Of Gods nature. Chap. I.

FOrasmuch as all the endeuoures of humane actions do proceed from God, Pind. in Pythiis. and, Ps. 127. except hee build the house, and vp­hold mens enterprises, their labour is but lost, that build: I hold it a requisite point of my duty, that in these morall discourses, and politique traditions, I beginne prin­cipally of his Maiestie, and search out some essentiall property flowing from his Diuine & incomprehensible forme.

For the accomplishing of which, and of all the rest which I write, assist mee, Senec. in Hercule furente. O thou great Gouernour of heauen, and iudge of the world, with thy sacred power: [Page] graunt, Boet. l. 3. de conso­latione philosop. m [...]tr. 9. I beseech thee, that my mind may ascend vp into the straight and noble seate of vertue, where I may find the fountaine of goodnesse, and reueale the same being found vnto thine almost lost & astraied sheepe.

Gods supernatural nature (I confesse) being euery way infinite cannot possi­bly be contained by any limited crea­ture. Arist. li. 1. [...]oste­rior. ana­liticor. & li. 3. Phy­sic. & Ca­sus lib. 3 Cōment. Physic. cap. 7. Things subiect and familiar to sence are comprehended in the mind by an ima­ginarie resemblance of them: but as for things infinite and not subiect to sence (of which nature God is) how shall I be able to imprint their likenes in my fee­ble and shallow braine? 1. [...]oh. 1. 18. No man hath seene God at any time, Cic. lib. 1. de na­tura De­orum. yet we know him by his miraculous workes. To come neerer his description, I find that God is a most pure, essentiall, and actiue forme, without mixture of matter & forme, or distinction of partes, euery where alike, and the very same. And againe, God is vncreate, per­petuall, that is, he euer was, and euer wil be, Arist. l. 1. Physic. Lucr. lib. 1. de rerū natura, Persius satyr. 3. & B [...]et. lib. 5. de consolat. philosop. he was not made of nothing, for no­thing, according to the Philosophers say­ing, is made of nothing.

The Gentiles, albeit wāting the light [Page] to vnderstand perfect truth, were yet all of them for the most part amazed at the excellēt glory & power of God. Pytha­goras said, that God was a liuely mind, that pearced into al things, of whom al li­uing creatures receiued their being. Tha­les esteemed him to be an vnderstāding, that created all things of the element of water. Chrysippus called him a naturall faculty endued with Diuine reason.

Thus we see, that there is engrauen in the hearts of men a certaine feeling of Gods nature, which cā neuer be rooted out. And although swinish Atheists doe laugh at that, which I haue written tou­ching the Godhead, Calu lib. 1. Instit. cap. 2. yet that is but a laughter from the teeth outward, because inwardly the worme of conscience gnaweth them much more sharply then all hote sea­ring irons.

Finally, to leaue the Gentiles opiniōs, I iudge it not amisse, if wee satisfie our selues to beleeue, that God is almighty, his might vnsearchable, & his power ad­mirable. And as Arist. li. 2. de A­nima. the soule is wholy both in the whole body, & also in euery mēber of it: Casus li. 8. Cōm. Phys. ca. 10. so God is wholy both in the world, & like­wise wholy in euery part of the same.

Of the knowledge of God. Chapt. 2.

DIagoras and Theodorus were not ashamed to dispute against the Dei­tie. Neither (as I heare) do some of our brazen-faced Caualeers cease to blas­pheme God by denying most impudēt­ly his euerlasting essence. O foolish men! when they see a faire house, they imme­diatly presuppose some one or other to haue built it. So in like maner whē they behold one another, will not they some­times euē by natural discourse aske, who made them? The heathen Oratour saith, that Cic. li. 1 Tuscul. there is no natiō so sauage, no peo­ple so sēceles, which wil not cōfesse that there is some God: & euen they that are Libertines, Epicures, and in other points of their liues differing little from bruite beasts, do reserue some seed of religion: Also, Iam. 2. 19. the very Deuils beleeue, that there is a God, and do tremble, as saith the Apostle. Yea, Calu. li. 1. Instit. cap. 2. the very obstinacy of the wicked is a substanciall witnesse that the Deitie is knowen, which with their furious striuing yet cā neuer wind themselues out of the [...]eare of God. But [Page] what need I dally thus with doltish A­theists? let them read the holy scripture, & they shall find fiue generall meanes, whereby God is made manifest vnto man.

The first, are the framed things, wher­in God did first reueale himself, for Psal. 19 the heauens declare the glory of God, and the firmament sheweth his hādy worke. The secōd is the sparke of nature, wher­by all men as it were by naturall instinct obtaine the infallible admonition of the truth. The third way whereby God is made knowen, is the verball will, which successiuely from time to time in some countrey or other hath bene holden vp by worldly blessings, apparitions, cere­monies, prophesies, and last of all by the presence of the Messias himselfe. The fourth is the holy Ghost, who openeth our misty eyes, wherby we embrace the true and Apostolicall doctrine. The fift meanes, whereby God is knowen, are his miracles, at the sight of which the ve­ry Atheists themselues being affrighted must exclaime with Iulian the Apostata: Nazian. in Iulian. Orat. 2. O God, O Galilaan, thou hast ouercome our vnbeleefe.

Of Atheists. Chap. 3.

OF Atheists there are two sorts: the inward, and the outward. The in­ward Atheist is he, that slyly carieth the countenaunce of a sheepe, and yet is no sheepe, but a sheep-biter. He swaloweth vp aduowsons, hospitals, and other mens goods vnder pretence of simplicity. He raiseth rents, incloseth commons, and enhaunceth the price of corne. With his wooll or wealth hee vseth to snarle & deceyue honest-minded men, whom at length hee notwithstanding hauing Scripture in his mouth snatcheth at most greedily, & clappeth in irons. This kind of Atheist I will decipher hereafter.

The outward Atheist on the other side openly professeth nature to be his God. And euen as the spider infecteth with poyson the fragrantst liquours hee suckes; so the outward Atheist most wickedly extracteth common places out of the secretes of nature, and turning them to his owne vse, hee blasphemeth God, whom he neuer knew.

Is there any rayne without a clowd? [Page] any apples without trees? any portrai­ture without a painter? any kingdome without rulers? can the heauens moue without a mouer? say, thou viper, (for a better name thou deseruest not) wilt thou not beleeue that, which thou be­holdest with thine eies? wherfore, I pray thee, was the world framed? was it not for man? what idiot, when hee passeth through a village, though halfe ruinous, will not presently suppose, that it was contriued by some or other? Much ra­ther, O sensuall beast, shouldst thou ima­gine, that a quickning maker, euē God, hath created not onely thee, but all the world besides.

If no reason will persuade thee, yet, me thinkes, the extraordinary punish­ments of God, which alwaies, such Athe­ists, as thou art, haue felt, should be of force, to recall thee from thy most dam­nable opinion. It is written of Diago­ras one of the first authours of this sect, that being fledde from Athens, and his bookes burnt by vniuersall consent, he was slaine by certaine men, whom the Athenians had hired for that intent. Pliny the elder, one likewise of the same [Page] stampe, while hee was ouercurious in searching y ^e causes of nature, was choakt neere to the mountaine Vesuuius with smoake, and with the smell of brimstone issuing out of the same. Pope Leo the tēth, who often said, that Moses, Christ, and Mahomet were three of the grea­test dissemblers, was by the iust iudge­ment of God sodainly strooken dead with an extreame laughter. Likewise, an Italian Captaine of late daies in the low countries, leading his company to skir­mish with the enemy, thus encouraged them: Sirs, quoth he, remember the for­mer glory of our nation, and fight vali­antly: as for your sinnes, if you die, you shall vnderstād, there is no God. Which when he had said, he fought, & was the first man that was slaine. Not inferiour to these was one Christopher Marlow by profession a play-maker, who, as it is reported, about 7. yeeres a-goe wrote a booke against the Trinitie: but see the effects of Gods iustice; it so hapned, that at Detford, a litle village about three miles distant from London, as he meant to stab with his ponyard one named In­gram, that had inuited him thither to a [Page] feast, and was then playing at tables, he quickly perceyuing it, so auoyded the thrust, that withall drawing out his dag­ger for his defence, hee stabd this Mar­low into the eye, in such sort, that his braines comming out at the daggers point, hee shortlie after dyed. Thus did God, the true executioner of di­uine iustice, worke the ende of impi­ous Atheists.

Furthermore, some of our world­lings may worthily bee ranged in the forefront of this hellish route. They, I say, that belch out this accursed theo­reme of Machiauel, Machia. in prin [...] ­cipe. namely, that the heathenish religion made men couragi­ous, wheras our religiō makes men fear­full. O foolish sots [...] is the feare and loue of God become the cause of your foolish feare? Nay, rather it is your consciences, that bring feare into your hearts. The more wicked ye be, the more you feare. Me thinks, that albeit ye had no demō ­stration of God, yet this ought to satisfie you, which proceedeth of a natural fear. For whosoeuer feareth, sheweth neces­sarily, that there is some supreme power which is able to terrifie & hurt him. As [Page] contrariwise, he that is assured, that no­thing can appall or diminish his valour, is altogether free from feare.

Of Man. Chap. 4.

ABdala one of the wise men of A­rabia, being on a time demaun­ded, what was the most wonder­full thing in the world? answered, Man. Hermes Trismegistius termed mā the great miracle. Others called him the little world. Likewise, the wisest Philo­sophers agreed, that mans body is com­posed of the foure elements, and of all their qualities. For the flesh agreeth fitly with the earth: his vitall spirites with the aire & the fire: and his humours with the water. The sense of touching consen­teth with the earth. The sense of seeing with the fire: that of smelling with the aire and fire: that of tasting with the wa­ter: & that of hearing with the aire. Yea, there is no part in the whole body of mā wherein one of the elements doth not interpose his vertue, albeit one of thē is [Page] alwayes predominant ouer the rest. And most certaine it is, Ce. 1. 27 that Man is a creature made of God after his owne Image, well disposed by nature, composed of bodie and soule. In this sort man had his be­ginning and being of the great and eter­nall builder of the world; of whom like­wise hee was created so noble for three reasons. The first, that by this meanes man knowing howe God hath placed him aboue all other liuing creatures, he might be induced dayly to loue and ho­nour him, as is meete. And therefore did the Lord place the eies in mans bodie to behold his wonderfull workes. And for this cause also did he fasten eares to mans head, that hee shoulde vnderstand and keep his commandements. The second, to the ende, that acknowledging the no­ble place & race from whence he came, hee might feare to staine his name and fame with dishonest & vnlawfull deeds. The third, that hee, not being ignorant of his owne excellencie, shoulde extoll himselfe in God, and in him, & through him he should iudge himselfe worthy of heauenly felicitie.

What should I rippe vp the good dis­cipline [Page] of liuing, the lawes, customs, arts and sciences by man inuēted, to furnish life with the three sorts of good, namely, honest, pleasant, and profitable? Accor­ding to which, there be also three sortes of companies; one for honestie, as the learned and vertuous; another for plea­sure, as, yong folks, and maried men; a third for profite, as Marchants. Where­fore by good reason man holdeth the soueraigntie, and chiefest roome in this world.

Of the soule. Chap. 5.

THe infusion of the soule into the bodie by God the Creator, is a most admirable thing: seeing that the soule, which is inuisible, is cōprehended with­in the body being palpable: that which is light and of celestiall fire, within that, which is earthy, cold & corruptible: that which is free, within that which is base & bound. This alone is the instrument, that can bring vs to the vnderstanding of God and our selues. This is speculatiue and actiue at one and the same instant. This is she, that for her beautie hath the foure cardinal vertues; & for her actions, [Page] reason, iudgement, will, and memorie. Briefly, this is she, about whom the wi­sest of the world haue occupied their cu­rious and fine wits.

Pythagoras affirmed, that the soul was a nūber moouing it self. Plato said, that the soule was a portiō taken frō the sub­stance of celestial fire. The prince of the Peripatetickes writeth, Arist. li; 2. de ani­ma. ca. 1. that the soule is the motiō or act of a natural body, that may haue life. Our Diuines define the soule after this maner. The soule of man is a spirit, that giueth life and light to the bo­die, wherevnto it is knit, and which is capable of the knowledge of God, to loue him, as being fit to be vnited vnto him through loue, to euerlasting hap­pinesse.

That a man hath but one soule. Chap. 6.

EVen as in euery bodie there is but one essentiall kind of nature, where­by it proceedeth to be that, which it is: so in euery liuing creatures bodie there is but one soule, by the which it liueth. In the scripture we neuerread, that one mā had mo soules thē one. Gen. 2. 7 Adam being [Page] created by God, Gen. 46. 26. was a liuing soule. All the soules that came with Iacob into E­gipt, and out of his loines (beside his sonnes wiues) were in all threescore and six soules, that is, threescore and sixe persons. Also the sonnes of Ioseph, Ibid. 27. which were borne him in Egipt, were two soules. Steuen being stoned by the Iewes, called on God, and said, Act. 7. 39. Lord Iesu, receiue my spirit. Saint Paul raising Eutichu [...] from death, sayde, his life is in him. Our sauiour Christ like­wise complained vnto his Disciples, say­ing, Mar. 14. 34. My soule is verie heauie, euen vnto the death. Hereby we may note, that one man hath but one soule.

How greatly therefore are those Phi­losophers deceyued, who affirme, that one man hath three distinct soules, to wit, reasonable, sensitiue, and vegeta­tiue? wherof these two last are in a bruit beast, as well as in a man: and the ve­getatiue in plants, in beastes, and in man. This opinion of pluralitie of soules see­med so damnable vnto the ancient fa­thers, that Augustine, Damascenus, and the fourth Councell of Constantinople proclaimed them to be excommunica­ted, which would hold one man to haue [Page] many soules. Briefly, to leaue this errour, I thinke, Arist: li. 2. anim. cap. 3 it falleth out with the soule, as it doth with figures: for euen as the trigon is in the tetragon, and this tetra­gon in the pentagon: so likewise the ve­getatiue power is in the sensitiue, and this sensitiue is in the reasonable soule.

Of the immortaltiie of the soule. chap. 7.

ATheists, and the hoggish sect of the Epicures; who would faine stay in their bodily senses, as beasts do, deride the holy scriptures, saying, that it is not known what becomes of their soules af­the deth of their bodies, or to what coast they trauell, by reason that none retur­ned at any time backe from thence to certifie them. This is their childish rea­son. Which truly in my iudgemēt sprūg vp of their negligence, in not ferreting out the end of the soule. For to what end els was the soule created, but that know­ing God her Creator, and worshipping him for that great benefite, shee might stand in awe and loue of him, and at [Page] length attaine to euerlasting life, which is appointed for her end? Al other liuing creatures God made for mans vse; but man he created to the end, that the light of his wisdome might shine in him, and that hee might participate with him his goodnesse. Admit therefore, that mans soule were corruptible: what difference then, I pray thee, would there bee be­tweene a man and a bruite beast? nay then consequently it must follow, that man was created without cause.

Wherefore did God create man of stature straight, and erected towardes the aspect of heauen, the originall place of his true pedegree, but that he should perswade himselfe that he is of a heauen­ly nature? surely Calu. lib. 1. Instit. cap. 15.the conscience, which discerning betweene good and euill, answereth the iudgement of God, is an vndoubted signe of an immortall soule. For how could a motiō without essence come to the iudgement seate of God, & throwe it selfe into feare by finding her owne guiltinesse? Further, if the soule were mortall, what rewarde is left to the iust? what punishment to the wicked? Also, if this were true, the wicked haue [Page] that, which they most desire, and the iust that, which they most abhorre. But shall punishment bee inflicted on the iust, whereas it ought to bee executed on the wicked? Many reasons I could alleadge, but of all others this is most forcible, which God hath giuen vs in the resur­rection of his sonne our sauiour Iesus Christ, whereby his soule was vnited a­gaine to his body, and taken vp into hea­uen in the sight of his Disciples. Like­wise we reade that▪ God sayde to Mo­ses: Exo. ca. 3▪ ver. 6 I am the God of Abraham, Isaac, and Iacob, wherhence our sauior Christ con­cluded, that Abrahā, Isaac, & Iacob, do liue yet after their death, seeing that * God is the God of the liuing, Matth. ca. 22. verse 32 Persius satyr. 3. and not of the dead. Now to be breefe, I may fitly com­pare these Epicurian hogges vnto drun­kards, who so long being drunke, vntil they haue by sleepe, sufficiently alayed the furious force of the wine which they drunk, know not whether they haue any wit or conscience, any soule or sence.

Of Vertue, Chap. 8.

WHosoeuer meanes to sowe a godly field with corne, Boetius lib. 3. de consolat. philoso. metr. 1. must first rid the same field of thornes and shrubs, and cut away the fernes with his sithe, that the new corn may grow with ful cares: so likewise, O mortall man, thou hauing beene all the daies of thy life, as it were in a goldē dreame, awake at last, and withdraw thy selfe from that fonde delight, that vertue which is surer & bet­ter then all Arts, may the sooner enter into thy minde. Be not like vnto a child, who seeing a bable wherwith he plaieth, taken out of his hand, powtingly throw­eth away that which he hath in his other hand, although it bee far better then the former. Al worldly things, be they neuer so glorious, do fade away, yea, & world­lings themselues are so soone suffocated and choaked with euerie small moth, that they are ready to stumble at euerie straw, and to become daunted at euerie trifling cause. But cōtrariwise, they which are bedewed with the sweet droppes of [Page] Vertue, wil neuer be ouerturned, eyther with worldly guiles, or with the losse of life and bloud.

Vertue is alway permanent: shee is quiet in most stormie times, & shineth in the darke: beeing driuen from her seate, she neuerthelesse remaineth in her coū ­try, she giueth continual light, and neuer becōmeth spotted with any filth. Euerie thing that is atchieued by her meanes, is good and soueraigne. For her loue, Ana­charsis the Philosopher left his kingdom of Scythia to his yonger brother, & went into Athens to find her there. This also moued the Emperor Maximili [...] the 2. in the yeere of our Lord 1574. to answer a Dutchman that craued his Letters Pa­tents to make him a nobleman: It is in my power, quoth he, to make thee rich, but Vertue must make thee noble. Happy ther­fore is he that wooeth her, & thrise happy is he that is contracted to her: for euen as the prowesse & valour of a horse ma­keth him apt and fit for his rider to at­tend couragiously the onset of the ene­my: so vertue strengthneth her owner a­gainst cōcupiscēce, & restoreth him rea­dy to abide any brūts of variable fortune [Page] Moreouer, (a) Piccolom grad. 4 de virtu. moral. vertue is said to be three manner of waies in man, either infused by God, or planted by nature, or gotten by pains and industrie. Vertue is infused by God, when we call her either faith, hope, or charitie: (b) Arist. lib 1. Rhe­tor. she is by nature, whē we terme her nobil [...]ti [...]: Shee is saide to bee gotten through paines and industrie, when wee name her either morall, as iustice, truth, magnanimitie, fortitude, temperaunce, magnificence, liberalitie, clemencie, mo­destie, affabilitie, friendship, & patience; or intellectuall, as Art, science, vnderstā ­ding, prudence, and wisedome, al which together with their extremes and subor­dinate qualities I wil decipher hereafter.

Wherfore, to be breefe, let vs embrace vertue, so pretious and manifold a palme tree, which the more it is pulled downe, the more it returneth vpward; let vs, I say follow her, who hath this singular proper­tie in al-her actiōs, Plutar. in vita Periclis. namely, that c she ma­keth the man that knoweth her, so to af­fect her, that forthwith hee liketh all her actions, and desireth to imitate them that are vertuously disposed.

Of Vice. Chap. 9.

EVen as a vertue is the beautie of the [Page] inward man, August. Epist. 35 & the way to attain vnto an happie life: so vice is the sicknes therof, and fighteth against nature. (d) Propert. lib. 2. All things that are borne haue vices, as it were sowen in their minds. Horat. li. 1. ser. He is best, that is least troubled with them. For we see, that neither fire nor feare doth carry a man a­way so violently as vices. They onely haue beene the vndooers of all cōmon­wealths, and as soone as they once haue entred into the mind, they wil neuer for­sake it, vntil they ouerwhelme it with al kinds of sin, f Senec. li. de tran­quil. ani. hurt it with their griping, and ouerthrow al things, which are next vnto them: vnhappie man is he, that is vexed with them: farre better it were for him not to liue at al, or els liuing, g Mar. 9. to be throwne into the sea with a milstone a­bout his neck. Although a man bee fast loden with irons, yet his captiuitie is no­thing to him y ^t is enuironed with vices. He then, that will bee mighty, must sub­due his cruell affectiōs, & not yoke him­self to the foule liberty of vicious motiō.

In sūme, h Iere. 25. turne again euery mā frō his euil way, & frō his wicked imaginations. i Iam. 4. Submit your selues to God, and resist the Diuell: and hee will flie from you: [Page] draw nigh vnto God, 1. P [...]. 5 and he will draw nigh vnto you. Cleanse your hearts, you sinners, & purge your hearts, you waue­ring minded.

That a man must not delay to become vertuous. chap. 10.

