THE Good Ship called the Fortune, which in the Moneth of Nouemb. 1621. (blessed be God) brought vs a new supply of 35. persons, was not long de­parted our Coast, ere the Great people of Nano­higganset, which are repor­ted to be many thousands strong, began to breath forth many threats against vs, notwithstanding their desi­red and obtained peace with vs in the fore-going summer. Insomuch as the common talke of our neighbour Indians on all sides was of the preparation they made to come against vs. In reason a man would thinke they should haue now more cause to feare vs than before our supply came: but though none of them were present, yet vn­derstanding [Page 2] by others that they neither brought Armes nor other prouisions with them, but wholly relied on vs, is occasioned them to sleight and braue vs with so many threa [...]s as they did. At length came one of them to vs, who was sent by Conanacus their chiefe Sachim or King, accompanied with one Tokamahamon a friendly Indian. This messenger inquired for Tisquantum our Interpre­ter, who not being at home seemed rather to be glad than sorry, and leauing for him a bundle of new arrowes lap­ped in a rattle Snakes skin, desired to depart with all ex­pedition. But our Gouernours not knowing what to make of this strange cariage, and comparing it with that we had formerly heard, committed him to the custodie of Captaine Standish, hoping now to know some certain­tie of that we so often heard, either by his owne relation to vs, or to Tisquantum at his returne, desiring my selfe, hauing speciall familiaritie with the other fore-named In­dian, to see if I could learne any thing from him, whose answer was sparingly to this effect; that he could not cer­tainly tell, but thought they were enemies to vs. That night Captaine Standish gaue me and another charge of him, and gaue vs order to vse him kindly, and that hee should not want any thing he desired, and to take all occa­sions to talke and inquire of the reasons of those reports we heard, and withall to signifie that vpon his true rela­tion he should be sure of his owne freedome. At first feare so possest him, that he could scarce say any thing: but in the end became more familiar, and told vs that the mes­senger which his Master sent in Summer to treat of peace, at his returne perswaded him rather to warre; and to the end he might prouoke him thereunto, (as appeared to him by our reports) de [...]ained many of the things were sent him by our Gouernour, scorning the meannesse of them both in respect of what himself had formerly sent, & also of the greatnesse of his owne person; so that he much blamed the former Messenger, saying, that vpon the knowledge of this his false cariage, it would cost him his [Page 3] life; but assured vs that vpon his relation of our speech then with him to his Master, he would be friends with vs. Of this we informed the Gouernour and his Assi­stant, and Captaine Standish, who after consultation con­sidered him howsoeuer but in the state of a messenger, and it being as well against the Law of Armes amongst them as vs in Europe, to lay violent hands on any such, set him at liberty, the Gouernour giuing him order to certifie his Master that he had heard of his large and many threatnings, at which hee was much offended, daring him in those respects to the vtmost, if he would not be reconciled to liue peaceably as other his neigh­bours; manifesting withall (as euer) his desire of peace; but his fearelesse resolution, if he could not so liue amongst them. After which he caused meat to be offe­red him, but he refused to eat, making all speed to re­turne, and giuing many thanks for his liberty. But re­questing the other Indian againe to returne, the weather being violent, he vsed many words to perswade him to stay longer, but could not. Whereupon he left him, and said he was with his friends, and would not take a iourney in such extremitie.

After this when Tisquantum returned, and the ar­rowes were deliuered, and the manner of the messengers cariage related, he signified to the Gouernour, that to send the rattle Snakes skin in that manner, imported en­mitie, and that it was no better than a challenge. Here­upon after some deliberation, the Gouernour stuffed the skin with powder and shot, and sent it backe, returning no lesse defiance to Conanacus, assuring him if hee had shipping now present thereby to send his men to Nano­higganset (the place of his abode) they should not need to come so farre by land to vs: yet withall shewing that they should neuer come vnwelcome or vnlooked for. This message was sent by an Indian, and deliuered in such sort, as it was no small terrour to this sauage [Page 4] King, insomuch as hee would not once touch the powder and shot, or suffer it to stay in his house or Country. Whereupon the Messenger refusing it, ano­ther tooke it vp, and hauing beene posted from place to place a long time, at length came whole backe againe.

In the meane time, knowing our owne weaknesse, notwithstanding our high words and loftie lookes to­wards them, and still lying open to all casualty, hauing as yet (vnder God) no other defence than our Armes, wee thought it most needfull to impale our Towne, which with all expedition wee accomplished in the moneth of February and some few dayes, taking in the top of the Hill vnder which our Towne is seated, making foure bulwarkes or ietties without the ordina­rie circuit of the pale, from whence wee could defend the whole Towne: In three whereof are gates, and the fourth in time to be. This being done, Cap­taine Standish diuided our strength into foure squadrons or companies, appointing whom hee thought most fit to haue command of each; And at a generall Muster or Trayning, appointed each his place, gaue each his Com­panie, giuing them charge vpon euery alarum to resort to their Leaders to their appointed place, and in his ab­sence, to be commanded and directed by them. That done according to his order, each drew his Com­panie to his appointed place for defence, and there together discharged their muskets. After which they brought their new Commanders to their houses, where againe they graced them with their shot, and so departed.

Fearing also lest the enemie at any time should take any aduantage by firing our houses, Captaine Standish appointed a certaine Companie, that whensoeuer they saw or heard fire to be cryed in the Towne, should onely betake themselues to their Armes, and should [Page 5] inclose the house or place so indangered, and stand aloofe on their guard, with their backs towards the fire, to preuent trechery, if any were in that kinde intended. If the fire were in any of the houses of this guard, they were then freed from it, but not otherwise, without speciall command.

Long before this time wee promised the people of Massachuset in the beginning of March to come vn­to them, and trade for their Furres, which being then come, we began to make preparation for that voyage. In the meane time, an Indian called Hobbamock, who still liued in the Towne, told vs, that hee feared the Massachusets or Massachuseucks (for they so called the people of that place) were ioyned in confederacy with the Nanohigganneucks, or people of Nanohiggan­set, and that they therefore would take this opportu­nitie to cut off Captaine Standish and his company abroad: but howsoeuer in the meane time, it was to be feared that the Nanohigganeuks would assault the Towne at home, giuing many reasons for his iealousie, as also that Tisquantum was in the confederacie, who we should finde would vse many perswasions to draw vs from our shallops to the Indians houses for their better aduantage. To confirme this his iealousie he told vs of many secret passages that passed betweene him and others, hauing their meetings ordinarily abroad in the woods: bu [...] if at home howsoeuer he was excluded from their secrecie, saying it was the manner of the Indians when they meant plainly to deale openly: but in this his practise there was no shew of honestie.

Hereupon the Gouernour, together with his Assistant and Captaine Standish; called together such, as by them were thought most meet for aduice in so weightie a busi­nesse, who after consideration hereof came to this resolu­tion; That as hitherto vpon all occasions betweene them and vs, we had euer manifested vndanted courage and reso­lution, [Page 6] so it would not now stand with our safetie to mew vp our selues in our new-enclosed towne, partly because our Store was almost emptie, and therefore must seeke out for our daily food, without which we could not long sub­sist; but especially for that thereby they would see vs dis­maied, & be encouraged to prosecute their malicious pur­poses, with more eagernesse than euer they intended: whereas on the contrary, by the blessing of God, our feare­lesse carriage might be a meanes to discourage and weaken their proceedings. And therefore thought best to pro­ceed in our trading voyage, making this vse of that wee heard, to goe the better prouided, and vse the more care­fulnesse both at home and abroad, leauing the euent to the disposing of the Almightie, whose prouidence as it had hitherto beene ouer vs for good, so we had now no cause (saue our sinnes) to dispaire of his mercie in our preserua­tion and continuance, where wee desired rather to bee in­struments of good to the Heathens about vs, than to giue them the least measure of iust offence.

All things being now in readinesse, the forenamed Captaine with ten men, accompanied with Tisquantum and Hobbamock, set forwards for the Massachusets: but wee had no sooner turned the point of the harbour called the Gurnets nose (where being becalmed wee let fall our grapnell, to set things to rights, and prepare to row) but there came an Indian of Tisquantums family, running to certaine of our people that were from home with all eager­nesse, hauing his face wounded, and the bloud still fresh on the same, calling to them to repaire home, oft looking be­hinde him, as if some others had him in chase, saying that at Namaschet (a towne some fifteene miles from vs) there were many of the Nanohiggansets, Massassowat our suppo­sed friend, and Conbatant our feared enemie, with many others, with a resolution to take aduantage on the present opportunitie, to assault the towne in the Captaines ab­sence, affirming that he receiued the wound in his face for [Page 7] speaking in our behalfe, and by sleight escaped, looking oft backward, as if he suspected them to be at hand. This he affirmed againe to the Gouernour, whereupon he gaue command that three peece of Ordnance should bee made ready and discharged, to the end that if we were not out of hearing, we might returne thereat. Which we no sooner heard, but wee repaired homeward with all conuenient speed, arming our selues, and making all in readinesse to fight. When wee entred the harbour, we saw the Towne likewise on their guard, whither we hasted with all conuenient speed. The newes being made knowne vnto vs, Hobbamock said flatly that it was false, alluring vs of Massassowats faithfulnesse; howsoeuer he presumed he would neuer haue vndertaken any such act without his priuitie, himselfe being a Pinse, that is, one of his chiefest champions or men of valour, it being the man­ner amongst them not to vndertake such enterprises without the aduice and furtherance of men of that ranke. To this the Gouernour answered, hee should be sorry that any iust and necessarie occasions of warre should arise betweene him and any the Sauages, but especially Massassowat, not that hee feared him more than the rest, but because his loue more exceeded towards him than any. Whereunto Hobbamock re­plyed; There was no cause wherefore hee should distrust him, and therefore should doe well to continue his affections.

But to the end things might be made more mani­fest, the Gouernour caused Hobbamock to send his wife with all priuacie to Puckanokick the chiefe place of Massassowats residence, (pretending other occasions) there to informe herselfe, and so vs, of the right state of things. When shee came thither, and saw all things quiet, and that no such matter was or had beene inten­ded, told Massassowat what had hapned at Plimoth, (by them called Patuxet) which when hee vnderstood, he [Page 8] was much offended at the cariage of Tisquantum, returning many thanks to the Gouernour for his good thoughts of him; and assuring him that according to their first Arti­cles of peace, he would send word and giue warning when any such businesse was towards.

Thus by degrees wee began to discouer Tisquan­tum, whose ends were onely to make himselfe great in the eyes of this Country-men, by meanes of his neere­nesse and fauour with vs, not caring who fell so hee stood. In the generall, his course was to perswade them hee could lead vs to peace or warre at his plea­sure, and would oft threaten the Indians, sending them word in a priuate manner, wee were intended shortly to kill them, that thereby hee might get gifts to him­selfe to worke their peace, insomuch as they had him in greater esteeme than many of their Sachims; yea they themselues sought to him, who promised them peace in respect of vs; yea and protection also, so as they would resort to him. So that whereas diuers were wont to relie on M [...]ssassowat for protection, and resort to his abode, now they began to leaue him, and seeke after Tisquantum. Now though hee could not make good these his large promises, especially because of the continued peace betweene Massassowat and vs, he there­fore raised this false alarum, hoping whilest things were hot in the heat of bloud, to prouoke vs to march into his Country against him, whereby he hoped to kindle such a flame as would not easily be quenched, and hoping if that blocke were once remoued, there were no other betweene him and honour; which he loued as his life, and preferred before his peace. For these and the like abuses, the Gouernour sharply reproued him, yet was hee so necessarie and profitable an instrument, as at that time wee could not misse him. But when wee vnderstood his dealings, we certified all the Indi­ans of our ignorance and innocencie therein, assuring [Page 9] them till they begun with vs, they should haue no cause to feare. And if any hereafter should raise any such re­ports, they should punish them as liers and seekers of their and our disturbance, which gaue the Indians good satisfaction on all sides.

After this wee proceeded in our voyage to the Massachusets, where wee had good store of Trade, and (blessed be God) returned in safety, though dri­uen from before our Towne in great danger and extre­mitie of weather.

At our returne, wee found Massassowat at the Plantation, who made his seeming iust Apologie for all former matters of accusation, being much offended and inraged against Tisquantum, whom the Gouernour pacified as much as hee could for the pre­sent. But not long after his departure, hee sent a messenger to the Gouernour, intreating him to giue way to the death of Tisquantum, who had so much abused him. But the Gouernour answered; Al­though hee had deserued to die both in respect of him and vs; yet for our sakes hee desired hee would spare him, and the rather because without him hee knew not well how to vnderstand himselfe, or any other the Indians. With this answer the messenger returned, but came againe not long after, accom­panied with diuers others, demanding him from Massassowat their Master, as being one of his sub­iects, whom by our first Articles of peace wee could not retaine: yet because hee would not willingly doe it without the Gouernours approbation, offered him many Beuers skins for his consent thereto, saying, that according to their manner, their Sachim had sent his owne knife, and them therewith, to cut off his head and hands, and bring them to him. To which the Gouernour answered; It was not the man­ner of the English to sell mens liues at a price, but [Page 10] when they had deserued iustly to die, to giue them their reward, and therefore refused their Beauers as a gift: but sent for Tisquantum, who though hee knew their intent, yet offered not to flie, but came and accused Hobbamock as the author and worker of his ouerthrow; yeelding himselfe to the Gouer­nour to bee sent or not according as hee thought meet. But at the instant, when our Gouernour was ready to deliuer him into the hands of his Execu­tioners, a Boat was seene at Sea to crosse before our Towne, and fall behinde a head-land not farre off: whereupon, hauing heard many rumors of the French, and not knowing whether there were any combina­tion betweene the Sauages and them, the Gouer­nour told the Indians, he would first know what Boat that was ere he would deliuer him into their custodie. But being mad with rage, and impatient at delay, they departed in great heat.

