, to their great despise and disgrace; so that some perished lamentably with hunger, others fled away, with much adoe to escape and saue their liues. Sir William himselfe went into Spaine, ho­ping to be there questionlesse made much of, and well re­warded: but neyther was he welcome, nor receiued accor­ding to his expectation there, but abhorred and detested; [Page 225] neuerthelesse offered hee his seruice to assist in the inuading of England: but the Spaniards, who neuer trust a Traytor twice, would not put their confidence in him: for the Spa­niards hold still this for a Maxime, ‘That it is lawfull to honour in some sort a Traytor, but not to put any trust in him.’

Sir William then thus learned, (but too late) that he had first wronged and betrayed himselfe.

These Treasons caused the Earle of Leicester to be greatly hated of the Confederate Netherlanders, The States of the vnited Prouinces doe blame the Earle of Leicester. because that these Traytors had beene his Fauourites, and likewise English­men borne, which Nation that people free and too licen­tious in speech, ceased not to offend by iniuries, vntill they were reprehended for it, and forbidden by the States. In the meane while, they wrote tedious lines to the Queene, by which they greatly condemned the Earle of Leicester, blaming him to haue vnaduisedly administrated the Com­mon-wealth in that which concerned their treasure, the warre, and trading, and imputing the dammage and hin­drances caused by these Traytors, to the restraint which he had made of their power, and his credulitie. The Queene, (as euer wise) for to examine and accord the businesse, also to sound if they would condiscend to a peace with Spaine, sends thither, to that end, the illustrious Lord Thomas Sack­uile, Baron of Buckhurst, whom, in Leicesters absence, her Maiestie had newly made one of her Priuy-Councell; to­gether with Norris and Clarke; all which, laboured with no lesse care than fidelity about it. But the ire and choller of Leicester (who was of a minde that the Lord Buckhurst shewed himselfe so officious and diligent, to no other pur­pose but to spye and obserue his actions) and the fauour and power which he had about the Queene, were so great, [Page 226] that the Lord Buckhurst at his returne was confined to his House the space of many moneths.

The States send for Lei­cester again, to raise the siege before Sluce.Afterwards, the States called backe Leicester from Eng­land for to succour their City of Sluce, which the Duke of Parma had then beleaguered with seuenteene thousand men, battering it so suriously, that hee made a great breach: but Sir Roger Williams, Sir Francis Vere, and Sir N. Basker­uile, with both the Wallownes, and English Forces of that Garrison, defended it along time couragiously with great praise and applauded valiancy; but Leicester, which should haue succoured them, Leicester is molested. being retyred, by reason of his weake force, they wery forced to yeeld.

And indeed the States hauing truely reserued that Soue­raigne degree and power which they at first had giuen him by words, would not furnish him with a great and suffici­ent Army, and hee dained not to subiect himselfe to parti­culars of small ranke and note, who vnder the name of States, striued to domineere ouer him, notwithstanding that their Gouernour had the same authority that Charles the Fifth had ouer his Commanders of the Low-Countries.

From thence deriued open hatred on both sides, the which discouered themselues yet apparantly, after that he had mentioned to agree vpon with Spaine: for their eares abhorr'd, and their hearts detested the very name of peace, as preiudiciall and obnoctious to their affaires.

Leicester goes about to make him­selfe Lord ouer their Cities.Euen as then he perceiued his authority to diminish, hee had recourse to fraudulous deceit, and resolued to breede factions with the people there, and to make himselfe Master of the City of Leyden, with other Townes. But being fru­strated of his hope, of the losse of some with his men, & to the great discontentment that this action prouoked, (Queene ELIZABETH sending for him) he gaue ouer the gouernement and free administration of the States of the Vnited Prouinces, He is called home againe. and was derided and laughed at of many, but most by those who enuied him, hauing forsaken [Page 227] the Title of his Excellencie, which neuer any English-man had taken vpon him before him. The Title of his Excel­lency. Leicester distributes Medailles coyned en memory of his person, to those of his faction.

Leicester, vpon his departure for England, distributed, for a perpectuall memory of his person, to such as were of his faction, a Medaille or pieces of Gold which he had caused to be coyned; on the one side, there was his picture; on the other, a Flocke, with some lost Sheepe, a Dogge, who go­ing from them, turned backe his head to looke on them, as if it were for pitty, with this Inscription;

Ie quite malgre moy,
J forsake to my griefe,

And neere it this;

Non point le troupeau, mais les ingras.
Not the Flocke, but the vngratefull.

And questionlesse hee intended to inuade the Netherland Dominions for himselfe: but those Nations haue not only kept, by their care and diligence, the liberty which they hold by their Ancestors, wholly to themselues, against the Spaniards might, who warre as well with their art and de­ceits, as with their goods, as likewise against the French and English by craftinesse & policy, yea, against the Prince of Orange himselfe, who acted the Foxes part; but also they haue it maruellously increased by the fauour of their neigh­bouring friend; and which is more worthy admiration, is, that whereas other countries are ruinated by the war, these vnited Prouinces are inriched thereby.

The States established in his roome, The Estates doe put in Leicester; place, Prince Maurice of Nassau. for Gouernour of the vnited and confederate Prouinces, Prince Maurice of Nassau, then about twenty yeeres of age, son to the Prince of Orange, by his Wife the Lady Anne de Saxe, Daughter [Page 228] to that Heroick Elector Maurice; and Queene ELIZA­BETH established in Leicesters stead, Peregrine Bartue, Lord Willoughby of Eresby, Generall of the English auxiliary For­ces which then were in the Low-Countries, whom those of Leicesters faction much troubled: for the Garrisons of Geertruiden-Berg, Worcom, Nerden, Heusden, & aboue all, that of Middlebourgh, being at the English deuotion, excited troubles, vnder pretext that they had sworne loyalty and obedience to the Queene. And Sir William Russell, Gouer­nour of Flushing, hauing drawne to his side the inhabitants of the Townes of Emuid and of Campe, were mistrusted by the Estates, to haue a determination to reduce the whole Iland of Zeland vnder the English: Leicesters faction in the Low-Countries. Russell suspected. and this suspition was in­creased the more, by the comming of Englands Lord High Admirall out of England, who though hee much laboured to pacifie these troubles, the States neuerthelesse possest with feare, dissembled not their mistrustings, but witnessed it both openly to the World by certaine pieces of Siluer, which ingeniously they caused to be coyned and stamped with the figure of two earthen Pots swimming vpon the Sea (according to the ancient Apologue) with this Inscrip­tion;

Si nous nous hurtons, nous nous casse­rons.
Jf wee knocke one at another, wee shall be broken.

And priuately by Letters which they wrote to the Queene, who (being most carefull of them, and yet in nothing for­getfull of her selfe, could prudently fore-see those infinite dangers then apparant, the Spanish Fleete being then immi­nent,) commanded the Lord Willoughby to bring into sub­mission such English, as excited or stirred vp troubles; to be [Page 229] punished by the States, which hee most happily performed with the Prince Maurice of Nassau, Leicester being then back, Leicester auoids his aduersaries accusation. and quickly finding out that the Baron of Buckhurst, and o­thers, prepared themselues to accuse him to haue ill admi­nistrated the affaires of Holland, and that therefore he ought to come into iudgement before the Councell Table, wise­ly with-drew himselfe priuately to the Queen, and prostra­ting himselfe humbly at her feet, beseeched her Maiestie to testifie and speake for him, coniuring her not to receiue ig­nominiously him whom she had sent magnificently, neither to bury liuing and seeing, him, whom shee had raised from the dust. He, by these sweet and eloquent speeches, calmed so her discontents, that moderating the anger of her wrath, shee receiued him into her fauour as before.

Therefore being called in question, and brought before the Councell Table, he (whereas he should haue appeared in an humble manner according to the custome of others) tooke his place among the Lords of her Maiesties Priuy-Councell, and as the Clerke had begun to reade the chiefe Articles of his accusation, interrupted him, complayning they had done him wrong to haue restrained those publike instructions granted vnto him, to priuate ones; and, in ap­pealing to the Queenes iudgement, auoyded and annihi­lated all accusations, whereby his aduersaries were much indignated: but they broke their anger in silence.

In this yeere, in the moneth of February, died Henry, The death of the Lord Neuill, Ba­ron of A­bergauenny. Lord Neuill, Baron of Abergauenny, grand-child of Edward Ne­uill, who in King HENRY the Sixth's Reigne, enioyed the title of Baron of Abergauenny, by his wife, who was onely Daughter & Heire to R. Lord Beauchamp, Earle of Wigorn, and Baron of Abergauenny, by whose right, the Daughter and Heire of this Henry, Lord Neuill, challenging the title and honour of this ancient Barony, had a memorable suit in Law about it, with Edward Neuill, the next Heire-male to the said Lordship, to whom the Castell of Abergauenny [Page 230] was legacied by Testament; and since, the honour and title of the same Barony was conferred and confirmed vnto him by Act of Parliament, where hee tooke place among the Peeres of that High Court, as the first Baron of Eng­land.