THere bee many of our worldlings, which seek to shrowd their vices vn­der this cloake, that they mean to amend al in time, Persius Satyr. 5. and this time is driuē from day to day, Resolutiō li. 1. par. 2. cap. 5. vntil God, in whose hands the mo­ments of time are, doth shut them out of all time, and doth send them to paines eternall without time. Little do they thinke, that their vices are by wicked custome forti­fied, and as it were with a beetle, more strongly rammed into their harts & mid­riffes. It is an vsuall prouerbe, that what­soeuer is bred in the bone, will neuer out of the flesh: so likewise, a wound be­ing for a time deferred, becōmeth infec­tious and past cure. Why then, O mortal men, doo yee builde on such a weake foundation? why doo yee not at this in­stant without any further procrastinati­ons, prostrate your selues before the most [Page] highest, ere the darke night of death steale vpon you, and Iere. 13 ere yee stumble at that foule black hillock? Oh, imitate not those foolish virgines, Mat. 25 who because they gaue not good attendaunce, were shut out of doores by the bridegrome. We see by common experience, that if a man deliuer a reasonable petition vn­to an earthly King, he may perhaps at­tend a yeere or two, before he be fully satisfied. What then shall yee expect of the heauenly King, whom yee haue a thousand times most wilfully displeased? Is it possible for you, after you haue ob­stinatly resisted him all the dayes of your liues, to sue vnto him at the period of your yeeres, and to obtaine remission? No, no, it is not presumptuous delay, that worketh vnfaigned repentaunce. You must beginne Psa. 95. & Heb. 3 to day, if you will heare his voice, and speed of your suites. God will not be limited and restrained according to your willes. Eccle. 5. His wrath will come vpon you at the sodaine, and Psa. 48you shall be thrust into hell like sheep. Like as the Poetes say of Titius, so shall you, being as it were food vnto death, confume in hell, and yet reuiue againe, [Page] so that still ye may be euer dying. Then shall yee crie vnto the mountaines, and say, Luke 23. & Apoc. 6. O you mountaines fall vpon vs, & you hilles couer vs. Then shall you re­pent to your paine, but your repen­taunce shall not at all auaile you. If an husband-man for lazinesse deferre to sow in the winter, he is like in summer to starue or begge. Sow therefore, O ye that are Christians, while you haue time to sow, Ioel. 2. euen this day conuert vn­to the Lord, and yee shall reap perpe­tuall happinesse for your reward. Re­pentaunce that is done at the last day, most cōmonly is done vpon feare of fu­ture tormentes. Besides, Iere. 13. the Aethio­pian can assoone chaunge his blacke skinne, as you do well, hauing learned all the dayes of your liues to do euill.

My selfe haue knowen a young Gen­tleman, that sometime hauing bene disobedient to his parents, and also mis­demeaned himselfe diuers other waies besides, was vrged to repentaunce by some of his well willers. To whome he aunswered: that now this was his full intent, and by the grace of God (quoth he) assoone as I come home to my Fa­ther [Page] (hee being as then about forty miles off) I will vtterly renounce my former maner of liuing, and will be­come a new man. But see the ineuitable will of God. He was scarce seuen miles on his way homeward, when as it was his wofull chaunce to encounter with some of his enemies, and by them to be slaine.

For which cause, I say, cut off all de­layes, least in a matter of such impor­taunce, yee be sodainly surprized. Yee haue not two soules, that yee may ad­uenture one▪ Rom. 13. The night is past, and the day is come; the day of the Lord is come, Apoc. 22 as a snare on all them, that dwel vpon the face of the earth, in which 2. Pet. 3 the heauens must passe away with a noyse and the elements must melt with heat, and the earth with the workes therein must bee burnt vp. 1. Pet. 4 Bee yee there­fore sober & watchfull in prayer: for Mat. 24in the houre that ye thinke not, will the Sonne of Man surely come to iudge the world.

Remedies against vice. Chap. 11.

THe roote of vice is the originall cor­ruption, wherewith mankind hath bene ouerwhelmed euer since the fall of Adam. Which corruption in processe of time beyng growne by continuall cu­stome into a sinfull habite, becommeth damnable three maner of waies. First, by thoughts; next by wordes, as, swea­ring, lies; lastly, by deedes, as murther, adulterie.

Now for the curing of this Hydra­like malady, sixe things are to be obser­ued. First, we must oft consider, that the actes of vertues themselues cannot bee of any value with God, except we con­tinually exercise our selues therein. For the longer wee delay, Resol. li. 1. part. 2 cap. 5. the more is the kingdome and power of the Diuell establish­ed and confirmed in vs. Secondly, wee must once or twice a day at least call to remembrance our vices, & with a con­trite heart aske God forgiuenes. Third­ly, we must waigh with our selues, how that we are wandring pilgrimes in this world, and like vnto them, that vpon [Page] their iourneys abide not in those Innes, where they are well lodged, but after their baite do depart homeward, vtte­ring these words of the Prophet: * Woe is me, Ps. 120. that I remaine in Mesech, and dwell in the tents of Kedar. The fourth remedy against vice is, that we thinke on the ma­nifold miseries of this life, & on the end thereof. The fift, wee must oftentimes repeat that fearful saying of the Apostle: * If the iust shall scarce be saued, 1. Pet. 4. where shal the wicked man and sinner appeare? The sixt, we must muse vpō the day of iudge­mēt, at which time Gal. 6. euery one must beare his owne burthen, and sinners must 1. Pet. 4. giue an account of euery idle word. Resolut. li. 1. part. 1. cap. 5. ex A [...] ­selmo. about them shall be their Iudge offended with them for their wickednes: beneath them hell open: and the cruell fornace ready boyling to receyue them: on the right hand shall be their sinnes accusing thē: on the left hand the Diuels ready to exe­cute Gods eternal sentence vpon them: within them their consciences gnawing them: without them all damned soules bewayling: on euery side the world burning. [Page] [...] [Page] [...]

Of Iustice. Chap. 12.

JVstice is a thing belonging to policy, Arist. li. 1. Polit. cap. 2. sith the order of a ciuill society is the law, & iudgemēt is nothing els, but the decision of that, which is iust. This ver­tue, as the Diuine Philosopher writeth, Plato li. 4. de Re­publ.is the chiefest gift, which God gaue vn­to men. For if she were not amongst vs, what would our commonwealth be, but a receptacle for theeues? From whence Plin. lib. 2. natur. histor.the sect of Democritus concluded, that there were 2. things, which rule y ^e whole world, namely, Reward & Punishment.

Some say, that Iustice is more resplē ­dent then the Sunne, for hee lighteneth the world only by day, whereas she shi­neth both night and day: the sunne illu­minateth the eyes of the body, Iustice the eyes of the minde: the Sunne mole­steth vs by his continuall presence, but of Iustice we shal neuer be weary, wher­upon othersome affirme, that Piccolo­mi. grad. 5. de vir­tut. mo­ral. ex Nigidio. Figulo. shee is placed in the Zodiake betweene the signes of Leo and Libra, whereby her equality and courage are vnderstood. To come neerer our owne time, let vs commune with our selues, and forethinke, what [Page] should become of vs, if there were no gallows for murtherers and heinous of­fendors, no whips for rogues, nor fines & amercements for affraies and such like crimes. Surely, we should not liue toge­ther. The wild Karnes & Red-shanks of Irelād would not be more sauage thē vs.

Wherfore, O ye, which are seated in the throne of Iustice, respect not your owne priuat cōmodities: 2. Chron. 19. for you execute not the iudgements of man; but of God, and he will be with you in the cause and iudge­ment. Lay before your eies the exāple of that zealous Iudge, who feared not to cōmit the Prince of Wales (afterwardes king H. the fift) for his assault into the prison of the Kings bēch. For which act of Iustice, that noble Prince, when hee came to the crowne, yeelded him great thanks, & during his warres in Fraunce, left the said Iudge his substitute ouer this whole Realme. To be briefe, wash your hands cleane from bribes, & administer iustice vnto all men without any kinde of affection, vaine-pitie, or fauour, lest that, they prying into your liues, in stead of honor, you be brāded in the forehead with the perpetuall note of infamie.

Of Iniustice. Chap. 13.

INiustice is a kinde of iniurie, vsed by such as be in authority, ouer the wea­ker sort, Aristot. lib. 5. E­thic. ca. 1 who also assume vnto them­selues, more then law or right permitteth them. This vice of all others is most re­pugnant to mans nature, because that Plato in Gorgia. a man, as long as he benefiteth, and executeth iustice, is like vnto God, but practizing in­iustice, he separateth himselfe farre enough from God. Woe therefore be vnto you, landlords, who forgetting your selues, and your duty towards God, do flay and vexe your tenants and inferiours with extraordinary imposts, with asking of beneuolences, letherwits, and such like. Woe be vnto you, heires and elder bre­thren, who make dish-cloutes and no reckoning of your younger brethren, but suffer them to be idle and forlorne, which destroyeth them both body and soule: woe, I say, be vnto you, that ex­tort, & Ezec. 22. like rauening woolues do robbe & take praies to shedde bloud, and to destroy soules for your owne couetous gaine, so that you are Iuuenal. satyr. 10 not cōtent to be infected with one haynous offence, but moreouer you rayse [Page] vp sundry mischiefes, & molest your al­ready distressed bretheren with many and iniust taxations. For the which, God will proceed in iudgement against you, Ezech. 22.he will powre out his indignation vpon you, & consume you with the fire of his wrath: your owne waies will he render vpon your heads. Then in cōclusion shal you perceiue, how that Seneca Epist. 98 no wickednesse escapeth scotfree, by reason that the pu­nishment of one consisteth in another.

Whether it be lawfull for a man to kill himselfe. Chap. 14.

NOthing is more damnable, nothing more vngodly, then for a man to slay himselfe. For if an homicide be dā ­ned for killing another: so in like māner he that killeth himselfe is guilty of mur­ther, because he killeth a member of the commonwealth. Yea, this is a greater sinne. For we liue here in this world al­together according to Gods prescriptiō. Gen. 1.We are created of God after his owne image: and shall wee endamaging our selues, wrong our Creator? No, if we do, our owne consciences will accuse vs as murtherers & traitours before the tribu­nall [Page] seat of GOD. It is reason that he, which sent vs into the world for the set­ting forth of his glory, should call vs out of the world to yeeld an account of our bayliwike, Sydn. li. 4 Arcad. he hath appointed vs Captaines of our bodily fortes, which without trea­son to that maiesty are neuer to be deliue­red ouer, till they be redemaūded. Besides, despaire cannot beare the title of valour, by reason it proceedeth of an abiect and weake mind. Now therefore if we be va­liant, let vs make our valour manifest vnto Gods and our countries enemies, that if we die in such attempts, the Al­mighty may canonize vs holy martyres, and crowne vs with eternall glory in his blessed kingdome.

That wee should not patiently en­dure all iniuries. Chap. 15.

MAny, as the Anabaptistes, doubt, whether it be lawfull or no for one Christian to sue or strike another, groū ­ding their opinion vpon Matth. cap. 6. E­pistol. ad Rom. cap. 12. & E­pistol. ad Cor. ca. 6 the authoritie of the Scripture. Yet, this schismaticall doubt in my iudgement might quickly be blotted out, if they knew what iniury meant, for a man may haue iniury offred either to his person, to his goodes, or to his credite. Now concerning our person and goodes, it is certaine, that vertue permitteth vs to repell violence with violence, or els embracing patience, to remitte all to the Magistrates, in whose hands the sworde of Iustice re­maineth. As for the reprehension of the Corinthians, I answere, that they were rebuked for going to law vnder those [Page] magistrates, which were not Christians, and * in that they brought the Gospell in slaunder among the vnbeleeuers. Caluin. li. 4. Instit. cap. 20. In like sort I think it meeter for vs Protestants to endure all iniuries whatsoeuer, then to commence suites one against ano­ther vnder any Popish or hereticall Iudge. But on the contrarie, if the Ma­gistrate be of our religion, what other order by the lawe of GOD and man is prescribed, then to sue vnto him, and to craue satisfaction for the iniurie which is done vnto vs? Cic. act. 5. in Ver­rem. Euery reproach hath a cer­taine sting, which wise and good men can hardly tolerate. Moreouer, it is hol­den for a principle, that Arist. li. 2. Rheto. no man is vili­fied and despised in his owne conceit. And therefore hee cannot chuse, but for rea­sonable causes goe to law, and so haue the pleas handled, that he may liue af­terwards in more securitie: for experi­ence sheweth vnto vs, how that those iniuried persons, which most are silent, as confessing themselues ouercome by their stronger, do abide continuall mo­lestations, and liue in intolerable thral­dome.

Touching the last way, wherby iniury [Page] is offred vnto our credit, my sentence is, that it can neuer be impaired in an ho­nest man, by reason that vertue, which shineth with vndefiled honours, will e­uer patronize & protect it. What auay­leth it then, that a man go to law for such a trifle, & haue his aduersary punished, namely, L. lex Cornel. § 10. ff. de iniur. noted with infamy? Beleeue me, it is better for you, O contentious witals, to end such cauillations of your wronged credit at home, then to trauell to London, and there to feed the raue­ning Lawyers with the sweat of your browes. Pursue not therefore one ano­ther with vnappeasable stifnesse, but ra­ther end your doubts at home vnder an indifferent arbitratour without rancour or malice.

Of Trueth. Chap. 16.

TRueth is that infallible vertue, which reuealeth the creation of the world, the power of God, his blessing for the godly, & venge­aunce for the wicked. This is she, which rightly may be termed the cēter, wherin [Page] all things repose themselues, the mappe, whereby we saile, and the balme where­by we are healed. This is she, Ouid. E­pist. 19. whom God respecteth more then all sacrifices. To be short, this is she, which Cicero orat. in Vatin. hath so great power, that no engine, wit, or art can sub­due: and although she hath no atturney to defend her cause, yet notwithstanding shee is defended by her selfe. According to our beleefe in God, Truth is named faith: in agreements betweene man and man. Trueth is called promise: of seruants to­wards their masters she is termed loyal­ty. But in what estimation she is in these accursed times, I trēble to speake therof. For many there be, that outface & deny their owne superscriptions: & vnlesse an honest man bring with him multitude of witnesses to testifie the truth, he is like to be defrauded of his due. O how farre do we degenerate frō the auncients! They were woont in times past to lend money vpon a mans naked & bare promise, and likewise to passe their conueyances and state of lands in few lines: whereas now on the contrary a dozen skins of parch­ment will scant serue their turne; for what do they els but hammer quirckes [Page] and crochets, and inuent twenty apish trickes to circumuent one another? Pro­mooting petifoggers are the mouers of all these fallacies. They are the cater­pillers, which exclude truth, and would make her a wandering vagabound. Be­ware of them, O yee which are honestly bent. Through their illusions Silius Ital. li. 2. breake not the league of amity, neither preferre yee kingdomes before truth. Take away this vertue, and our commonwealth is be­come a piracy. The losse of wealth is no­thing to the losse of truth. For which cause, the Philosopher doubted not to affirme, that Aristot. lib. 1. E­thic. ca. 6. wise mē ought to contradict themselues for verities sake, yea, and to en­gage their credite for her conseruation. Thinke vpon this, O Lawyers, & consi­der with your selues, how Eurip. in Phoen. the speach of Truth is simple, and needs not sundry expli­cations and cauillations.

Of Lies. Chap. 17.

OF lies there bee three sortes: The first I call an officious lie, which is vsed, when otherwise an heynous of­fence cannot be eschued, as we read in the booke of Kinges, 1. Sam. 9 where * Michol [Page] Sauls daughter saued her husband Dauid by the same meanes. The second kind of lies is named iesting, which men vse at table, not of any premeditatiō or malice, but rather for to delight the company. Howbeit amōg Christians it is not much laudable. The third kind of lies is named hurtfull or odious, which extendeth to the harming of one or other. This sort of lying is most detestable in the sight of God and man.

Furthermore, a lie is a base vice, & wor­thy to be cont [...]ned of all mortall men, & especially of those, that are wise, for Arist. li. 1. Sophis. elenchor. cap. 1. the duties of a wise man are two, wherof the one is not to lie in any thing, which hee knoweth: the other, to make a lier mani­fest to the face of the world. And euen as we debarre wise men: so we most of all disswade youths frō lying; for if they be suffred & borne withal to coine lies, they wil at last become altogether past grace, & by vse wil be inueterated in falshood, Wherfore they must be quickly restrai­ned, and seuerely chastised, when they lie. Hereupon some hold, Cic. li. 3. offic. & Greg. lib. 8. Moral. that * those youths are as it were naturally euill, which take a delight in telling of lies. O­thersome [Page] say, that Homer. lib. 9. O­dyss. they differ not from deadly enemies. But howsoeuer, in my iudgement, they ought to bee speedilie looked vnto, and then the rather, Plautus in Mercat [...]r. whē they begin once to tel lies to their owne parents, which is a most intolerable fact.

Of Swearing. Chap. 18.

VVE must not sweare at all, Maetth. cap. 5. & Extra. de iureiu­rand. c. 26. neither by heauen, for it is the throne of God: nor yet by the earth, for it is his foot­stoole: Neither must wee sweare by our heades, because wee cannot make one haire white or blacke. But our commu­nication must be yea, yea, and nay, nay, and whatsoeuer is more then these, com­meth of euil. Howbeit notwithstanding, there be very few here in England, that are not in a manner fully resolued to re­gard swearing as a vertue. Hee is a Gull or a Puritane, quoth they, that will not sweare: nay, rather they should say, he is a member of the diuell that delighteth in swearing. Augu­stin. lib. contra. mendac. Hearken what an holy father sayth: Sweare not at al, lest that by swea­ring you come to the facilitie of swea­ring, from thence to custome, and from [Page] custome you fall into periurie. Neither can your feeble excuses suffice, in saying that you sweare not, by God, by Gods bloud, by Gods wounds, but rather you sweare by Gog, by Gogs bud, by Gogs zwoonce. O foolish hypocrites! doe you thinke although you delude vs, that you can dally with him, who noteth & hea­reth euerie word which you speake? no, no: it will not goe for payment at the fearefull day of iudgement. In swearing thus, you heape hot coles of fire vpon your heades, and offend as bad, by attri­buting that honor vnto counterfeit crea­tures, which is due vnto the creator, who onely is to bee named, and that after a good sort, in all your words and deedes. Take heede least that God execute vp­on you such a fearefull iudgement, as he of late daies executed on a yong man in Lincolneshire. This yong man, as is by master Perkins, master Stubs, & others credibly reported, was an abominable swearer, and his vsual othe was, By Gods bloud. God willing his repentance, cor­rected him oftē times with sicknes, that he might be conuerted. But hee vtterly reiected all corrections. Then God see­ing [Page] that nothing could reclaime him frō swearing, inflicted on him a most grie­uous disease, of which he languished a long time. At last his friends perceiuing him to be neere his death, caused his pas­sing bell to bee rung. Whereupon this swearer hearing the bell toll, rose vp in his bed, saying, Gods bloud, hee shall not haue me yet. But loe, the iust iudge­ment of the Lorde. At those words the bloud gushed out at euerie ioynt of his body, & neuer ceased, til al the bloud in his body was run out, and thus died this bloudy swearer, whose example, I pray God, may sink into y ^e harts of our swag­gering Caualeers, who at ech other word vse to lash out most detestable othes.

Now to cōclude this chapter, August. in tract. de decol­lat. Iohā. Bap. whoso­euer prouoketh any mā to sweare a grie­uous oth, and knoweth that he sweareth falsly, is worse then a murtherer, because that a murtherer killeth but the body, wheras he killeth the soule, yea, & which is more, hee killeth two soules, namely, his whom he prouoked to sweare, & his owne soule.

Of periurie or forswearing. Chap. 19.

AN othe hath three associats, to witte, truth, iudgement, and iustice: wherof if any be found lacking, it is no longer to be termed an oth, but rather periury, which vndoutedly is a most abominable sinne: for thereby wee haue no respect either vnto his presence, who is euerie where, or reuerence vnto his cōmande­mēt, which expresly insinuateth, Exod. 20. & Deut. 5. that * we take not his name in vain, for he will not hold him guiltlesse, that taketh his name [Page] in vaine, and so trecherously abuseth his sacred maiestie.

The heathen themselues detested this vice, and thereupon In Iliad fera per tot. Homer reprehen­ded the Troians for their periure. Diodor. sic. lib. 2. The Egyptians punished periurers by death. Yea, many holde it for a maxime, that othes are to bee obserued sacredly to­wardes our foes, and that not without good reason, seeing Ex leg. 12. tabu. periurie by the will of God is destruction, and by mans owne confession, infamie; Nouel. 82. c. 11 § 1. l. 2 C. de re­bus cred. & iure­iur. l. si duo § fin. ff. de con­dit. insti­tut. vbi & poenā politicā ponit Vl­pianus & Cuiacius 8. obseru. which is like­wise soundly confirmed by our ciuill Lawyers.

Sundrie examples I might alleadge to this purpose, but for breuitie sake I wil at this time content my selfe with one one­ly. In the yeere of our Lord 1576. Anne Aueries widow, forswearing her selfe for a little money, that shoulde haue beene payde for sixe pounde of tow, at a shop in Woodstreete of London, fell imme­diatly downe speechlesse, casting vp at her mouth the same matter, which by course of nature shoulde haue beene a­uoyded downewards, till she died. Thus did God reward periurie.

In conclusion, Isidor. Hee that forswea­reth [Page] himselfe, Isidor. lib. 3. de summo bone. is subiect vnto two per­sons: first vnto the Iudge, whom hee de­ceiueth by his lying, and then vnto the innocent party, whom he endangereth by his periury. Those which would know more of this vice, I referre to the reading of my Commentaries, In satyr. 5. Persii. where I haue al­readie sifted it.

Of Cursers and Blasphemers. Chap. 20.