Here let mee not omit one notable (though wicked) practise of this Tisquantum, who to the end he might possesse his Countrymen with the greater feare of vs, and so consequently of himselfe, told them wee had the plague buried in our store-house, which at our pleasure wee could send forth to what place or people wee would, and destroy them there­with, though wee stirred not from home. Being vp­on the fore-named brabbles sent for by the Gouer­nour to this place, where Hobbamock was and some other of vs, the ground being broke in the middest of the house, (whereunder certaine barrels of powder were buried, though vnknowne to him) Hobbamock asked him what it meant? To whom he readily an­swered; That was the place wherein the plague was buried, whereof hee formerly told him and others. After this Hobbamock asked one of our people, whe­ther such a thing were, and whether wee had such [Page 11] command of it? Who answered no; But the God of the English had it in store, and could send it at his pleasure to the destruction of his and our enemies.

This was, as I take it, about the end of May 1622. At which time our store of victuals was wholly spent, hauing liued long before with a bare and short allow­ance: The reason was, that supply of men before mentioned, which came so vnprouided, not landing so much as a barrell of bread or meale for their whole company, but contrariwise receiued from vs for their ships store homeward. Neither were the setters forth thereof altogether to be blamed therein, but rather cer­taine amongst our selues, who were too prodigall in their writing and reporting of that plenty we enioyed. But that I may returne.

This Boat proued to be a Shallop that belonged to a fishing ship, called the Sparrow, set forth by Master Thomas Weston, late Merchant and Citizen of London, which brought six or seuen passengers at his charge, that should before haue beene landed at our Plantation, who also brought no more prouision for the present than serued the Boats gang for their returne to the ship, which made her voyage at a place called Damarins Coue neere Munhiggen some forty leagues from vs North-east-ward; about which place there fished aboue thirty saile of ships, and whither my selfe was imployed by our Gouernour, with or­ders to take vp such victuals as the ships could spare, where I found kinde entertainment and good respect, with a willingnesse to supply our wants: But being not able to spare that quantitie I required, by reason of the necessitie of some amongst themselues, whom they supplied before my comming, would not take any Bils for the same, but did what they could free­ly, wishing their store had beene such as they might [Page 12] in greater measure haue expressed their owne loue, and supplied our necessities, for which they sorrow­ed, prouoking one another to the vtmost of their a­bilities: which although it were not much amongst so many people as were at the Plantation, yet through the prouident and discreet care of the Gouernours, re­couered and preserued strength till our owne crop on the ground was ready.

Hauing dispatched there, I returned home with all speed conuenient, where I found the state of the Colonie much weaker than when I left it: for till now wee were neuer without some bread, the want whereof much abated the strength and flesh of some, and swelled others. But here it may be said, if the Country abound with Fish and Fowle in such measure as is reported, how could men vndergoe such mea­sure of hardnesse, except through their owne negli­gence? I answer; Euery thing must be expected in its proper season. No man, as one saith, will goe into an Orchard in the Winter to gather Cherries: so hee that lookes for Fowle there in the Summer, will be deceiued in his expectation. The time they continue in plenty with vs, is from the beginning of October to the end of March▪ but these extremities befell vs in May and Iune. I confesse that as the Fowle decrease, so Fish increase. And indeed their exceeding abundance was a great cause of increasing our wants. For though our Bay and Creekes were full of Basse, and other fish, yet for want of fit and strong Saynes, and other netting, they for the most part brake thorow and carried all away before them. And though the Sea were full of Cod, yet wee had neither tackling nor h [...]rseis for our Shallops. And indeed had wee not beene in a place where diuers sorts of shell-fish are that may be taken with the hand, wee must haue perished, vnlesse God had rai­sed [Page 13] some vnknowne or extraordinary meanes for our preseruation.

In the time of these streits (indeed before my go­ing to Munhiggen) the Indians began againe to cast forth many insulting speeches, glorying in our weak­nesse, and giuing out how easie it would be ere long to cut vs off. Now also Massassowat seemed to frowne on vs, and neither came or sent to vs as for­merly. These things occasioned further thoughts of Fortification: And whereas wee haue a Hill called the Mount, inclosed within our pale, vnder which our Towne is seated, wee resolued to erect a Fort thereon, from whence a few might easily secure the Towne from any assault the Indians can make, whi­lest the rest might be imployed as occasion serued. This worke was begun with great eagernesse, and with the approbation of all men, hoping that this being once finished, and a continuall guard there kept, it would vtterly discourage the Sauages from ha­uing any hopes or thoughts of rising against vs. And though it tooke the greatest part of our strength from dressing our corne, yet (life being continued) we ho­ped God would raise some meanes in stead thereof for our further preseruation.

In the end of Iune, or beginning of Iuly, came into our harbour two ships of Master Westons afore­said, the one called the Charitie, the other the Swan, hauing in them some fifty or sixty men sent ouer at his owne charge to plant for him. These we recei­ued into our Towne, affording them whatsoeuer curtesie our meane condition could afford. There the Charitie, being the bigger ship, left them, hauing many passengers which shee was to land in Virginia. In the meane time, the body of them refreshed them­selues at Plimoth, whilest some most fit sought out a place for them. That little store of corne wee had, [Page 14] was exceedingly wasted by the vniust and dishonest walking of these strangers, who though they would sometimes seeme to helpe vs in our labour about our corne, yet spared not day and night to steale the same, it being then eatable, and pleasant to taste, though greene and vnprofitable. And though they receiued much kindnesse, set light both by it and vs; not sparing to require the loue wee shewed them, with se­cret backbitings, reuilings, &c. the chiefe of them be­ing forestaled and made against vs, before they came, as after appeared: Neuerthelesse for their Masters sake, who formerly had deserued well from vs, wee continued to doe them whatsoeuer good or furthe­rance wee could, attributing these things to the want of conscience and discretion, expecting each day, when God in his prouidence would disburden vs of them, sorrowing that their Ouer-seers were not of more abilitie and fitnesse for their places, and much fearing what would be the issue of such raw and vncon­scionable beginnings.

At length their Coasters returned, hauing found in their iudgement a place fit for plantation, within the Bay of the Massachusets, at a place called by the Indians Wichaguscusset. To which place the bodie of them went with all conuenient speed, leauing still with vs such as were sicke and lame, by the Gouer­nours permission, though on their parts vndeserued, whom our Surgeon by the helpe of God recouered gratis for them, and they fetched home, as occasion serued.

They had not beene long from vs, ere the Indians filled our eares with clamours against them, for stealing their corne, and other abuses conceiued by them. At which wee grieued the more, because the same men, in mine owne hearing, had beene earnest in perswading Captaine Standish, before their comming to solicite our [Page 15] Goruernour to send some of his men to plant by them, alledging many reasons how it might be commodious for vs. But we knew no meanes to redresse those abuses, saue reproofe, and aduising them to better walking, as occasion serued.

In the end of August came other two ships into our harbour, the one (as I take it) was called the Discouerie, Captaine Iones hauing the command thereof, the other was that ship of M ^r. Westons called the Sparrow, which had now made her voyage of fish, and was consorted with the other, being both bound for Virginia. Of Captaine Iones wee furnished our selues of such prouisi­ons as we most needed, and he could best spare, who as hee vsed vs kindly, so made vs pay largely for the things wee had. And had not the Almightie, in his All-ordering Prouidence, directed him to vs, it would haue gone worse with vs, than euer it had beene, or after was: for, as wee had now but small store of corne for the yeere following: so for want of supply, wee were worne out of all manner of trucking-stuffe, nor hauing any meanes left to helpe our selues by trade; but, through Gods good mercie towards vs, he had wherewith, and did supply our wants on that kinde competently.

In the end of September, or beginning of October, M ^r. Westons biggest ship called the Charitie, returned for England, and left their Colony sufficiently victu­alled, as some of most credit amongst them reported. The lesser, called the Swan, remained with his Colo­ny for their further helpe. At which time they desired to ioyne in partnership with vs to trade for corne; to which our Gouenour and his Assistant agreed vpon such equall conditions, as were drawne and confirmed betweene them and vs. The chiefe places aimed at were to the Southward of Cape Cod, and the more because Tisquantum, whose peace before this time [Page 16] was wrought with Massassowat, vndertooke to disco­uer vnto vs that supposed, and still hoped passage within the Sholes.

Both Colonies being thus agreed, and their compa­nies fitted and ioyned together, wee resolued to set for­ward, but were oft crossed in our purposes; as first Ma­ster Richard Greene, brother in Law to Master Weston, who from him had a charge in the ouersight and go­uernment of his Colony, died suddenly at our Plan­tation, to whom wee gaue buriall befitting his place, in the best manner wee could. Afterward, hauing further order to proceed by letter from their other Gouernour at the Massachusets, twice Captaine Standish set forth with them, but were driuen in againe by crosse and violent windes: himselfe the second time being sicke of a violent feuer. By reason whereof (our owne wants being like to bee now greater than formerly; partly, because wee were enforced to neglect our corne, and spend much time in fortification, but especially because such hauocke was made of that little wee had, through the vniust and dishonest carriage of those people before mentioned, at our first entertainment of them) our Gouernour in his owne person supplyed the Cap­taines place, and in the month of Nouember againe set forth, hauing Tisquantum for his Interpreter and Pilot, who affirmed hee had twice passed within the Sholes of Cape Cod, both with English and French. Neuerthelesse, they went so farre with him, as the Master of the ship saw no hope of passage: but being (as hee thought) in danger, bare vp, and according to Tisquantums directions, made for an harbour not farre from them, at a place called Manamoycke, which they found, and sounding it with their shallop found the channell, though but narrow and crooked, where at length they harboured the ship. Here they perceiued that the tide set in and out with more violence at some [Page 17] other place more Southerly, which they had not seene nor could discouer, by reason of the violence of the season all the time of their abode there. Some iudged the entrance thereof might bee beyond the Sholes, but there is no certaintie thereof as yet knowne. That night the Gouernour accompanied with others, hauing Tisquantum for his Interpreter went ashore; At first the Inhabitants plaied least in sight, because none of our people had euer beene there before; but vnder­standing the ends of their comming, at length came to them, welcomming our Gouernour according to their Sauage manner, refreshing them verie well with store of venison and other victuals, which they brought them in great abundance, promising to trade with them, with a seeming gladnesse of the occasion: yet their ioy was mixed with much iealousie, as appeared by their after practises: for at first they were loath their dwellings should bee knowne, but when they saw our Gouernours resolution to stay on the shore all night, they brought him to their houses, hauing first con­uayed all their stuffe to a remote place, not farre from the same, which one of our men walking forth occasi­onally espied; whereupon, on the sudden, neither it nor them could bee found, and so many times after vp­on conceiued occasions, they would bee all gone, bag and baggage: But being afterwards (by Tisquantums meanes) better perswaded, they left their iealousie and traded with them; where they got eight hogsheads of corne and beanes, though the people were but few. This gaue our Gouernour and the company good en­couragement. Tisquantum being still confident in the passage, and the Inhabitants affirming, they had seene ships of good burthen passe within the Sholes afore­said. But here, though they had determined to make a second assay, yet God had otherwayes disposed, who strucke Tisquantum with sicknesse, in so much as hee [Page 18] there died, which crossed their Southward trading, and the more because the Masters sufficiencie was much doubted, and the season verie tempestuous, and not fit to goe vpon discouerie, hauing no guide to direct them.