And the Duchesse of Somerset, being very aged;There died also in the same yeere and moneth, foure No­ble persons, both illustrious and famous: the first was, the Lady Anne Stanhop, Duchesse of Somerset, about ninetie yeeres of age, wife to Edward Seymor, late Duke of Somer­set, and Protector of England. This Duchesse, by meere enuy and hate she bore to the Lady Katherine Parr, Queene of England, and Dowager of King HENRY the Eighth, exci­ted diuers tragedies in the Noble House of the Seymors, at Dudley Earle of Warwickes perswasion, during his plotting of the ruine of this puissant and princely House; and all, to preuent, lest shee, who was Wife to this Noble Protector, should giue place or precedence to this Queene Dowager, who then was her Husbands Brothers wife. The next was, Sir Ralph Sadler, And Sir Ralph Sad­ler; Chancellor of the Duchy of Lanca­ster, a prudent and learned man, whose worth and vertue had beene approued in diuers weighty and important af­faires of State. He was the last Banneret of England: which worthy dignity of Knighthood had bin conferred on him at the famous Battel of Musselborough. After him, also died Sir Thomas Bromley, Also, Sir Thomas Bromley. Lord High Chancellor of England, hauing scarce attained to the sixtieth yere of his age, a man excellently well seene in the Law. Six dayes after, he was followed by Edward Manner, The Earle of Rutland dyes; Earle of Rutland (to whom the Queene had chosen and appointed for his Successour, the third of the Noble House of Manner, a Noble man, most learned and skilfull in the Law, and humane Arts) ha­uing but the Lady Elizabeth, one onely Daughter for heire, then but very young, who was married to William Cecill, Baron of Burleigh, And Sir Christo­pher Hatton Lord High Treasurer. Sir Christopher Hatton, who was a Noble personage, excellently endued [Page 231] with rare vertues, (flourishing at that time illustriously at the Court, as one whose merit had purchased him the ho­nour to be dearely affectionate & intimate to her Maiestie, in whose fauour his worth greatly aduanced him) was from a Courtier established to this high dignity of Lord Chan­cellour of England, is made Lord High Chan­cellor. not with little discontent of the Iudges and professors of the Law, who since Church-men had bin depriued and dismist of that honour, had iudiciously discharged that place, with no lesse glory and equity, than prudence and discretion, which is the supreme magistracy of the Law; yet in former times past it was oftner prouided for with Ecclesiasticall men, and Nobles, than of others: Neuerthelesse, though Sir Christopher Hatton had been ad­uanced to that place, by the subtill art of some Courtiers, who hoped, that by his absence from Court, and the diffi­culty he should haue to exercise duly so high and so weigh­ty a Magistracy, should weare out and diminish the great fauour he was in neere Queene ELIZABETH. Neuer­thelesse, hee behaued himselfe in that high Seat of Iustice, discreetly and worthily, to the well-liking of the Queene, and admiration of all her Subiects, discharging that Digni­ty with as great magnificence and honour, as any whatso­euer had done before him, studying to supply by equitie, that which he wanted in the knowledge of the Law.

Sir Iohn Perot being this yeere sent for out of Ireland, William Fitz-Willi­ams, Lord Deputie of Ireland for the same time. left that Kingdome very peaceable to Sir William Fitz-Willi­ams for he had drawne from those persons whom hee sus­pected to be apt to rebell, oathes and hostages, which they as soone granted vnto him, as hee demanded; for, not see­ming any way to fauour rebellion, hee imprisoned diuers Irish Rebels; and such as were more dangerously giuen to rebellion, he hanged them, shewing & admonishing the rest of their duety, and the fidelity which they ought to their Soueraigne in so doubtfull a time. The Irish seeing the sin­cere loue, respect, and affection he bore to them who were [Page 232] true subiects, most willingly lent their eares thereunto, and were true obseruers of his instructions.

The reason why it is a difficult thing to war against Jre­land.Hitherto (that I may a little stray) were the Irish warres very easie to the English: and eight hundred foot, with three hundred horse, were esteemed an inuincible Army: For Randolph, with sixe hundred English, with much facility de­feated O-Neale with foure thousand Irish. Collier, in the yeere 1571. with his onely one Company, preuayled like­wise against one thousand Hebridians in Connach. The But­lers, with a great Company of the Rebels, were ouer­throwne by three hundred Horse-men. And (to passe the rest ouer) two Companies of foot, surprized in one day a­boue twenty of the Irish Castels. But after that the Perots had by command daily exercised themselues at home in their owne Countrey, and were well instructed in the dis­cipline of Armes, and in the vse of their Muskets, to resist the Hebridians, and being practized in the wars of the Ne­therlands, had learned the arts of fortification, they vexed the English (as wee shall finde) with a difficult and dange­rous warre.

THE THIRTIETH and most maruelous yere of her Reigne, Booke 3. 1588. the euer-remembred Yeere of the Lord. Anno Dom. 1588.

TO this admirable yeere of Christ 1588. A wonder­full and ad­mirable Yeere. are we now arriued: Which by Regiomontanus the Astrologian, was fore­told about a hundred yeeres before, to be a Yeere of Wonder; and by the Germane Chronologers to be the Climacterical yeere of the World. The ru­mors of warres, which were before but slen­der relations, began now daily to be augmented, and were now become, not as before, a variable report, but an as­sured [Page 252] certainty by the generall voice of all men; that the Spaniard had prepared a most inuincible Nauy against England; and had out of Italy, Sicilie, and also Ameri­ca, Great prepa­rations are in hand in Spaine to as­sault and inuade Eng­land. gathered into Spaine the old experienced Comman­ders, such as were most famous Captaines, skilfull in mi­litary affaires.

For the Pope of Rome, with certaine religious and de­uout Spaniards, and some English Fugitiues, had long agoe diligently exhorted the Spaniard to inuade and conquer England, but that counsell was by the Portugals warres for tenne yeeres before interrupted; which now they care­fully reiterated, and with much instigation perswaded him; that since Heauen had heaped vpon him infinite be­nefits and blessings, by subiecting to his Empire the King­dome of Portugall, with the East-India, and many other wealthy Ilands; By what counsell. that it was now his part, of duety to en­terprize something, which might bee agreeable and plea­sing to God. That there could be nothing more accepta­ble to God, nor ought more worthy himselfe, than the ad­uancing of his Church. That the Church could not with more glory and merit be aduanced, than by the conquest of England, and there, by the extirpation of Heresie, to plant the Roman Catholique Religion. That these warres would be most iust, not onely because they were most ne­cessary, but because they were vndertaken to propagate the Religion of Christ, seeing that the Queene of England being excommunicated, notwithstanding obstinately per­sisted against the Church of Rome, had succoured the Re­bels in the Netherlands, molested the Spaniards with con­tinuall pyracies, had surprized and pillaged diuers townes both in Spaine and America, and lately, violating the Ma­iesty of all Princes, had caused the Queene of Scots to be put to death: Therefore such warres should bee no lesse profitable than iust.

Because by this meanes the King of Spaine, making addi­tion [Page 253] to his Empire of the most flourishing Kingdomes, he might easily extinguish the Netherlandish Rebellion, which was nourished (as it were) by the breath of England, hee should assure to himself the voyages to both India's in safe­tie, and so lessen the annuall expences, laid out for the con­uoying of his Fleetes forward and backward. To prooue this to him with more facility, The reason why. they suggested that the Eng­lish Nauy was neither in number, greatnesse, nor strength, comparable to the Spanish, (the Portugall Fleet being then added.) That England was altogether vnfortified, neyther was it furnished with Commanders, Souldiers, Horse, or prouision for warres, but destitute both of friends and mo­ney; besides, there were many through the Kingdome, which were addicted to Papistrie, and would soone ioyne themselues in his ayde. Last of all, so great were the for­ces of the King of Spaine, both by Sea and Land, and the vertue of the Spaniards such, that none would dare to op­pose him, and therefore they promised assuredly a certaine victory. To this enterprise also, that God had presented a fit opportunity: for the Turke hauing then cōcluded a truce with him, and the French beeing intangled with intestine warres, were neither to be doubted or feared. That it was more facile to subdue England than the Low-Countries; because the passage out of Spaine into England, is more short and commodious, and through a vast and open Sea, but into the Netherlands of greater length and difficultie, through a narrow Sea, and very neere adiacent to Eng­land. That the Netherlands were in a manner continually a strong Bulwarke, being on all parts fortified with Townes and Castles, but England not with any; and therefore it would be an easie matter euen at the first, in an instant, for him to penetrate to the very heart of the Land with an Army. Finally, according to that military Axiome: That the Enemy should not be left behinde; therefore it was most necessary for the Spaniard to subdue England, being a mor­tall [Page 254] enemy, by whose assistance the Low-Countries had so long sustained a great warre; and with whom they could not at all stand; So that if England were but once con­quered, the Netherlands must of necessity yeeld to sub­iection.