Leuit. 24. WHosoeuer curseth his God, shal beare the paine of his owne sinne, and the blasphemer of the Lordes name shall die the death. The whole congre­gatiō of the people shal stone him, whe­ther he be a citizen or a stranger. This bitter cōminatiō the Lord raineth down vpon such as curse and blaspheme. Who then will presume to contradict and dis­pute against it? If a subiect blaspheme or speake euill of his prince, presently hee is had by the back, and condemned to die? What then shall be done with him, that banneth and teareth in peeces the name of God, who is the King of Kings? Is hee [Page] not worthy of greater punishmēt, name­ly, to suffer both in body and soule? Canō. 10 caus. 24. q. 3. ex Hierō. in Epist. ad Tit. Mi­chael the Archangell durst not curse the diuel, albeit he was worthy of al the cur­ses in the world how therfore is it lawful for vs to curse? The Turkes at this day dare not transgresse herein, for feare of Gods punishmēt. Many of y ^e papists ac­coūt it an intolerable sin to blaspheme. O what a condemnatiō wil this be vnto vs? I feare me, that many of them hauing as it were but a glimpse of the Gospel of Christ, will goe before vs Protestants in­to the euerlasting Paradise. We know in our consciences, that cursers and blas­phemers are hainous offenders in the sight of God. Howbe it neuerthelesse, we liue carelesse and obstinate, as bee­ing either dazeled like vnto owles at the eminent light of the Gospel, or else be­witched and charmed by the empoyso­ned guiles of this world, and the Prince of this world. Our vsuall speeches in our anger are these: The Diuell take him, Vengeance light vpon him, A poxe on thee, A plague on thee. Al which horri­ble curses haue already fallen on some of our pates, & that within these 7. yeeres. [Page] The plague first ouerspread it selfe through London the Metropolitane Ci­tie of this Realme, and from thence it crept into euerie shire in particular. The poxe likewise hath not beene absent, which many parents to their great griefe can testifie. As for the other two, the di­uell and vengeance, the gallowes being burthened with traytors, murtherers, and felons, may giue sufficient euidence a­gainst vs.

Now concerning blasphemie, the fol­lowers thereof haue not altogether esca­ped scotfree, as appeared by Duke Ioye­us, who about eyght yeere since, felt the smart of his impious deserts. This Duke, one of the cheefest of the leaguers in France, beeing ouercome by the French Kings forces that now raigneth, and des­pairing of any good successe, vomited forth these wordes: Farewell my great Cannons: I renounce God, and wil run this day a high fortune. With that hee galloped amaine, and plunged himselfe, horse and all into the riuer Tar, where presently hee was swallowed vp. Thus did God worke the end of this blasphe­mous Duke. And I pray God they may [Page] so still bee rewarded that blaspheme him, which causeth the foundations of the earth to tremble, in any Realme or nation in the worlde whatsoeuer. What shall I write of the Franciscan Friers, who blasphemously compare their Frier Frauncis vnto Christ, saying, that Christ did not any thing, but Frauncis did the same? yea; Francis did more then Christ, for his nayles droue away temp­tations. O childish comparison! Of this blasphemous route is Bellarmine, that Archpapist, as by these his words it ap­peareth. Bellarm. lib. 2. de Mona. cap. 13. Leuit. 24. & §. vlt. in Nou. 77. Clarus. §. blasphe­ma, lib. 5. Iason. l. 3. §. iurare. num. 11. de iniur. & Zasius Consil. 19 num. 37. lib. 1. If we, quoth he, cannot by a­ny meanes keepe the lawe of God, then God is more vniust, and more cruell then any tyrant. The punishment of cursers and blasphemers were diuers. Sometimes they were punished by death. Sometimes * their tongues were cutte or bored through. And at other times their punishments were arbittarie according to the number of their offen­ces. Likewise king Lewes of France hea­ring the Lord of lenuile, one of his Ba­rons, blaspheme God, caused him to be apprehended, and his lips to be slit with an hotte iron. For which notable act of [Page] iustice, he afterwards deserued the name of a Saint.

Let vs therefore consider of these both ordinarie, and extraordinarie punish­ments, and employ our whole studies to admonish those miscreants, who doe no­thing else but ban and blaspheme God, yea, and otherwhiles their owne selues.

Of Deceit. Chap. 21.

SVch is the corrupt nature of this age, that men conuert that into deceite, which God gaue them for good reason, whereby it falleth out, that Terent. in Andr. one deceit bringeth in another, and consequently, cosenages are heaped vpon cosenages. Herehence it commeth to passe, that so many in these dayes are conicatched. For how can it otherwise bee, as long as they listen vnto flatterers, & despise wise men, when they tel them of their follies?

Wherefore beware of smoothing dis­semblers, O ye that are gently disposed, and suffer your selues to bee lift out of the gulfe of ignorance, and to bee pow­dred with truth, which earst like sots yee haue abandoned. Ari. lib. 4. Me­taphysic. None euer haue [Page] beene deceiued, but in that whereof they are ignorant, or else in that which is obscure. And if they bee deceiued, Demost. 1. Olynth it is prodigi­ous, if they bee deceiued of good men. Final­ly, An. lib 2. Elench sophistic. they that perceiue not deceits, shal of­tentimes be deceiued of themselues.

Whether a man bee bound to performe that, which he hath sworne to his enemie, either willingly, or by constraint. Chap. 22.

SO excellent a thing is the name of faith, that the vse therof hath not on­ly purchased credite among friends, but also renowne amongst enemies, which foundation being laide, I constantly a­uerre, if a man hath sworne vnto his e­nemie, that he is periured, if he performe not his othe. Now Hotomā. lib. illustr. quaestion. cap. 17. vnder the name of E­nemie, I comprehend sixe sorts of people. First, there be forraine enemies, such as the Spaniards bee vnto vs at this instant, who by an vniuersall consent, doe wage warre against vs, and these are proper­ly to bee termed enemies. Secondly, Rebelles, of which number wee ac­count the Earle of Tyrone, and the [Page] wild Irish, who haue traitorously re­uolted from her Maiesties iurisdiction, are to be called enemies. Thirdly, wee name Pirats, rouers & theeues. Fourth­ly, wee name aduersaries, amongst whō ciuill discords hapneth, enemies. Fiftly, banished persons, outlawes, and con­demned men, haue the title of enemies. In which ranke, I place Robin Hood, little Iohn, and their outlawde traine, who spoylde the kings subiects. Lastly, Fugitiues, and runnagate seruants, ma­king warre with their masters, deserue the name of enemies. In the beadroll of these enemies, flatterers, conicatchers, slanderers, and Promooters, disturbers of the publike rest may be added.

Nowe to the question, whether wee ought to keepe touch with all these sorts of enemies? It seemeth vnfaignedly, that we should, as shall more manifestly ap­peare by these reasons. Leuit. 19 First, * othes by the testimonies of the scriptures, Deut. 5. are to be obserued. Iosua. 9. Secondly, * euill is not to bee committed, 2. Sā. 21 that goodnes may ensue. Periurie is euill, Matth. 5. therfore not to be com­mitted, Rom. 3. that goodnesse may ensue: no, not although a man should lose his life [Page] for it. Thirdly, of two euils, the least is to bee chosen: but periurie is a greater euil then losse of goods and landes, yea, and which is more, it is greater then losse of life: therefore it is better to lose life and liuing, then to burthen our consci­ences with the abominable sinne of per­iurie. Ambros. lib. 1. Offic. c. 29. Fourthly, there cannot be hone­stie nor quietnesse amongst vs, if wee break our othes. Sixtly, it is no poynt of liuely magnanimitie to engage our faith, vnlesse wee were willing to performe it: for Psal. 15. who shal dwel in Gods tabernacle? who shall rest vpon his holy hil? euen he that setteth not by himselfe. It is rather the propertie of follie, for that a foole wil sweare any thing for his owne safegard: whereas a man of discretion will consi­der wel, and weigh his speech as it were by the ounce, before hee pawne it. Se­uenthly, whatsoeuer a man sweareth, and may performe with the fauor of God, & without sinne, that same, albeit compel­led, is to bee obserued, for the name of God is of greater estimation, then al tē ­porall commodities: such is the pro­mise which a man sweareth vnto theeues, because nowe and then for our amende­ment [Page] GOD permitteth temptations: therefore a man hauing sworne vnto theeues or pirates by compulsion, may not prophane his othe. Likewise Ma­chiauell is worthie of many stripes, who counselled his Prince to put on the foxes skinne, when his other shiftes did faile, and to follow that yong mans example, who said: Hippo­ [...]us a­pud [...]u­ripidem. I swore an othe by tongue, but I beare a mind vnsworne.

Of Heretiques and Schismatiques. Chap. 23.

THey are to be accounted heretiques, which contumatiously defend erro­nious opinions in the church of Christ, and will not by any exhortations bee conuerted to the truth. Such were the Arrians, that helde three degrees in the Trinitie. Such were the Menandrians, Manichaeans, Carpocratians, Cerin­thians, Valentinians, Somosatenians, Nouatians, Ebionites, Noetians, Mace­donians, Douatists, Tertullianists, Pela­gians, [Page] Nestorians, Nouell. 109 prae­fation. §. Haereticos Wesēbec. in C. de Haeretic. & Clarus lib. 5. §. haeres. num. 13 & 14. and others, [...] which by Iustinian the Emperour were after­wards condemned, their goods confisca­ted, and themselues either banished or put to death.

Innumerable examples cōcerning he­retiques are extant: but I will cōtent my selfe at this time with the rehearsall one­ly of two of thē, the memory wherof, is as yet rife amongst many of vs. In the yeere of our Lorde 1561. and the third yeere of the raigne of Queen Elizabeth, there was in London one William Ief­fery, that impudently affirmed Iohn Moore a companion of his, to bee Iesus Christ, and would not reuoke his foolish beleefe, vntill hee was whipped from Southwarke to Bedlem, where the saide Moore meeting with him, was whipped likewise, vntill they both confessed that Christ was in heauen, & themselues but sinfull and wicked heretiques. In like maner, about ten yeeres ago, I my selfe being then a scholer at Westminster, Henry Arthingtō, & Edmond Coppin­ger, two gentlemen, bewitched by one William Hackets dissimulations, con­cluded him to bee the Messias, and [Page] thereupon ranne into Cheapside, pro­claiming the said Hacket to bee Christ. For which hereticall or rather Diuelish deuice they were apprehended and im­prisoned: & in the end Hacket was han­ged on a gallowes placed vp in Cheap­side; Arthington was kept in prison vpō hope of repentance; & Coppinger died for sorrow the next day in Bridewell.

Thus we see that truth, although for a time it be darkened by a cloude, yet at last it preuailes and gettes the victory: & the Heretiques themselues are by Gods speciall iudgements confounded, and their couragious opinions in a moment abated. Neither will it be long, ere that the Romish Bishop, the sonne of Belial shall see Psal. 2. his power brused with a rod of iron, and broken in peeces like a pot­ters vessell: yea, himselfe 2. Thes. 2. shall be con­sumed with the spirit of Gods mouth, and be abolished with the brightnes of his comming.

Of Iesuites. Chap. 24.

IGnatius a maimed souldier, not for a­ny feruency or zeale, that he bare vn­to a new austerity of life, but feeling him­selfe [Page] weake any longer to souldierize & follow the warres, communicated with diuers persons, and among the rest with one Pasquier Brouet, a man altogether vnlettered & ignorāt of Diuinity. These two together with their enchaunted cō ­plices, to apply their title vnto their zeale, named thēselues deuout persons of the society of Iesus. And thereupon presented themselues vnto Pope Paul the 3. about the yere of our Lord 1540. This Pope permitted them to be called Iesuites, but with this coūtermaund, that they should not surpasse the number of threescore persons. Thus for a time they satisfied themselues. But within a while after, they obtained greater priuiledges of Pope Paul the fourth: which made their troublesome order like ill weedes to multiply a-pace, and attempt many horrible things: yea, euen most wicked treason against the liues of high poten­tates and Princes, as against our soue­raigne Queene, against the French king, and diuers others. In Portingal and India they termed themselues Apostles; but in the yeere 1562. sundry of them were drowned by the iust iudgement [Page] of GOD. Who is so simple, but hee vnderstandeth, that they in naming themselues Iesuites do goe about to de­grade the auncient Christians, and blaspheme against GOD? rather they should call themselues Ignatians, and not bring in newfound orders. This the Sorbonistes of Paris knew very wel, when they doubted not about sixe yeers agoe to exhibite a bill in the Parlia­ment against them. What shall I write, how they giue themselues altogether to be Machiauellians, and vngodly Po­liticians, how they hoord vp wealth, how they possesse Earledoms and Lord­ships in Italy and Spaine? and yet for all this, they presume to entitle them­selues of the society of Iesus. O wret­ched caitifes! O hellish heretiques [...] the time will come, when this outra­gious profession of yours shall be ex­tinguished by the Sunne-shine of the true and Apostolicall doctrine, as the Sorcerers rod was eaten vp by Aarons rod in the presence of Pharao.

Of Magnanimity. Chap. 25.

MAgnanimity is a vertue, Arist. lib. 4. Ethic. cap. 3. that consisteth in atchieuing of great exploits: and is touched chiefly vpon eight occasions. First, a magnanimous man is he, that wil neuer be induced to enterprise any dis­honest point against any man, no not a­gainst his vtter enemy. Secondly, he will chuse the meane rather then the ex­treame. Thirdly, he will tell his minde plainly without dissimulation. Fourth­ly, he will not respect what the common people speake of him, nor will hee mea­sure his actiōs according to their applau­ses. Fiftly, a magnanimous man, Osorius li. 3. Christian. no­bilit. though he should see all the world eagerly bent to fight, and though hee should see euery thing round about him set on fire, and almost con­sumed, yet he notwithstanding through an assured confidence will remaine constant. Sixtly, a magnanimous man will with­draw his mind from worldly affaires, & lift it vp to the contemplation of great matters, Psal. 1. and in Gods law will he exercise [Page] himselfe day and night. Seuenthly, a mag­nanimous man wil scorne vices, and for­get iniuries. Eightly, he will speake no­thing but wise and premeditated words, according to that old saying: A barking dog wil neuer proue good biter, and the deepest riuers runne with least noise.

The auncient Christians of the pri­mitiue Church were right examples of this vertue Magnanimity, as they, who had all the properties thereof imprinted in thē. They, I say, who cheerefully gaue themselues to be massacred and tormen­ted. Like vnto these were our late En­glish martyrs in Queene Maries daies, who gladly in defence of the true reli­gion yeelded themselues to fire and fa­got. For the vndoubted beleefe of tri­umph in heauen both diminished and tooke away the corporall griefe, and re­plenished the mind with cheerfulnesse and ioy. They knew mans lyfe to be but a bubble on the face of the earth. They considered with themselues our miserable estate; for assoone as wee are borne, wee seeme to flourish for a small moment, but straightway wee die, and there is litle memorial left behind. They [Page] knew Magnanimity to be the ornament of all the vertues. Briefly, they perswa­ded thēselues to see their sauiour Christ in heauen, and euermore to dwell with him. These, these be the duties of mag­nanimous men, which whosoeuer do couet to embrace, shall at last attaine to euerlasting happines.

Of Ambition. Chap. 26.

IN ambition there be fiue mischiefes. The first is, that causeth a man neither to abide a superiour nor an equall. The secōd, an ambitious man by attributing [Page] honour vnto himselfe, goeth about to defraud God of his due. The 3. plague in ambition is, that it considereth not what hath chaunced to such, as exerci­sed it. Bembus li. 2. Ve­net. hist. Lodowicke Sforcia vncle to Iohn Ga­leaze Duke of Millan whom he poysoned, was one of the most ambitious men in the world; but yet for all his Italian trickes Gnicci­ardin. li. 4. Histor. he was at last in the yeere 1510. taken captiue by the French King, and put in pri­son, where he continued till hee died. Car­dinall Wolsey likewise here in England may serue for a patterne of ambition, who beyng preferred by King Henry the eight her maiesties Father, would notwithstanding haue exalted himselfe aboue the King, for which his intolera­ble ambition his goods were cōfiscated, and himselfe apprehended. The fourth mischiefe in ambition is, that hee hun­teth after false and deceitfull glory, and Persius Satyr. 1. thinkes it a faire thing to be pointed at with the finger, and to be talked of: This is he. The fift, an ambitious man waigh­eth not his owne frayelty and weak­nesse.

Remedies against ambition. Chap. 27.

THe forward horse is not holden back without foaming and shewing his fu­ry. The streame that rūneth, is not staied contrary to the course thereof without making a noise: & the ambitious man is not reclaimed frō his aspiring thoughts without good and wholesome admoni­tions; I will neuerthelesse, as well as I can, endeuour to cure him of his canke­red malady.

First, let the ambitious man consider whereof he is made, namely, of dust & ashes. Secondly, he must diligently goe to heare Sermons, and read the holy Bi­ble. Thirdly, he must thinke vpon the wauering actions of fortune, how she ta­keth frō one that, which she trāsferreth on another, and how she respecteth not the equity of causes, nor y ^• merits of per­sons, but maketh her fancy the measure of her affections. Fourthly, let the am­bitious haue a regard whether hee be commēded of wise men or of flatt [...]rers. Fiftly, let him compare his owne deeds with those of the holy mēs in times past. [Page] Sixtly, hee must not enquire what the common people say of him. Seuenth­ly, let him take heed by other mens harmes, and muse vpon the case of those men, who desiring to eate some fruite, regarded not the height of the tree, whereon they grew, but laboured to climbe vp to the toppe, and so fel downe headlong by reason of the weakenes of the boughes.

Of Fortitude. Chap. 28.

THe meanes to discerne a valiaunt man be eight. The first, if he be not astonied in aduersity, nor proud in pro­sperity, but leading both the one & the other within the square of Mediocrity. Secondly, he is a valiaunt man, that is milde and courteous of nature. Third­ly, if Eurip. in Rhes. he scornes priuily to ouercome his ad­uersary. Fourthly, if hee contemne to fight in a bad quarrell, for Ambr. li. 1. Offi. fortitude without equitie is the fewell of iniquity. Fiftly, if hee Virg. li. 6. Ae­neid. giue not place to miseries, but goeth the more couragiously agaynst them. Sixtly, he is a valiant man, that sorroweth to die an inglorious death. [Page] Seuenthly, that feareth shame. As Aristot. lib. 3. E­thic. ca. 8 He­ctor did, when his friendes counselled him not to goe out of the city. Eightly, hee is a valiaunt man, that will fight stoutly in his Countries defence, and not feare to die. Such a one was Captaine Homer. lib. 22. Iliad. Di­agio of Millan, Machi­auel. li. 4 Histor. Florent. who in the yeere of our Lord 1400. beyng enuironed with fire and enemies, not finding any means to defend his charge, or escape honest­ly with life, threw ouer the wall of the place, where he was inclosed, and where no fire as yet burned, certaine clothes and straw, and vpon the same his two children, and sayd to his enemies, Take you here those goods which Fortune gaue me, but my goods of mind where­in my glory consisteth neyther will I giue them, nor can you take them from mee. The enemies saued the poore children, and offred him ladders to con­ueigh himselfe downe safe. But hee re­fusing all succours, chose rather to die in the fire, then receyue life from the enemies of his countrey. What shall I speake of sir Philip Sydney, sir Ri­chard Greeneuil, and sundry others of our owne countrymen, who of late [Page] yeeres not vnlike to those of auncient times so highly commended, willingly and valiauntly lost their liues, rather then they would trust to the mercy of the Spaniards? Plutarch. in vita Cleomen. In briefe, * commonly they, that are most affrayd to offend the lawe, are in the field most stout against their enemies, and will shunne no perill to winne fame and honest reputation.

Of Foole-hardinesse. Chapt. 29.

FOole-hardinesse is the excesse of for­titude, vsed for the most part of Ca­ualeers and tosse-pots. For seldome is it seene, that they at any time haue fought in iust causes, or haue obserued the circumstances belonging to true Forti­tude.

Their properties rather are to flaunt like Peacockes, to play the Braggado­chians, and to trust most impudently in the hugenesse of their lims, and in their drunken gates. Such are many of our yong Gentlemen, who by their wise pa­rents are sent so timely to learne wise fa­shiōs at Lōdon. Such are they, I say, who [Page] cary beehiues and commonwealths in their pates, who iet now and then in the streetes with bushes of feathers on their Cockescombed sconces, and goe attired in Babilonian rayments. But the higher they exalt themselues, the grea­ter will be their fall. In the forefront of these madde-cappes may the Duke of Guise appeare, who in the yeere 1588. one day before he was slaine, as he sate at dinner, found a litle scrowle of paper vnder his trencher, wherein was written that hee should looke vn­to himselfe, and that his death was pre­pared. But hee in the same paper rash­ly with his owne hande wrote these wordes: They dare not, and so threw it vnder the table.

By whose example let men take heed how they persist in any thing rash­ly, for although the Poetes say, that Virg. lib. 4. Aenei. & Ouid. lib. 10. Metam. Fortune helpeth an audacious man, yet notwithstanding that helpe is quickly ouercast and Quintil. Declama­tion. 1. broken by the wofull ca­lamities of the body. Wherefore wee must deeme it expedient to resist and turne backe foole hardinesse rather late then neuer.

Of feare and Pusillanimity. Cha. 30.

EVen as the foole-hardy Caualeer trauerseth vp and downe like a Lion: so a fearefull man is a pusillanimous meacocke: he feareth his owne shadow by the way as he trauelleth, and iudgeth ech bush to be a rouer. When he is a­mong Gentlemen, he holdeth his head downe like a dunce, and suddenly snea­keth away like an vrcheon. He is either [Page] by nature melancholike, or by vse a nig­gard or a tenderling, such a one was that Gentleman of Portingall, who craued of king Sebastian in the yeere 1572. a pro­tection against some, who had sworne his death. The king gaue it him. Shortly after he came againe vnto the king, and complained vnto him of the great feare he was daily in, notwithstāding his pro­tection. Whereunto the king wisely an­sweared: from feare I cānot protect you. Farre more feareful then this Portingall was that yong Gentleman of Patauine, who of late yeeres beyng in prison vpon some accusation, heard by one of his friēds, that of certainty he should be ex­ecuted the next day following. Which newes so terrified & chāged him, that in one only night he became white & grai-headed, whereas before there was no ap­pearance thereof. The cause of this so wonderfull an alteratiō was feare, which groūded vpon a false opinion of mischief seazed on his heart, and consumed it like a pestilent canker according to that saying: Arist. li. 2. Physic. A suddaine alteration hath no great beginning. And again, Vegetius lib. 3. de remilit. Vsuall things are seldome feared. For being long [Page] expected, how can they chuse but fall out lightly? To conclude, it is Terent. in Eu­nuch. the first and suddaine feare, that bereaueth the mind of aduise, but often consideration of it bree­deth confidence, and quite expelleth all maner of feare.