From thence they departed, and the wind being faire for the Massachusets went thither, and the rather because the Sauages vpon our motion had planted much corne for vs, which they promised not long be­fore that time. When they came thither, they found a great sicknesse to be amongst the Indians, not vnlike the plague, if not the same. They renued their com­plaints to our Gouernour, against that other plantation seated by them, for their iniurious walking. But indeed the trade both for Furres and corne was ouerthrowne in that place, they giuing as much for a quart of corne, as we vsed to doe for a Beauers skin; so that little good could be there done. From thence they returned into the bottome of the Bay of Cape Cod, to a place cal­led Nauset, where the Sachim vsed the Gouernour very kindly, and where they bought eight or ten hogsheads of corne and beanes. Also at a place called Mattachiest, where they had like kind entertainment and corne also. During the time of their trade in these places, there were so great and violent stormes, as the ship was much en­dangered, and our shallop cast away, so that they had now no meanes to carry the corne aboard that they had bought, the ship riding by their report well neere two leagues from the same, her owne Boat being small, and so leake, (hauing no Carpenter with them) as they durst scarce fetch wood or water in her. Hereupon the Gouernour caused the corne to be made in a round stack, and bought mats, and cut sedge to couer it, and gaue charge to the Indians not to meddle with it, promi­sing him that dwelt next to it a reward, if he would keep vermine also from it, which he vndertooke, and the [Page 19] Sachim promised to make good. In the meane time, ac­cording to the Gouernours request, the Sachim sent men to seeke the shallop, which they found buried al­most in sand at a high-water marke, hauing many things remaining in her, but vnseruiceable for the present; whereof the Gouernour gaue the Sachim speciall charge that it should not be further broken, promising ere long to fetch both it and the corne; assuring them, if neither were diminished, he would take it as a signe of their honest and true friendship, which they so much made shew of, but if they were, they should certainly smart for their vniust and dishonest dealing, and further make good whatsoeuer they had so taken. So he did likewise at Mattachiest, and tooke leaue of them, being resolued to leaue the ship, and take his iourney home by land with our owne company, sending word to the ship, that they should take their first opportunitie to goe for Plimoth, where hee determined, by the permission of God, to meet them. And hauing procured a Guide, it being no lesse than fifty miles to our Plantation, set forward, re­ceiuing all respect that could be from the Indians in his iourney, and came safely home, though weary and sur­bated, whither some three daies after the ship also came. The corne being diuided which they had got, Master Westons company went to their owne Plantation, it be­ing further agreed, that they should returne with all con­uenient speed, and bring their Carpenter, that they might fetch the rest of the corne, and saue the shallop.

At their returne, Captaine Standish being recouered and in health, tooke another shallop, and went with them to the corne, which they found in safety as they left it: also they mended the other shallop, and got all their corne aboard the ship. This was in Ianuary, as I take it, it being very cold and stormy, insomuch as (the harbour being none of the best) they were con­strained to cut both the shallops from the ships sterne, [Page 20] and so lost them both a second time. But the storme being ouer, and seeking out, they found them both, not hauing receiued any great hurt. Whilest they were at Nauset, hauing occasion to lie on the shore, laying their shallop in a Creeke not far from them, an Indian came into the same, and stole certaine Beads, Cissers, and other trifles out of the same, which when the Cap­taine missed, he tooke certaine of his company with him, and went to the Sachim, telling him what had hapned, and requiring the same againe, or the party that stole them, (who was knowne to certaine of the Indi­ans) or else he would reuenge it on them before his de­parture, and so tooke leaue for that night being late, re­fusing whatsoeuer kindnesse they offered. On the mor­row, the Sachim came to their randeuow, accompanied with many men, in a stately manner, who saluting the Captaine in this wise; He thrust out his tongue, that one might see the root thereof, and therewith licked his hand from the wrist to the fingers end, withall bow­ing the knee, striuing to imitate the English gesture, be­ing instructed therein formerly by Tisquantum: his men did the like, but in so rude and sauage a manner, as our men could scarce for beare to break out in open laughter. After salutation, he deliuered the Beads, & other things, to the Captaine, saying, he had much beaten the partie for doing it, causing the women to make bread, and bring them, according to their desire, seeming to be very sorry for the fact, but glad to be reconciled. So they depar­ted, and came home in safety; where the corne was equally diuided, as before.

After this the Gouernour went to two other inland Townes, with another company, and bought corne like­wise of them, the one is called Namasket, the other Manomet. That from Namasket was brought home partly by Indian women; but a great sicknesse arising amongst them, our owne men were inforced to fetch [Page 21] home the rest. That at Manomet the Gouernour left in the Sachime custody: this Towne lieth from vs South well neere twenty miles, and stands vpon a fresh riuer, which runneth into the Bay of Nanohigganset, and can­not be lesse than sixty miles from thence. It will beare a boat of eight or ten tunne to this place. Hither the Dutch or French, or both vse to come. It is from hence to the Bay of Cape Cod about eight miles; out of which Bay it floweth into a Creeke some six miles almost di­rect towards the Towne. The heads of the Riuer, and this Creeke are not far distant. This Riuer yeeldeth thus high, Oysters, Muscles, Clams, and other shell-fish, one in shape like a beane, another like a Clam, both good meat, and great abundance at all times; besides it aboun­deth with diuers sorts of fresh fish in their seasons. The Gouernour or Sachim of this place, was called Canacum, who had formerly, as well as many others, (yea all with whom as yet we had to doe) acknowledged themselues the subiects of our Soueraigne Lord the King. This Sa­chim vsed the Gouernour very kindly, and it seemed was of good respect and authoritie amongst the Indians. For whilest the Gouernour was there within night in bitter weather, came two men from Manamoick before spo­ken of, and hauing set aside their bowes and quiuers, ac­cording to their manner, sate downe by the fire, and tooke a pipe of Tobacco, not vsing any words in that time, nor any other to them, but all remained silent, ex­pecting when they would speake: At length they look­ed toward Canacum, and one of them made a short speech, and deliuered a present to him from his Sachim, which was a basket of Tobacco, and many Beads, which the other receiued thankfully. After which hee made a long speech to him, the contents hereof was related to vs by Hobbamock (who then accompanied the Gouer­nour for his Guide) to be as followeth; It hapned that two of their men sell out as they were in game (for they [Page 22] vse gaming as much as any where, and will play away all, euen their skin from their backs, yea and for their wiues skins also, though it may be they are many miles distant from them, as my selfe haue seene) and growing to great heat, the one killed the other. The actor of this fact was a Powah, one of special more amongst them, and such an one as they could not well misse, yet ano­ther people greater than themselues threatned them with warre, if they would not put him to death. The party offending was in hold, neither would their Sachim doe one way or other till their returne, resting vpon him for aduice and furtherance in so weighty a matter. After this there was silence a short time; at length men gaue their iudgement what they thought best. Amongst others, he asked Hobbamock what he thought? Who answered, he was but a stranger to them, but thought it was better that one should die than many, since he had deserued it, and the rest were innocent; whereupon he passed the sentence of death vpon him.

Not long after (hauing no great quantitie of corne left) Captaine Standish went againe with a shallop to Mattachiest, meeting also with the like extremitie of weather, both of wind, snow, and frost, insomuch as they were frozen in the harbour the first night they entred the same. Here they pretended their wonted loue, and spared them a good quantity of corne to confirme the same: Strangers also came to this place, pretending only to see him and his company, whom they neuer saw before that time, but intending to ioyne with the rest to kill them, as after appeared. But being forced through extremitie to lodge in their houses, which they much pressed, God possessed the heart of the Captaine with iust iealousie, giuing strait command, that as one part of his company slept, the rest should wake, declaring some things to them which hee vnderstood, whereof hee could make no [Page 23] good construction. Some of the Indians spying a fit opportunitie, stole some beads also from him, which hee no sooner perceiued, hauing not aboue six men with him, drew them all from the Boat, and set them on their guard about the Sachims house, where the most of the people were, threatning to fall vpon them without further delay, if they would not forthwith re­store them, signifying to the Sachim especially, and so to them all, that as he would not offer the least iniury; so hee would not receiue any at their hands, which should escape without punishment or due satisfaction. Hereupon the Sachim bestirred him to finde out the party, which when he had done, caused him to returne them againe to the shallop, and came to the Captaine, desiring him to search whether they were not about the Boat, who suspecting their knauery, sent one, who found them lying openly vpon the Boats cuddy; yet to appease his anger, they brought corne afresh to trade, insomuch as he laded his shallop, and so departed. This accident so daunted their courage, as they durst not at­tempt any thing against him. So that through the good mercy and prouidence of God they returned in safety. At this place the Indians get abundance of Basse both summer and winter: for it being now February they abounded with them.

In the beginning of March, hauing refreshed him­selfe, he tooke a shallop, and went to Manomet, to fetch home that which the Gouernour had formerly bought, hoping also to get more from them, but was deceiued in his expectation, not finding that entertainment hee found else-where, and the Gouernour had there recei­ued. The reason whereof, and of the treachery inten­ded in the place before spoken of, was not then knowne vnto vs, but afterwards: wherein may be obserued the abundant mercies of God working with his proui­dence for our good. Captaine Standish being now far [Page 24] from the Boat, and not aboue two or three of our men with him, and as many with the shallop, was not long at Canacum the Sachims house, but in came two of the Massachuset men, the chiefe of them was called Wituwamat, a notable insulting villaine, one who had formerly imbrued his hands in the bloud of English and French, and had oft boasted of his owne valour, and de­rided their weaknesse, especially because (as hee said) they died crying, making sowre faces, more like children than men. This villaine tooke a dagger from about his necke, (which hee had gotten of Master Westons people) and presented it to the Sachim, and after made a long speech in an audacious manner, framing it in such sort, as the Captaine (though he be the best Lin­guist amongst vs) could not gather any thing from it. The end of it was afterward discouered to be as follow­eth: The Massacheuseucks had formerly concluded to ruinate Master Westons Colonie, and thought them­selues, being about thirty or forty men strong, enough to execute the same: yet they durst not attempt it, till such time as they had gathered more strength to them­selues to make their party good against vs at Plimoth, concluding, that if we remained, (though they had no other Arguments to vse against vs) yet we would neuer leaue the death of our Countrymen vnreuenged, and therefore their safety could not be without the ouer­throw of both Plantations. To this end they had for­merly sollicited this Sachim, as also the other called Ianough at Mattachiest, and many others to assist them, and now againe came to prosecute the same; and since there was so faire an opportunitie offered by the Cap­taines presence, they thought best to make sure him and his company. After this his message was deliuered, his entertainment much exceeded the Captaines, inso­much as he scorned at their behauiour, and told them of it: after which they would haue perswaded him, be­cause [Page 25] the weather was cold, to haue sent to the Boat for the rest of his company, but he would not, desiring according to promise, that the corne might be caried downe, and hee would content the women for their labour, which they did. At the same time there was a lusty Indian of Paomet or Cape Cod then present, who had euer demea­ned himselfe well towards vs, being in his generall cari­age, very affable, courteous, and louing, especially towards the Captaine. This Sauage was now entred into confe­deracie with the rest, yet to auoid suspition, made many signes of his continued affections, and would needs be­stow a kettle of some six or seuen gallons on him, and would not accept of any thing in lieu thereof, saying, he was rich, and could afford to bestow such fauours on his friends whom he loued: also he would freely helpe to carry some of the corne, affirming he had neuer done the like in his life before, and the wind being bad would needs lodge with him at their Randeuow, hauing indeed vndertaken to kill him before they parted, which done they intended to fall vpon the rest. The night proued ex­ceeding cold, insomuch as the Captaine could not take any rest, but either walked or turned himselfe to and fro at the fire: This the other obserued, and asked wherefore hee did not sleepe as at other times, who answered he knew not well, but had no desire at all to rest. So that hee then mist his opportunity. The wind seruing on the next day, they returned home, accompanied with the other In­dian, who vsed many arguments to perswade them to goe to Paomet, where himselfe had much corne, and many other, the most whereof he would procure for vs, seeming to sorrow for our wants. Once the Captaine put forth with him, and was forced backe by contrary wind; which wind seruing for the Massachuset, was fitted to goe thither. But on a sudden it altered againe.