They con­sult about the meanes how to as­sault and subdue Eng­land.These matters thus resolued, they began seriously to de­liberate vpon some meanes for the inuasion of England. Aluarus Bassanus, Marquesse of Santa Croix, Generall of the Nauy, was of a minde; That before all, some Port or other in Holland or Zealand, should by those Land-troupes which the Prince of Parma had, and some few Spanish Ships sent before, be vnawares to them surpri­zed, where the Spanish Fleete might make their retreate, and from thence most opportunely begin the inuasion, be­cause that in the Brittish Sea, being tempestuous, the windes are subiect to often changing, the ebbing and flowing thereof principally to be obserued, the Fleete could not safely ride. Of this aduice likewise was the Prince of Parma, who earnestly vrged this expedition. Others not­withstanding disallowed thereof, as being a thing diffi­cult, full of danger, requiring much time, great labour, large expence, yet vncertaine of successe; neyther could it be done secretly or vnawares, and by the English would easily be hindred and frustrated. And these were of opini­on; That one might at lesse charges, and with more faci­litie, assault and subdue England, if at the mouth of the Thames a puissant Army of Spaniards and Flemmings were placed and conuayed in a powerfull Nauy, to take at the first (vnawares) the City of London, the Capitall and Chiefe of the Kingdome. This seeming easie, was resolued vpon, and speedily determined to be put in execution; yet some, neuerthelesse, were of a mind, that war should first be pro­claymed by a Herauld, and that in so doing, it would be a sleight to take away all suspition from all Neighbouring-Princes, and moue the Queene to call to her helpe, forreine [Page 255] souldiers, (who as mercenary, being insolent and vile) would behaue themselues rudely, and tumultuously, ran­sacking and pillaging the Countries in such sort, that it would take away the loue of her Subiects, and put England in confusion. But these mindes were not seconded by those who were obstinate, as relying vpon the assurance of their forces and strength, contenting themselues to put their cause, their Nauy, & Armada's into the Popes hand, and into the intercessions of the Catholiques to the Saints; and to afright and terrifie England, they set out a Libell, printed, containing the particulars of so great an equipage, which truely was such, that in Spaine, Italy, and Cicilia, the Spaniards were amazed, & astonished at it; and therefore audaciously termed it: ‘The inuincible NAVY.

The Duke of Parma caused also Ships to bee built in Flanders by the commandement of the Spaniard, Preparation in Flanders. and like­wise a number of Flat-bottom'd Boats, each of them bigge enough to transport thirtie Horses, with Bridges fitting to them; hyred Mariners out of the East-Land Countries of Germany; prouided Pikes sharpened at the one end, and shod with Iron, with hookes on one side; twenty thou­sand Vessels, and an infinite number of Wicker Baskets, and placed in the Sea-Townes of Flanders, one hundred and three Companies of foot, and foure thousand horse, amongst which were seuen hundred English Fugitiues, a most contemned and despised Company; Traytors hated. Neyther were Stanley their Generall, nor Westmerland, nor any other who had assisted eyther with purse or person, regarded: but for their impietie against their Countrey, prohibited all ac­cesse, and deseruedly, and as ill presages, not without de­testation, reiected. And Pope Sixtus the Fifth, lest hee should seeme to be wanting, renewes vnto Cardinall Alane [Page 256] (an English man, sent into the Low-Countries) [ The De­claratory Bulls of Pius the Fifth, and Gregorie the Thir­teenth, The Popes assistance.] excommunicates the Queene, deposes her from her gouernement, absolues her Subiects from their allegi­ance, publisheth in print the [ Crusado] as against Turks and Infidels, whereby out of the Treasury of the Church, hee bestowes vpon all assistants plenarie indulgence: where­upon the Marquesse of [ Burgaw] of the House of Au­stria, the Duke of Pastraua, Amadaeus of Sauoy, Vespasi­an Gonzaga, Iohn de Medices, and diuers other noble Gentlemen serued in this warre as Volunteers.

Preparation in EnglandOn the other side, Queene ELIZABETH, lest shee should be vnawares opprest, with singular diligence pre­pares as many ships and warlike necessaries as was possible. And shee her-selfe (who was of a piercing iudgement in distinguishing of dispositions, and when shee was at her owne election, without commendation of others, alwaies happy) designed by name the principall Officers to the se­uerall Offices in the Nauie; By Sea, and made Charles Howard of [ Effingham] Lord high Admirall of England, Generall; of whose good successe shee was very well perswaded, as a man whom she knew to be skilfull in Nauigation, proui­dent, valiant, industrious, and of great authority amongst Sea-men, by reason both of his moderation and Nobility. Shee sends him seasonably enough to the West parts of England; where Drake, whom shee made Vice-Admi­rall, ioyned himselfe with him; Shee commands Henrie Seimer, the second sonne of the Duke of Sommerset, to lye in waite vpon the Belgique shores, with fortie Ships, English and Dutch, to hinder Parma's comming out of the Riuers with his forces; Although there wanted not some who earnestly aduised to expect the Enemy, and receiue him in a Land-battel, as it was deliberated in HENRY the Eighth's Reigne, when the French threatned England with a migh­tie Nauy.

[Page 257]For the Land-seruice, there were twenty thousand Soul­diers dispersed vpon the South shores: besides, two Armies of choyce trained Souldiers were leuied and enrolled; And Land. Of the one consisting of one thousand horse, and two and twenty thousand foot; Leicester was Generall, and had his Campe at Tilbury, not far from the mouth of the Thames; (for the Enemy had certainely determined to approch London first.) And of the other which consisted of thirtie foure thousand foote, and two thousand horse for the Queenes guard, shee made the Baron of Hunsdon Gene­rall.

Arthur, Lord Grey, Sir Francis Knollys, Consultation for defence. Sir Iohn Nor­ris, Sir Richard Bingham, Sir Roger Williams, Knights, great and expert Souldiers, were appointed to consult a­bout the Land-seruice; They aduized, That all those pla­ces which were fit for the Enemies approch, eyther from Spaine, or the Low-Countries, as, Milford-Hauen, Falmouth, Plimouth, Portland, the Ile of Wight, Portsmouth, the Downes vpon the Shore of Kent, the Thames mouth, Har­wich, Yarmouth, Hull, &c. should be fortified with workes and with Garrisons; that the trayned Souldiers vpon all the Sea-coasts, should meet, vpon giuing a signe, to defend these places, they should with all their endeuour hinder the Enemies landing; But if hee should happen to land, that they should waste the Countrey farre and neere, spoyle e­uery thing that was vsefull, that he might finde no victuals but what he brought vpon his shoulders; and to keepe the Enemy continually busied and distracted with assiduous al­armes, and crying, [ Arme, arme,] day and night; But that they should not fight till other Commanders should ioyne their forces with them; That amongst the Leaders, they should nominate one which should command the forces of euery seuerall Prouince: But it is superfluous to set downe in particular what inland Prouinces were appoynted to guard both the shores, what number, what armes, and what [Page 258] manner of fight was prescribed by them.

About this time, there were diuers who made often re­monstrances to the Queene, that the Spaniards were not more dreadfull abroad, And con­cerning the Papists at home. than the Pontificians dangerous at home; for that the Spaniards had not dared to haue en­tred into hostility with England, but vpon confidence of and from them, and therefore that [some pretences were to be deuised to make them shorter by the head;] alledg­ing the example of HENRY the Eighth, when the Em­perour and the French King, vpon the Popes instigation, were ready to inuade England, Presently, as soone as hee had caused the Marquesse of Exceter, the Baron Monta­cute, Edw. Neuill, and others, whom hee suspected to fauor the Enemy, to be executed, the inuasion fell with them; but shee refusing this counsell, as too cruell, thought it suf­ficient to commit to prison to [ Wisbich] in the Fen-Coun­tries, certaine of the Pontificians, and those none of prime note neyther. And hauing an eye and a care of euery place, with frequent Letters excites those of the Nobility and Gentry, which were without them ready enough, giues instruction what was to be done in Ireland by [ Fitz-Wil­liams] the Deputy; Admonisheth the King of Scotland, both by his owne Seruants, and her Messengers to be vigi­lant ouer the Papists, The King of Scotlands a­lacrity a­gainst the Spaniards. and Spanish Faction in his Country: But hee well knowing how great a tempest and destructi­on threatned him, out of his perpetuall loue to true Religi­on, and the Queene, of his owne accord, had now before refused to giue audience to the Bishop of Dunblan, sent to him from the Bishop of Rome; and had caused a League to be made amongst the Protestants in Scotland to resist the Spaniards; And hee himselfe, marching with his Army into [ Annand] hauing taken Maxwels campe, who con­trary to his faith giuen, was then lately returned out of Spaine; and enclining to the Spanish faction, caused him to be cast into prison, proclaymed the Spaniards Enemies, and [Page 259] with great alacrity prouided armes against them. Booke 3·

Amongst these great preparations of Warre on both sides, ouertures of peace were neuerthelesse made. Conference of peace in the meane time. About two yeeres before, when the Prince of Parma had consi­dered with himselfe how difficult a thing it was to end the Low-Countrey warre, while they were daily aided with supplies from the Queene, had by Letters (vsing also the assistance of Iames Crofts, a Priuy-Counceller, a man very studious of peace, and of Andrew Loe, and others) seri­ously negotiated for a treaty of peace, and that hee had authority from the Spaniard to that purpose; Shee fearing that this was but a pretence, whereby to make a breach of friendship betwixt her and the Confederate-Prouinces, and secretly to draw them to the Spaniard, deferred the matter for a time. But now that the imminent warre might be auerted and auoyded, she resolued to treat of peace, but with the Sword in her hand, and the Duke of Parma refu­sed not the treaty.