Of Temperance and Continence. Chapt. 30.

ALl vertues do make a Common­wealth happy and peaceable: but temperance alone is the sustay­ner of ciuill quietnesse, for it ta­keth care that the realme bee not cor­rupted with riot and wanton delights, whereby diuerse states haue beene cast away. This is that vertue which hin­dreth dishonest actions, which restray­neth pleasures within certaine bounds, and which maketh men to differ from bruite beastes. Moreouer, this is that Homer. lib. 10. Odyss. hearbe, which Mercury gaue to Vlisses, least he should tast of the enchauntres cup, & so with his felows be trāsform'd into a hog. [Page] & this is that vertue, which great men ought specially to embrace, that by their example the common sort might be­come temperate. For Aristot. lib. 1. E­thic. ca. 5. this is the reason why so many now-adayes liue riotously like beastes, namely, because they see noblemen and magistrates, that gouerne the common­wealth, to lead their liues wantonly, as Sar­danapalus did. Therefore let noblemen be temperate, and spend lesse in showes and apparell, that they may keepe bet­ter hospitality then they doe, and be­nefit the poore. Let them, I say, imitate those famous wights, who voluntarily resigned vp their large portions in this world, that they might liue the more contentedly. A murath the second, Em­perour of the Turkes, after he had got­ten infinite victories, became a Monke of the straightest sect amongst thē in the yeere of our Lord 1449. Charles the 5. Emperour of Germany gaue vp his Em­pire into the hands of the Princes Ele­ctours, and withdrew himselfe in the yeere 1557. into a monastery. The like of late did the tyrant his sonne king Phi­lip of Spaine. What shal I say of Daniel, and his three companions Ananias, [Page] Azarias, and Misael? did they not choose to sustaine themselues with pulse, when as they f might haue had a portion of the kings meate? Daniel. 1. seeing therefore by these examples wee perceiue, howe great the force of Temperance is ouer the greedy affections of the minde, let vs deuoutly loue her, and through her loue, obserue a meane in our pleasures and sorrowes.

Of Intemperance, and Incontinence. Chap. 31.

INtemperaunce is an ouerflowing in pleasures, desperately constraining all reason, in such sort, that nothing is able to stay him from the execution of his lusts. For that cause there is a difference betweene it and incontinence, namely, that an incontinent man knoweth full, that the sinne which hee commits is sin, and had intended not to follow it, but being ouermastered by his Lordly per­turbations, hee yeeldeth in a manner a­gainst his will thereunto: whereas the intemperate man sinneth of purpose, e­steeming it a goodly thing, and neuer repents him once of his wickednesse. [Page] Wherehēce I conclude, that an intem­perate man is incurable, and farre worse then the incontinent: for the inconti­nent man being perswaded with whole­some counselles, will bee sorie for his of­fence, and wil striue to ouercome his pas­sions. But to make both, aswell the in­temperate man, as the incontinent hate­full vnto vs: Let vs call to minde, howe they do nothing else, but thinke on their present prouender and rutting. Also, wee must consider, how that intemperance is that goggle-eyed Venus, which hin­dereth honest learning, which meta­morphozeth a man into a beast, and which transformeth simple wretches in­to tosse-potted asses: wherefore I wish all men of what qualitie soeuer they bee, to take heede of this vice, least they ei­ther be accounted beasts, or aliue bee reckoned among the number of the dead.

Of Lecherie. Chap. 33.

LEcherie is a short pleasure, bringing in long paine, that is, it expelleth ver­tue, [Page] shorteneth life, & maketh the soule guiltie of abominable sinne. This vice I feare mee, is too rife here in England, for howe many Vrsulaes haue wee like that princely Vrsula, who with eleuen thousand Virgins more in her compa­nie being taken by the Painime fleete, as they were sayling into little Britaine, for the defence of their chastities, were al of them most tyrannically martyred? In steed of Vrsulaes, I doubt, we haue cur­tezans, and whorish droyes, who with their brayed drugs, periwigs, vardingals, false bodies, trunk sleeues, spanish white, pomatoes, oyles, powders, and other glozing fooleries too long to bee re­counted, doe disguise their first naturall shape, onely sophistically to seeme fayre vnto the outwarde viewe of tame and vndiscreete woodcocks. Yet notwith­standing, lette a man beholde them at night or in the morning, and hee shall finde them more vgly and lothsome then before: and I cannot so well liken them, as to Millers wiues, because they looke as though they were beaten about their faces with a bagge of meale. But what enfueth after all these [Page] artificiall inuentions? the vengeance of God. Esay 3. Insteede of sweete sauour, there shall bee stinke, insteede of a girdle, a rent, insteede of dressing the haire, baldnesse, insteede of a sto­macher, a girding of sack cloth, and burning, insteede of beautie. What shal I do thē, as­keth the honest mā? how shal I discerne a chaste woman from a baudie trull, a di­ligent huswife, from an idle droane? Gellius lib. 1. ca. 11. St [...] ­baeus ser­mon. 65. & Bru­son. lib. 7 cap. 22. (a) If she be faire, she is most commonly a common queane: if shee bee foule, then is shee odious: What shall I doe? This thou shalt doe, O honest mā, Martial. lib. 8. E­pigram. ad Pris­cum. (b) Choose thee not a wife aboue thine estate, nor vnder, lest the one be too haughtie, or the other displease thee: rather hearken vnto a wittie vir­gin, borne of vertuous and wittie pa­rents, correspondent vnto thee both in birth and degree, and no doubt but with thy good admonitions thou shalt haue her tractable. No woman is so flintie, but faire words and good vsage will in time cause her to relent, and loue thee as shee should, aboue all others: in fine, respect not dowrie, for

* If she be good, Plautus in Aulu­lar. she is endowred well.

Of Gluttonie and Drunkennesse. Chap. 34

OF Gluttonie there bee foure kindes. The first hapneth, when a man cau­seth his meate to bee made readie before due and ordinarie time for pleasure, and not for necessitie. The seconde, when a man curiously hunteth after diuersities and daintie meate. The third, when hee eateth more then sufficeth nature. The last, when wee eate our meate too gree­dily and hungrily, like vnto dogs.

Now to come to drunkennesse, I find that there bee three sorts thereof. The first, when wee being verie thirstie, not knowing the force of the drinke, doe vn­wittingly drinke our selues drunke: and this can be no sinne. The second, when we vnderstand that the drinke is immo­derate, and for all that, wee respect not our weake nature, which vnawares be­commeth cup-shot; and this is a kind of sinne. The third, when we obstinatelie do perseuere in drinking, and this cer­tainely, is a grieuous and intolerable sinne.

The discommodities of drunkennesse. Chap. 35.

THe discommodities of drunkennesse are many: Prou. 20. & 23. Ioel. 2. first, (c) it displeaseth God: secondly, it is vndecent and filthie: for doth not a drunken mans eies look red, bloudy, Luke. 16. and staring? doth not his tongue falter? doth not his breath stinke? is not his nose fierie and wormeaten? are not his wits dead, according to that: When the ale is in, witte is out? doth not his bodie shiuer? Horatius lib. 1. E­pistol. In breefe, What doth not drunken­nesse signifie? it discloseth secrets, it maketh the vnarmed man to thrust himselfe into the warres, and causeth the carefull minde to become quite voyde of care. The third discommoditie of drunkennesse is, that it shorteneth life, defaceth beautie, and corrupteth the whole worlde. For howe can it otherwise bee, when GOD blesseth not the meate [Page] and drinke within our bodies? Fourth­ly, drunkennesse i [...] the cause of the losse of time. Esay. 5. Fiftly, Hell gapeth and openeth her mouth wide, that the multitude and wealth of them that delight therein, may goe downe into it. For proofe whereof, I will declare one notable example, ta­ken out of the Anatomie of Abuses. About twentie yeeres since, there dwelt eight men, Citizens and Citizens Sonnes of Swaden a Cittie of Germa­nie, who vpon a Sunday morning, a­greed to goe into a Tauerne, and com­ming to the house of one Antonie Hage, an honest man, and zealous­lie giuen, they called for wine. The good man tolde them that they should haue none, before Sermon time was past, and perswaded them to goe heare the woord preached. But they (saue one Adam Giebens, who aduised them to heare the Sermon for feare of GODS wrath) denyed, saying, that they loathed that kinde of exercise. The good Oast neither giuing them any Wine himselfe, nor permitting any other, went to the Sermon. Who being gone, they fel to cursing, & wishing that [Page] he might breake his necke before he re­turned: whereupon the diuell appeared vnto them in the shape of a yong man, bringing in his hand a flagon of wine, & drunke vnto them, saying: Good fel­lowes, be merrie, for you shall ha [...]e wine inough, & I hope you wil pay me well. Then they inconsiderately aunswered, that they would paye him, or else they would gage their neckes, yea, their bo­dies and soules, rather thē to faile. Thus they continued swilling and bibbing so long, till they could scant see one ano­ther. At the last, the Diuell their tap­ster told them, that they must needs pay their shot: whereat their hearts waxed cold. But he comforting them, sayd: Be of good cheere, for now must you drinke boyling lead, pitch; and brimstone with me in the pit of hell for euermore. Here­vpon hee made their eyes appeare like fire, and in breadth as broad as a sawcer: and ere they could call for grace & mer­cie, the diuell preuented them, & brake their necks asunder. The other Adam Giebens, who counselled them before to heare Gods word, hauing some sparks of faith within him, was preserued from [Page] death, by the great mercie of God.

After this sort God punished drun­kennesse, to the terrour of all such as de­light therein. God grant that men here­after may beware, howe they play the drunkards. For doubtlesse, although he beares with our quaffers heere in Eng­land, yet notwithstanding, hee hath pre­pared heauie punishments for them in the world to come.

Remedies against intemperance, gluttony, and drunkennesse. Chap. 36.

THe first remedie against intempe­rance, gluttonie, and drunkennesse, is the word of God: for Matth. 4 (e) it is written, Man shal not liue by bread only, but by euerie word that proceedeth out of the mouth of God. The second, they must consider the fa­sting and pouertie of Christ, for when he said, I thirst, that is, I thirst after mans sal­uation, Iohā. 19 they gaue him Vineger to drinke. The thirde remedie is, that they waigh with themselues the euill, which procee­deth from their vices, and the torments of the rich glutton in hell. The fourth, lette them thinke on the eternall plea­sures [Page] of the other world, and Matt. 5. hunger & thirst after righteousnesse. The fift, lette them follow Socrates aduice, Plut. de curiosit. et Xenop. lib. 1. de dict. & fact. So­crat. Who ad­monished men to take heede from eating and drinking those things, which would mooue them not being hungrie, nor thirstie: and al­so from prying into Gentlewomens beauties, lest, as the Poets faine, Cupid the blinde God of loue, doe perchance shoote and hit them. This reason Elian. li. 3. vari. hist. c. 30 Clito­machus knew very wel, who if he heard but one talking of loue matters, would immedi­atly depart away. Lastly, let them auoyde idlenesse; for Ouid. li. 1. de re­med. amo. Idlenesse being taken away, the force of lechery decayeth.

Of stupiditie or dulnesse. Chap. 37.

STupiditie is a voluntarie and too great a suppression of lawful pleasures. This vice Arist. li. 3. Ethic. cap. 11. is seldome founde amongst men: for where shall we see any so dull, that hath no taste of pleasures? All other liuing crea­tures can iudge and discerne of the meat which they eate: but dull men haue not halfe so much iudgement or discretion. Therefore without doubt, they that haue lost their feeling, are no more to be cal­led liuing men, but blocks, or stocks, or [Page] rather bruite beastes depriued of sence. There bee some men I confesse, verie bluntish and dull, yet notwithstanding, I dare not say, that they are in such sort in­fected by reason of this vice, the defect of Temperance; but more likely they are so, because of their vnwholsome & bad complections, or else because of some sicknesse or other. And thus much of the nature of Stupiditie.

Of Magnificence. Chap. 38.

Arist. li. 4. Ethic. cap. 2. THe like difference as is between God & man, between a temple & a sepulcher, such is betwixt magnificēce & liberality: for Ibid. magnificence is a vertue, that consisteth in sumptuous & great expences: wheras libe­ralitie is cōuersāt in smal things, so y ^• the [Page] one is peculiar to Noblemen, and the o­ther to common Gentlemen. But in this age it is quite abandoned. They were wont in times past, to patronize and find poore schollers at the Vniuersitie: But now, I pray you, who is so noble-minded? who so vertuous? They were wont to builde Colledges: but now they are readie to pull them downe; and which is more, if any intendes but to build a free-schoole or an hospital (which is as seldome seene as a blacke swanne) wee account him, as they say, one of God Almighties fooles. The Gentlemen of the Innes of Court, quoth y ^• rich chuffes, weare so much on their backes, as would serue for the building of free-schooles. Our sonnes at the Vniuersitie spende yeerely in batles, decrements, and bookes, as much at would suffice for the repayring of bridges, high-waies, and such like. Those preachers please our mindes best, which preach fayth, and no good workes. This cheape religion we like; a strong barne, Neighbour, is worth fif­teene of their freeschooles. But alas, howe can the poore sheepe doe well, when their sheepheardes bee cold in charitie? when these non residents care not how [Page] their flockes thriue? when the Leuits of Iesus Christ haue alwaies this worldly theoreme in their mouthes: Hee ought to bee begd for a foole, that gathereth not for his wife and children? O politicke world­lings! O Machiauellians! The Papistes, that in a manner builde their whole de­uotion vpon good workes, shall rise a­gainst you at the day of Iudgement: yea, the Infidels themselues, who dedicate their substance vnto Idols, shall testifie against you. What sayth your Nazian­zene? Naziā. in orati­on, de cu­ra paupe. A man hath nothing so diuine as magnificence, & distribution of goods. What sayth Strabo? Strab. lib. 10. Mē thē principally do imi­tate God, when they benefite. Wherefore, O mortall men, both spirituall and tem­porall, do good while you may, time pas­seth away, liue mindfull of death. After which you must yeeld account to the almightie Iudge, howe you haue consu­med your liues and goods. In a word, helpe to aduance and preferre schollers, for Marti­al. lib. 1. Epigr. If there be a Mecenas, and furthe­rers of learning, we shal quickly finde Vir­gils and Horaces to eternize your names and magnificence; whereas on the con­trarie, Tacitus lib. 11. Annal. if magnificence and hire of paines be [Page] taken away, learning must of necessitie fall to ruine.

Of Liberalitie. Chap. 39.

LIberalitie is a vertue placed between prodigalitie and auarice, Arist. li. 4. Ethic. cap. 1. Conuersant most commonly in giuing, & sometimes in re­ceiuing; whereby not onely the partici­pation of gifts & money are meant, but also the communication of good coun­sels and duties are vnderstood. All they which exercise this vertue, doe purchase vnto themselues loue and good will, which be of great momēt, either to liue quietly, or to rule without trouble: Hor. li, 2. Od. 2 & Mart. lib. 8. E­pigram. Their fame shall neuer fall from the earth, and they themselues shall bee highly fa­uoured of the highest landlord. For Oui. lib. 5. Fastor. of­tentimes when God meanes to send his thun­derbolts against the wicked, hee stayeth his hand by reason of their sacrifices & almes.

Now to come to the anatomizing of liberalitie, I putte downe eight circum­stances, whereby a Gentleman may be­come liberal, & so vphold his reputatiō. The first lawe of liberalitie is, to distri­bute vnto them, who are most worthie: Otherwise, he is like a blinde man, when [Page] he knoweth not to whō he giueth: name­ly, he must obserue the order of nature, in preferring his brethren before his cosens, & his cosens before strangers, & Macr lib. 2. sa­turnal. in rewarding of wise men, before sycophāts & pickthanks. The second circumstance is, that a man giue not more, then his a­bilitie wil afford, but rather he must cut out his coate in proportion according to his cloth: because Plinius iuni. lib. 7. Epist. repentance followeth hastie liberalitie. The third, hee must not giue to thē, which haue inough alreadie. The fourth, he must not, after he hath bestowed his gifts, cast and hitte men in the teeth with them, or by his prating, cause the remembraunce of his gifts to perish. The fift rule of liberalitie, a man must not hurt one, that he may be liberal to another, for they that do this, are nei­ther to bee accounted beneficall nor li­berall, but pernicious. The sixt, he must giue willingly without requesting, for nothing is more deere then that, which is bought by praiers. Hitherto apper­tayneth the Apostles saying: 2. Cor. 9. As e­uerie man wisheth in his heart, so lette him giue, not grudgingly, nor of necessitie: for GOD loueth a cheerefull Giuer. [Page] The seuenth, lette him respect the place, where hee giueth, that is, whether in an honest house, or in an infamous. The last law of liberalitie is, that it be with­out shipwracke or losse of the giuers good name.

But why doe I decipher that, which nowe a dayes men haue vtterly abando­ned? Where in England, nay, where in the world, can I poynt with my finger, & say: There is a liberall man? Alas, al men are become misers, there are none that are liberall, no, not one. O vngrateful wretcheslis not God your Landlord, and doth not hee suffer you to enioye his lands without in comes or fines? Onely this is his conditiō, that ye vse the poore well, and cherish the needie: why then are yee couetous, why doe yee not per­forme his condition, and bee liberall? It behooues you rather to lay vp riches in heauen, and not to beleeue, that this fic­kle and doating worlde, is a perpetuall paradise, & that the drossie excrements therof, are hallowed. Communicat ther­fore your goods one vnto another, for treasure remaineth prepared for the godly in heauē. Let not the hellish vsu­rer [Page] haue dominion ouer you: he is Plu­tus (as the Poets faigne) the God of your riches. Beware of his fawnings, take heede of his motiues and illusions; hee commeth disguised in the forme of an Angell of light, perswading you by so­phistrie, that liberalitie is a vice, that golden duckets are demie Gods. But what followeth after all these fallacies? death, and the vengeance of the highest. To be short, as many as are well disposed to be liberall, let them giue in their liues time, whilst they haue space to giue. It is foolishnesse for any man to defer his li­beralitie till after his death: for execu­tors will part stakes; and besides, almes at that time, will do the giuers no good.

Of Prodigalitie. Chap. 40.

Arist. lib. 4. E­thic. PRodigalitie is a foolish and vndiscreete wasting and lauishing of goods: for the which pouertie and late repentance doe ensue. The rare follower of this vice ca­reth not for circumstances, but spen­deth his money vpon such things, wher­of hee leaueth little remembrance or none at all behind him: he neuer thinks [Page] on the variable blasts of fortune: but ig­nominiously cōsumeth his patrimony in a baudy or infamous house, and if there were giuen him as much money Boetius lib. 2. de Consolat. Philosop. metr. 2. as the sea turneth vp sand, when it is tossed with the raging winds: yet for all that a prodigall mā will deuour al, & at last will be forced to pill & poll his poore tenāts, supplying his wāts ambitiously by vnlawful means.

Into the listes of this vice many of our English Caualeers & souldiers do enter, who bestow al that they haue on gorge­ous raiments & in visiting of queanes: Wheras rather they should cōsider with thēselues, Pers. sa­tyr. 3. what they are, how they meane to liue hereafter, of what vocation they are, & what profit they may reape by sauing their money. It becommeth them not to follow crowes abroad through thicke & thinne: but to respect, whither they go. It becō ­meth thē, I say, not to imitate Bedlems, who iourney still that way, where the staffe falleth. God hath appointed euery man to be of some calling or other. To cōclude, they deceiue thēselues in think­ing, that prodigality doth ingraffe in thē a kind of liberality: for Tacitus lib. 1. Hi­stor. many know how to spend, but not, how to giue.

The properties of a couetous man. Chapt. 40.

THe properties of a couetous mā are infinit, but principally these: First a couetous man is an Infidel, for he loueth not his brethren, and 1. Ioh. 4. he that loueth not, knoweth not God, for God is loue. Second­ly, he is a theefe, for the goods that hee possesseth, are none of his owne, but Gods. Man is only constituted as a stew­ard, and must one day to his perpetuall destruction, yeeld an account thereof. Further, it is knowen, that Arist. li. 1. Politi. theft, and sun­dry other vices spring chiefly from couetous­nesse. Thirdly, a couetous man is a slaue, for he attendeth & wayteth on his mo­ney. Fourthly, he is in continuall feare and suspition, least theeues robbe him of his treasure, least his ewes haue no good yeaning, least the flouds cary away his milles, and least there happen a wette yeere.

Fiftly, Iuuenal. Satyr. 14 a couetous man is alway vexed and agrieued in minde, for if his wife as­keth for two shillinges to buy silke, sixe pence for spice or salte; then hee [Page] frets and fumes, yelles and bannes, swea­ring that she seekes his vtter vndooing. Sixtly, hee hath most commonly three keyes or more to his chest, and which is worse, threescore in his heart to keepe them from spending. Lastly, a couetous man offendeth against the second com­mandement, for hee worships Idols, in reposing so much confidence in his money.

Remedies against couetousnesse. Chap. 42.

ALbeit that Seneca in Hercu. O [...]te, nature is little inough to sa­tisfie a niggards mind, because hee is insatiable: yet notwithstanding, I will endeuor to bring him into the right way: first, let him thinke vpon the Amo. 6. fearefull alarums, Esay 5. which God by his Prophets sounded against all couetous men. Luk. 6. Se­condly, let him consider the pouertie of Christ. Iud. 2. Thirdly, let him weigh with him­selfe, how nature is content with a little, as for example, 1. Reg. 19. Elias was glad to eate bread and water: Dan. 1. Daniel satisfied himselfe with pulse: Luke. 3. Saint Iohn Baptist liued on lo­custs and wilde honey. Fourthly, let the co­uetous [Page] man keepe good companie, and follow them that are vertuously dispo­sed. Fiftly, let him thinke on the euerla­sting riches of the other world. Sixtly, lette him consider of his ende and death. Lastly, let the couetous man examine himselfe, and muse vpon the vnhappie liues and punishments, of such as haue beene couetous.