During the time that the Captaine was at Manomet, newes came to Plimoth, that Massassowat was like to die, and that at the same time there was a Dutch ship driuen so [Page 26] high on the shore by stresse of weather, right before his dwelling, that till the tides encreased, shee could not be got off. Now it being a commendable manner of the Indians, when any (especially of note) are dangerously sicke, for all that professe friendship to them, to visit them in their extre­mitie, either in their persons, or else to send some accepta­ble persons to them, therefore it was thought meet (being a good and warrantable action) that as wee had euer profes­sed friendship, so wee should now maintaine the same, by obseruing this their laudable custome: and the rather, be­cause wee desired to haue some conference with the Dutch, not knowing when wee should haue so fit an opportunitie. To that end my selfe hauing formerly beene there, and vn­derstanding in some measure the Dutch tongue, the Gouer­nour againe laid this seruice vpon my selfe, and fitted mee with some cordials to administer to him, hauing one Master Iohn Hamden a Gentleman of London (who then wintered with vs, and desired much to see the Countrey) for my Consort, and Hobbamock for our guide. So wee set for­ward, and lodged the first night at Namasket, where wee had friendly entertainment. The next day about one of the clocke, we came to a ferrie in Conbatants Countrey, where vpon discharge of my peece, diuers Indians came to vs from a house not farre off. There they told vs, that Mas­sassowat was dead, and that day buried, and that the Dutch would be gone before we could get thither, hauing houe off their ship already. This newes strucke vs blancke: but e­specially Hobbamock, who desired we might returne with all speed. I told him I would first thinke of it, considering now that hee being dead, Conbatant was the most like to succeed him, and that we were not aboue three miles from Mattapuyst his dwelling place, although hee were but a hollow-hearted friend towards vs, I thought no time so fit as this, to enter into more friendly termes with him, and the rest of the Sachims thereabout, hoping (through the blessing of God) it would be a meanes in that vnsetled state, to settle their affections towards vs, and though it were [Page 27] somewhat dangerous, in respect of our personall safetie, be­cause my selfe and Hobbamock had beene imployed vpon a seruice against him, which he might now fitly reuenge, yet esteeming it the best meanes, leauing the euent to God in his mercie, I resolued to put it in practise, if Master Ham­den and Hobbamock durst attempt it with mee, whom I found willing to that or any other course might tend to the generall good. So we went towards Mattapuyst. In the way, Hobbamock manifesting a troubled spirit, brake forth into these speeches, Neen womasu Sagimus, neen wo­masu Sagimus, &c. My louing Sachim, my louing Sachim. Many haue I knowne, but neuer any like thee: And tur­ning him to me said; Whilest I liued, I should neuer see his like amongst the Indians, saying, he was no lyer, he was not bloudy and cruell like other Indians; In anger and passion he was soone reclaimed, easie to be reconciled to­wards such as had offended him, ruled by reason in such measure, as he would not scorne the aduice of meane men, and that he gouerned his men better with few strokes than others did with many; truly louing where he loued; yea he feared we had not a faithfull friend left among the Indi­ans, shewing how he oft-times restrained their malice, &c. continuing a long speech with such signes of lamentation and vnfeigned sorrow, as it would haue made the hardest heart relent. At length we came to Mattapuyst, and went to the Sachimo Comaco (for so they call the Sachims place, though they call an ordinarie house Witeo) but Conbatant the Sachim was not at home, but at Puckanokick ▪ which was some fiue or six miles off; the Squa-sachim (for so they call the Sachims wife) gaue vs friendly entertainment. Here wee inquired againe concerning Massassowat, they thought him dead, but knew no certainty; whereupon I hired one to goe with all expedition to Puckanokick, that we might know the certainty thereof, and withall to ac­quaint Conbaetant with our there being. About halfe an houre before Sunne-setting, the messenger returned, and told vs that he was not yet dead, though there was no hope [Page 28] we should finde him liuing. Vpon this we were much re­uiued, and set forward with all speed, though it was late within night ere we got thither. About two of the clocke that afternoone the Dutchmen departed, so that in that re­spect our iourney was frustrate. When we came thither, we found the house so full of men, as we could scarce get in, though they vsed their best diligence to make way for vs. There were they in the middest of their charmes for him, making such a hellish noise, as it distempered vs that were well, and therefore vnlike to ease him that was sicke. About him were six or eight women, who chafed his armes, legs, and thighes, to keepe heat in him; when they had made an end of their charming, one told him that his friends the English were come to see him; (hauing vnderstanding left, but his sight was wholly gone) he asked who was come, they told him Winsnow (for they cannot pronounce the letter l, but ordinarily n in the place thereof) hee desired to speake with me; when I came to him, and they told him of it, he put forth his hand to me, which I tooke; then he said twice, though very inwardly, keen Winsnow, which is to say, Art thou Winslow? I answered, a [...]he, that is, yes; then hee doubled these words, Matta neon wonckanet namen Winsnow; that is to say, O Winslow I shall neuer see thee againe. Then I called Hobbamock and desi­red him to tell Massassowat, that the Gouernour hearing of his sicknesse was sorry for the same, and though by rea­son of many businesses he could not come himselfe, yet he sent me with such things for him as he thought most like­ly to doe him good in this his extremitie, and whereof if he pleased to take, I would presently giue him; which he desired, and hauing a confection of many comfortable conserues, &c. on the point of my knife, I gaue him some, which I could scarce get thorow his teeth; when it was dissolued in his mouth, he swallowed the iuice of it, where­at those that were about him much reioyced, saying, he had not swallowed any thing in two daies before. Then I de­sired to see his mouth, which was exceedingly furred, and [Page 29] his tongue swelled in such manner, as it was not possible for him to eat such meat as they had, his passage being stopt vp: then I washed his mouth, and scraped his tongue, and got abundance of corruption out of the same. After which, I gaue him more of the confection, which he swal­lowed with more readinesse; then he desiring to drinke, I dissolued some of it in water, and gaue him thereof: within halfe an houre this wrought a great alteration in him in the eyes of all that beheld him; presently after his sight began to come to him, which gaue him and vs good encouragement. In the meane time I inquired how hee slept, and when he went to the stoole? They said he slept not in two daies before, and had not had a stoole in fiue; then I gaue him more, and told him of a mishap we had by the way in breaking a bottle of drinke, which the Go­uernour also sent him, saying, if he would send any of his men to Patuxet, I would send for more of the same, also for chickens to make him broth, and for other things which I knew were good for him, and would stay the re­turne of the messenger if he desired. This hee tooke mar­uellous kindly, and appointed some who were ready to goe by two of the clocke in the morning, against which time I made ready a letter, declaring therein our good suc­cesse, the state of his body, &c. desiring to send me such things as I sent for, and such physicke as the Surgion durst administer to him. He requested me that the day follow­ing, I would take my Peece, and kill him some Fowle, and make him some English pottage, [...]uch as he had eaten at Plimoth, which I promised: after his stomacke comming to him, I must needs make him some without Fowle, be­fore I went abroad, which somewhat troubled me, being vnaccustomed and vnacquainted in such businesses, especi­ally hauing nothing to make it comfortable, my Consort being as ignorant as my selfe; but being wee must doe somewhat, I caused a woman to bruise some corne, and take the flower from it, and set ouer the grut or broken corne in a pipkin (for they haue earthen pots of all sizes.) [Page 30] When the day broke, we went out (it being now March) to seeke herbes, but could not finde any but strawberry leaues, of which I gathered a handfull and put into the same, and because I had nothing to relish it, I went forth againe, and pulled vp a Saxafras root, and sliced a peece thereof, and boyled it till it had a good relish, and then tooke it out againe. The broth being boyled, I strained it thorow my handkerchiffe, and gaue him at least a pinte, which he dranke, and liked it very well. After this his sight mended more and more, also he had three mo­derate stooles, and tooke some rest. Insomuch as wee with admiration blessed God for giuing his blessing to such raw and ignorant meanes, making no doubt of his recouery, himselfe and all of them acknowledging vs the instruments of his preseruation. That morning he caused me to spend in going from one to another amongst those that were sicke in the Towne, requesting me to wash their mouthes also, and giue to each of them some of the same I gaue him, saying, they were good folke. This paines I tooke with willingnesse, though it were much offensiue to me, not being accustomed with such poysonous sauours. After dinner he desired me to get him a Goose or Duck, and make him some pottage therewith, with as much speed as I could: so I tooke a man with me, and made a shot at a couple of Ducks, some six score paces off, and killed one, at which he wondered: so we returned forthwith, and dressed it, making more broth therewith, which he much desired; neuer did I see a man so low brought, recouer in that measure in so short a time. The Fowle being extra­ordinary fat, I told Hobbamock I must take off the top thereof, saying it would make him very sicke againe if he did eat it; this hee acquainted Massassowat therewith, who would not be perswaded to it, though I pressed it very much, shewing the strength thereof, and the weak­nesse of his stomacke, which could not possibly beare it. Notwithstanding he made a grosse meale of it, and ate as much as would well haue satisfied a man in health. About [Page 31] an houre after he began to be very sicke, and straining very much, cast vp the broth againe, and in ouer-straining him­selfe, began to bleed at the nose, and so continued the space of foure houres; then they all wished he had beene ruled, concluding now he would die, which we much feared also. They asked me what I thought of him; I answered, his case was desperate, yet it might be it would saue his life: for if it ceased in time, he would forthwith sleepe and take rest, which was the principall thing he wanted. Not long after his bloud staied, and he slept at least six or eight houres; when he awaked I washed his face, and bathed and suppled his beard and nose with a linnen cloth: but on a sudden he chopt his nose in the water, and drew vp some therein, and sent it forth againe with such violence, as he began to bleed afresh, then they thought there was no hope, but we percei­ued it was but the tendernesse of his nostrill, and therefore told them I thought it would stay presently, as indeed it d [...]d.

The messengers were now returned, but finding his sto­macke come to him, he would not haue the chickens killed, but kept them for breed. Neither durst wee giue him any physicke which was then sent, because his body was so much altered since our instructions, neither saw we any need, not doubting now of his recouery, if he were carefull. Many whilest we were there came to see him, some by their report from a place not lesse than an hundred miles. To all that came one of his chiefe men related the manner of his sick­nesse, how neere hee was spent, how amongst others his friends the English came to see him, and how suddenly they recouered him to this strength they saw, he being now able to sit vpright of himselfe.

The day before our comming, another Sachim being there, told him, that now he might see how hollow-hearted the English were, saying if we had beene such friends in deed, as we were in shew, we would haue visited him in this his sicknesse, vsing many arguments to withdraw his affections, and to perswade him to giue way to some things against vs, which were motioned to him not long before: but vpon [Page 32] this his recouery, he brake forth into these speeches; Now I see the English are my friends and loue me, and whilest I liue I will neuer forget this kindnesse they haue shewed mee. Whilest we were there, our entertainment exceeded all other strangers. Diuers other things were worthy the noting, but I feare I haue beene too tedious.

At our cōming away, he called Hobbamock to him, & pri­uately (none hearing saue two or three other of his Pneeses, who are of his Councell) reuealed the plot of the Massa­cheuseucks before spoken of, against Master Westons Colony, and so against vs, saying that the people of Nauset, Paomet, Succonet Mattachiest, Manomet Agowaywam, and the Ile of Capawack, were ioyned with them; himselfe also in his sicknesse was earnestly sollicited, but he would neither ioyne therein, nor giue way to any of his. Therefore as we respe­cted the liues of our Countrymen, and our owne after-safety, he aduised vs to kill the men of Massachuset, who were the authors of this intended mischiefe. And whereas wee were wont to say, we would not strike a stroke till th [...] first be­gun; if said he vpon this intelligence, they make that an­swer, tell them, when their Countrymen at Wichaguscusset are killed, they being not able to defend themselues, that then it will be too late to recouer their liues, nay through the multitude of aduersaries they shall with great difficulty pre­serue their owne, and therefore he counselled without delay to take away the principals, and then the plot would cease. With this he charged him thorowly to acquaint me by the way, that I might informe the Gouernour thereof at my first comming home. Being fitted for our returne, we tooke our leaue of him, who returned many thanks to our Gouernour, and also to our selues for our labour and loue: the like did all that were about him. So we departed.

That night thorow the earnest request of Cōbatant, who til now remained at Sawaams or Puckanukick, we lodged with him at Mattapuyst. By the way I had much conference with him; so likewise at his house, he being a notable politician, yet ful of merry iests & squibs, & neuer better pleased than when [Page 33] the like are returned againe vpon him. Amongst other things he asked me, If in case he were thus dangerously sicke, as Massassowat had beene, and should send word thereof to Patuxit for Maskiet, that is, Physicke, whether then M ^r Governor would send it? & if he would, whether I would come therewith to him? To both which I answe­red yea, whereat he gaue me many ioyfull thankes. After that, being at his house he demanded further, how wee durst being but two come so farre into the Country? I answered, where was true loue there was no feare, and my heart was so vpright towards them that for mine owne part I was feareles to come amongst them. But, said he, if your loue be such, and it bring forth such fruits, how commeth it to passe, that when wee come to Patuxet, you stand vpon your guard, with the mouths of your Peeces presented towards vs? Whereunto I answered, it was the most honourable and respectiue entertainement we could giue them; it being an order amongst vs so to receiue our best respected friends: and as it was vsed on the Land, so the ships obserued it also at Sea, which Hobbamock knew, and had seene obserued. But shaking the head he answe­red, that he liked not such salutations.

Further, obseruing vs to craue a blessing on our meate before we did eate, and after to giue thankes for the same, he asked vs what was the meaning of that ordinary cu­stome? Hereupon I tooke occasion to tell them of Gods workes of Creation, and Preseruation, of his Lawes and Ordinances, especially of the ten Commandements, all which they hearkened vnto with great attention, and liked well of: onely the seventh Commandement they excep­ted against, thinking there were many inconueniences in it, that a man should be tyed to one woman: about which we reasoned a good time. Also I told them that whatsoe­uer good things wee had, wee receiued from God, as the Author and giuer thereof, and therefore craued his bles­sing vpon that we had, and were about to eate, that it might nourish and strengthen our bodies, and hauing eaten suf­ficient, [Page 34] being satisfied therewith, wee againe returned thankes to the same our God for that our refreshing, &c. This all of them concluded to be very well, and said, they beleeued almost all the same things, and that the same power that wee called God, they called Kietitan. Much profitable cōference was occasioned hereby, which would be too tedious to relate, yet was no lesse delightfull to them, then comfortable to vs. Here wee remained onely that night, but neuer had better entertainement amongst any of them.

The day following, in our iourney, Hobbamock told me of the private conference he had with Massassowat, and how he charged him perfectly to acquaint me therewith (as I shewed before) which hauing done, he vsed many arguments himselfe to moue vs thereunto; That night we lodged at Namasket, and the day following about the mid-way betweene it and home, wee met two Indians, who told vs that Captaine Standish was that day gone to the Massachusets: but contrary windes againe driue him backe, so that we found him at home; where the Indian of Pa [...]met still was, being very importunate that the Captaine should take the first opportunitie of a faire wind to goe with him, but their secret and villanous purposes being through Gods mercy now made knowne, the Gouernour caused Captaine Standish to send him away without any distast or manifestation of anger, that wee might the better effect and bring to passe that which should be thought most necessary.