Therefore, in February, there were sent into Flanders, Commissio­ners sent to that end into Flanders. Henrie, Earle of Derby, William Brooke, Lord Cobham, Iames Crofts, Controller of her Houshold, Valentine Dale, and Iames Rogers, Doctors of the Lawes, who being with all humility receiued in the Dukes name, they forthwith sent Dale vnto him, to consult of the place of meeting, and to peruse his Commission from the Spaniard. Hee ap­pointed a place neere to [ Ostend,] not in [ Ostend] it selfe, which was now held against the King by the English; and promised to shew his Commission at the meeting. He ad­uized them to be speedy, lest something might fall out which might disturbe or interrupt the treaty of peace. Ri­chardot said openly, [That hee knew not what might bee done to England in the meane time.] Not long after, Ro­gers was sent to the Prince, by the Queenes expresse com­mandment, to know certainly, if the designe for the inuasi­on of England were yet enterprized, which both hee and [Page 260] Richardot seemed to intend. Hee affirmed, That hee had not so much as thought of the inuasion of England. When he desired a quicke dispatch and expedition of that affaire, hee blamed in some manner Richardot, who was sorry to haue vttered any such words concerning Eng­lands inuasion.

Propositions of the Eng­lish answe­red.The twelfth of Aprill, the Earle of Arenberg, Cham­pigny, Richardot, Doctor Maesie, and Garnier, Commissi­oner from the Duke of Parma, sat in Commission with the English vnder Tents, neere the Towne of Ostend, to whom they gaue place and precedence; and after their protesta­tions that the Duke had full power giuen him to treate and conclude a Peace, the English propounded to them, that before all things it was requisite to embrace a truce. But they refused it, alledging, that if a Peace was not forth­with concluded, it would be preiudicious to the Spaniard, who since sixe moneths, had to their great charges main­tained a puissant Army. The English insisting, replyed, that that Peace was promised, before those troupes were con­ueyed into Flanders. They answered againe, that it was true, they had promised it sixe moneths agoe, but that it was not then accepted. Moreouer, that it was not in the Queenes power to vndertake it for the Hollanders and Zea­landers, who daily acted deeds of hostility. But the Eng­lish maintained, that it would be generall for all the Queenes Dominions, and likewise for the Kingdome of Scotland. Yet they neuerthelesse would not agree there­unto, but meerely for those foure Cities which the Queen then had in possession, as Ostend, Flushing, Bergen vp Zoom, and the Breele, and that during the said Treaty, and twentie dayes after, prouided that in the meane while it was lawfull to the Queene of England to assault Spaine, and to the King of Spaine to inuade England, as well out of Spaine, as of Flanders. During that time thus runned in speech about this Truce, and the place appoynted for the conference, [Page 261] which at last was appoynted at Bourbourgh, Sir W. Crofts, who for the great desire hee had of peace, was gone to Bruxels, without the knowledge of the rest of the Com­missioners, propounded in particular some Articles, for which hee afterwards was imprisoned vpon the Earle of Leicesters accusation (though that to the iudgement of o­thers, hee ought not to haue beene reproued or disauow­ed) (yet it is not lawfull to Commissioners to exceede the limits of their Commissions prescribed vnto them.) Fi­nally, the English seeing they could not obtaine a full and intyre cessation of Armes, nor to see at all the Commission containing power for the Duke of Parma to treat of peace, they propounded: ‘THat the ancient alliances betweene the Kings of England, and the Dukes of Burgundie, might be renewed and confirmed. That the Flemmings might peaceably enioy their priuiledges, and serue God with libertie of conscience. That the Spaniards, and other strangers might be sent out of Flanders, to ridde the Flemmings, and the neighbou­ring-Prouinces of all feare▪ And that if they would grant these things, the Queene, to shew that shee had not taken vp Armes for her owne particular interest, but for the necessary defence both of the Flemmings, and her selfe, would willingly hearken vnto any reaso­nable conditions touching the Townes which shee then possessed in the Low-Countries, paying the mony which shee had laide out about them.’

Whereunto the Dukes Deputies answered: ‘THat when it would please them friendly to con­ferre with them about the renewing of their ancient alliances, there should be no disagree­ment [Page 262] in that regard. That stranger Princes had no­thing to doe with the Flemmings priuiledges, of grace graunted as well vnto the reconciled Townes and Pro­uinces, as vnto the rest which by force of Armes haue beene brought vnto obedience. That their stran­ger-Souldiers were of necessitie retained there, because they were vp in armes both in Holland, England, and France. As for Townes taken from the King, and expences of money, the King of Spaine might well de­mand recompence of the Queene, of many thousands of Crownes spent in the warres of the Low-Countries since her assisting and taking into her protection the rebelli­ous Flemmings.

Complaint made vnto the Duke of Parma.About this time, D r. Dale, by the Queens cōmandement, was sent vnto the Duke, to make a friendly complaint vn­to him of a Booke lately set forth by one Allin, an English Cardinall, by which hee admonished the Nobles and peo­ple of England and Ireland, to ioyne with the forces of Spaine vnder the Dukes conduct, for the execution of Pope Sixtus the Fifth his Sentence published by a Bull against the Queene, by which he declared her an Heretique illegi­timate, and cruell against the Queene of Scots, &c. and com­manded her Subiects to assist the Duke against her. Many of those Bulls were printed at Antwerpe, to be dispersed in England. The Duke made him answere, that hee had not seene any such Booke or Bull, and that hee would not vn­dertake any thing in the Popes name, yet that hee was to obey his King. Moreouer, that he honoured and admired so much the Queene for her Royall vertues, that next vnto the King, he made more account of her Maiestie, than of any other Prince. That hee had counselled the King to treate of that peace which would be more profitable to the English than to the Spaniards; for, (quoth hee) if the Spani­ards be ouercome, they can easily recouer their losse again: [Page 263] but if you be once vanquished, your Kingdome is vtterly lost. Whereupon Doctor Dale replyed, That the Queene was powerfull enough to defend her Kingdome, and that himselfe might well iudge, according to his graue wis­dome, that shee could not easily be ouerthrowne by the losse of one battell, seeing the King of Spaine himselfe, by so long a warre, could not as yet recouer the inheritance of his Ancestors in the Low-Countries. Well, (said hee) these things are in the hands of the Almightie God.

Afterwards, the Commissioners had many conferences and alterations, and, as it were, weaued the same webbe a­gaine. When the English desired a toleration of Religion to be granted but for two yeres to the [Vnited Prouinces,] it was answered, That [as the Spaniard interceded not in the like kinde for the English Catholikes: so they hoped that the Queene, in her owne wisedome, would forbeare to request any thing of the Spaniard preiudiciall to his ho­nour, his oath, and his conscience.] When they required re-payment of the money which the States of Brabant owed the Queene, they answered, That [that money was lent without the Kings priuity or authoritie. But all ac­counts beeing cast vp, it might appeare both how much that money was, and how much the King had spent in this warre, to whom more ought to be paid.] By such kinde of answeres, they deluded the English, vntill the Spanish ARMADA approched the coast of England, and the thunder of their Ordnance was heard from the Sea. Then receiuing a conuoy from the Prince, (who, during this trea­tie, had brought almost all his forces to the shore) by his Commissioners were honourably conducted to the bor­ders neere Calais. So vanished this treatie into nothing; The confe­rence breakes vp. vndertaken by the Queene (as the wisest sort of men iudg­ed) to auert the Spanish Fleete, continued by the Spaniard, to surprize England vnawares, & vnprouided: so that both of them seemed to sew the Foxes tale to the Lyone skin.