Calipha the Soldan of Egypt, hauing filled a Tower with golde and pretious stones, and being in war with Allan the king of Tartarie, was at last taken cap­tiue by him, & famished in that tower, wherein his treasure lay. More strange is that, which is reported of an Archbi­shop of Mogunce, who in the yeere of our Lorde 1518. foreseeing that corne would the next yeere be sold at an ex­treame rate, gathered together great store, and whorded the same vp in cer­taine garners, which he had built for the same purpose; not with a godly intent to bring downe the price, but rather to en­haunce it for his own priuate commodi­tie. But behold the iudgements of God; his seruants the next yeere ouerturning this whorded corne, founde cleane con­trarie [Page] to their expectations snakes, ad­ders, and vermine so thicke crept in, that it was impossible to saue ought thereof. The like, as I heard, hapned about a do­zen yeeres agoe vnto a wicked niggard here in England. Also, to mine owne re­membrance, there was one in the yeere 1589. that sent foure bushels of wheat (euery one consisting of two bushels & a halfe of Winchester measure) into the market, and was offred 22. shillings for euery bushell, which he refused, hoping to get 2. shillings more on the next mar­ket day. But see the reward of couetous­nes: wheat was thē sold for 16. shillings, & within 2. markets after for a noble, in somuch that that man, which refused to take 22. shillings for euery bushell, was now glad to haue a noble for the same. Likewise a certain knight of Oxfordshire punished very iustly (but ouerseuerely) the couetousnes of a priest, that denied the seruice of his office in the burying of a dead body, because his widow had not wherwith to pay him y ^e costs of the fune­ral. For the Knight himselfe going to the buriall, caused the minister to be bound to y ^e corps, & so to be cast both into one graue. Which done, he rode straightway [Page] to the Court, & with some intercession begd his pardō of Q. Mary. The like fact I heard was put in practize by Iohn Ma­ria Duke of Millan aboue an 100. yeers since. What shall I speake of the coue­tousnes of one Peter Vnticaro a Spani­ard? who with certaine other Christians, to the nūber of 263. hauing bene a long time withholden captiues in Alexandria by the great Turke, at lēgth in the yeere of our Lord 1577. conspired together for their deliuery, & by good lucke kil­led the Gailer, and then entring into his chāber, foūd a chest, wherin were great store of double duckets, which this Peter Vnticaro, & two more opening, stuffed thēselues so ful as they could therewith, between their shirts & their skin▪ which th'other Christiās wold not once touch, but said, that it was their liberty, which they sought for, to the honour of God, & not to make a mart of the infidels wicked treasure. Yet did these words sinke no­thing into their stomacks. But within a while after, in a skirmish with the warder of y ^e prison, P. Vnticaro & th'other 2. that were armed with y ^e duckets, were slain, as not able to weild thēselues, being so [Page] pestered with the weight and vneasie carriage of the duckets.

Now to end these remedies and fear­full punishments executed on couetous persons, I hold, that 1. Tim. 6. couetousnesse is the roote of all euill, & the cheefest cause why God is offended with vs: to which also by his Prophet he pronounceth wo, say­ing, Esay. 5. Woe bee vnto them that ioyne house to house, and lay field to field.

A dehortation from couetousnesse. Chap. 43.

HAuing heard so many remedies and fearefull examples, awake yee coue­tous men, and seeke to bee rich in God, and not in the fraile riches of this world, which consume away like rust, before you haue any fruition of them. Distri­bute your goods vnto the needie, and purchase no more then serues your ne­cessitie: yee knowe not whether your lands and goods shall be taken from you by the Turkes, Spaniardes, suretiships, fire, subsidies in the time of war, or any other discōmodities. In the yeere 1588. diuers rich Farmers and niggardes hea­ring [Page] that the Spanish nauie was cōming to inuade this realme, and fearing ther­by the losse of all their graine and mo­ney which they had by the sea side, trās­ported as much as they might into safer places: euen so, ye that bee rich, being aduertised of the wauering case of this world, see ye transport so much of your wealth, as possibly you may, into the house and purses of the poore: commit, I say, the custodie of your substaunce to Christ himself, who in the day of Iudge­ment will redeliuer the same vnto you with a glorious interest, & with a crown of gladnesse. Remember the wordes of Christ: [...] O fooles, this night shall your soules be taken from you, Luk. 12. then whose shall those things bee, which ye haue prepared? Euen theirs, who will make hauocke of them, and neuer thanke you once. For­get not what hee commaundeth you in another place. Matth. 10. Possesse not gold nor siluer, for Mar. 10 it is hard for them that haue riches, to en­ter into the kingdome of God: and Ibid. It is easier for a Cammell to goe through the eye of a needle, then for a rich man to enter into hea­uen. Wherefore, O ye rich, be not like to a dogge lying in the hay, which when [Page] he cannot eate himselfe, he will not with his barking, suffer the poore horses to eate thereof. Oh resemble not cammels, who though they goe loaden with trea­sure, yet they eate nothing but hay. In fine, repent and turne to God, for hee is mercifull, and woulde not your destruc­tion: Giue almes, Luc. 12. and make you bagges which waxe not olde, and a treasure which can neuer faile in heauen, where no theefe commeth, neither moth corrupteth.

Whether the couetous man be worse then the prodigall. Chap. 44.

COuetousnes is one of the desires beside nature, Arist. lib. 1. Physic. and therefore more detest­able thā prodigality, which for the most part, issueth from a generous spirit, and hath some tokens of grace and repen­tance: whereas contrariwise, couetousnes springeth in such, as are of base & dung­hilled thoughts, which hardly may bee lift vp from the earth, and is so bred and inueterated in the bone, that it will ne­uer be rooted out. In a worde, the prodi­gall man doth good vnto many, by his lauish gifts, & by wise counsels may be [Page] brought to the square of liberalitie; but the couetous man benefiteth none; and (as I sayd before) is incurable, and as it were sicke of a dropsie, by reason of a dayly habite, which he hath taken in co­ueting.

Of Clemencie and Courtesie. Chap. 45.

NOt onely reason consenteth, but al­so experiēce confirmeth, that of whō clemencie is abandoned, in him al other vertues are abolished: for what maketh a [Page] man seeme a God? doth not clemencie? surely, there is nothing that draweth neerer vnto Diuinitie then it. The con­sideration wherof, procured by the con­templation of the notable frame of man; prouoketh vs to bee zealous, and earnest to do our neighbour good, as not igno­rant, howe that the pure grace and mer­cie of God, doe shine in euerie iust and honest man. Wherefore, let Princes, Noblemen, and Gentlemen, who know what vertue is, consider in howe vast a sea of inconueniences they wade con­nually for all their superficiall ports. Let them, I say, waigh with themselues, that they bee but men; and if for a momen­tarie while they frowne, and scorne to looke on their inferiours: what, will not the mightie Iehouah, who noteth all mens hearts and gestures, contemne thē likewise: yea, yea, he wil also strike them with most horrible dartes of vengeance: therefore, for feare of the same, let men behaue themselues curteously, and imi­tate those famous wights, who by their curtesies haue merited perpetual honor.

King Henry the second of France, ha­uing in the yeere of our Lord 1554. li­censed [Page] the Duke of Montmorency Cō ­stable to chastise the rebellion of Bur­deaux, afterward gaue out a generall ab­solution, and forgaue euerie man. The like courtesie did the Duke of Guise, al­beit he was a most bloudy tyrant, shewe vnto the Prince of Condie his prisoner, in that he spake reuerently vnto him, v­sed him kindly, and permitted him to lie with him in one bed, which most men did not suppose that hee would haue done: for it is manifest, howe hatefull in ciuill broyles, the head of either faction is, so as if the one happen into the others hand, his vsage most commonly is vn­gentle, and his life in ieopardie.

Now by these and such like examples, let vs, who are reformed Christians, fol­low the traces of Gentlemen, & not like vnto heathenish Canniballes, or Irish karnes, persecute one another with capi­tall enmitie. Finally, let vs againe, and a­gaine ponder the wordes of our Sauiour Christ, who taught vs to bee courteous, and to Mat. 18 forgiue our brethren not onely se­uen times, but also seuentie times seuen.

Of Modestie and Bashfulnes. Chap. 46.

HE that is impudent and neuer blu­sheth, is accounted lost, and ought to be banished from all vertuous company: But on a sodaine, Terent. in Adel. I saw him blush, there­fore all is well. O noble modestie! O ho­nourable affection of the mind! which deseruest to haue Temples & altars de­dicated vnto thee, as to a diuine God­desse: for what beautifieth the vertues? Modestie: what bridleth and tameth the furious passions of the mind? Modestie. In yong men shee is the badge of inno­cency, and greatly to bee commended: but Ari. lib. 4. Ethic. cap. vlt. & Plau­tus in Amphyt. in old men she is vtterly dispraised; the reason is, because shame fastnesse being once departed from a man, is irreuoca­ble, and knoweth not howe to returne. But nowe alasse, in this old and spotted age of the world, youths, by reason of their parents fond indulgence, haue ex­ceeded the limits of modestie, and are become so brazen-faced, that they will not sticke to outface & denie that which is most euident: they are I say, become so impudent and base minded, that they [Page] wil neither acknowledge any reuerēce to their elders, nor suffer thēselues to be aduised by their equalles, nor as yet look mildly on their inferiors. Neuerthelesse, shamefastenesse in despight of al her ad­uersaries, shal be acceptable among wise men, and guide their hearts, as she did in times past. In the meane time, lette men thinke well of her, and note, whether she graceth yong men; and then according to the effect, let them choose, whether they receiue her or no,

Of Affabilitie. Chap. 47.

AFfabilitie is either a wittie vse of speech; or a delightfull recreation of the mind; or an amiable shew of coun­tenāce. It is a wittie vse of speech, whē a man moueth mirth, either by the quicke chaunging of some sentence, or else by a counterfeit, extrauagant, and doubtful speech, as for example, a Gentlemā on a time said vnto a Gentlewoman, How now Gentlewoman, what, al alone? she eftsoone wittily answered: Not alone, sir, but accō ­panied [Page] with many honourable thoughts. In like sort, a merrie Recorder of London, mistaking the name of one Pepper, cal­led him Piper: whereunto the partie ex­cepting, said, Sir, you mistake, my name is Pepper, not Piper: the Recorder an­swered: what differēce is there between piper in Latin, and pepper in English? There is, replied the other, as much dif­ference betweene them, as is betweene a pipe and a Recorder.

Affabilitie is a delightfull recreation of the mind, when we laugh moderately at those things, which wisely and chiefe­ly touch some fonde behauiour of some one body, or when wee tickle some vice or other: as if a man should talk of a pri­uie theefe in this wise; I haue one at home among all others, to whome there is no doore shut in all my house, nor chest lockt: Mea­ning, that hee is a picklocke and a priuie theefe. Howbeit, he might haue spoken these words of an honest seruant.

Affability is an amiable shew of coūte­nance, as whē some great personage re­saluteth the people cheerfully, & succou­reth euerie one according to his power. Whereby, as another 2. Sā. 15 Absalon, hee [Page] stealeth the hearts of the people. Then they speake all, as it were in a diapazon: who can chuse but with all his heart loue this no­ble minded Gentlemā, in whom all the sparks of aswell royall, as reall vertues do appeare? But on the cōtrary, if a Noble man, that is proud and haughty of countenance, should passe by them without any sem­blaunce of gentlenesse, they will thus descant of him: This man by his stately stalking, and portly gate ouer looketh Powles steeple: he is as proude as Lucifer, his pride will one day haue a fall. Thus they read of him, be he neuer so high of degree: they care not who heares thē: their tounges are their owne.

In respect whereof, I wish all Gentle­men to behaue themselues affably, and courteously towards their inferiors. For whereby els is a Gentleman discerned, saue by his gentle conditions? let them therfore looke better & prie into them­selues, & earnestly charge some of their most faithfull followers, to admonish them of their ouersights at conuenient seasons.

Of Indulgence. Chap. 48.

INdulgence is a fond, vaine, & foolish loue, vsed most commonly of parents towards their children. There is no vice so abhorred of wise men as this; For they find by experience, that mo youths haue bene cast away through their parēts indulgence, then either through vio­lent or naturall death. Yea, I haue heard sundry Gentlemen, when they came to yeeres of discretion, grieuously ex­claime, and bitterly complaine of their parents fondnesse, saying: Wee would to God that our parents had heretofore kept vs in awe and seuerity; for now lacking that instruction, which we ought to haue, wee feele the smart thereof. Vndoubtedly God wil one day demaund an account of them, and examine them, wherefore they re­spected not better their owne bowels. Shall he blesse them with children, and they through blind indulgence neglect their education? Truly, it is a miserable case. In times past parents were wont to place their sonnes with wise gouernors, requesting them not in any case to let them haue their owne willes. But now [Page] adaies it falles out cleane contrary. For parents in these times when they hire a scholemaster, will first hearken after his gentle vsage, and then they will questi­on with him touching the small salary, which they must pay him for his indu­stry, so that forsooth now and then to be mindfull of this vice Indulgence, they accept of a sow-gelder, or some pety Grammatist, that will not sticke in a foole-hardy moode to breake Priscians pate. With such a one they couenaunt, namely, that hee must spare the rodde, or els their children will be spild. With­in a while after assoone as their indul­gent Master hath taught them to de­cline Stultus, Stulta, Stultum, as an ad­iectiue of three terminations, they bring them out of hand into the Vniuersity, and there diligently do enquire after a milde Tutour, with whome their ten­der sonnes might familiarly and fellow­like cōuerse. And what then? Mary, be­fore a tweluemoneths end, they send for them home againe in all post haste to visit their mammes, who thought each day of their sonnes absence to bee a whole moneth. There they bee made [Page] sucklings during the next twelue mo­neth. Well, now it is high time to suf­fer their ready dādlings to see new-fan­gled fashions at the Innes of Court. Where being arriued, they suite them­selues vnto all sorts of company, but for the most part vnto shriuers, Caualeers, and mad-cappes, insomuch at the last, it will be their friends hard happe, to heare that their sweet sonnes are eyther pend vp in New-gate for their good deeds, or haue crackt a rope at Tiburn. This is the effect of Indulgence. This is their false conclusion, proceeding of their false pre­misses. Now you must vnderstand, that if the parents had not thus cockered & [...] their sonnes in their childhood, [...] caused them to be seuerely looked vnto, they would not in the floure of their age haue come to such a miserable end.

In the Chronicle of the Switzers, mē ­tion is made of a certaine offendour, whom vpon his arraignement his owne father was compelled to execute, that so by the indulgent author of his life hee might come to his death. Hither like­wise may I referre that common story of [Page] a certaine woman in Flaunders, who li­uing about threescore yeeres agoe, did so much pamper two of her sonnes, that shee would neuer suffer them to lacke money; yea, shee would priuily defraud her husband to minister vnto them. But at last she was iustly punished in them both, for they fell from dicing and rio­ting to stealing, and for the same one of them was executed by the halter, & the other by the sword, she her selfe being present at their wofull ends, whereof her conscience shewed her, that her Indul­gence was the onely cause.

This ought to be a liuely glasse to all parents to prouide for their childrens bringing vp, and to purge them betimes of their wild and wicked humours, least afterwards they proue incurable, and of litle sprigs they become hard withered braunches. In briefe, O parents, correct your childrē, while they be young; pluck vp their weedes, while they beginne, lest growing among the good seed they hin­der their growth; and permit them not so rathe, of prentises to become enfran­chised freemen. In so doing, you may be assured, that they will easily be brought [Page] to study the knowledge of heauenly wise­dome, and to embrace ciuility, the one­ly butte and marke, wherat the godly & vertuous do leuell, especially for Gods glory, for their owne commodity, and for the goodnesse that thereby ensueth vnto the commonwealth in generall.

Of Pride. Chap. 49.

PRide is a bubbling or puffing of the minde, deriued from the opinion of some notable thing in vs, more thē is in others. But Eccl. 10. why is earth & ashes proud! seeing that when a man dieth, hee is the heire of serpents, beasts, & wormes? Who know­eth not, that GOD closely pursueth proud men? who doubteth, that Luke 1. he thū ­dreth, and scattereth them in the imaginati­ons of their hearts, that he putteth downe the mighty from their seates, and exalteth the humble and meeke? In somuch that Eccl. 10 he which is to day a king, to morow is dead, Wherefore, O wight, whosoeuer thou art that readest this booke, lay aside thy Peacocks plumes, and looke once vpon thy feet, vpon the earth, I mean, where­hence thou camest. Eze. 28 though thou thinkest [Page] in thine heart, that thou art equall with GOD, yet thou art but a man, and that a sinfull man. In summe, wish not lord­ly authority vnto thy selfe, for hee that seeketh authority, must forethinke how hee commeth by it, and comming well by it, how hee ought to liue in it, and liuing well in it, hee must fore­cast how to rule it, and ruling discreet­ly, hee must oftentimes remember his owne frailty.

Of Scurrility of Scoffing. Chapt. 50.

EVen as I greatly commend affability and pleasant iestes: so I vtterly mis­like and condemne knauery in iesting. For toungs were not giuen vnto men to scoffe and taunt, but rather to serue God, and to instruct one another. And as a litle fire may cōsume whole villages: so in like manner the toung, which is a kind of fire, yea, a world of calamity, pol­luteth the whole body, if it bee not re­frained. For which cause, though there be some merry and conceited wit in a iest: yet we must beware, that we rashly [Page] bestow it not on them, whom we after­wards would not for any thing offend. Therefore the respect of time, & consi­deration of the person is necessary in lesting. For we must not giue dry floutes at meales, least we be accounted Ale­knights: wee must not taunt cholericke men, least they take it in ill part: we must not deride simple felowes, be­cause they are rather to be pitied: nor yet wicked persons, for it behoueth to haue them rather punished, then laught to scorne.

Whether Stageplayes ought to be suf­fred in a Commonwealth? Chapt. 51.

STageplaies fraught altogether with scurrilities and knauish pastimes, are intolerable in a wel gouerned common-wealth. And chiefly for six reasons. First, Tertull. lib. de speculo. all Stageplayes were dedicated vnto Bac­chus the drunken God of the Heathen, and therefore damnable. Secondly, Concil. 30. Car­thag & Synod. Laodic. cap. 54. they were forbidden by Christian parliaments. Thirdly, men spend their flourishing time ingloriously and without credit, in cōtemplating of plaies. All other things [Page] being spent may be recouered againe, but time is like vnto the latter wheele of a coach, that followeth after the for­mer, and yet can neuer attayne equally vnto it. Fourthly, Ephes. 5. no foolish and idle tal­king, nor iesting should be once named a­mongst vs. Fiftly, stageplaies are nothing els, but pompes and showes, in which there is a declining frō our beleefe. For what is the promise of Christians at their Baptisme? namely, to renounce the Di­uell and all his workes, pompes, and va­nities. Sixtly, Saluian. lib. 6. de Gubern. Dei. Stageplayes are the very mockery of the word of God, and the toyes of our life. For while we be at the stage, wee are rauished with the loue thereof, according to the wise mans wordes: It is a pastime for a foole to do wickedly; Prou. 10. 23. and so in laughing at filthy things, we sinne.

Of Cruelty. Chap. 52.

THere bee two sortes of cruelty: whereof the one is nothing els, then Sen. lib. 2, de Cle­mentia cap. 4. a fiercenesse of the minde in inflicting of pu­nishmēts. The other is a certain madnes, together with a delight in cruelty, of which brood I accoūt thē to be, who are [Page] cruell without cause. The causes, that procure cruelty, be three. The first is couetousnesse, for (as the auncient La­tin Oratour recordeth) Rutilius Lupus li. 2. de fi­gur. sent. madnesse is the father of cruelty, and couetousnesse is the mother thereof. The second is vio­lence naturally ingraffed. The third cause of crueltie is ambition, which sow­eth in it a hope and desire of clyming higher.

Now to beautifie our subiect with ex­amples, I bring forth first of all Galeace Sfortia Duke of Millan, who being wō ­derful wroth with a poore man, that by chaunce had taken a hare, which he in hunting before had lost, compelled him to eat the same raw, skinne, and all: Further, the Spaniards of all nations vn­der the cope of heauen be most cruell, as appeared by their monstrous and hor­rible cruelties exercised vpon the mise­rable Indians, whom they, in stead of al­luring by faire means to the knowledge of the Gospell, made some to be deuou­red of dogs, and others to be cast downe headlong from steepe hilles. Moreouer, many of our own coūtrymen haue bene eye-witnesse of their barbarous tyran­nies. [Page] In the yeere of our Lord 1588. they brought with them hitherward gagges and such like torments to inflict vpon vs, if by Gods mercifull proui­dence they had not beene speedily pre­uented and miraculously confounded; and I pray God all they may be so ser­ued, that intend cruelly to vsurpe and incroche vpon other mens rights. Nei­ther with silence can I ouerskip the cru­elties of Cardinall Albert, Archduke of Austria, and deputy of the lowe countries on the King of Spaines be­halfe. This Cardinal, about foure yeeres since, hauing taken Caleis in Fraunce, spared not man, woman, nor child: But Tigerlike caused them all to be butche­red. Likewise about a yeere and a halfe a-goe, the said Cardinall departing from the low coūtries, with intēt to be maried vnto the king of Spaines sister, that now is, left Frauncis Mendoza, Admirall of Aragon, his substitute to wage war in the low countries. But what cruelties this Mendoza together with his ragged [...]out hath committed within this twelue-moneth, the whole world reporteth; and especially they of Cleue land, his owne [Page] confederats to their vtter vndoing, can beare witnesse of the Spanish cruelty.

God of his goodnesse preserue our realme of England from their rauening clawes, & abate their pride which alrea­dy beginnes to rise, and to assaile the re­formed Church of Christ.

Of Patience. Chap. 53.