Before this iourney we heard many complaints both by the Indians and some others of best desert amongst Master Westons Colony, how exceedingly their Company abased themselues by vndirect meanes, to get victualls from the Indians, who dwelt not farre from them, fetching them wood and water, &c. and all for a meales meate, whereas in the meane time, they might with diligence haue gotten enough to haue serued them three or foure times. Other by night brake the earth, and robbed the Indians store, [Page 35] for which they had beene publiquely stocked and whipt, and yet was there small amendment. This was about the end of February, at which time they had spent all their bread and corne, not leauing any for seed, neither would the Indians lend or sell them any more vpon any termes. Hereupon they had thoughts to take it by violence, and to that spiked vp euery entrance into their Towne (being well impaled) saue one, with a full resolution to proceed. But some more honestly minded, advised Iohn Sanders their Over-seer first to write to Plimoth, and if the Gouer­nour advised him thereunto, he might the better doe it. This course was well liked, and an Indian was sent with all speede with a letter to our Gouernour, the contents wher­of were to this effect; That being in great want, and their people daily falling downe, he intended to goe to Mun­higgen, where was a Plantation of Sir Ferdi: Gorges, to buy bread from the Ships that came thither a fishing, with the first opportunitie of wind; but knew not how the Colony would be preserued till his returne: he had vsed all meanes both to buy and borrow of Indians whom hee knew to be stored, and he thought maliciously with held it, and therefore was resolued to take it by violence, and onely waited the returne of the Messenger, which he desi­red should be hastned, crauing his advice therein, pro­mising also to make restitution afterward. The Gouernour vpon the receipt hereof, asked the Messenger what store of corne they had, as if he had intended to buy of them; who answered very little more then that they reserued for seed, hauing alreadie spared all they could. Forth-with the Gouernour and his Assistant sent for many of vs to advise with them herein, who after serious consideration, no way approuing of this intended course, the Gouernour answe­red his Letter, and caused many of vs to set our handes thereto, the contents whereof were to this purpose; Wee altogether disliked their intendment, as being against the law of God and Nature, shewing how it would crosse the worthy ends and proceedings of the Kings Maiestie, and [Page 36] his honourable Councell for this place, both in respect of the peaceable enlarging of his Maiesties Dominions, and also of the propagation of the knowledge and Law of God, and the glad tydings of saluation, which we and they were bound to seeke, and were not to vse such meanes as would breed a distast in the Salvages against our persons and professions, assuring them their Master would incurre much blame hereby, neither could they answere the same; For our owne parts our case was almost the same with theirs, hauing but a small quantitie of Corne left, and were enforced to liue on ground nuts, clams, mussels, and such other things as naturally the Countrey afforded, and which did and would maintaine strength, and were easie to be gotten, all which things they had in great abun­dance, yea, Oysters also which we wanted, and therefore necessitie could not be said to constraine them thereunto. Moreouer, that they should consider, if they proceeded therein, all they could so get would maintaine them but a small time, and then they must perforce seeke their foode abroad, which hauing made the Indians their enemies, would be very difficult for them, and therefore much bet­ter to beginne a little the sooner, and so continue their peace, vpon which course they might with good consci­ence desire and expect the blessing of God, whereas on the contrary they could not.

Also that they should consider their owne weakenesse, being most swelled, and diseased in their bodies, and therefore the more vnlikely to make their partie good a­gainst them, and that they should not expect helpe from vs in that or any the like vnlawfull actions. Lastly, that howsoeuer some of them might escape, yet the principall Agents should expect no better then the Galhouse, when­soeuer any speciall Officer should be sent ouer by his Ma­iestie, or his Councell for New England, which wee expec­ted, and who would vndoubtedly call them to account for the same. These were the contents of our Answere, which was directed to their whole Colony. Another particular [Page 37] Letter our Governour sent to Iohn Sanders, shewing how dangerous it would be for him aboue all others, being he was their leader and commander; and therefore in friend­ly manner advised him to desist.

With these Letters we dispatched the Messenger; Vpon the receipt whereof they altered their determination, re­soluing to shift as they could, till the returne of Iohn San­ders from Munhiggen, who first comming to Plimoth, notwithstanding our owne necessities, the Gouernour spa­red him some Corne to carry them to Munhiggen. But not hauing sufficient for the Ships store, he tooke a Shallop and leauing others with instructions to over see things till his returne, set forward about the end of February, so that he knew not of this conspiracie of the Indians be­fore his going; neither was it knowne to any of vs till our returne from Sawaams or Puckanakick: At which time also another Sachim called Wassapinewat, brother to Obtakiest the Sachim of the Massachusets, who had formerly smarted for partaking with Coubatant, and fearing the like againe, to purge himselfe revealed the same thing.

The three and twentith of March being now come, which is a yeerely Court-day, the Governour having a double testimony, and many circumstances agreeing with the truth thereof, not being to vndertake warre without the consent of the bodie of the Company; made known the same in publique Court, offering it to the considera­tion of the Companie, it being high time to come to resolution, how sudden soever it seemed to them, fearing it would bee put in execution before we could giue any in­telligence thereof. This businesse was no lesse trouble­some then grievous, and the more, because it is so ordina­rie in these times for men to measure things by the events thereof: but especially for that wee knew no meanes to deliuer our Countrimen and preserue our selues, then by returning their malicious and cruell purposes vpon their owne heads, and causing them to fall into the same pitte [Page 38] they had digged for others, though it much grieued vs to shed the blood of those whose good wee euer intended and aymed at, as a principall in all our proceedings. But in the end we came to this publique conclusion, that be­cause it was a matter of such weight as euery man was not of sufficiency to iudge, nor fitnesse to know because of many other Indians which dayly as occasion serueth con­uerse with vs; therefore the Governour, his Assistant, and the Captaine, should take such to thēselues as they thought most meete, and conclude thereof; which done we came to this conclusion, That Captaine Standish should take so many men as he thought sufficient to make his party good against all the Indians in the Massachuset-bay; and because (as all men know that haue had to doe in that kinde) it is impossible to deale with them vpon open defiance, but to take them in such trappes as they lay for others; therefore hee should pretend trade as at other times: but first goe to the English and acquaint them with the plot, and the end of his owne comming, that comparing it with their carriages towards them hee might the better iudge of the certainty of it, and more fitly take opportunity to revenge the same: but should forbeare if it were possible till such time as hee could make sure Wituwamat, that bloody and bold villaine before spoken of, whose heade hee had order to bring with him, that hee might be a warning and ter­rour to all of that disposition. Vpon this Captaine Stan­dish made choyce of eight men, and would not take more because hee would prevent iealousie, knowing their guil­ty consciences would soone be prouoked thereunto: but on the next day before hee could goe, came one of M ^r. Westons Company by land vnto vs, with his packe at his backe, who made a pitifull narration of their lamentable and weake estate, and of the Indians carriages, whose bold­nesse increased abundantly, insomuch as the victuals they got they would take it out of their pottes and eate before their faces, yea if in any thing they gaine-sayd them, they were ready to hold a knife at their breasts; that to giue [Page 39] them content, since Iohn Sanders went to Munhiggen, they had hanged one of them that stole their corne, and yet they regarded it not; that another of their Company was turned Saluage, that their people had most forsaken the towne, and made their randeuous where they got their victuals, because they would not take paines to bring it home; that they had sold their cloathes for corne, and were ready to starue both with cold and hunger also, be­cause they could not indure to get victuals by reason of their nakednesse; and that they were dispersed into three Companies scarce hauing any powder and shot left. What would be the event of these things (he said) he much fea­red; and therefore not daring to stay any longer among them, though hee knew not the way yet aduentured to come to vs, partly to make knowne their weake and dan­gerous estate, as hee conceiued, and partly to desire hee might there remaine till things were better settled at the other plantation. As this relation was grievout to vs, so it gaue vs good encouragement to proceede in our intend­ments, for which Captaine Standish was now fitted, and the winde comming faire, the next day set forth for the Massachusets.

The Indians at the Massachusets missed this man, and suspecting his comming, to vs as we conceiue, sent one af­ter him and gaue out there that hee would never come to Patuxet, but that some Wolues or Beares would eate him: but we know both by our owne experience, and the report of others, that though they finde a man sleeping, yet so soone as there is life discerned they feare and shun him. This Indian missed him but very little, and missing him passed by the towne and went to Manomet, whom wee hoped to take at his return, as afterward we did. Now was our Fort made fit for seruice and some Ordnance moun­ted; and though it may seeme long worke it being ten moneths since it begun, yet wee must note, that where so great a work is begun with such small meanes, a little time cannot bring to perfection: beside those workes which [Page 40] tend to the preservation of man, the enemie of mankinde will hinder what in him lieth, sometimes blinding the iudgement and causing reasonable men to reason against their owne safety, as amongst vs diuerse seeing the worke proue tedious, would haue disswaded from proceeding, flattering themselues with peace and security, and accoun­ting it rather a worke of superfluity and vaine-glory, then simple necessity. But God (whose providence hath waked and as I may say, watched for vs whilst wee slept) having determined to preserue vs from these intended treacheries, vndoubtedly ordained this as a speciall meanes to advan­tage vs and discourage our adversaries, and therefore so stirred vp the hearts of the Governours and other forward instruments, as the work was iust made serviceable against this needfull and dangerous time, though wee ignorant of the same. But that I may proceed, the Indian last men­tioned in his returne from Monomet, came through the towne pretending still friendship and in loue to see vs, but as formerly others, so his end was to see whether wee con­tinued still in health and strength, or fell into weakenesse like their neighbours, which they hoped and looked for (though God in mercy provided better for vs) and hee knew would be glad tydings to his Countrey men. But here the Governour stayd him, and sending for him to the Fort, there gaue the Guard charge of him as their prisoner, where hee told him hee must be contented to remaine till the returne of Captaine Standish from the Massachusets, so hee was locked in a chaine to a staple in the Court of guard, and there kept. Thus was our Fort hanselled, this being the first day as I take it, that euer any watch was there kept.

The Captaine being now come to the Massachusets, went first to the ship, but found neither man, or so much as a dogge therein: vpon the discharge of a Musket the Master and some others of the plantation shewed them­selues, who were on the shore gathering ground-nuts, and getting other foode. After salutation Captaine Standish [Page 41] asked them how they durst so leaue the ship and liue in such security, who answered like men senslesse of their owne misery, they feared not the Indians, but liued and suffered them to lodge with them, not having sword, or gunne, or needing the same. To which the Captaine an­swered, if there were no cause hee was the gladder, but vpon further inquirie, vnderstanding that those in whom Iohn Sanders had receiued most special confidence and left in his stead to governe the rest were at the Plantation, thi­ther hee went, and to be briefe, made knowne the Indians purpose and the end of his owne comming, as also (which formerly I omitted) that if afterward they durst not there stay, it was the intendment of the Gouernours and people of Plimouth there to receiue them till they could be bet­ter prouided: but if they conceiued of any other course that might bee more likely for their good, that him­selfe should further them therein to the vttermost of his power. These men comparing other circumstances with that they now heard, answered, they could expect no bet­ter, and it was Gods mercy that they were not killed be­fore his comming, desiring therefore that hee would neg­lect no opportunitie to proceede: Hereupon hee advised them to secrecy, yet withall to send speciall command to one third of their Company that were farthest off to come home, and there enioyne them on paine of death to keepe the towne, himselfe allowing them a pint of Indian corne to a man for a day (though that store hee had was spared out of our seed.) The weather prouing very wet and stor­my, it was the longer before hee could doe any thing.

In the meane time an Indian came to him and brought some furres, but rather to gather what hee could from the Captaines, then comming then for trade; and though the Captaine carryed things as smoothly as possibly he could, yet at his returne hee reported hee saw by his eyes that hee was angry in his heart, and therefore beganne to suspect themselues discouered. This caused one Pecksuot who was a Pinese, being a man of a notable spirit to come to [Page 42] Hobbamock who was then with them, and told him hee vnderstood that the Captaine was come to kill himselfe and the rest of the Saluages there, tell him sayd hoe wee know it, but feare him not, neither will wee shunne him; but let him beginne when hee dare, he shall not take vs at vnawares: many times after diuerse of them seuerally, or few together, came to the Plantation to him, where they would whet and sharpen the points of their kniues before his face, and vse many other insulting gestures and speeches. Amongst the rest, Witawamat bragged of the excellency of his knife, on the end of the handle there was pictured a womens face, but sayd hee, I haue another at home wherewith I haue killed both French and English, and that hath a mans face on it, and by and by these two must marry: Further hee sayd of that knife hee there had; Hinnaim n [...]men, hinnaim michon, matta cuts: that is to say, By and by it should see, and by and by it should eate, but not speake. Also Pecksuot being a man of greater stature then the Captaine, told him though hee were a great Captaine, yet hee was but a little man: and sayd he, though I be no Sachim, yet I am a man of great strength and courage. These things the Captaine obser­ued, yet bare with patience for the present. On the next day, seeing hee could not get many of them together at once, and this Pecksuot and Wituwamat both together, with another man, and a youth of some eighteene yeeres of age, which was brother to Wituwamat, and vil­laine-like trode in his steps, dayly putting many tricks vp­pon the weaker sort of men, and hauing about as many of his owne Company in a roome with them, gaue the word to his men, and the doore being fast shut began himselfe with Pecksuot, and snatching his owne knife from his neck though with much struggling killed him therewith, the point whereof hee had made as sharpe as a needle, and ground the backe also to an edge: Wituwamat and the o­ther man, the rest killed, and tooke the youth, whom the Cap. caused to be hanged; but it is incredible how many [Page 43] wounds these two Puceses receiued before they dyed, not making any fearfull noyse, but catching at their weapons and striving to the last. Hobbamocke stood by all this time as a spectator and meddled not, observing how our men demeaned themselues in this action; all being here ended, smiling hee brake forth into these speeches to the Captain, Yester-day Pecksuot bragging of his owne strength and stature, sayd, though you were a great Captaine yet you were but a little man; but to day I see you are big enough to lay him on the ground. But to proceed, there being som women at the same time, Captaine Standish left them in the custody of M ^r. Westons people at the towne, and sent word to another Company that had intelligence of things to kill those Indian men that were amongst them, these killed two more: himselfe also with some of his owne men went to another place, where they killed another, and through the negligence of one man an Indian escaped, who discouered and crossed their proceedings.