[Page 264]That Spanish ARMA­DA, The Spanish Armada the greatest and best furnished with men, muniti­on, and all warlike prepara­tions that euer the Ocean did see, and arrogantly na­med Inuincible, consisted of one hundred and thirtie ships, in which were nine­teene thousand, two hun­dred and ninety souldiers, eight thousand, three hun­dred and fiftie Mariners, two thousand eightie Gally-slaues chayned, two thou­sand, six hundred and thirty peeces of great Ordnance. The Generall was Alphonsus Perez Guzman, Duke of Medina Sidonia. (For An­tonius Columna, Duke of Pa­lian, of S. Cruz, or of the ho­ly Crosse, designed Gene­rall, dyed during the prepa­ration) and vnder him was Iohn Martinus Recaldus, a most skilfull Nauigator. The third before the Calends of Iune, 28. Maij. they loosed from out of the Riuer of Tagus, and bending their course to­wards the Groin in Gali­cia, Sets forth, and is dispersed. by a strong tempest they were dispersed, three Gal­lies with three Oares on a [Page 265] seat, beeing by the industry of Dauid Guin, an English slaue, and the perfidiousnesse of the Turkish Gally-slaues, carried to the coast of Frāce, after some time, with great difficulty met at the Groin, and the Hauens thereabouts. So distressed and weather-beaten was it, as it was re­ported, that the Queene was constantly resolued not to expect it that yeere, and Se­cretary Walsingham wrote to the Lord Admirall, (as if the Warre were at an end) to send back foure of the grea­test Ships. Hee (a man not very credulous) excusing himselfe fairely, intreated him not to beleeue anything in so important a matter, without mature deliberati­on; and desired that hee might retaine them, though at his owne charges. And hauing a prosperous winde, sayled towards Spaine, with hope to surprize the Wea­ther-beaten ships in the Har­bours. When he was almost vpon the coasts of Spaine, the winde became South: and hee, who was comman­ded to defend the English [Page 266] shores, fearing lest they with the same wind might arriue in England vnespied, retur­ned to Plimouth.

Sets out a­gaine.With the same wind, the twelfth of Iuly, according to the Iulian computation, the Duke of Medina, with his whole Fleet, weighed ancor againe, and set forward from the Groin. About two dayes after, he sent before into the Low-Countries, Roderick Telius, to aduertize the Duke of Parma of the approch of the ARMADA, and to informe him of other need­full businesse. For hee had commandement to ioyne himselfe with the Forces and Fleete of the Prince of Parma, and to waft them ouer into England, vnder the protection of his Armada, and to set on shore his land­forces at the mouth of the Thames. Now what was done euery seuerall day in this Nauigation, according to the most credible relati­ons, both of the Spaniards, and our owne Countrey­men, that the truth may more cleerely appeare, I wil brief­ly deliuer.

[Page 267]The sixteenth day, there was a great calme, and a thicke cloud couered the sea till noone, and then a strong North-winde blew, then a South-winde till mid-night, and then an East: So that the ARMADA beeing much scattered, could hard­ly re-collect it selfe, till it came within sight of Eng­land, which was the nine­teenth day of the moneth: which day the Lord High-Admirall of England, being certainely aduertized by Captaine Flemming, that the Spanish Fleet was come into the Brittish sea, (vulgar­ly called the Channell,) and discouered not farre from the Lizard, the winde then keeping the English Nauy in the Port, The English Nauy sets out. with great diffi­culty, and no lesse industry, and alacrity of the mariners, (himselfe not disdaining to pull at the hawser amongst the common Souldiers) at length brought them into the open Sea.

The next day, the English came within ken of the Spa­nish ARMADA, built high like Towres and Castles, [Page 268] rallied into the forme of a Crescent, whose horns were at least seuen miles distant, comming slowly on, and al­though vnder full sayles, yet as though the windes labou­red, and the Ocean sighed vnder the burthen of it, the English purposely suffered them to passe by them, that they might pursue them with a fauouring gale of winde.

The one and twentieth of Iuly, the Lord high Admi­rall of England, sending be­fore him a Pinnace called the Defiance, The first fight. by discharging a peece of Ordnance out of her, prouoked them to the fight, and presently out of his Ship called the Arke-Royall, the Admirall thun­dred vpon a Spanish Ship, which hee thought to haue beene the Admirall of Spaine, but was the Ship of Alphonso Leua. At the same instant, Drake, Haw­kins, Furbisher, peale terrib­ly vpon the Reare which Ri­caldus commanded; who performed all the parts of a valiant and discreete Com­mander, to stay the Ships vn­der [Page 269] his gouernement from flying, desiring to ioyn with the body of the Fleet, vntill his owne Ship, extremely battered with shot, became vnseruiceable; and with much difficulty mingled her selfe with the rest of the Fleet: Then did the Duke of Medina re-collect his dispersed ships, and with full sayle held on his course. Neither could he do other­wise, The ability of the Eng­lish Flees. in regard both that the Winde stood faire for the English, and that their ships inuaded, retyred, and re-in­uaded them vpon euery quarter with incredible ce­lerity. When they had con­tinued the fight sharply two houres, the Lord high Ad­mirall of England thought good to retyre, in respect that hee wanted forty ships which were not yet come out of the Hauen.

The night following; a Spanish Ship, called the St. Katherine, being very much battered in this conflict, was receiued into the middest of the army to bee repayred. And a huge great Cantabrica. Cataloniā ship of Oquenda, in which [Page 270] was the Treasurer of the Fleet, was set on fire with Gun-powder, by the deuice of a Flemmish Gunner. But the fire was seasonably quenched by other shippes sent in for the purpose; a­mongst which, a Gallion of Peter Valdes, falling foule with another Ship, and her fore-mast intangled & bro­ken with the others sayle­yard, the Ayre being stormy and the night darke, and none able to relieue or suc­cour her, was forsaken, and became a prey to Sir Francis Drake, Peter Valdes taken. who sent Valdes to Dertmouth, and gaue the Ship to bee rifled and pilla­ged by the Souldiers. And Drake being that night com­manded to carry the Lant­horne in the poope lighted, neglected it: for following certaine Germane Mer­chants Hulkes, whom hee tooke to be enemies, it was the occasion that almost all the English Fleet lay still, be­cause they could not see the Lanthorne.

Neyther could hee and the rest of the English ship­ping come neere the Admi­rall, [Page 271] till the euening follow­ing, who the precedent night, with the ships called the Mary, and the Rose, hot­ly pursued the Spaniards. All this day, the Duke was securely busied in setting his Fleet in array, and comman­ded Alphonso Leua to draw vp, and ioyne the auant-gard and the reare together, and assigned euery seuerall Ship his station, according to the forme prescribed in Spaine, with paine of death to euery one that forsooke their stati­ons, sends Ensigne Glich, to the Duke of Parma, to in­forme him of the estate of the Fleete; and committed the Ship of Oquenda in Bis­cay, The Ship of Oquenda taken. (hauing first remoued into other Ships, the Kings treasure and the mariners) to the mercy of the Seas. Which the same day, with fifty mariners and souldiers more or lesse, miserably mai­med and halfe burnt, fell in­to the English mens hands, and sent to the Port of Wey­mouth.

The three and twentieth day of the moneth, at breake of the day, the Spaniards ha­uing [Page 272] a prosperous North­winde, turned sayle towards the English, who to get ad­uantage of the winde, easily turned themselues towards the West, and after they had contended to preuent each other of the benefit of the winde, both parts prepared themselues to the fight, and fought confusedly, and with various successe, while in one place the English vali­antly fetched off the London ships dangerously circled in by the Spaniards, in ano­ther, Ricaldus then in dan­ger, with no lesse resolution of the Spaniards, was disin­gaged. There was neuer more lightning and thun­dring of the Artillery, then there was on both sides, most of which notwithstanding went in vaine from the Spa­nish, flying sheere ouer the English Ships. Onely Cocke an English-man, in a small Barke of his owne, dyed gloriously in the middest of his Enemies. For the Eng­lish Ships beeing much lesse thā the Spaniards, with great dexterity inuaded the ene­my, and hauing discharged [Page 273] their Ordnance, retyred pre­sently into the open Sea, and leuelled all their Shot with a certaine and successefull ayme, against the great and sluggish Ships of the Spani­ards: And yet the English high Admirall thought not fit to grapple, The English Admirals prouidence. and so try the fortune of a fight hand to hand, as many inconside­rately perswaded: For the enemy had a strong and wel appointed Army abroad, which hee wanted: their Ships were farre more in number, greater of burden, and stronger, and higher of building, and they fighting from aboue, threatned no­thing lesse than certaine de­structiō to them that fought against them vpon the lower Ships: And hee did likewise fore-see, that the losse of his men would be much more preiudiciall to him, than the victory could be profitable; For beeing vanquished, hee should haue brought the Queene into almost ineuita­ble danger; and being Vic­tor, hee should onely haue a little blaze of glory, for the dissipation and discomfiture [Page 274] of his Enemy, and slaughter of his Souldiers.