PAtience is a vertue, that is exercised in tolerating mildly of iniurious words, of losse of goods, or of blowes. But alasse wee shall now-adaies sooner find them, that wil do away themselues, rather then they will beare any thing patiently; the reason of this their impatiēce is, because they know not the effects of patience, which are these following, namely, first, to hope well, and then if any thing hap­pen besides their expectations, to beare the same patiētly. Secōdly, Aristot. lib. 1. de anim. not to be mo­ued without a cause. Thirdly, not to giue place to any trouble. Fourthly, not to enuy them, which manage, although simply, matters of estate. Fiftly, a pa­tient [Page] man must spare him, that hath of­fended him being his weaker, and must spare himselfe, if his stronger hath iniu­ried him. For what skilleth it, whether fortune alway displeaseth thee? canst not thou cōtemne her frownes, & accōpany God the authour of all things without murmuring? Consider with thy self, how God tempteth some good men with ad­uersity, lest that long prosperity should puffe vp their minds with pride, & how he suffereth others to be molested with pensiuenesse and damages, that thereby they might confirme the vertues of their mindes. Perhaps thou complainest of sickenesse, or of sturdy seruaunts. Ad­mit thou art so vexed, yet notwithstan­ding remember, that Eurip. in Orest. there is no pas­sion so great, no calamity so grieuous, whose waight mans nature fayleth to sustaine. Follow the example of Casimire Duke of Polonia, who playing at dice with a certaine Nobleman of his realme, chaunced to winne a great summe of money, and thereupon would needes giue ouer. But the Nobleman, whose money hee chiefly wonne, was there at so fiercely moued, that hee stroke his [Page] Duke, and by the benefit of the night escaped away scotfree. Neuerthelesse, the next day following hee was appre­hended and brought before the Duke, euery man beleeuing, that he should lose his head. Yea, many of the Barons perswaded the Duke to put him to death. Whereunto his grace aunswe­red in this wise: Truely, I know no cause, why I should punish him, seeing that, whatsoeuer hee did, was done in rage: my selfe rather am woorthy of blame, for that I vsed such vnseemely gaming; wee must giue losers leaue to chafe.

But to returne to my matter, percase thou art poore: suppose thou be; canst thou not by study ouerwhelme this griefe? nature is with a little satisfied. I am banished, thou sayest, and by enui­ous flatterers brought into disdaine a­mong my chiefest friends. What? wilt thou therefore torment thy body and mind, and deface the workemanship of God? no▪ For these misfortunes are not peculiar to thee alone, but common ey­ther early or late vnto all mortall crea­tures. Let the freedome of thy banish­ment [Page] comfort thee, as that, which is farre to be preferred before domesticall ser­uitude. In fine, forget not to thinke vp­on those famous wights, who chaunced to be buried in a forraine soile.

Of Anger. Chap. 54.

ALthough I haue written of this fu­rious vice In Cō ­ment. in Sat. 5. Persi. els where: yet notwith­standing, I will aduenture once againe to expresse the same in a more familiar tongue; & to make it appeare the more easie, I hold anger to be daungerous for nine reasons. First, it is contrary to Gods spirit, for where by it wee are borne a­new & of wild wolues made tame sheep: so contrariwise Anger corrupteth vs, & of sheep reduceth vs to be wolues. Se­condly, Anger permitteth not a man to follow good & wholesome counsels, nor to consider of that, which he hath to do. Thirdly, Anger is accōpanied with am­bition, & causeth a man to slay himselfe, as for exāple, Sophoc. in Aiac [...], & Ouid. lib. 13. Metam. Aiax seing that the Grecians had preferred Vlisses before him, and had bestowed vpon him the armour of Achilles as a recompence of his wisedome, fell mad, and in his madnesse killed himselfe. [Page] Fourthly, Anger maketh a man to re­ueale secrets like to a drunkard. Fiftly, Anger diffigureth a man, for it causeth him to stammer and hack in his speech, to waxe red, to looke pale; yea, it cau­seth his bloud to boyle, as if there were a torche put vnder: his eies sparkle, he bi­teth his lips, he beateth the boord with his fist, he stampeth against the ground, and flingeth, and ouerturneth all things, that are next about him. Sixtly, Anger thirsteth greatly after reuenge. Seuenth­ly, Homer. lib. 7. I­liad. Anger disturbeth all things, and is the cause of all euill. Eightly, Anger destroi­eth all the vertues. Lastly, Ennius apud Ci­cer [...]nē li. 4. Tus­culan. Anger is the beginning of madnesse.

Remedies against Anger. Chap. 55.

EVen as they that feare to be besie­ged, do beforehand prepare victuals to auoid famine, and also bulwarks, and warlike engines to repell the enemy, and defend themselues: so in like ma­ner they, that see themselues naturally disposed to anger, ought to premedi­tate, and find out beforehand certaine medicines for the same; with which [Page] being made mild, they may resist anger, or at least so temper themselues, that they may not be afflicted. In conside­ration whereof, I will sette downe tenne kindes of salues. The first is, that the an­grie man Ephes. 4. let not the sunne go downe vpon his wrath: nor delay it, for feare lest de­layed anger breede hatred. The second remedie, the angrie man must haue a lowly and humble spirit, and Senec. in Thebaid. addict his mind to pietie, and to the reading of the scriptures. The third, he must not be too credulous, curious, nor superfluous in a­ny thing. The fourth, he must perswade himselfe, how that euerie man is by na­ture, dull, weake, and fraile, and there­fore hard for his seruants to please him. The fift salue against anger is, that the angrie mā reade the treatises of Philoso­phers concerning patience, and gather some flowers thereof into a breuiarie. The sixt, he must whē some haue offen­ded him, repeate ouer some tract or o­ther, before hee bee throughly angrie. The seuenth, let the angrie man bethink with himselfe, touching the ilfauoured countenance of such, whom hee saw an­grie; and when he himselfe is angrie, hee [Page] must take a looking-glasse in his hand, and therein beholde the fashion of his face, and whether it bee altered or no. The eight, the angrie patient must es­chew such meates as ingender choller, and eate the contrarie: and, if yet he a­mende not, hee must repaire to the Phisicion, and either purge that chole­ricke humour, or else vse Phlebotomie. The ninth, lette him muse vpon the pas­sion of our Sauiour Christ. The tenth and last salue is, that hee waigh with himselfe the vncertaintie of this life, and consider of the ioyes of heauen, and of the torments of hell.

Remedies against aduersitie, and losse of worldly goods. Chap. 56.

WHen I consider with my selfe the instabilitie of this fickle worlde, and beholde the aduersitie, which sun­drie honest men sustaine, I am prickt in conscience, and enforced to impart those fewe medicines which I knowe, vnto the view of the worlde. Act. 3. Gold and [Page] siluer haue I none, yet such as I haue, that giue I vnto you. My first remedie is, that the afflicted person haue recourse to God, & heartily beseech his Maiestie to forgiue him all his sinnes. The second, the distressed patient must beleeue, that all aduersities whatsoeuer, tend to some scope or other, namely, for our misdemeanours towardes GOD, or for our triall: and for this cause it is ex­pedient, that hee reioyce and bee glad, that God hath such a respect vnto him, in chastizing him in this worlde. The third remedie is, that hee perswade him­selfe to bee free, and his owne man: whereas others liue in subiection to their diuelish pelfe, and are toyled with legions of troubles. Boetius lib. 1. de Consola­tione phi­losophiae. metr. 4. This the patient Philosopher confirmeth: Whosoeuer (quoth hee) careth and feareth the losse of worldly things, or wisheth for temporall goods, is not his owne man, nor at libertie. The fourth salue for aduersitie is, that the patient man read ouer the scripture diligently, and there beholde, as in a cleere glasse, the aduersitie and pouertie of Christ & his disciples. The fift reme­die in such a case is, to Comi­naus li. 5 cap. 5. Confer with some [Page] familiar friend: for that easeth the minde, and by talking thus in counsell with a faith­full friend, the spirits recouer their former vertue and strength. The sixt, that he ei­ther reade himselfe, or heare some other reading the Treatises of morall Philoso­phie, namely, Seneca the Philosopher, Plutarch, Boetius, and Petrarch. The seuenth, that he Plautus in Asin. resolue himselfe to be cō ­stant, stout, and patiēt, for it is a fond thing to seeke the auoyding of that, which can­not by any meanes bee auoyded. The eight medicine is, that hee premeditate with himself, after what maner he might beare his aduersitie, that is, whether it be better to dwell in his owne country, or in a forraigne land: and whether hee should applie himselfe to this or that oc­cupation: The ninth reason is to remē ­ber, that Lucre­tius li. 3. de rerum natura. mans minde is more vehemently stirred vp to religion in aduersitie, rather thē in prosperitie. The tenth and last is, to bu­sie himselfe with labours, & to exercise his body dayly, that thereby he may the sooner forget his woonted griefs. There be some, that giue three naturall purga­tions or remedies for sorrow, to witte, weeping, sighing, fasting. But these in [Page] my iudgement are very hurtful, for they impaire the force of the body, & deface the handie-worke of God.

Of friendship. Chap. 57.

FRiendship ought to be had in regard among mortall men, chiefely for se­uen reasons: First, because Eurip. in Helen. there is a certain desire of friends, to know the miseries of their friends. Secondly, friendshippe ought to be respected for the friendly si­militude, which is between God & good men. Thirdly, because Cic. in Laelio, & Manilius. lib. 2. Astron. there is nothing more agreeable to nature, and more conueni­ent, as well to prosperitie, as to aduersitie, then it. Fourthly, for that one friend will helpe another in doubtfull matters. Fiftly, Horati­us lib. 1. satyr. 4. A friend will defend a friend in his absence. Sixtly, friendshippe is prayse-worthie among men, because it is regarded among birdes, and also, a­mong things which are without life: as for example, there is friendshippe be­tweene [Page] the Peacocke and the Doue: betweene the Chough and the Heron: Vines loue the Elme tree: the mirtle likewise is a friende to the Oliue: and if the Almond growe alone, it proo­ueth altogither vnfruitfull. Lette vs prie into mineralles, and we shall see friend­shippe betwixt the loadstone and the i­ron, and betweene the Emerald and golde: If wee consider of heauenly bo­dies, wee shall finde, that Mercurie, Lu­na, Sol, and Iupiter, are friendes to Sa­turne, and that Mars and Venus are his enemies. All the Planets sauing Mars and Saturne, are friendes to Iupiter. Fi­nally, among friendes al things are com­mon, for Arist. lib. 4. Ethic. A friend is a second selfe.

Howe a man should know his friend. Chap. 58.

MAny there bee, that meeting by chance either in trauelling, or at or­dinaries, do beleeue, that frō that instāt a sure league of friendshippe is establi­shed betweene them, which in good [Page] truth can neuer bee so, by reason that in the time of triall there is no more ef­fect of such friends, then betweene the Crowe and the Kite, of whom (as the Fable goeth) when it happened to the one to bee bare of plumes, and would needes borrow some, the other answe­red, that hee had no more then was suf­ficient for him.

Of this ranke was King Richard the second of this Realme, who in the yeere of our Lorde 1398. created Henrie Bolling brooke Earle of Dar­by, Duke of Hereford, and foure o­ther Earles, at that time made hee Dukes, and parted landes among them, thereby thinking to haue gotten firme friendes. But boughtfriendes are seldome sure, as being like vnto Arabian [...]auens, who so long as they are full, doe make a pleasant noyse, but being emp­tie, they yeelde a fearefull crie. So in like maner it chanced to this King Richard, as being shortly after deposed by the Duke of Hereford (afterwarde King Henrie the fourth) whom, as I say de be­fore, he had friendly aduaunced to that honour.

[Page] Wherefore a man that would bee circumspect, and know his friend, must principally knowe these positions. First, lette him consider, whether his friend bee ambitious: because that Cicero in oratio. pro Mi­lon. Ambition is fearefull, and for the least crosse of fortune, wil forsake true friend­ship. Secondly, whether his friend bee couetous, for that Salust. in coniurat. Catil. Couetousnesse selleth friendshippe, faith, and honestie. Thirdly, let him prooue his friend aforehand in matters of importance, for if he then go forwarde with a readie affection, hee may bee assured of him against the next time: but if hee once stagger, or seeme colde that way, hee knoweth what he hath to doe.

Of Flatterie. Chap. 59.

FLatterie is hardly discerned from friendshippe, by reason that in eue­ry motion of the minde, it is glozing­ly intermingled with it, but in their deedes they are meere aduersaries, for flatterie dissenteth from it in al vertuous [Page] actions. This a wife man will soone espie, and that especially by these to­kens. First, a flatterer is accustomed to prayse a man before his face, and yeeldeth his consent with him in all matters, as well bad as good. Second­ly, a Iuuen. Satyr. 3. flatterer is wont to commend the deformitie of his friend, when hee is pre­sent, and to admire his stammering voyce. Thirdly, A Flatterer, when a man hath neede of him, turneth his backe. Fourthly, a flatterer will take vpon him at first to contradict a man, & by little & little hee will yeeld as vanquished, and will shake handes with him: these bee the properties of a Flatterer, of whome let euerie honest man beware; for (as the Poet sayth) Oui. lib. 2. Eleg. Wicked poyson lurketh vnder the sweetest honey. And it is better to fall among a companie of crowes, then to come among Flatterers, because they will not pecke a man till hee bee dead, whereas Flatterers will not spare to deuoure a man being aliue.

Of Ingratitude, with a remedie against it. Chap. 60.

BEcause ingratitude is the greatest token of all vices, and because the earth bringeth foorth nothing worse then an ingratefull man: I will ana­tomize both the vice, and the louer thereof: First, in respect of our vnthank­fulnesse towardes GOD, and next, [Page] in consideration of so many ingratefull wretches, that liue in these accursed dayes.

Our first Parents hauing receiued vnspeakeable benefites at the handes of GOD, as beeing created by him af­ter his owne likenesse, and then con­stituted as Monarchs ouer all other li­uing creatures, shewed themselues in­gratefull for the same, by eating of the forbidden Apple. Whose examples wee imitating, doe persist, or rather surpasse them in ingratitude, as, in for­getting GODS exceeding loue, when he spared not his onely begotten sonne, but gaue him euen to shamefull death for our saluation.

Moreouer, wee are vnthankfull vnto him for his singular care and fa­uour, which hee exhibited in opening our stone-blinde eyes, and in lifting vs out of the darke pitte of errours, wherein our forefathers by the illusi­ons of the fiende, and of his member the Pope, were enthralled, and in a ma­ner sunke.

Wee are vnthankfull towardes men, when wee deface with forgetfulnesse [Page] the good turnes which wee haue re­ceiued of our friendes. This abomina­ble kinde of vsage is at this instant too much practised by our owne country­men and Neighbours: for it so comes to passe, that the greater the benefites are, the greater most oftentimes is the ingratitude: and I knowe not who among the rest bee more vnthankfull, then children towardes their Parents, and Schollers towardes their teachers, who in steede of thankes, doe recom­pence them with disobedience, lyes, curses, slaunders, and what not? O de­testable sinne! not the fowles of the ayre, who altogether are ignorant of reason, haue euer exercised the same. Wee reade, that Aelia­nus lib. 13. vari­ar. histor. A yong man falling by chaunce among theeues, and crying out, was saued by a Dragon, who by him be­ing nourished, straightway knewe his voyce, and came to helpe him. It is sayde of the Storke, that so often as shee hath yong ones, shee casteth one out of her nest into the chimney, for a guerdon and rewarde vnto him, that suffered her to lodge there. Oh, I would, that all they which delight in the contrarie, had [Page] beene subiect to the Persian King, for doubtlesse then they would repent them of their ingratitude, when they should see their neckes in the halter. The Persians knewe, that Xenoph li. 1. paed. Cyr. the man, which of benefits receiued proued vnthank­full, was not worthie to liue.

Lette men therefore beware, whom they accept into their fauour and hou­ses, for it may be, their ghestes will become as gratefull vnto them, as the Adder, whome the husband man, fin­ding almost dead in the snowe, brought home and cherished. Aesop. in Fabu. Which Adder be­ing thus entertained, within a while after in lieu of his fostering, infected all the whole house with his poyson.

Now touching a preseruatiue against this vice of ingratitude, mine opinion is, that men haue a good respect howe they bestow their benefites, Cōminae. li. 2. ca. 3 Seeing it is impossible for a wise man to bee vnmind­full of a good turne: and if they conferre their giftes vpon fooles, they are worse then mad, because they shall perceiue in the end, that a fooles acquaintance will stand them in no steade.

Of hatred, and the punishment thereof. Chap. 61

IT is strange nowe-a-dayes to see, how one man is a woolfe to another, and how their whole imaginations are set on nought else, saue on destruction and bloud. Although they speake gently, and vtter the wordes of the holy Pro­phets, yet Persius Satyr. 5. in their mustie mindes they repose the Foxes subtilties, and hating their brethren, are 1. Cor. 13. as sounding brasse and tinkling Cimballes. For which cause, lette not beastes excell vs, who are wont to conuerse with all other of the same kinde, and doe right kindly loue toge­ther.

Lette vs not, I say, bee at variance a­mongst our selues, and suffer the Di­uell to haue his tryumphant will, by prouoking vs to further mischiefe, and like promooters, to lay trappes for our enemies. To fall out for euerie strawe, and to reuenge euerie iniurie, is as if one member of the body should rebell against another: and to say the truth, doe [Page] we not dayly see, howe these kindes of contentious men are ouermet withall, and ouerthrowne in their owne inuen­tions? Albeit they flourish for a while, yet notwithstanding, at last they haue their deserts: for GOD, when hee strikes, strikes home, and to the quicke. For manifestation wherof, I will propose certaine late examples, and which haue chanced within this last age.

In the yeere of our Lord 1503. Cea­sar Borgias determining to poyson a Cardinall, and others, inuited them to supper, and for that purpose, sent before a flaggon of wine that was infected with poyson, by a seruant, that knew nothing of the matter, commanding that no man should touch them: but such is the iudge­ment of God, who in the execution of iustice, raiseth one tyrant to kil another, and breaketh the brands of fire vp­on the head of him that first kindled it: Pope Alexander the sixt, Cesar Borgi­as his father, comming by aduenture in somewhat before Supper, and ouer­come with the exceeding drought of the weather, called for drinke: and because his own prouision was not as thē brought [Page] from the palace, he that had the infec­ted wine in charge, thinking it to bee recommended to his keeping for wine most excellent, gaue the Pope to drinke of the same wine, which Cesar Borgias his bastard sonne had sent: who likewise arriuing, while his father was drinking, drunke also of the same wine; being but iust, that they both should tast of the same cup, which they had prepa­red for others.

In the yeere of our Lord 1563. the Duke of Guise purposing to sacke the Citie of Orleans, wrote vnto the Queen Mother, that within foure and twentie howres after he would send her word of the taking of Orleans, wherein hee would not spare any man, woman or childe whatsoeuer: and that after hee had kept his Shrouetide therein, hee would in such sort spoile and destroy the towne, that the memorie thereof should be extinct for euer. But man purposeth, and God disposeth: for the same day, as the Duke about euening returned from the camp to the Castle, where he lodged, minding to execute that, which he had written vnto the Queene, a yong man [Page] named Iohn Poltrot, hauing long time before intended to giue the stroke, stay­ed for him in the way, as hee returned to his lodging, and discharged his pistoll laden with three bullets at him, whereof the Duke presently after died.

In like maner the Duke his sonne, ha­uing occasioned that bloudy massacre at Paris in the yeere 1572. and purposing in the yeere 1588. vtterly to roote the Protestants out of the realme, was him­selfe slaine through the commaunde­ment of the French king his soueraigne, whom he a litle before most traiterously had iniuried.

By these and such like examples, let vs take heed, how wee entrap one ano­ther; yea, let vs beware, how we curse & lay in waite for our chiefest enemies. Vengeance is Gods, and he will reward. Briefly, let vs embrace loue, and friendly agree together in Christ Iesu. For 1. Cor. 13. loue deferreth wrath: it is bountifull: loue en­uieth not: loue doth not boast it selfe: it is not puffed vp: it reioyceth not in iniquity, but in the truth: it suffereth all things: it beleeueth all things: it hopeth all things: it endureth al things.

Of Enuy. Chap. 62.

NOt without reason are vices named brutish, for they be all borrowed from brute beasts. Niggardize we haue from the hedgehog: pride from the lion: anger from the wolfe: gluttony frō the beare: sluggishnesse frō the asse: & enuy from the dog. All which saue enuy may sophistically be iustified: as for ex­ample, niggardize is shadowed vnder the number and care of wife and chil­dren, and otherwhiles vnder the vaile of pouerty. Pride pleadeth, that familia­rity breeds contempt, and that she must obey the importunity of the times. Anger alleadgeth the ingratitude of men, the indignity of iniuries, the dis­paragement and shame, that may fol­low by too much patience. Gluttony sheweth, that hee hath a strong consti­tution of body, a good stomack to his meat, and therefore hang sorrow and kill care. Sluggishnesse declareth, that labour and study consume the vitall spi­rites, that he, which sleepes well, thinkes no harme, and he that thinks no harme, [Page] pleaseth God. Thus euery vice for the most part can shrowd it selfe vnder some cloake or other. But, Enuy, where is thy excuse? Truly, thou hast nothing to say for thy selfe. Onely thou mea­nest to escape away scotfree, because thou art concealed in mans heart, as be­ing like vnto a tree, which in outward appearaunce seemeth to be most beauti­full, and is full of faire blossomes, but in­wardly is rotten, worme-eaten, and wi­thered. Now a-daies thy subiects beare all the sway, they put men by the eares, they are the Petifoggers, they the po­liticians, and who but they? Alasse, Plaut. in Bacchid. there is no man, that enuieth not another mans prosperity. What then shall we fur­ther expect? nothing, but the comming of the great Iudge. Wee see all things fulfilled; wee see the father enuious a­gainst the sonne, the sonne against the father; to bee short, wee see one bro­ther enuious against another. Now is that golden prophesie of the Greeke Oratour come to passe: to wit, Demost. Oration. 1. contra Aristo. When equity and the common good are ouertur­ned by enuy, then must wee thinke that all things are turned topsy turuy.