Not long before this execution, three of M ^r. Westons men which more regarded their bellies then any com­mand or Commander, hauing formerly fared well with the Indians for making them Clanoes, went againe to the Sachim to offer their seruice, and had entertainement. The first night they came thither within night late came a Messenger with all speed, and deliuered a sad and short message: Whereupon all the men gathered together, put on their bootes and breeches, trussed vp themselues, and tooke their bowes and arrowes and went forth, telling them they went a hunting, and that at their returne they should haue venison enough. Being now gone, one be­ing more ancient and wise then the rest, calling former things to minde, especially the Captaines presence, and the strait charge that on paine of death none should go a Mus­ket-shot from the plantation, and comparing this sudden departure of theirs there with, began to dislike and wish himselfe at home againe, which was further of then di­verse other dwelt: Hereupon hee moued his fellowes to [Page 44] returne but could not perswade them: so there being none but women left and the other that was turned sal­uage, about midnight came away, forsaking the pathes lest hee should be pursued, and by this meanes saved his life.

Captaine Standish tooke the one halfe of his men, and one or two of M ^r. Westons, and Hobbamocke, still see­king to make spoyle of them and theirs. At length they es­pyed a file of Indians which made towards them amaine, and there being a small aduantage in the ground by reason of a hill neere them, both Companies stroue for it, Captaine Standish got it, whereupon they retreated and tooke each man his tree, letting flie their arrowes amayne, especially at himselfe and Hobbamocke, where­upon Hobbamocke cast off his coate, and being a knowne Pinese, (theirs being now killed) chased them so fast as our people were not able to hold way with him, in­somuch as our men could haue but one certaine marke and then but the arme and halfe face of a notable villaine as hee drew at Captaine Standish, who together with a­nother both discharged at once at him, and brake his arme; whereupon they fled into a swampe, when they were in the thicket they parlyed, but to small purpose, getting nothing but foule language. So our Captaine dared the Sachim to come out and fight like a man, shew­ing how base and woman like hee was in tonguing it as hee did: but hee refused and fled. So the captaine retur­ned to the Plantation, where hee released the women and would not take their beaver coates from them, nor suffer the least discourtesie to bee offered them. Now were M ^r. Westons people resolued to leaue their Plantation and goe for Munhiggen, hoping to get passage and returne with the fishing ships. The Captaine told them, that for his owne part hee durst there liue with fewer men then they were, yet since they were otherwayes minded, according to his order from the Gouernours and people of Plimouth he would helpe them with corne competent for their pro­uision [Page 45] by the way, which hee did, scarce leaving himselfe more then brought them home. Some of them disliked the choyce of the body to goe to Munhiggen, and therfore desiring to goe with him to Plimouth, he tooke them into the shallop: and seeing them set sayle and cleere of the Massachuset bay, he tooke leaue and returned to Plimouth, whither hee came in safety (blessed be God) and brought the head of Wituwamat with him.

Amongst the rest there was an Indian youth that was ever of a courteous and louing disposition towards vs, hee notwithstanding the death of his Countrimen came to the Captaine without feare, saying his good consci­ence and loue towardes vs imboldened him so to doe. This youth confessed that the Indians intended to kill M ^r. Westons people, and not to delay any longer then till they had two more Canoes or Boats, which M ^r. Westons men would haue finished by this time (hauing made them three already) had not the Captaine preuented them, and the end of stay for those Boats, was to take their Ship therewith.

Now was the Captaine returned and receiued with joy, the head being brought to the fort and there set vp, the Governours and Captaines with divers others went vp the same further, to examine the prisoner, who looked pitti­ously on the head, being asked whether he knew it, he an­swered, yea: Then he confessed the plot, and that all the people provoked Obtakiest their Sachim thereunto, being drawne to it by their importunitie: Fiue there were (he sayd) that prosecuted it with more eagernes then the rest, the two principall were killed, being Pecksuot and Witu­wamat, whose head was there, the other three were Powahs, being yet liuing, and knowne vnto vs, though one of them was wounded, as aforesaid. For himselfe he would not ac­knowledge that he had any hand therein, begging earnest­ly for his life, saying he was not a Massachuset man, but as a stranger liued with them. Hobbamock also gaue a good report of him, and besought for him, but was bribed so [Page 46] to doe: Neuerthelesse, that we might shew mercy as well as extremitie, the Governour released him, and the rather be­cause we desired he might carry a message to Obtak [...]est his Master. No sooner were the yrons from his legs, but he would haue beene gone, but the Governour bid him stay and feare not, for he should receiue no hurt, and by Hobba­mock commanded him to deliuer this message to his Ma­ster; That for our parts, it neuer entred into our hearts to take such a course with them, till their owne trecherie en­forced vs therevnto, and therefore might thanke them­selues for their owne ouer-throw, yet since he had begun, if againe by any the like courses he did provoke him, his Countrey should not hold him, for he would neuer suf­fer him or his to rest in peace, till he had vtterly consumed them, and therefore should take this as a warning. Further, that he should send to Patuxet the three Englishmen he had and not kill them; also that he should not spoyle the pale and houses at Wichaguscusset, and that this Messenger should either bring the English, or an answere, or both, promising his safe returne.

This message was deliuered, and the partie would haue returned with answere, but was at first disswaded by them, whom afterward they would but could not perswade to come to vs. At length (though long) a Woman came and told vs that Obtakiest was sorry that the English were killed before he heard from the Governour, otherwise he would haue sent them. Also shee said, he would faine make his peace againe with vs, but none of his men durst come to treate about it, hauing forsaken his dwelling, and daily re­moued from place to place, expecting when wee would take further vengeance on him.

Concerning those other people that intended to joyne with the Massachuseucks against vs, though we neuer went against any of them, yet this suddaine and vnexpected exe­cution, together with the iust iudgement of God vpon their guiltie consciences, hath so terrified and amazed them, as in like manner they forsooke their houses, running [Page 47] so and fro like men distracted, liuing in swamps and other desert places, and so brought manifold diseases amongst themselues, whereof uery many are dead, as Canacum the Sachim of Manomet, Aspinet, the Sachim of Nausat, and Ianowh, Sachim of Mattachurst. This Sachim in his life, in the middest of these distractions, said the God of the Eng­lish was offended with them, and would destroy them in his anger, and certainly it is strange to heare how many of late haue, and still daily die amongst them, neither is there any likelihood it will easily cease, because through feare they set little or no Corne, which is the staffe of life, and without which they cannot long preserue health and strength. From one of these places a boate was sent with presents to the Gouernour, hoping thereby to worke their peace, but the boate was cast away, and three of the per­sons drowned, not farre from our plantation, onely one escaped, who durst not come to vs, but returned, so as none of them dare come amongst vs.

I feare I haue beene too tedious both in this and other things, yet when I considered how necessary a thing it is that the truth and grounds of this action, especially should be made knowne, and the seuerall dispositions of that dis­solued Colony, whose reports vndoubtedly will be as va­rious, I could not but enlarge my selfe where I thought to be most briefe; neither durst I be too briefe, least I should eclipse and rob God of that honour, glory, and prayse, which belongeth to him for preseruing vs from falling when we were at the pits brim, and yet feared nor knew not that we were in danger.

The moneth of Aprill being now come, Anno 1623. on all handes we beganne to prepare for Corne. And because there was no Corne left before this time, saue that was preserued for seed, being also hopelesse of reliefe by supply, we thought best to leaue off all other works, and prosecute that as most necessary. And because there was no small hope of doing good in that common course of labour that formerly wee were in, for that the Governours that followed men to their [Page 48] labours, had nothing to giue men for their necessities, and therefore could not [...] well exercise that command over them therein as formerly they had done▪ especially consi­dering that selfe loue wherewith euery man (in a measure more or lesse) loueth and preferreth his owne good before his neighbours, and also the base disposition of some drones, that as at other times so now especially would be most burdenous to the rest; It was therefore thought best that euery man should vse the best diligence he could for his owne preseruation, both in respect of the time present, and to prepare his owne Corne for the yeare following: and bring in a competent portion for the maintenance of publique Officers, Fishermen, &c. which could not be freed from their calling without greater inconueniences. This course was to continue till harvest, and then the Go­uernours to gather in the appointed portion, for the main­tenance of themselues and such others as necessitie con­strayned to exempt from this condition. Onely if occasion served vpon any speciall service they might employ such as they thought most fit to execute the same, during this appointed time, and at the end thereof all men to be em­ployed by them in such seruice as they thought most ne­cessary for the generall good. And because there is great differēce in the ground, that therfore a set quantitie should be set downe for a person, and each man to haue his fall by lot, as being most iust and equall, and against which no man could except.

At a generall meeting of the Company, many courses were propounded, but this approued and followed, as be­ing the most likely for the present and future good of the Company; and therefore before this moneth began to prepare our ground against seed time. In the middest of Aprill we began to set, the weather being then seasonable, which much incouraged vs, giuing vs good hopes of after plentie: the setting season is good till the latter end of May. But it pleased God for our further chastisement, to send a great drowth, insomuch, as in sixe weekes after the [Page 49] latter setting there scarce fell any rayne, so that the stalke of that was first set began to send forth the eare before it came to halfe growth, and that which was later, not like to yeeld any at all, both blade and stalke hanging the head, and changing the colour in such manner, as wee iudged it vtterly dead: our Beanes also ran not vp according to their wonted manner, but stood at a stay, many being par­ched away, as though they had beene scorched before the fire. Now were our hopes overthrowne, and we discou­raged, our joy being turned into mourning.

To adde also to this sorrowfull estate in which we were, we heard of a supply that was sent vnto vs many moneths since, which hauing two repulses before, was a third time in company of another ship three hundred Leagues at Sea, and now in three moneths time heard no further of her, onely the signes of a wrack were seene on the coast, which could not be iudged to be any other then the same. So that at once God seemed to depriue vs of all future hopes. The most couragious were now discouraged, because God which hitherto had beene our onely Shield and Suppor­ter, now seemed in his anger to arme himselfe against vs; and who can withstand the fiercenesse of his wrath.

These, and the like considerations moued not onely e­uery good man privately to enter into examination with his owne estate betweene God and his conscience, and so to humiliation before him: but also more solemnly to humble our selues together before the Lord by fasting and prayer. To that end a day was appoynted by publique authoritie, and set a-part from all other imployments, ho­ping that the same God which had stirred vs vp hereunto, would be moued hereby in mercy to looke downe vpon vs, & grant the request of our deiected soules, if our conti­nuance there might any way stand with his glory and our good. But oh the mercy of our God! Who was as readie to heare as wee to aske: For though in the morning when we assembled together, the heavens were as cleare and the drought as like to continue as euer it was: yet (our exer­cise [Page 50] continuing some eight or nine houres) before our departure the weather was over-cast, the clouds gathered together on all sides, and on the next morning distilled such soft, sweet, and moderate showers of rayne, continu­ing some foureteene dayes, and mixed with such reasona­ble weather, as it was hard to say whether our withered Corne, or drouping affections were most quickned or revived. Such was the bountie and goodnes of our God. Of this the Indians by meanes of Hobbam [...]ck tooke notice: who being then in the Towne, and this exercise in the midst of the weeke, laid, it was but three dayes since Sun­day, and therefore demanded of a boy what was the rea­son thereof? Which when he knew and saw what effects followed thereupon, he and all of them admired the good­nesse of our God towardes vs, that wrought so great a change in so short a time, shewing the difference betweene their coniuration, and our invocation on the name of God for rayne; theirs being mixed with such stormes and tem­pests, as sometimes in stead of doing them good, it layeth the Corne flat on the ground, to their preiudice: but ours in so gentle and seasonable a manner, as they neuer obser­ved the like.