The foure and twentieth day of the Moneth, there was a mutuall intermission of all hostile acts. The Ad­mirall sent diuers small Barkes to the next shores of England, for supply of am­munition, and diuided his whole Fleet into foure squa­drons; the first of which himselfe cōmanded; the se­cond, Drake; the third, Haw­kins; and the fourth, Forbi­sher; and appoynted certain Pinkes or Pinnaces out of euery squadron, to make impressions vpon the enemy at the dead of night in seue­rall quarters; but a calme following, that counsel wan­ted successe.

The fiue and twentieth, which was Saint Iames his day, a Gallion of Portugall, called the S. Anne, which could not keepe company with the rest of the Fleete, was set vpon by diuers small English Barkes; In ayde of whom, Laeua and Diego Tel­les Enriques, with three Gal­leasses, made out, whom the Lord Admirall, & the Lord [Page 275] Thomas Howard in the Gol­den Lyon (which by reason of the great calme, were faine to be towed by fisher-Boats) so battered with the canon, The third fight. that not without great difficulty, and with great losse of men, they brought off; after which time the Galleasses neuer of­fered to fight: The Spani­ards report, that that day the English at a neerer dis­tance than euer, with their great Ordnance extremely rent the Spanish Admirall, being at that time in the Rere; and hauing slaine ma­ny of their men, shot downe their maine Mast, but that Mexia and Recaldus came opportunely, and repelled the English. That then the Spanish Admirall, accompa­nied with Recaldus and o­thers, inuaded the English Admirall, which escaped by the sudden changing of the Winde; that thereupon the Spaniards left the pursuit, and holding on their course, sent another messenger to the Duke of Parma, with all speed to ioine his Fleet with the Kings ARMADA, [Page 276] and to send supply of Bul­lets. Of this the English were ignorant, who write, that they shot off the Lant­horne from one of the Spa­nish Ships, the beake-head from another, and terribly battered a third; that the None-such, and Mary Rose, hauing had onely a short conflict with the Spaniards, left them, and with other Shippes went to the rescue of the Triumph then in dan­ger. So that the relations of them that were present at the same actions, are diffe­rent for the manner, while euery one remembers that which hee obserued of his owne side.

Knights cre­ated for their valours, by the Right Honourable Charles Howard, Earle of Noting­ham, Lord High-Ad­mirall.The day following, the Lord High-Admiral of Eng­land, for their valour and fortitude, Knighted Thomas Howard, the Lord Sheffield, Roger Townesend, Iohn Haw­kins, and Martin Furbisher. And it was concluded, thenceforth not to assault the Enemy, till they came to the Streights of Calais, where Henry Seymor, and William Winter expected their com­ming. So the Spanish Fleet [Page 277] went on with a full South­west winde, the English fleet following them. But so far was the title of Inuincible, or their terrible aspect vn­able to affright our English shores; that the Youth of England, (leauing their Pa­rents, Wiues, Children, Kindred, and Friends, out of their dearer loue to their Countrey) with Ships hy­red at their owne charges, ioyned themselues in great numbers with the Fleete, with generous alacrity, Diuers No­ble-men and Knights of England, ioyne them­selues with the English Fleet before Calais. and incredible courage; and a­mongst others, the Earles of Oxford, Northumberland, Cumberland, Sir Thomas and Sir Robert Cecill, Sir Henrie Brooke, Sir Charles Blunt, Sir Walter Raleigh, Sir William Hatton, Sir Robert Carey, Sir Ambrose Willoughby, Sir Thomas Gerard, Sir Arthur Gorge, and other worthie Nobles, of great note and account.

The seuen and twentieth day of the moneth, The Spanish Fleet lyes at anchor, and rests betwixt Calais and Douer. towards euening, the Armada cast anchor neere Calais, being aduized by the Pylots, that if they went further, it [Page 278] would bee in danger to be carryed into the North O­cean by the tyde; and ouer against them, within can­non shot, lay the Admirall, and the English Fleet at an­chor, to whom Seymor and Winter ioyned themselues. Now was the number of the English Ships come to bee one hundred and forty, all a­ble for the fight, swift of sayle, & apt to cast about to take any aduantage, and yet there were not aboue fifteene of them, which bore the weight and burthen of the Warre, and repelled it. The Spaniards presently (as often before) by frequent messen­gers, The Duke of Parma is sent for a­gaine by the Spaniards. vrged the Duke of Parma, to send forty Fly-boates, without which he could not fitly fight with the English, by reason of the magnitude and sluggishnesse of the Spanish Ships, and the great dexterity and agility of the English; and earnestly required him to put forth to sea with his Fleete, whom the Armada (as was agreed) should protect as it were with wings, He is vnpre­pared. till their arriuall in England: But he being vn­prepared, could not readily come, his flat-bottom'd Boats being withall very broad, were full of leakes, victuall was wanting, and the mariners detayned a long time against their wills, The good seruice of the Hollanders, who hindred Parma from ioyning his Forces with the Spanish Nauy. were stolne away. Besides, the Hollanders, and Zelanders ships of Warre which houered about the Ports of Newport and Dunkerke, whence they were to set out, were so well prouided of great Ordnance, and Harquebuz­ziers, that he durst not come from the shores, vnlesse wit­tingly and willingly hee should cast himselfe and his soul­diers into visible and manifest danger: yet did hee not o­mit any thing worthy of a diligent, industrious, and [Page 279] valiant Prince, being strongly inflamed with a desire to sub­due England.

[Page 264]
[Page 279]

[Page 279]But the industry of the Queene preuented both his diligence, and the credulous hope of the Spaniards. For, by her command, the day af­ter the Spaniards had cast anchor, in the dead of the night, the Admirall sent eight of his worst Shippes, dawbed on the out-sides with Greeke Pitch and Ro­sin, & filled full of sulphure, and other materials sudden­ly combustible, vnder the conduct of Young & Prowse, with a full gale of winde di­rectly vpon the Spanish Ar­mada; which, as the Spani­ards saw approch neerer and neerer to them, (the flame shining ouer all the Sea) thinking those burning ships besides the danger of the fire, to be filled with some deadly Engines; The Spani­ards amazed fly confu­sedly. with a howling and fearefull out­cry, weyed anchor, cut their Cables, hoysed their sayles, cried out vpon their rowers, and, strooke with a horrible and a pannique feare, with impetuous haste betooke themselues to a confused [Page 280] flight. Amongst which, the Admirals Galleasse had her Rudder broken, and went almost adrift, and the day following, making fearefully towards Calais, ranne vpon the sands, and after a doubt­full fight with Amias Pre­ston, Thomas Gerard, & Har­uey, was taken; Hugh Mon­cada, Hugh Mon­cada slaine. the Captaine, beeing slaine, and the souldiers and rowers eyther drowned or slaine, they found and carri­ed away a great quantity of Gold. The Ship and Ord­nance were seyzed by the Gouernour of Calais.

The Spaniards affirme, that the Generall seeing these fi­ery shippes comming, com­manded all the Fleete to weigh anchor, that the dan­ger might passe them, and to take againe euery one his place. And surely, he him­selfe tooke his owne againe, after warning giuen by a shot which was notwith­standing heard but of a very few, because the Ships being on all sides scattered, were some of them in that affright carried into the North Sea, & some others on the shores [Page 281] and coasts of Flanders. In the meane time, The fourth combate. Drake and Fenner assayle with great noyse of Cannon-shot that part of the Spanish Fleete, which were rallying them­selues before Grauelin, and were by and by ioyned by Fenton, Southwell, Beaston, Crosse, Raymon, and anon, by the Lord Admirall himselfe, Thomas Howard, and Shef­field. The Duke, Laeua, O­quende, Ricauld, and o­thers, being come from the shore, sustained as well as they could, the charge, which was such, as the most part of their Shippes were torne and bruised, and the Gallion S. Matthew, com­manded by Diego Pymentel, and appointed to assist Fran­cisco de Toleda, in the S. Phi­lip, was broken with the con­tinuall batteries of Seymor and Winter, and being dri­uen towards Ostend, was a­gaine beaten by the Zelan­ders, and taken by them of Flushing, as was the other called Saint Matthew, and all the rest of the FLEET grieuously afflicted all that day.

[Page 282]The last day of the Mo­neth, at the breake of day, the Winde turned North­west, and the Spaniards stri­uing to get into the straight againe, are driuen towards Zeland. The English, as the Spaniards beleeue, ceased their fight, perceiuing some of their Ships in great dan­ger, and ready to runne on the sands and shelues on the Coast of Zeland, but the winde changing to South­west, the Spaniards tooke the benefit thereof, and beeing gotten out from amongst those sands, consulted in the Euening what they were to doe, The Spani­ards resolue to returne home by the North-Sea. and by common con­sent, resolued to returne into Spaine by the North Ocean, because they wanted many necessary things, and aboue all, Bullets, that their Ships were broken, and that they had little hope of the Duke of Parma's putting to Sea.