[Page] Examples aswell domesticall as for­raine be infinite concerning enuy: how­beit at this time I will rehearse but one, and that a forraine one. In the yeere of our Lord 1596. the Duke of Medi­na, seing that our English fleet had burnt the Spanish nauy, & had takē the towne of Cales, and doubting that the other nauy, which he had at S. Lucas would ei­ther be compelled to yeeld, or pay ran­some, was so enuious of our happy suc­cesse, that he caused it immediatly to be set on fire, so that to spare a reasonable redemption, he rashly lost twelue milli­ons of gold, which (as it is credibly re­ported) the nauy valued.

Amongst other sins, which the Turks account deadly, this of Enuy is not held to be the least. For (say they) no man whatsoeuer shall euer come to the ioyes of Paradise, although in all other things he be neuer so dutifull to please God, except he be first throughly cleansed frō this sinne of Enuy. Repent therfore, thou sensuall and enuious man, and aske God forgiuenes from the very bottome of thy heart. Repent, I say, and God will heale thy Virgil. in poemat. de liuor. Plura de his in Cō ­mentar. meis in Satyr. 6. Persii vi­de. wound, which Chirons hand can neuer [Page] do: no nor Phoebus, nor Aesculapius, Phoe­bus his deare sonne; no nor all the world besides.

Of Calumniation and slaunder. Chapt. 63.

EVen as they, which lay siedge vnto cities, do not inuade their enemies; where they see the walles strong and massy, but where they perceyue there is small resistance, and where they see the place easie to be scaled: so they, that pre­tend to backbite & slaunder others, do note what is most pliable and weake in the hearers mind, that thereto they may conueigh their artillery, and bring in their weapons, which are falshood, craft, and periury. This done, they tickle the hearers eares, and rubbe them as it were with a pen: so that most cōmōly the ac­cusers are beleeued, & they, that are ac­cused, are not called to giue answere. But in my iudgement they, that lend their eares to these curre-dogs barking, are no lesse to be reproued, then the bar­kers themselues, because they winke at such imperfections, & will not exchange [Page] stripe for stripe, I meane, because they will not punish and correct such slaun­derers. Of this brood I reckon many of our raskall trencherknights, who not onely wind themselues in by subtill deuices, but also set their tongues to sale for a morsell fo pasty-crust, and take a delight to sow dissention betwixt man and wife, and betwixt brother and brother.

Examples I need not produce, for our pillories beare euident witnesse of their slaunderous dealings. Leaue ther­fore to accuse your brethren, to snap honest men by the shinnes, and to raile and scoffe at them, that will not in any case intermeddle with you. Be like vn­to newe borne babes, and couet the milke of loue, that so you may not bee guilty of that sentence, which the ho­ly Ghost pronounced, namely, that 1. Ioh. 3 whosoeuer hateth his brother, is a man­slayer.

Of Art; and whether Art be better then Nature? Chap. 64.

THis name of Art hath foure signi­fications. First, it is taken for the v­niuersall perfection of Art, which wee comprehend in GOD. So we say, that Plato lib. 10. de Legib. the world, and all that therein is, were made by Gods art. Second­ly, the name of Art is put for the simili­tude and shadow of that, which shineth in beasts, birds, flies, & such like. In this sence it is said, that the spider shewed vn­to vs the art of spinning. The Bee taught vs to conforme things in order. The fish learned vs the Art of swimming. Third­ly, the name of Art is extended to the general habit of the mind, as farre forth as we do any thing by it, that is sepera­ted from nature. So Grammar, Rheto­rick, Musick, Arithmetick, Logick, Ge­ometry, and Astronomy are called Artes. Likewise in this sence Prudence is named the art of composing mans actions: Science the Art of discerning [Page] the truth. Fourthly, the name of Art is taken for that true forme of Art, which is distinguished from the other habites of the mind, as farre forth as it is defined an habit of the mind ioyned with true rea­son, apt to effect. In this signification I terme it here an intellectuall vertue. Herehence ariseth that doubtfull que­stion, to wit, whether Art be better then nature? To this I aunswere negatiuely, perswaded specially by these three rea­sons. The first, Arist. li. 7. Me­taphysic. text. 4. the essence of a thing is better then the accident of a thing: Nature is an essence, & Art an accident, there­fore nature is better then Art. The se­cond, nature worketh inwardly, and al­tereth the inward habit of the mind, but Art only effecteth outwardly, & chaun­geth the outward forme: therefore Art is not better then nature. Finally, nature is ioyned with God, according to that common sentence, God & nature do make nothing in vaine: but Art is ioined with man, and by reason of mans weakenesse is subiect to innumerable errours: there­fore nature is farre better then Art.

Of Science or knowledge. Chap. 65.

THe name of Science is taken foure maner of waies. The first, it is vsed for euery certaine knowledge of a thing. So wee say that the snow is white, the crow black, the fire hot. The second, the name of Science is taken for euery true habite of the mind separated from the knowledge of the sences; in which signi­fication Hippocrates proued Phisick to be a science. The third, it is vsed more properly for euery habit gotten by de­monstration, separated from the habit of actiō: in this sence supernatural philoso­phy is named the chiefest science. The [Page] fourth, the name of science is takē more strictly for a habit gotten by demonstra­tion separated from wisedome; in which last signification Naturall philosophy, & the Mathematickes are called Sciences, and supernaturall Philosophy is termed humane Diuinity.

The benefits, that come by this intel­lectuall vertue, are three. First, it aswa­geth mans mind beyng rude and bar­barous, and maketh it capable of true reason. Secondly, science setleth a mans mind in constancy and discretion, that he may spend his life to the welfare and good estate of his countrey. Thirdly, it causeth a man to end his dayes ho­nourably, with an vndoubted beliefe of euerlasting life.

Of Vnderstanding. Chap. 66.

VNderstāding is an habit of the mind, whereby as with an eye wee behold the principles aswell of practise as of contēplation. I say with an eye, because that the same, which the sight is in the body, vnderstanding is within the soule. This vertue is the reward of faith, Manil. [...]. 4. [...]. & [...]lotin. li. de anim. & idaeis, cap. 6. the spirit of God, y ^t sunne that giueth glorious [Page] light vnto all the world. In a word, this vertue Caluin. lib. 1. In­stitut. ca. 15. is as it were the guide & gouernesse of the soule. And yet all mē are not endu­ed therewith, for now & then it hapneth, that we know more then we vnderstād. And except we pray feruētly vnto God, we cannot with all our paines & worldly labours attaine vnto it. Our eyes are blinded, and must be opened. Christ, I meane, must breathe on vs, that we may receyue the holy Ghost. The considera­tiō of this moued Anaxagoras the Philo­sopher to affirme, that Cic. A­cademic. quaestion. lib. 2. vnderstāding was the cause of the world, and of all order. This likewise moued the Prince of Philoso­phers to Aristot. lib. 1. de animal. cap. 4. proue the immortality of the soule by vnderstanding. To be brief, by the help of this vertue the soule seeth God, and examineth the first causes of nature and vniuersall formes.

Of Prudence. Chap. 67.

ALl the authority and maiestie of a Prince cōsisteth in the opiniō of pru­dence; for euen as the sicke man obey­eth the wise Physician, and the passen­ger hearkeneth vnto the skilfull pilot: so in like maner subiectes are obe­dient [Page] vnto their prudent Prince, & will gladly follow whatsoeuer he prescribeth vnto them. O peerelesse paragon! O no­ble Prudence! thou Eccle. 1. rairest downe know­ledge and vnderstanding, and bringest to ho­nor, thē, that possesse thee. Thou defendest our commonwealth from the Spanish yoke. Sophocl. in Anti­gon. Thou holdest the supremacie in feli­city, and sauest vs from aduersity. Take away this Iewell, & our liues will be fil­led with folly, wickednesse, and barba­risme. This politiciās do very wel know; for how is it possible, that a common­wealth should be well ruled, vnlesse the gouernours thereof do perfectly & pru­dently vnderstand the nūber of souldi­ers, the loue of the leaguers, the scitua­tion of the countrey, & the nature of the inhabitaunts? King Henry the seuenth therefore her Maiesties Graundfather deserueth great commendations, in that hee kept a priuate booke for that pur­pose, & therein registred the force of his realme, & the treasure, which yeerely his officers receiued into the Excheker. As concerning the nature of people, I find that windy places do make men sa­uage, and inconstant, and that in calme [Page] countreys they become ciuill & courte­ous. Also, we see, that they, which dwell neere the sea, and farre from London, are for the most part more fierce and hardy, then those, which liue in the midst of England. Moreouer, it behoueth a prudent man to consider, that some kind of people be angry by nature, some be impudent, some fearefull, and other­some be giuen to newfangled fashions, to drunkenesse, and lechery. In like maner, Smith. li. 2. Rei­pub. An­glican. cap. 26. the nature of Englishmen is to be couragious, to neglect death, to abide no tor­ment, and therfore Ibid. in no place shall you see malefactours go more constantly, more assu­redly, and with lesse lamentation to their death, then in England. The nature of Welshmen is kind, haughty, and pro­digall of life and bloud. The Irish are accounted rude and couragious: which doubtlesse proceeds of their countries cold climate: for, as the Philosopher saith, Arist. in Probl. they that liue in the North, and in a cold countrey are commonly called treache­rous. To end this chapter of prudence, I thinke it expedient, that a prudent man yeeld vnto the necessity of the time, and take heed, that anciēt lawes & customes [Page] be not altered, because Bodin. lib. 2. de Repub. cap. 3. they are the foū ­dations of a cōmonwealth, whereof if any be changed, the whole building must conse­quently fall to wrack and destruction.

Of Sapience or Wisedome. Chap. 68.

WIsedome among the auncient hea­then was no other thing, but a cer­taine kind of prudence to manage and handle great causes & matters of policy, Plutarc. in Them. vita. which profession beginning in Solon, did cō ­tinue, and was taken vp from man to man as a sect of Philosophy. But wisedome a­mong Christians hath obtained a higher title, to wit, a knowledge to expound the word of GOD concerning our sal­uation redeemed through his Sonne Ie­sus Christ. This is that Diuine vertue, which was ordayned from euerlasting, before any thing was made: Prou. 3. before the earth, the seas, the hilles, and the riuers were, she was conceyued and brought forth. When GOD prepared the heauens, shee was present: when hee enuironed the sea with her bankes, and layd the founda­tions of the earth, shee was with him, ma­king all things: and shee delights to be with [Page] the children of men. The Chymistes write, that one dragme of their power of pro­iection will turne a thousand dragmes of any mettall into gold. What then shall the least grayne of the celestiall powder of wisedome be able to effect? Verily, it will lift whole milliōs of soules out o [...] Sathans net, and will transport them vp into the highest spheare: where for euer residen [...], they shall enioy vn­speakeable pleasures. For this cause the Emperour Charles the fourth went on a time to a colledge in Prage, to heare Diuinity disputations there, and remai­ned standing aboue foure howres. And when his Courtiers, to whome that kind of exercise seemed irksome, told him, that his supper was ready, hee aunswe­red, that the hearing of those disputa­tions was more pleasant vnto him, then all the suppers in the world. What grea­ter testimonies of fauour towards wise­dome can we wish, thē those of the Prin­ces of England, who frankly and freely granted such large charters & priuileges vnto the 2. Vniuersities of this Realme? Surely I should be too ingrateful, if I do not remēber in this place Elizabeth our [Page] gracious Soueraigne, who so spareth neither care nor means to preferre scho­lers, that shee meriteth the name of the Nurse of Wisdome. Next, the Lord Archbishop of Canterbury, that now is, deserueth to be had in remembrāce, in that hee daily purgeth the Church of spots and Schismes, and aduaunceth all students, euery man according to his de­sertes. Likewise, Sir Thomas Egerton Lord Keeper so tendereth & fostereth the professours of true wisedome, that he is worthily named the Reuiuer and restorer of wisedome: yea, I haue heard it sundry times blazed, that Englād ne­uer had the like zealous patron of scho­lers. There be also other furtherers of wisedome, whome I leaue to name, by reason that our bookes, which continu­ally are published, do royalize and eter­nize their heroical names. God continue them in their noble minds.

To finish this discourse, I aduise al mē both high and low, which haue an en­traunce in them towards God, to coūte­naunce the followers of wisedome, and to strike an euerlasting league of amity with them. As for worldly wisedome, [Page] I wish them not so pretiously to esteeme it, as they doe: for what else are the wise men of this world, saue gay politicians, Machiauellians, and niggards, falsely vn­der the colour of wisemen, purloyning the poore, and preparing their owne selues to be▪ scourged of the Diuell, and to bee scorched in the fierie flames of hell?

Of the Ignorance of our times. Chap. 69.

Boetius lib. 3. de Consola­tione phi­losophiae. metr. 8. ALas, what ignorance leadeth wretches astray, and bringeth them into a wrong way cleane contrarie from hap­pinesse and knowledge? The Egypti­ans accounted it a most grieuous cala­mitie, to endure the Exo. 10 Darknesse which God sent them by Moyses but three dayes. Howe much more ought wee to bee a­fraide, when wee remaine all our liues time in the night of Ignorance? Manie there bee, that wish our Colledges to be vtterly suppressed, and our schooles of learning to bee made barnes or wooll-houses, which were euen to wish vs pea­saunts and witals like themselues. But God forbid, that any such ignorant wi­shes [Page] should be fulfilled. Sooner Ouid. li. 1. Trist. Eleg. 7. shall the earth bring foorth starres, and the hea­uens be eared with plowes: then that bar­barisme and ignorance should in such sort ouerflow vs. Take the Sunne out of the firmament, and the light from the skie: what else would the world seeme, saue a massie Chaos, or a rude and con­fused lumpe? In like maner, if lear­ning bee extinguished, would not wee become dizarts or cuckoes? Nay, to seeke the decay and abolishing of learning, is to prepare a way for Atheisme, & con­sequently, to put a mart or market for the diuell. O foolish Libertines, and be­sotted with too much pleasure! You know, how to prize a fat bullocke, howe to buy this tenement or that tenement of landes, and hauing bought it, you know how to marle it, trim it, and stocke it; you knowe right well howe to defray your money, to defraud your brethren of that, which God hath allotted vnto them. To bee short, you know howe to winke at iniustice, to receiue bribes, to fawne, and otherwhiles to pawne your credite for your priuate commodities: yea, & which is worse, you know holes, [Page] crochets, and quiddities, whereby you may (as you thinke) redeeme, or indeed infringe your pawned credite. And yet notwithstanding for all this, you make your selues so blinde, that you list not to know, where perfect goodnesse lyeth hidden.

Wherefore in fine repent, (a) Prou. 2. Cause your eares to hearken vnto wisedome, and encline your hearts to vnderstanding: for if you call after knowledge, and crie for vn­derstanding, if you seeke her as siluer, and search for her as treasures, then shall you vnderstand the feare of the Lord, and finde the know­ledge of God.

Of a family, and the diuision thereof. Chap. 1.

BEcause euery Commonwealth is composed of families, Arist. lib. 1. Polit. & the parts of a Familie bee those, whereof it is immediatly com­pacted: I will first declare, what a Familie is, and then lay down the diuision therof. A Familie is a cōmunion and fellowship of life betweene the hus­band & the wife, the parents & childrē, and betweene the master and the ser­uant. Now touching the diuision of a fa­mily, I finde, that it is diuided into foure parts, whereof the first is matrimoniall, that is, of man and wife, the second is fa­therly, [Page] to wit, of parents and children: the third part is masterly: namely, of ma­sters & seruants: the fourth is, the acqui­sitiue, or getting facultie. All which parts of a family, I mean, God willing, to deci­pher.

There be foure kinds of matrimonie. Chap. 2.

VEry children knowe, that there bee foure kinds of Matrimonie: namely, that of honour, of loue, of toyle, and of griefe. The matrimonie of honor is said to be tripartite. The first is metaphysi­cal, and supernatural, wherby God and mans nature do mystically meete toge­ther. The effect whereof, was in the in­carnation of our Sauior Christ. The se­cond degree of the matrimonie of ho­nour is, when God & the soule are com­bined, euen by grace and glorie. The third is, when God & his Church meete together, and are vnited in one mystical body.

The matrimonie of loue is, when an honest man and an honest woman are linked together by God, for the propa­gation of mankind.

The matrimony of toyle, & that which [Page] is most cōmon in this last rotten world, is, when men choose wiues not by the eares, that is, for their good report; but by the fingers, to witte, for their large dowries; not in hope of issue, but in re­gard of their outward beautie, which fa­deth away like the lillies of the fielde.

The matrimonie of griefe is nothing else, but the coniunction of the wicked and the reprobate: this kinde of matri­monie was of late veeres put in vre and vse, by the sect of the Family of loue.

The causes why Matrimonie was insti­tuted. Chap. 3.

GOd hauing finished the workmāship of the world, created of euery sexe two, male & female, & last of al he made man after his own image, giuing him for a copartner, a womā formed of the mans own rib, whō coupling together in ma­trimonie, he blessed, saying: Increase, multiplie, and replenish the earth.

The causes why he instituted matri­monie, bee fiue; the first, for the law­full generation of children in his feare, euen in the time of innocencie, before man had sinned. The second, for the a­uoiding of vnclean fornicatiō. The third [Page] cause, for the mutuall & reciprocall con­solation and succour, which the one might minister vnto the other in distres­ses. The fourth, to be a token or type of the Ecclesiasticall marriage betweene Christ & vs. The fift cause of the institu­tion of Matrimonie is, that aduersaries might be reconciled by meanes of it, and made perpetuall friendes.

How excellent a thing Matrimonie is. Chap. 4.

AMong all the societies of this life, there is none so naturall, as that be­tweene man and wife. For (as wee see) all other societies are accused of free will and election: but matrimonie pro­ceedeth not onely of election and free will: but also of necessitie. The excel­lencie of it appeareth by foure reasons. First, matrimonie is auncient, as is ma­nifest by the time and place, where it was instituted, and Arist. li [...] 3. To­pic. cap. 1. Euerie good is so much the more excellent, by howe much the more auncient it is. Secondly, matrimony was sanctified by GOD, and graced by his sonne our redeemer Iesus Christ [Page] his presence, Iohn 2. at Cana a Citie in Galilee, where he wrought his first miracle in his hu­manitie by turning water into wine. Third­ly, Heb. 13. marriage, as Saint Paul writeth, is ho­nourable among all: and euerie honou­rable thing is more eligible then that, which is not honourable. Fourthly, ma­trimonie is excellent, because two are better then one. Fiftly, matrimonie is notable, because it carrieth with it a shew of grauitie, and hath greater priuiled­ges: as in Florence at this day, he that is father of fiue children, straightway vp­on the birth of the fift, is exempted from all impostes, subsidies, and lones. Also, heere in England, a married man is not so soone prest into the warres as sin­glemen or batchelers. In a worde, no­thing within the rounde circle of this world is comparable to matrimonie. What a wonderfull marriage is between the Sunne and the earth? the Sunne is the male, and with his vegetatiue heat, quickneth and nourisheth all earthly things: the earth is the female, and conceiueth trees and Plants.

If we behold metals, we shall finde that gold and siluer are married (I meane [Page] not in a niggards chest) for if a leafe of gold be put to a leafe of siluer, they will be so vnited, that they can neuer bee seuered. What more shall I adde to this induction? Arist. li. 1. Poli­ticor. He that shunneth marri­age, and auoydeth societie, is to bee esteemed a wicked wretch (as the Pope is) or more then a man, as hee whom Homer reprehen­deth, saying: that hee was tribelesse, law­lesse, and houselesse.

After what maner the auncients solem­nized Matrimonie. Chap. 5.

THe rites of matrimonie were diuers▪ according to the diuersities of Nati­ons. The Grecians accustomed to burne before the doore of the newe married the axletree of that coach, wherein she was brought to her husbands house, let­ting her to vnderstand, that she was euer after to dwell there.

Among the Romanes L. si a sponsa. C. de d [...]nat. ante nup­tias. The future couple sent certaine pledges one to another, which most commonly they themselues af­terwardes being present, would confirme with a religious kisse. And when the ma­riage day was come, the bride was boūd [Page] to haue a chaplet of flowers or hearbes vpon her head, and to weare a girdle of sheeps wooll about her middle, fastned with a true-loues knot, the which her husband and must loose. Herehence rose the Prouerbe: Hee hath vndone her virgins girdle: that is, of a maide he hath made her a woman. It is reported of some, that the wife, as soone as shee was come to her husbands house, presented to her husband fire in one hand, and water in the other: which gaue to vnderstande, that as these two elements were most necessarie of al others for conseruation of mans life: so there could no societie be neerer linked together, then that of the husband and wife.

The auncient Frenchmē had a cere­monie, that, whē they would marrie, the bridegroome should pare his nailes, and send thē vnto his new wife: which done, they liued together afterwards as man and wife.

In Scotlād the custome was, that the lord of the soile should lie with the bride before her husband. But because this order was not decēt nor tolerable amōg Christians, King Malcolme, the third [Page] of that name in the yeere of our Lorde 1095. abolished that wicked custome, and enacted, that euerie bride thence­foorth, should pay to the Lord for ran­some of her maiden-head, fiue shil­lings.

Marriages among the Gentlemen of Venice, were for the most part conclu­ded vpon by a third person, the bride being neuer permitted so much as to see her new husband, nor hee her, till their nuptial dowrie was fully treated of & a­greed; which being finished, they were married with great pompe & solemnitie.