At the same time Captaine Standish being formerly im­ployed by the Governour to buy provisions for the re­freshing of the Colony, returned with the same, accompa­nied with one M ^r David Tomson, a Scotchman, who also that Spring began a Plantation twentie fiue leagues north-east from vs, nere Smiths Iles, at a place called Pascatoquack, where he liketh well. Now also heard we of the third re­pul [...]e that our supply had▪ of their safe though dangerous returne into England, and of their preparation to come to vs. So that hauing these many signes of Gods fauour and acceptation, we thought it would be great ingratitude, if secretly we should smoother vp the same, or content our selues with private thanksgiuing for that which by private prayer could not be obtained. And therefore another so­lemne day was set a part and appoynted for that end, [Page 51] wherein we returned glory, honour, and prayse, with all thankefulnes to our good God, which dealt so graciously with vs, whose name for these and all other his mercies towardes his Church and chosen ones, by them be blessed and praysed now and euermore▪ Amen.

In the latter end of Iuly and the beginning of August, came two Ships with supply vnto vs, who brought all their passengers, except one, in health, who recouered in short time, who also notwithstanding, all our wants and hardship (blessed be God) found not any one sicke per­son amongst vs at the Plantation. The bigger Ship called the Anne was hired, and there againe fraighted backe, from whence we set saile the tenth of September. The lesser called the little Iames, was built for the company at their charge. Shee was now also fitted for Trade and dis­covery to the South-ward of Cape Cod, and almost readie to set saile, whom I pray God to blesse in her good and lawfull proceedings▪

Thus haue I made a true and full Narration of the state of our Plantation, and such things as were most remarkea­ble therein since Decemb. 1621. If I haue omitted any thing, it is either through weakenesse of memory, or be­cause I judged it not materiall: I confesse my stile rude, and vnskilfulnesse in the taske I vndertooke, being vrged thereunto by opportunitie, which I knew to be wanting in others, and but for which I would not haue vndertaken the same; yet as it is rude so it is plaine, and therefore the easier to be vnderstood; wherein others may see that which wee are bound to acknowledge, viz. That if euer any peo­ple in these later ages were vpheld by the providence of God after a more speciall manner then others, then wee: and therefore are the more bound to celebrate the memo­ry of his goodnesse, with euerlasting thankefulnes. For in these forenamed strayts, such was our state, as in the mor­ning we had often our foode to seeke for the day, and yet performed the duties of our Callings, I meane other daily labours, to provide for after time: and though at some [Page 52] times in some seasons at noone I haue seene men stagger by reason of faintnesse for want of foode, yet ere night by the good providence and blessing of God, wee haue en­ioyed such plentie as though the windowes of heauen had beene opened vnto vs. How few, weake, and raw were we at our first beginning, and there setling, and in the middest of barbarous enemies? yet God wrought our peace for vs. How often haue wee beene at the pits brim, and in danger to be swallowed vp, yea, not knowing, till afterward that we were in perill? and yet God preserved vs: yea, and from how many that we yet know not of, he that knoweth all things can best tell: So that when I seriously consider of things, I cannot but thinke that God hath a purpose to giue that Land as an inheritance to our Nation, and great pittie it were that it should long lie in so desolate a state, considering it agreeth so well with the constitution of our bodies, being both fertile, and so temperate for heate and cold, as in that respect one can scarce distinguish New-England from Old.

A few things I thought meet to adde hereunto, which I haue obserued amongst the Indians, both touching their Religion, and sundry other Customes amongst them. And first, whereas my selfe and others, in former Let­ters (which came to the Presse against my will and know­ledge) wrote, that the Indians about vs are a people with­out any Religion, or knowledge of any God, therein I er­red, though we could then gather no better: For as they conceiue of many divine powers, The meaning of the word, Kichtan, I thinke hath reference to Antiquitie, for Chise is an old man, and Ku [...]chise, a man that exceedeth [...]n age. so of one whom they call Kichtan, to be the principall and maker of all the rest, and to be made by none: He (they say) created the hea­vens, earth, sea, and all creatures contained therein. Also that he made one man and one woman, of whom they and wee and all mankinde came: but how they became so farre dispersed that know they not. At first they say, there was no Sachim, or King, but Kichtan, who dwelleth a­boue in the Heavens, whither all good men goe when [Page 53] they die, to see their friends, and haue their fill of all things: This his habitation lyeth farre West-ward in the heauens, they say; thither the bad men goe also, and knocke at his doore, but he bids them Quatchet, that is to say, Walke abroad, for there is no place for such; so that they wander in restles want and penury: Neuer man saw this Kichtan; onely old men tell them of him, and bid them tell their children, yea, to charge them to teach their posterities the same, and lay the like charge vpon them. This power they acknowledge to be good, and when they would obtaine any great matter, meete toge­ther, and cry vnto him, and so likewise for plentie, vic­torie, &c. sing, daunce, feast, giue thankes, and hang vp Garlandes and other thinges in memorie of the same.

Another power they worship, whom they call Hob­bamock, and to the Norward of vs Hobbamoqui; this as farre as wee can conceiue is the Deuill, him they call vp­on to cure their wounds and diseases. When they are cu­rable, he perswades them he sends the same for some conceived anger against them, but vpon their calling vp­on him can and doth helpe them: But when they are mortall, and not curable in nature, then he perswades them Kichtan is angry and sends them, whom none can cure: in so much, as in that respect onely they somewhat doubt whether hee be simply good, and therefore in sicknesse neuer call vpon him.

This Hobbamock appeares in sundry formes vnto them, as in the shape of a Man, a Deare, a Fawne, an Eagle, &c. but most ordinarily a Snake: He appeares not to all but the chiefest and most iudicious amongst them, though all of them striue to attaine to that hellish height of ho­nour.

Hee appeareth most ordinary and is most conver­sant with three sorts of people, one I confesse I nei­ther knowe by name nor office directly: Of these they [Page 54] haue few but esteeme highly of them, and thinke that no weapon can kill them: another they call by the name of Powah, and the third Pniese.

The office and duty of the Powah is to bee exercised principally in calling vpon the Divell, and curing disea­ses of the sicke or wounded. The common people ioyne with him in the exercise of invocation, but doe but onely assent, or as wee tearme it, say Amen to that he sayth, yet sometime breake out into a short musicall note with him. The Powah is eager and free in speech, fierce in counte­nance, and ioyneth many anticke and labourious gestures with the same ouer the party diseased. If the party bee wounded hee will also seeme to sucke the wound, but if they bee curable (as they say) hee toucheth it not, but a Skooke, that is the Snake, or Wobsacuck, that is the Ea­gle, sitteth on his shoulder and licks the same. This none see but the Powah, who tels them hee doth it himselfe. If the party be otherwise diseased, it is accounted sufficient if in any shape he but come into the house, taking it for an vndoubted signe of recouery.

And as in former ages Apollo had his temple at Delphos, and Diana at Ephesus; so haue I heard them call vpon some as if they had their residence in some certaine places, or because they appeared in those formes in the same. In the Powahs speech he promiseth to sacrifice many skins of beasts, kettles, hatchets, beades, kniues, and other the best things they haue to the fiend, if hee will come to helpe the party diseased: But whether they performe it I know not. The other practices I haue seene, being necessarily called at some times to be with their sicke, and haue vsed the best arguments I could make them vnderstand against the same: They haue told me I should see the Diuell at those times come to the party, but I assured my selfe and them of the contrary, which so prooved: yea, themselues haue confessed they neuer saw him when any of vs were present. In desperate and extraordinary hard trauell in childe-birth, when the party cannot be deliuered by the [Page 55] ordinary meanes, they send for this Powah, though ordi­narily their travell is not so extreame [...]s in our parts of the world, they being of a more hardy nature; for on the third day after childe-birth I haue seene the mother with the infant vpon a small occasion in cold weather in a boat vpon the Sea.

Many sacrifices the Indians vse, and in some cases kill children. It seemeth they are various in their religious worship in a little distance, and grow more and more cold in their worship to Kichtan: saying in their memory hee was much more called vpon. The Nanohiggansets exceede in their blinde devotion, and haue a great spatious house wherein onely some few (that are as wee may tearme them Priests) come: thither at certaine knowne times resort all their people, and offer almost all the riches they haue to their gods, as kettles, skinnes, hatchets, beads, kniues, &c. all which are cast by the Priests into a great fire that they make in the midst of the house, and there consumed to ashes. To this offering euery man bringeth freely, and the more hee is knowne to bring, hath the better esteeme of all men. This the other Indians about vs approue of as good, and wish then Sachims would appoint the like: and because the plague hath not raigned at Nanohigganset as at other places about them, they attribute to this custome there vsed.

The Prieses are men of great courage and wisedome, and to these also the Diuell appeareth more familiarly then to others and as we conceiue maketh covenant with them to preserve them from death, by wounds, with arrowes, kniues, hatchers, &c. or at least both themselues and es­pecially the people thinke themselues to be freed from the lame. And though against their battels all of them by painting disfigure themselues, yet they are knowne by their courage and boldnes, by reason whereof one of them will chase almost an hundred men, for they account it death for whomsoeuer stand in their way. These are high­ly esteemed of all sorts of people, and are of the Sachims [Page 56] Councell, without whom they will not warre or vnder­take any weighty businesse. In warre their Sachims for their more safety goe in the midst of them. They are com­monly men of the greatest stature & strength, and such as wil endure most hardnesse, and yet are more discreet, cour­teous, and humane in their carryages then any amongst them, scorning theft, lying, and the like base dealings, and stand as much vpon their reputation as any men.

And to the end they may haue store of these, they traine vp the most forward and likeliest boyes from their childe­hood in great hardnesse, and make them abstaine from dainty meate, observing diuers orders prescribed, to the end that when they are of age the Diuell may appeare to them, causing to drinke the iuyce of Sentry and other bit­ter hearbes till they cast, which they must disgorge into the platter, and drinke againe, and againe, till at length through extraordinary oppressing of nature it will seeme to bee all blood, and this the boyes will doe with eagernes at the first, and so continue till by reason of faintnesse they can scarce stand on their legs, and then must goe forth into the cold: also they beate their shinnes with sticks, and cause them to run through bushes, stumps, and brambles, to make them hardy and acceptable to the Diuell, that in time he may appeare vnto them.

Their Sachims cannot bee all called Kings, but onely some few of them, to whom the rest resort for protection, and pay homage vnto them, neither may they warre with­out their knowledge and approbation, yet to be comman­ded by the greater as occasion serueth. Of this sort is Mas­sassowat our friend, and Conanacus of Nanohiggenset our supposed enemy.

Euery Sachim taketh care for the widow and fatherlesse, also for such as are aged, and any way maymed, if their friends be dead or not able to prouide for them.

A Sachim will not take any to wife but such an one as is equall to him in birth, otherwise they say their seede would in time become ignoble, and though they haue [Page 57] many other wiues, yet are they no other then concubines or servants, and yeeld a kinde of obedience to the princi­pall, who ordereth the family, and them in it. The like their men obserue also, and will adhere to the first du­ring their liues; but put away the other at their plea­sure.

This gouernment is successiue and not by choyce. If the father die before the sonne or daughter be of age, then the childe is committed to the protection and tuition of some one amongst them, who ruleth in his stead till he be of age, but when that is I know not.

Euery Sachim knoweth how farre the bounds and li­mits of his owne Countrey extendeth, and that is his owne proper inheritance, out of that if any of his men de­sire land to set their corne, hee giueth them as much as they can vse, and sets them their bounds. In this circuit whosoever hunteth, if they kill any venison, bring him his fee, which is the fore parts of the same, if it be killed on the land, but if in the water, then the skin thereof: The great Sachims or Kings, know their owne bounds or limits of land, as well as the rest.

All trauellers or strangers for the most part lodge at the Sachims, when they come they tell them how long they will stay, and to what place they goe, during which time they receiue entertainement according to their persons, but want not.

Once a yeere the Prieses vse to prouoke the people to bestow much corne on the Sachim. To that end they ap­point a certain time and place neere the Sachims dwelling, where the people bring many baskets of corne, and make a great stack thereof. There the Pnieses stand ready to giue thankes to the people on the Sachims behalfe, and after ac­quainteth the Sachim therewith, who fetcheth the same, and is no lesse thankefull, bestowing many gifts on them.

When any are visited with sicknesse, their friends resort vnto them for their comfort, and continue with them oft­times [Page 58] till their death or recouery. If they die they stay a certain time to mourne for them. Night and morning they performe this dutie many dayes after the buriall in a most dolefull manner, insomuch as though it be ordinary and the note musicall, which they take one from another, and all together, yet it will draw teares from their eyes, & almost from ours also. But if they recouer then because their sick­nesse was chargeable, they send corne and other gifts vnto them at a certaine appointed time, whereat they feast and dance, which they call Commeco.

When they bury the dead they sow vp the corps in a mat and so put it in the earth. If the party bee a Sachim they cover him with many curious mats, and bury all his riches with him, and inclose the graue with a pale. If it bee a childe the father will also put his owne most speciall iewels and ornaments in the earth with it, also will cut his haire and disfigure himselfe very much in token of sorrow. If it be the man or woman of the house, they will pull downe the mattes and leaue the frame standing, and burie them in or neere the same, and either remoue their dwelling or giue ouer house-keeping.

The men imploy themselues wholly in hunting, and other exercises of the bow, except at some times they take some paines in fishing.