Being then already at sea, they tooke their route to­wards the North, followed by the English Fleete, vnto whom they would some­times shew their prowesse: and many being of opinion [Page 283] they would returne, the Queene, with a Kingly cou­rage, mounted on horse­backe, and holding in her hand the trunchion of an or­dinary Captaine, The Queene visits her Campe. made a re­view of her Army, & campe, which was at Tilbury, walkes vp and downe, sometimes like a Woman, and anon, with the countenance and pace of a Souldier, and with her presence and words for­tifieth the courages both of the Captaines and Souldi­ers beyond all beliefe.

The very day of the last fight, the Duke of Parma hauing paid his vow to our Lady of Halle, came to Dunkerke, but too late, and was there receiued by the Spaniards with reproach, as if to fa­uour Queene ELIZABETH, hee had willingly caused them to lose so faire an occasion to execute their enter­prise. Therefore, in some sort to content them, he punished some that had charge of the victuals, and mocking not­withstanding at the Spaniards insolency and arrogancy, who bragge that in all parts where they beare Armes, they euer draw after them an assured victory, and that the Eng­lish dared not to looke them in the face, much lesse endure their countenance. And surely, Bernard Mendoza, with great pride and vanity sung forth in France, by a printed Pamphlet, the triumph before the victory: But the English Lord Admirall, to keepe the Prince of Parma from com­ming out of Dunkerke, commanded Seimer and the Hollan­ders, to keepe the Coast of Flanders, and hee himselfe fol­lowed [Page 284] the Spaniards behinde, vntill they were past Eden­borough Frith in Scotland. For, some feared they would retyre to the King of Scots, at that time much incensed for the death of his Mother; & that to appease him, Ashbey, her Maiesties Ambassadour there, offered him very good con­ditions, Conditions offered vnto the King of Scots. to wit, the dignitie of a Duke in England, a yeerely pension of fiue thousand pound, and a guard for his person, at her Maiesties costs, and other things. Now whether he did this of himselfe, or by procurement of others, I cannot well say, nor take no pleasure to enquire thereafter: but so it chanced, that the fault was imputed vnto him, and these conditions were neuer accomplished.

The Spaniards then hauing lost all hope of pursuing their enterprize, and iudging their safety to consist meerely in their flight, follow still their route, without staying in any place. Thus did this Fleete returne shamefully into their Countrey, which was preparing three whole yeeres with so infinite expences, after hauing beene fought withall so oftentimes in one Moneth, and then put to flight with the losse of many men, (and not of aboue one hundred English, nor no Ship but Cocks Barke onely lost) all the shot of those great Spanish Ships, being spent in vaine, flying ouer the English Ships) hauing also gone round about the Iland of Great-Britaine, by Scotland, the Iles of Orchades, and Ire­land, and beene furiously beaten, and greatly diminished by tempests, wrackes, and all sorts of miseries.

Money coy­ned in memo­ry of this fa­mous victo­ry.In memoriall of which defeat, there were certaine Me­dailles coyned, wherein some had a Fleete grauen vnder­sayle, and hastning away with all speed, with this Inscrip­tion,

Tout ainsi cōme l'on dit de Caesar, IL EST VENV, IL A VEV, IL A VINCY. on peu dire de mesme de L'espagnol auss que IL EST VENV, IL A VEV, mais qui pis est IL [...]'EN EST ENFVY, aulieu que Caesar estoit victo­rieux.
Ilest venu, il [...] veu, il a fuy.
Hee came, Hee saw, Hee fledde.

And others, in honour of the Queene, with some Ships on [Page 285] fire among a confused Fleete, with these words;

Vne Femme a conduict ceste action.
A Woman conducted this Action.

As thus they fled, many of their Ships were lost vpon the Coasts of Ireland and Scotland, where some seuen hundred Souldiers and Mariners were cast ashore, who, at the re­quest of the Duke of Parma, vnto the King of Scotland in their behalfe, and by the Queenes permission were passed into Flanders a yeere after. But those poore wretches which were cast away in Ireland, Misery of the Spani­ards in Jre­land. were not so mercifully dealt withall: for some of them were slaine by the Irish dwelling in the woods; the other, by the commandement of the Deputy, who fearing lest they should ioyne with the Irish Rebels; and seeing that Bingham, Gouernour of Connaugh, had refused vpon his reiterated commandement to kill those which had yeelded themselues, hee sent Fowle the second Marshall, who, drawing them forth which had hidden themselues, cut off the heads of about two hun­dred of them, which the Queen detested with all her heart, as a deed full of cruelty. This so affrighted the rest, that sicke and weake as they were, and halfe starued, they re-embarked themselues in their broken vessels, and were for the most part sunke at Sea.

The Fleete being returned home, Causes of the defeat. imputeth this mis­chiefe vnto the Duke of Parma, and vnto their too-much obedient prudence, in taking it for so haynous a crime, to disobey the commandement imposed vpon them: For they were straitly charged to attempt nothing, vntill the Duke of Parma were ioyned vnto them with his Forces, without reseruing any liberty vnto themselues to iudge of occasions which might happen: a thing very fit to haue bin done: & they boasted to haue bin able without that, to haue defeated the English Fleete in their Port; and the men of [Page 286] warre were in great dispute, whether it were necessary, whatsoeuer hapned, to obserue religiously what is com­manded, lest by the neglect of obedience, the commande­ment should be lost: Or if it were fitter to correct things commanded by necessity, and apply them to present vse, according to the growth of affaires, that the occasions and moments of doing expeditions might not be lost.

The Spani­ard takes patiently this ouer­throw.The Spaniard did constantly beare this losse, as com­ming from aboue, rendring thankes vnto God that it was no greater, and vsed singular mercy and charity for the comfort of the Souldiers and Mariners.

Queene Eli­zabeth cau­sed a generall thankes-gi­uing to God for it, and publique re­ioycing in England.Queene ELIZABETH likewise commanded publique prayers and thanks-giuing to be made in all the Churches of England, and went her selfe in triumph amongst the Companies and Societies of London, which marched on both sides of her Maiestie, with their Banners, and roade thorow the Streetes (which were richly hung with blue hangings) in a Chariot drawne with two Horses, (Prin­ces themselues not vsing foure, as now adayes particular persons doe) to Saint Pauls Church, were shee gaue God humble thankes, heard the Sermon, (which shewed the glory due to GOD alone,) and caused the Ensignes taken, to be there set vp and shewed vnto the people. Then shee assigned some reuenewes vnto the Admirall, for the ser­uice which hee had performed with so good and happy successe; Praysed those who were of the English Nauy. The publike ioy is increa­sed by the good newes which came out of Scot­land. praised highly her Sea-Captaines, as men borne for the preseruation of their Countrey; and as often as shee saw any of the other, called them by their names, to wit­nesse that shee tooke note of their deserts: which they tooke as sufficient reward for their seruices: Shee also re­compenced the maymed and poorer sort with honoura­ble pensions.

This publique reioycing was increased by the arriuall of Sir Robert Sidney, who being come out of Scotland, as­sured her Maiestie, that the King of Scots, embraced most [Page 287] affectionately the Queenes friendship, made sincere profes­sion of true Religion, and would defend it with all his might: Hee was sent vnto him before, when Great Britaine was first threatned with the Spanish Fleete, to acknowledge by his reioycings and thankes-giuing, of the good will which he bore to the Queene, to praise his forwardnesse to defend the common cause; to promise him reciprocall succours, if the Spaniard made any inuasion in Scotland; To giue him to vnderstand with what ambition the Spani­ard gapeth after the whole Monarchy of Great Brittaine, solliciting the Pope to excommunicate his Royall person, both to spoyle him of the Kingdome of Scotland, and to exclude him out of the succession of the Kingdome of England; To put him in minde of the threatnings which Mendoza, and the Popes Nuntio vttered against him, and that therefore hee was to take heed of Papists. Whereun­to, (that wee may note it by the way) the KING an­swered graciously and merrily: ‘J expect no other courtesie of the Spani­ard, then such as Poliphemus promised to Vlysses, (to wit,) That he would deuoure him the last of all his fellowes.’