The women liue a most slauish life, they carry all their burdens, set and dresse their corne, gather it in, seeke out for much of their food, beare and make ready the corne to eate, and haue all houshold care lying vpon them.

The younger sort reverence the elder, and do all meane offices whilst they are together, although they bee stran­gers. Boyes and girles may not weare their haire like men and women, but are distinguished thereby.

A man is not accounted a man till he doe some notable act, or shew forth such courage and resolution as becom­meth his place. The men take much tobacco, but for boyes so to doe they account it odious.

All their names are significant and variable▪ for when [Page 59] they come to the state of men and women, they alter them according to their deeds or dispositions.

When a maide is taken in marriage she first cutteth her haire, and after weareth a couering on her head till her hayre be growne out. Their women are diuersly disposed, some as modest as they will scarce talke one with ano­ther in the company of men, being very chaste also: yet other some light, lasciuious and wanton.

If a woman haue a bad husband, or cannot affect him, and there be warre or opposition betweene that and any other people, shee will runne away from him to the con­trary party and there liue, where they neuer come vnwel­come: for where are most women, there is greatest plenty.

When a woman hath her monethly termes shee separa­teth her selfe from all other company, and liueth certaine dayes in a house alone: after which she washeth her selfe and all that shee hath touched or vsed, and is againe recei­ued to her husbands bed or family.

For adultery the husband will beate his wife and put her away, if he please. Some common strumpets there are as well as in other places, but they are such as either never marryed, or widowes, or put away for adultery: for no man will keepe such an one to wife.

In matters of vniust and dis-honest dealing the Sachim examineth and punisheth the same. In case of thefts, for the first offence he is disgracefully rebuked, for the second beaten by the Sachim with a cudgell on the naked backe, for the third hee is beaten with many stroakes, and hath his nose slit vpward, that thereby all men may both know and shun him. If any man kill another, hee must likewise die for the same. The Sachim not onely passeth the sentence vpon malefactors, but executeth the same with his owne hands, if the party be then present; if not, sendeth his owne knife in case of death, in the hands of others to per­forme the same. But if the offender bee to receiue other punishment, hee will not receiue the same but from the [Page 60] Sachim himselfe, before whom being naked he kneeleth, and will not offer to run away though hee beate him ne­ver so much, it being a greater disparagement for a man to cry during the time of his correction, then is his offence and punishment.

As for their apparell they weare breeches and stockings in one like some Irish, which is made of Deare skinnes, and haue shooes of the same leather. They weare also a Dears skin loose about them like a cloake, which they will turne to the weather side. In this habit they travell, but when they are at home or come to their iourneys end, presently they pull off their breeches, stockins, and shooes, wring out the water if they bee wet, and dry them, and rub or chafe the same. Though these be off, yet haue they ano­ther small garment that couereth their secrets. The men weare also when they goe abroad in colde wea­ther an Otter or Foxe skin on their right arme, but onely their bracer on the left. Women and all of that sexe weare strings about their legs, which the men neuer doe.

The people are very ingenious and observatiue, they keepe account of time by the moone, and winters or sum­mers; they know diuerse of the starres by name, in parti­cular, they know the North-starre and call it maske, which is to say the beare. Also they haue many names for the windes. They will guesse very well at the winde and wea­ther before hand, by observations in the heauens. They report also, that some of them can cause the winde to blow in what part they list, can raise stormes and tempests which they vsually doe when they intend the death or de­struction of other people, that by reason of the vnseaso­nable weather they may take advantage of their enemies in their houses. At such times they performe their grea­test exployts, and in such seasons when they are at enmity with any, they keepe more carefull watch then at other times.

As for the language it is very copious, large, and diffi­cult, as yet we cannot attaine to any great measure thereof▪ [Page 61] but can vnderstand them, and explaine our selues to their vnderstanding, by the helpe of those that daily converse with vs. And though there be difference in an hundred miles distance of place, both in language and manners, yet not so much but that they very well vnderstand each o­ther. And thus much of their liues and manners.

In stead of Records and Chronicles, they take this course, where any remarkeable act is done, in memorie of it, ei­ther in the place, or by some path-way neere adioyning, they make a round hole in the ground about a foote deepe, and as much over, which when others passing by behold, they enquire the cause and occasion of the same, which being once knowne, they are carefull to acquaint all men, as occasion serueth therewith. And least such holes should be filled, or growne vp by any accident, as men passe by they will oft renew the same: By which meanes many things of great Antiquitie are fresh in memory. So that as a man travelleth, if he can vnderstand his guide, his iour­ney will be the lesse tedious, by reason of the many histo­ricall Discourses will be related vnto him.

In all this it may be said, I haue neither praysed nor dispraysed the Country: and since I liued so long therein, my iudgment thereof will giue no lesse satisfaction to them that know me, then the Relation of our proceedings. To which I answere, that as in one so of the other, I will speake as sparingly as I can, yet will make knowne what I conceiue thereof.

And first for that Continent, on which wee are called New England, although it hath ever beene conceived by the English to be a part of that maine Land adioyning to Virginia, yet by relation of the Indians i [...] should appeare to be otherwise: for they affirme confidently, that it is an I­land, and that either the Dutch or French passe thorow from Sea to Sea, betweene vs and Virginia, and driue a great Trade in the same. The name of that inlet of the Sea they call Mohegon, which I take to be the same which we call Hudsons-River, vp which Master Hudson went many [Page 62] Leagues, and for want of meanes (as I heare) left it vndis­covered. For confirmation of this, their opinion is thus much; Though Virginia be not aboue an hundred and fiftie Leagues from vs, yet they neuer heard of Powhatan, or knew that any English were planted in his Countrey, saue onely by vs and Tisquantum, who went in an English Ship thither: And therefore it is the more probable, be­cause the water is not passable for them, who are very ad­venturous in their Boates.

Then for the temperature of the ayre, in almost three yeares experience, I can scarce distinguish New-England from Old England, in respect of heate, and cold, frost, snow, raine, winds, &c. Some obiect, because our Plan­tation lieth in the latitude of 42. it must needs be much hotter. I confesse, I cannot giue the reason of the contra­ry; onely experience teacheth vs, that if it doe exceed Eng­land, it is so [...] as must require better iudgements to dis­cerne it. And for the Winter, I rather thinke (if there be difference) it is both sharper and longer in New England then Old; and yet the want of those comforts in the one which I haue enioyed in the other, may deceiue my iudg­ment also. But in my best obseruation, comparing our owne condition with the Relations of other parts of A­merica, I cannot conceiue of any to agree better with the constitution of the English, not being oppressed with ex­tremitie of heate, nor nipped with biting cold, by which meanes blessed be God, wee enioy our health, notwith­standing, those difficulties wee haue vnder-gone, in such a measure as would haue beene admired, if wee had liued in England with the like meanes.

The day is two houres longer then here when it is at the shortest, and as much shorter there, when it is at the longest.

The soile is variable, in some places mould, in some clay, others, a mixed sand, &c. The chiefest graine is the Indian Mays, or Ginny-Wheate; the seed-time beginneth in midst of Aprill, and continueth good till the midst of [Page 63] May. Our harvest beginneth with September. This come increaseth in great measure, but is inferiour in quantitie to the same in Virginia, the reason I conceiue, is because Virginia is farre hotter then it is with vs, it requiring great heate to ripen; but whereas it is obiected against New-England, that Corne will not there grow, except the ground be manured with fish? I answere, That where men set with fish (as with vs) it is more easie so to doe then to cleare ground and set without some fiue or sixe yeares, and so begin anew, as in Virginia and else where. Not but that in some places, where they cannot be taken with ease in such abundance, the Indians set foure yeares together without, and haue as good Corne or better then we haue that set with them, though indeed I thinke if wee had Cattell to till the ground, it would be more profita­ble and better agreeable to the soile, to sow Wheate, Rye, Barley, Pease, and Oats, then to set Mays, which our In­dians call Ewachim: for we haue had experience that they like and thriue well; and the other will not be procured without good labour and diligence, especially at seed-time, when it must also be watched by night to keepe the Wolues from the fish, till it be rotten, which will be in foureteene dayes; yet men agreeing together, and taking their turnes it is not much.

Much might be spoken of the benefit that may come to such as shall here plant by Trade with the Indians for Furs, if men take a right course for obtaining the same, for I dare presume vpon that small experience I haue had, to affirme, that the English, Dutch, and French, returne yeere­ly many thousand pounds profits by Trade onely from that Iland, on which we are seated.

Tobacco may be there planted, but not with that profit as in some other places, neither were it profitable there to follow it, though the increase were equall, because fish is a better and richer Commoditie, and more necessary, which may be and are there had in as great abundance as in any other part of the world; Witnesse the West coun­try [Page 64] Merchants of England, which returne incredible gaines yearely from thence. And if they can so doe which here buy their salt at a great charge, and transport more Com­pany to make their voyage, then will saile their Ships, what may the planters expect when once they are seated, and make the most of their salt there, and imploy them­selues at lest eight moneths in fishing, whereas the other fish but foure, and haue their ship lie dead in the harbour all the time, whereas such shipping as belong to plantati­ons, may take fraight of passengers or cattell thither, and haue their lading provided against they come. I confesse, we haue come so farre short of the meanes to raise such re­turnes, as with great difficultie wee haue preserved our liues; insomuch, as when I looke backe vpon our condi­tion, and weake meanes to preserue the same, I rather ad­mire at Gods mercy and providence in our preservation, then that no greater things haue beene effected by vs. But though our beginning haue beene thus raw, small, and difficult, as thou hast seene, yet the same God that hath hitherto led vs thorow the former, I hope will raise means to accomplish the latter. Not that we altogether, or prin­cipally propound profit to be the maine end of that wee haue vndertaken, but the glory of God, and the honour of our Country, in the inlarging of his Maiesties Domi­nions, yet wanting outward meanes, to set things in that forwardnesse we desire, and to further the latter by the for­mer, I thought meete to offer both to consideration, ho­ping that where Religion and profit iump together (which is rare) in so honourable an action, it will encourage eue­ry honest man, either in person or purse, to set forward the same, or at least-wise to commend the well-fare thereof in his daily prayers to the blessing of the blessed God.

I will not againe speake of the abundance of fowle, store of Venison, and varietie of Fish, in their seasons, which might incourage many to goe in their persons, onely I advise all such before hand to consider, that as they heare of Countries that abound with the good creatures of [Page 65] God, so meanes must be vsed for the taking of euery one in his kinde, and therefore not onely to content them­selues that there is sufficient, but to foresee how they shall be able to obtaine the same, otherwise, as he that walketh London streetes, though he be in the middest of plentie, yet if he want meanes, is not the better but hath rather his sorrow increased by the sight of that he wanteth, and can­not enioy it: so also there, if thou want art and other ne­cessaries thereunto belonging, thou maist see that thou wantest, and thy heart desireth, and yet be never the bet­ter for the same. Therefore if thou see thine owne insuf­ficiencie of thy selfe, then ioyne to some others, where thou maiest in some measure enioy the same, otherwise as­sure thy selfe, thou art better where thou art. Some there be that thinking altogether of their present wants they enioy here, and not dreaming of any there, through indis­cretion plunge themselues into a deeper sea of misery. As for example, it may be here, rent and firing are so char­geable, as without great difficultie a man cannot accom­plish the same; neuer considering, that as he shall haue no rent to pay, so he must build his house before he haue it, and peradventure may with more ease pay for his fuell here, then cut and fetch it home, if he haue not cattell to draw it there; though there is no scarcitie but rather too great plentie.

I write not these things to disswade any that shall seri­ously vpon due examination set themselues to further the glory of God, and the honour of our Countrey, in so worthy an Enterprise, but rather to discourage such as with too great lightnesse vndertake such courses, who p [...]radventure straine themselues and their friends for their passage thither, and are no sooner there, then seeing their foolish imagination made voyde, are at their wits end, and would giue ten times so much for their returne, if they could procure it, and out of such discontented passions [Page 66] and humors, spare not to lay that imputation vpon the Country, and others, which themselues deserue.

As for example, I haue heard some complaine of others for their large reports of New-England, and yet because they must drinke water and want many delicates they here enioyed, could presently returne with their mouthes full of clamours. And can any bee so simple as to conceiue that the fountaines should streame forth Wine, or Beare, or the woods and rivers be like Butchers-shops, or Fish-mongers stalles, where they might haue things taken to their hands. If thou canst not liue without such things, and hast no meanes to procure the one, and wilt not take paines for the other, nor hast ability to employ others for thee, rest where thou art: for as a proud heart, a dainty tooth, a beggers purse, and an idle hand, bee here intolle­rable, so that person that hath these qualities there, is much more abhominable. If therefore God hath giuen thee a heart to vndertake such courses, vpon such grounds as beare thee out in all difficulties, viz. his glory as a princi­pall, and all other outward good things but as accessaries, which peradventure thou shalt enioy, and it may be not: then thou wilt with true comfort and thankfulnes receiue the least of his mercies; whereas on the contrary, men de­priue themselues of much happinesse, being senslesse of greater blessings, and through preiudice smoother vp the loue and bounty of God, whose name be euer glorified in vs, and by vs, now and euermore. Amen.