About this time, died the Earle of Leicester, The death of Robert Dudley, Earle of Leicester. on the four­teenth of December, of a continuall burning Feauer, as hee was on his way to goe to Killingworth: which death, al­though the Queene much grieued at, yet this ioy was ne­uer a whit diminished thereby. Hee was the fifth sonne of Iohn, Duke of Northumberland; vnder King EDVVARD, first Gentleman of the Kings Chamber, vnder Queene MARIE, who restored him to his first honours, together [Page 288] with his Brothers and Sisters, Master of the Artillery at the Siege of Saint Quintaines; and vnder Queene ELIZA­BETH, who affected him, because of a simpathy of spirits betweene them, occasioned perhaps by some secret con­stellation, which the Greeke Astrologers call Sinastria; he was Master of the Horse, His digni­ties and titles. Knight of the Royall Orders of the Garter, and of S. Michael, one of the Priuy Coun­cell, Steward of the Queenes House, Chancellor of the V­niuersity of Oxford, Iustice in Eire of all the Forrests be­yond Trent, the Queenes Lieutenant, and Captaine of the English Forces against Spaines, Gouernour, and Captaine generall of the vnited Prouinces of the Netherlands: he be­gan in his latter time to conceit a new hope and title of ho­nour and authority, looking to haue, with Soueraigne pow­er annexed thereunto, a generall Lieutenancy vnder the Queene, both throughout all England and Ireland, of which he had gotten Letters Patents, if that the Right Honoura­ble William Cecill, Lord Burleigh, and Sir Christopher Hat­ton had not opposed themselues thereunto, and also if the Queen had not betimes preuented the danger which might haue insued, in giuing too-much power to one man alone. Hee was reputed a compleat Courtier, His disposi­tion and manners. magnificent, libe­rall, a protector and benefactor of Souldiers and Schol­lers, very skilfull in temporizing, and fitting himselfe to the times, to serue his owne turne, very officious, and cunning towards his ill-willers; for a time much giuen to Women, and finally, a good husband in excesse. To conclude, as long as he preferred a power subiect vnto enuy before a so­lid vertue, euill speakers tooke occasion to tugge and teare at him continually, during the best of his fortune, by defa­matory libels, which contained some slight vntruths. And to say the truth, hee was openly held to be in the ranke of those which were worthy of praise, but the things which hee secretly plotted, displeased many. The Queene, who was flexible ynough in all other things, & was hardly euer [Page 289] seene to remit any thing due to her treasure, caused his goods to be sold to their vttermost value, Leicesters goods are sold. to pay that which he ought her.

The Duke of Parma hauing now broken off his purpose of inuading England, to carry away notwithstanding with this great prepared Army for that end, some glory from the English, and by the same meanes to open the way of Zeland, and deliuer Brabant from incursions, besiegeth Bergen ap Zoom, a Towne of Brabant, Berghen ap Zoom besie­ged by the Duke of Parma. strong by reason of the situation thereof, and the Forts round about it, and garded by a garrison the most part English. But his inde­uour was frustrated by the fore-sight of the Noble Lord Willoughby, and the valour of the Garrison Souldiers: For although that during the whottest of the siege, there arose a great discord amongst the besieged, some fauouring Drury, Gouernour of the place, established by the Lord Willoughby, the English Generall, and others adhering vn­to Morgan, prouided thereof by the Queenes Letters, each of them notwithstanding hauing a care of the com­mon good, behaued themselues valiantly, and by sallies and other military deuices, did all of them so finde the E­nemy busied, that after hauing slaine, taken, or drowned about foure hundred, which Grimston and Redhead, Who raiseth the siege. feig­ning themselues to be Fugitiues, had drawne into the Fort by great promises, protestations, and oathes; the Duke hauing lost all hope of shutting vp their Hauen, and to make himselfe Master of the Towne, and seeing the Win­ter at hand, and victuals fayling, raysed his siege two Mo­neths after. And the Lord Willoughby, to honour with some recompence the well-deseruing, knighted Sir Fran­cis Vere, who then began to shew himselfe, Sir Thomas Knowles, Sir N. Parker, and Sir I. Pooly, for their worthy valours.

England being now freed from the present feare of a forreine Warre, Innouations in England. found not her selfe so happily deliuered of [Page 290] an inward Schisme; For schismaticall impiety waxeth alwaies insolent when any Warres be stirring, nor euer did shamelesse and rebellious impudence, and outragious ma­lice more insolently beard the Ecclesiasticall Magistracie: For whereas the Queene, who was ‘EVER THE SAME,’ was very vnwilling to innouate any thing in Religion, thinking it the way to cut the nerues of the Ecclesiasticall administration, and the Royall Prerogatiue; some, which onely admired the discipline of the Church of Geneua, iudging that there was no better way to establish it, than by blazoning the English Hierarchie, and bringing the Prelates in hatred with the people, did in scurrilous maner spit out their slanderous venome against this Hierarchie, by certaine iniurious printed Bookes, which carryed the Titles of, Martin Mar-Pre­late, and o­ther scanda­lous Bookes.Martin Mar-Prelate, or A Whip for the Prelates. Minerales Diotrephes demonstra­tion of Discipline, &c.’

That the Authors of them seemed not to be professors of Pietie, but rather Roysters: neuerthelesse, they were Mi­nisters, the one was named Penry; and the other, Vuedall, and Iob Throckmorton, a learned man, but a merry concei­ted fellow, and had for their fautors or supposts, Sir Ri­chard Knightlie, and Sir R. Wigston, worshipfull Knights, graue and prudent personages (who had beene seduced by like Ministers) & had bin fined deepe in the Starre-Cham­ber, in case the Arch-Bishop of Canterburie, according [Page 291] to his accustomed goodnesse and mildenesse, had not with much adoe appeased the Queene.

Whilest these, I say, Beginning of a great Rebellion in Jreland. by slandering made way to this discipline, other companions in this their enterprize, in contempt of the Laws, began to put it in practice, in diuers corners of the Kingdome, holding Synods and Assemblies in certaine places, establishing to that end Presbyteries, of which number Thomas Cartwright, Edmund Snap, An­drew King, Proudlous, Pain, and other Ministers beeing committed, some turbulent spirits thought to haue rescued them. But I leaue vnto the Ecclesiasticall Historian, the description of the petulancy of these people, which was stayed by the wisedome and patience of the Lords Arch­bishops, vnto whom the knowledge of that businesse ap­pertained.

Although that tempest which had thundered so loude, and with such threatnings from out of Spaine, was now blowne ouer, yet fell there some little gusts, as reliques thereof in Ireland and Scotland, and out of England vpon Spaine, rushed out a more grieuous, as anon wee shall de­clare. For, in Ireland, by reason that Fitz-Williams, the Lord Deputie, who made search for all Spanish goods lost by wrecke, did exact them with rigour, and by occasion thereof, imprisoned some as fauourers of the Spaniards; a­mongst other matters, occasion was thence giuen & taken of all the troubles since hapning.

Daniel Rogers sent into Denmarke to condole the death of Frederick the Second, Ambassa­dour in Den­marke. and confirme the ancient allian­ces with his Successour, treateth with the Curators of the Kingdome, to procure ‘THat the Danes should not beare Armes a­gainst the Queene in the seruice of any Ene­mies of her Kingdome. That they should not grant permission to stay Ships for particular faults, [Page 292] in the straits of Denmarke or Seiland. That the Iland-fishing, whereof the libertie was to be renewed e­uery seuen yeeres according to ancient order, might not be hindered by any new deuices. That the English might not pay any custome in the Sound, but at their returne from the Baltique Sea, nor in other Money than with that of Denmarke. That the proprietaries of the Ships should not be holden by the fraud or deceits of Pilots and Ship-masters. That the things where­with Cloth are made vp, were free and exempted from paying any custome; and that the Tribute called Last gelt, should be forgiuen to the English.

But these things were put off to another time, because of the Kings being vnder age: for the Danes were in some fa­shion ill pleased & discontēted with the English, for not pas­sing then by the straits of Denmarke, going into Russia, but along the Coast of Norwegue, Finmarck, Lappy, Scrufinic, and Biarmie. The Empe­rour of Rus­sia most fa­uourable to the English. But Boris Theodoride elected and chosen The­odore Iahannide's Successor to the Empire of Russia, who dyed vpon the beginning of this yeere, he mist no occasion to helpe and succour the English, purchasing carefully, by all meanes possible, the Royall amity of Queene ELIZA­BETH.

FINIS.

To the READER.

MAruell not, READER, why I should produce,
In the Omega of my Worke, excuse,
And craue remission of my errours past,
Lest any Zoylus should aspersion cast
On this my labours of-spring: but doe know,
Though I such height of basenesse will not show,
To say all's bad, so my ambition is
No wayes so great, to say that nought's amisse:
The Sunne, sometimes eclipst, denyes his light;
So that the Day seemes turned into Night:
Faire Venus had a Mole vpon her Chinne;
The luckiest Gamester cannot alwayes winne:
The rarest Man may erre, and tis most sure,
There's none but GOD, that spotlesse is and pure.
Then farre be such a Philautie from mee,
To say that none, faults in this Worke can see.
'Twere strange, if that a Strangers Penne, and Presse,
Should haue no faults, when best Workes haue no lesse
Then stay (rash Censurer) and forbeare
To condemne all, though some mistake be there.
A. D.

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