Concerning the ancient order of ma­riages in Turkie, they held it an vnde­cent thing, for the bride to bee brought home to her future husband with musi­call instruments, but they thought it meete, that the married couple should present themselues before God, with all humilitie and reuerence: and after that these ceremonies were ended, they were led to their bed-chamber, which was pro­uided for them in a very secret and darke place: the next morning at the dawning of the day, the husband (by Mahomets law) is boūd to aske his wife, [Page] whether she can read or no. If she cānot, then must he learne her to reade. In like sort, if she can reade, and her husband not, then must shee teach and instruct him. This was the old maner of marri­ages among the Turks. Howbeit, at this day, they are growne to such excesse of voluptuousnesse, that they rather resem­ble beasts then men.

Of Matrimonie in England, at this day solemnized. Chap. 6.

MAtrimonie in England is accoun­ted finished, after that it is solemni­zed in presence of the minister, and two lawfull witnesses. Superstitious ceremo­nies there are none. Onely the Priest is bound openly in the Church to aske the banes: to wit, whether any man can al­leadge a reason, wherfore they that are about to bee married, may not lawfully come together. Which being done, and no exceptiō made, they then are ioyned in the holy linkes of matrimonie. Also, in some shieres, when the marriage day approcheth, the parents of the betroth­ed couple, doe certaine dayes before the wedding, write letters, to inuite all their [Page] friends to the marriage, whom they de­sire to haue present. Afterwards, the ma­riage day being come, y ^e inuited ghests do assemble together, and at the very instant of the marriage, doe cast their presents, (which they bestow vpon the new maried folkes) into a bason, dish, or cup, which standeth vpon the Table in the Church, readie prepared for that purpose. But this custome is onely put in vse amongst them, which stande in neede.

Moreouer, it is to bee noted, that if the wife bee an Inheritrix and landed, she is to let her husband enioy it during his life and hers: the which afterward descendeth to her eldest sonne, or in de­fect of sonnes, it is equally parted be­tweene her daughters. Howbeit, neuer­thelesse, if she die barren without chil­dren, the husband loseth all: because landes euer (by the common law of Eng­land) follow the succession. But if shee once had a child by him, which was heard to crie, the courtesie of our coun­trie is such, that y ^• husband possesseth the said lands during his life. If the wife haue only moueables, as money, plate, cattell, [Page] and such like, all belong to her husband.

To knit vp this discourse, Smith. lib. 3. de Republic. Anglic. cap. 8. If the hus­band haue any landes, either by inheritance descended, or purchased and bought, and chance to die before his wife, shee shall haue the vsufruit of one third part of his landes during her life, as her dowrie, whether hee hath child by her or no.

The duties of the husband toward his wife. Chap. 7.

THe duties of a husband toward his wife are 7. The first, that he 1. Pet. 3 giue ho­nour to his wife, as the weaker vessell, for she is partaker of the grace of life. The se­cond, hee must patiently brooke the ha­stinesse of his wife, for there is nothing in the world more spitefull then a wo­man, if shee be hardly dealt withall, or egged to indignation. Hence is the pro­uerbe: Anger thy dogge, and hee will bite thee. The third dutie, Casus lib. 1. Thesaur. Oecono. cap. 4. The husband in any case must not haue carnall copulation with any other but his owne wife, for that is verie vniust, by reason it dissolueth the girdle of faith and chastitie, & is the next way to cause her to hate him: a woman is iea­lous, [Page] and naturally suspitious, and sith her husband breaketh with her, she will not sticke to breake with him, and priuilie borrow a nights lodging with her neigh­bour. The fourth dutie, the husband must not iniurie his wife by word or deede, for a woman is a feeble creature, and not endued with such a noble cou­rage as the man; shee is sooner prickt to the heart, or mooued to passions, then man: and againe, he, that iniurieth his wife, doth as if hee should spit into the aire, and the same spittle returne backe vpon his owne selfe. The fift, the hus­band in disputations with his wife, must sometimes confesse himselfe vanqui­shed by her. The sixt, the husband must prouide for his wife, and for her house­keeping, according to his abilitie. The seuenth, the husband must suffer his wife to be merrily disposed before him, otherwise (a womans nature is such) shee will by stealth find out some secret place or other to tattle in, and to disport her self. The eight and cheefest dutie is, that the husband haue a special regard not to make two beddes, for so hee may take a­way all causes of displeasure: also, if [Page] eyther of them chaunce to iarre, by this meanes they may be soone pacified.

The duties of the wife towards her husband. Chap. 8.

BVt what shall the woman do? shall shee do what seemeth good in her owne eyes? no: for S. Peter speaketh vn­to wiues in this wise: 1. Pet. 3 Let wiues be sub­iect to their husbands: which is as much to say, as they must not contradict them in any point, but rather endeuour to please them by all meanes. The second duty, the wife must not forsake her hus­band in aduersity, or deride him, as Iobs wife did, when shee bad him Iob 2. curse God and die, but shee ought to comfort and cherish him, as a part of her owne body. The third, she must esteeme the maners of her husband to be the legall rules of her life. The fourth, she must not be too sumptuous & superfluous in her attire, as, decked with frizled haire, embrode­ry, pretious stones, gaudy raiments, and gold put about, for they are the forerun­ners of adultery: 1. Pet. 3 But let her haue the in­ward man in her heart, which consisteth in [Page] the incorruption of a mecke and quiet spirit, that is before God a thing much set by. For euen after this maner in time past did the holy women, which trusted in God, attire themselues, and were subiect to their hus­bands. The fift, shee must not bee iea­lous, or mistrust her husbands absence. The sixt duty of a wife is carefully to o­uersee her household, and to bring vp her children and seruaunts in the feare of God. The seuenth, she must not dis­couer her husbands imperfections and faultes to any, for by disclosing them, eyther she makes her self a iesting stock, or els she ministreth occasion for knaues to tempt her to villany. The eight du­ty of a wife is, that she gibe not, nor flout her husband, but beare with him as long as she may.

Of Diuorcement. Whether the innocent party, after a diuorcement made, can marie againe during the other parties life. Chap. 9.

MAny mē now a-daies forgetting the plighted troth of man and wife are so deuoid of iudgement and vnderstand­ding, [Page] that they make no conscience to proue them separated, Matth. 19. whome God hath ioyned together. Yea, some proceed fur­ther, saying, that a man hauing taken his wife in adultery, may not onely put her away, but also marrie another, notwith­standing the first being aliue. Which last opinion of theirs, because it seemes somewhat probable, I will, as well as I cā, discusse. S. Paul saith, that the Lord commaundeth the wife 1. Cor. 7 not to depart from her husband: but and if shee do, then be willeth her to remaine vnmarried, or bee reconciled vnto her husband. In which words might be made a doubt, whether the Apostle meant the guiltlesse or guil­ty party. Howbeit, I find a defensiue aunswere, namely, that hee meant the guiltlesse wife, for this commaundement (let not the wife depart from her husband) implieth not this sence, to wit, let not the wife be constrained as guilty to depart from her husband, but rather, let not the wife beyng guiltlesse be authour of diuorcement, and so by order of law depart from her guil­ty husband.

Further, if it were lawful for the guiltles to marie againe during the other parties [Page] life, there would be made a way for infi­nite diuorcements; yea, and the com­monwealth would be endaungered by reason of often dissentions, cauillations, and innouations: whereas otherwise, mē knowing, that either they must liue sin­gly, or be reconciled, seldome or neuer should we see diuorcements.

To knit vp this doubtfull and litigi­ous question, I resolue on this, namely, that we being Christiās should consider that the spirituall marriage, which is be­twixt Christ and his Church, is now and then polluted by vs with spirituall for­nication, and that notwithstanding all this, it pleaseth his Diuine maiestie to be at a new atonement with vs, & to com­fort vs after this maner: Ierem. 3 Returne, O yee disobedient children, and I will heale your rebellions. For euen Iere. 20. as a woman hath re­belled against her husband: so haue yee re­belled against me. In like sort it behoueth vs to forgiue one another, and to imitate our sauiour Christ, who mercifully par­doned the woman, whom the Scribes & Pharisees tooke in adultery, saying vnto her: Ioh. 8. Goe, and finne no more. To be short, wee ought to thinke how troublesome [Page] second marriages are like to be, both for the childrens sake, and also for the guil­ty party, who being out of all hope of re­conciliation, will fall to despaire, and to greater vices, and perhaps neuer after­wards will become reformed.

Of Iealousie. Chap. 10.

IEalousie is a malady of the mind, in­gendred of loue, which will not ad­mit a corriuall or copartner in the thing beloued. To this passion the wild asse is most subiect: for in a whole herd of fe­males there is but one male, and he is so iealous, that he will not permit any other to come amongst them: and when the female hapneth to haue a male colt, the sire with his teeth wil bite off his stones, as fearing he would couer his damme. Among men, the Italians bee most iea­lous, for they, if their wiues do but once commune, albeit openly with men, do presently suspect them of adultery. The Germanes of all nations are lesse iea­lous, although their womē be very faire. Pope Pius the second, otherwise called Aeneas Siluius in the yeere of our Lord [Page] 1461. being at the bathes in Germa­ny, wondred much at the boldnesse of the Dutchwomen, who would euē with men step naked into the bathes; where­upon he was wont to say, that the Ger­manes were farre wiser then the Italians. Our women here in England, Smith. lib. 3. de Republ. Anglic. cap. 8. although they be in the power of their husbands, yet they bee not so straightly kept as in mew, & with a gard, as they be in Italy & Spaine, but haue almost as much liberty as in Frāce, or in Germany, and they haue for the most part all the charge of the house and house­hold, which is the naturall occupation and part of a wife. In summe, there is no na­tion vnder the cope of heauen lesse iea­lous then ours, who tender their wiues so kindly and charitably, that Smith. lib. 3. de Republ. Anglic. cap. 8. at their deaths they make them eyther sole or chiefe executrices of their last willes and testimēts, and haue for the most part the gouernment of the children and their portions.

The duty of Parents towards their children. Chap. 11.

PArents must haue a carefull eye to their childrē, because thereupon prin­cipally [Page] dependeth the glory of their house. And that their duties towardes them may the more manifestly appeare, I will set downe what they ought to do. First of all, Parents must teach their chil­dren to pray vnto God, to rehearse the Creed, and the ten Commaūdements, and to catechize them in the chiefest points of faith. Secondly, they must be­ware, that they come not among such felowes as sweare, curse, and such like, and to that end they must place discreet tutours ouer them. Thirdly, parēts must breake them from their willes, & correct them sharply, when they offend (yet not in their anger) for Prouer. 23. in smitting with the rod, they shall deliuer their soules from hell. Fourthly, parentes must not permit their children to weare gorgeous at­tires or newfangled dresses, but rather declare vnto them the vanity thereof. Fiftly, parentes must procure them wise and learned teachers, when they are fit to go to schole. Sixtly, parentes must not marre their children by marying them, during their minorities, neither cause them against their willes to bee assured. Seuenthly, parentes must see, [Page] that their children liue in vnitie, peace, and concord; for if debate and discord be pernicious among al men, how much rather betweene brethren? Lastly, pa­rents must ordinarily vse equality amōg their children so neere as they may, and not shew more affection to one then to another, least thereby they prouoke thē to anger and desperation.

Of the duty of childr [...] [...]wards their parentes. Chapt. 12.

THe first duty of children towards their parents is, they Coloss. c. 3. & l. 1. ff. de ob­sequi. pa­rent. & patron. praestād. obey them in all things, for that is well pleasing vnto the Lord. Also, they must remember, that the earthly father is the true representer of God the vniuersall father, and therefore Pythag. in aureis carmin. next after God to be had in reuerence. The second duty of children towardes their parentes is, that they endeuour by all means possible to asswage their parents anger. Thirdly, l. ff. de agnoscēd. & alend. liber. §. 1. & 2. & l. 1. C. de alend. li­ber. children must helpe their parents in their old age, and supply their wantes with all necessary complements.

Of Brotherly loue. Whether a man should preferre his friend before his brother? Chap. 13.

NOthing is more acceptable vnto the Lord, thē that brethren should loue one another. The which vndoubtedly by his soueraigne maiesty is ingrauen at our birth, for we see the first occasion of this amity to be bred euen from our na­tiuity. Therefore it is the duty of a bro­ther not to bee angry or discouer the faults of his brother. Further, it is the part of a brother to loue his brother a­boue all other, for he may daily get ma­ny of this friendly mould, and more, if these faile: but it is no more likely to get a new brother, then to get an eye, which is drawn out, or an hand, which is chopt off. Hence springeth that question, whether a mā should preferre his friend before his brother? To this I aunswere negatiuely, that he should not; and espe­cially for these two reasons. First, we are bound to follow nature, if she leades vs not astray, (for who so euer followeth nature, followeth God, by whome she is [Page] directed) therefore we are bound to loue our brethren aboue our friends, seeing that by nature wee are chained with our brethren, and whatsoeuer we bestow on them, we bestow on our selues. Where­unto soundeth that saying of the Poet: Hesiod. apud Plutarch. de fratern. amore. Take heed, that thou make not thy friend e­quall with thy brother. Secondly, the loue of brethren is better then the loue of friends, for it includeth in it more then the other; as for example, when friends be at variaunce, we see nothing left be­twixt them; but if brethren chaunce to disagree, the knot notwithstanding of brotherhood in despight of them re­maines stedfast: moreouer, a man be­ing forsaken of all his parasitical friends, is neuerthelesse of his brother, as it were by a natural instinct receiued and com­forted.

To bee briefe, I exhort all brethren to assist one another with mutuall loue, & not to beleeue any whispering make­bates, whose onely drift is to shift for themselues, and to oppose not onely friend against friend, but also for their owne priuate good to put brother a­gainst brother. This exhortatiō of mine [Page] if brethren will embrace, let them assure themselues, that they shall enioy the fe­licity of the celestiall Paradise, which is already prepared for them.

Of disobedient Sonnes. Chap. 14.

THe very Turkes thēselues according to the second commaūdement con­tained in their Alcoran, do require such dutifull obedience of children towards their parents, that they expresly forbid any, vpon pain of death, to gainsay them either in word or deed. Besides, it is an article of their beliefe, that God will ne­uer forgiue them, who are accursed of their parents. Yea, they assure thēselues, that no sorrow, nor penitent contrition of mind is euer able to wash or do away the foule burthen of the parents curse. Likewise, the Caus. 6. q. 1. Can. 17. Popish Canonists do con­demne thē as infamous, which rebell against their parents. What then shal we do, that are reformed Christians? shall we suffer the sonne to abuse the father, to com­mence suit against him, & approbrious­ly to endamage him? no. God forbid. We wil rather L. si fili­us tuus. C. de pa­tri. potest. lead him to the magistrate, who shall impose on him, what punishment soeuer [Page] the father demaundeth. Wee will Deuter. 21. stone him to death for his vnnaturall disobedience. But suppose hee were left vnpunished, would he not (thinke you) be cut off as an vnprofitable member by the iust iudgement of God? would not his daies be shortned? Yea, yea; he shall not on­ly die in this world, but also his body in the world to come shall alway be tor­mēted in hot scalding lead, and his soule for euer shall endure the horrible paines of hell.

We read in our English Chronicles, that the sonne of Henry the secōd, king of this land, by the instigation of the French King tooke armes against his owne naturall father, betwixt whom di­uers mighty battels being fought, the victory alwaies inclined to the father, so that the disobedient & rebellious sonne was enforced to desire peace, which the father mercifully graunted, and forgaue him his offence. Howbeit notwithstan­ding, God the auēger of such abomina­ble factes punished him for his disobedi­ence, by causing him to die 6. yeeres be­fore his father. A meet punishment (no doubt) for him, seeing that he could not [Page] tarie till after his fathers death. Further, we heare, that there was of late daies a certain man, that dwelt in a village neere to Cambray, who in a great fury threw his owne mother out of his house three times in one day, and the third time told her in anger, that he had rather see his house on fire, then that she should abide there one day longer. But mark the end; It fortuned that on the very same day according to his speech, his house was strangely fired, & quite consumed to a­shes. An euident signe assuredly of Gods displeasure. The exāples wherof I would to God might serue for a warning to all children, if not to mollify, yet at least to terrifie thē frō dealing crookedly & per­uersly with their parēts, Exo. 20 Leuit. 11 Deut. 5. whom God him­self cōmaūded to honor, & left here in this world as semblable images of himselfe.

Of the duty of masters toward their seruaunts. Chap. 15.

THe duty of Masters toward their seruaunts I comprise in sixe points. [Page] First, I counsell masters not to keepe any seruaunts in their houses, that are giuen to swearing, gaming, whoring, drinking, or to any such notorious crimes. Se­condly, I exhort masters to haue a speci­all care, that their seruaunts be catechi­zed and taught in the word of GOD. Thirdly, they must not make them la­bour on the Sabaoth day. Fourthly, they must see that their seruaunts lie not abroad in the nights. Fiftly, masters must grauely correct their seruants according to the quality of their faults, least being let alone, they waxe bold, and so fall in­to worse courses. Lastly, masters must looke, that their seruaunts receyue their wages or hires at due times.

Of the Sabaoth day. Whether a master ought to set his seruaunts at worke on the Sabaoth day? Chap. 16.

Extr. de feriis. C. 1. THe Sabaoth both in the old & new te­stament is sanctified and hallowed; and L. 3. C. de feriis.in it magistrates, townesmen, and all men o [...] what quality soeuer they be, must surceas [...] from working, chiefly for foure reasons First, that they might remember th [...] [Page] creation of the world, for Exod. 20. in sixe daies the Lord made heauen and earth, and all, that therein is, and rested the seuenth day. Se­condly, that they might assemble toge­ther, & gratefully thanke his diuine ma­iesty for his daily blessing powred down vpon them. Thirdly, that they might re­creat, refresh, and repose themselues, to th'end they might labour the next week more aptly. Fourthly, the Sabaoth is to be obserued, by reason it is the seuenth day; which number containeth great and hidden mysteries. The skie is go­uerned by seuen Planets. The reuolutiō of time is accomplished in seuen dayes, which wee call weekes. Gen. 7. God commaun­ded Noah to take into his arke cleane beasts & fowle by seuens. Gen. 41 Pharaoh dreamed that he saw seuen fat kine and seuen leane. 2. Sam. 21. Da­uid deliuered seuen of Sauls sonnes to the Gibeonites to be hanged. Zach. 3. Christ being termed the first stone of God hath seuē eyes. 1. Reg. 19. Seuen thousand men did God reserue, that neuer bowed their knees to Baal. Zach. 4 Zachariah in a vision saw a candlesticke of gold, with a bowle vpon the top of it, and seuen lampes therein, and seuen pipes to the lampes. Iob 1. Iob had seuen sonnes. Tob. 12 Seuen Angels go forth [Page] before God. Neither were 2. Ma­chab. 7. the seuen bre­thren whom Antiochus put to death, voyd of a mystery. Apo. 1. S. Iohn in the Reuelation sawe seuen golden Candlestickes, and in the middest of them the Sonne of man hauing in his right hand seuen starres. Moreouer, Ibid. 8.he saw the opening of the seuenth seale, and the seuen Angels, which stood before the Lord, to whome were giuen seuen trumpets. Ibid. 17The Antichrist is prophesied to sit vpon a scarlet coloured beast, which hath [...] seuen heads. By which, as all true Christians be perswaded, the Pope and his Cardinals attired in Scarlet, & his seuen hilled city of Rome are meant. What more shall I write of the worthinesse of this seuēfold number? mans life goeth by seuens, named climactericall yeers, which In Ci­ceron. de somnio Scipionis. Ma­crobius hath well obserued. Sith therefore it hath pleased God so to esteeme of this number, let vs Christians honour the same, as fearing the scourage of the com­maunder.

It was ordained by a good and godly act made in y ^e parliament of Scotlād in the yeere of our Lord 1512. being the one and twentieth yeere of the raigne of Iames the fourth, that no markets, nor [Page] fayres should be holden on the Sabaoth day. Which act King Iames the sixt, that nowe is, by the consent of his three estates, ratified and approoued in the Parliament holden in the yeere 1579. cōdemning the breakers of the Sabaoth to forfeit all their moueables to the vse of the poore within that parish, where they dwelt. It was likewise there enac­ted, that no handy-work should be vsed on y ^t Sabaoth, nor any gaming, playing, passing to Tauernes, nor wilfull remai­ning from prayer and Sermons, should bee in any case exercised vnder the pe­nalties following: to wit, of euerie man for his labouring, as often as he was ta­ken in the fact, ten shillings: and of eue­rie person for gaming, playing, passing to Tauernes, and wilfull remaining from praier and Sermons on the sunday, twentie shillings to bee presently payed, and imployed to the releefe of the poore in their parish. I could wish, that some speedy good order were taken here in Englād, for the breakers of the Sabaoth. For many now a-dayes, hauing beene i­dle all the weeke before, doe of set con­tumacie labour that day in despight of [Page] the Lord & his Sabaoth. Some frō mor­ning to euening do nothing els but play at dice or tables, swearing & staring at the least crosse of fortune. Others againe be delighted with reading of pāphlets, loue­books, ballads, & such like, neuer once so deuout as to name God, vnlesse shame­fully abusing him. Oh how oftē do they vse on that day vnseemly speeches? the very Turks, I feare me, go beyond them in deuotion. For they duly on their festi­ual daies resort to their Churches, neuer once gazing or looking aside as long as seruice lasteth. The seruice being ended, they go home each mā to his house, inui­ting, & humbly beseeching the priests to beare them cōpany: with whō they que­stiō touching diuine matters, not by car­ping, nicking, & nipping, but with pure simplicity & feruent care; wheras many of vs Christians contrariwise, do openly prophane not only holidaies, but also the Lords day, & yet they terme themselues Christians. Christiās, O coūterfeit Chri­stiās, & worse thē Painims. Me thinks, if nothing else could moue you, yet the daily myraculous punishments inflicted on such prophane persons as you bee, [Page] should bee a terrible warning for you.

At Kinstat a towne in France, dwelled a certain couetous woman, about fortie yeres ago, who was so eager in gathering together worldly pelfe, that shee would neither frequent the church to heare the word of God on sunday her selfe, nor yet permit any of her familie to do it, but al­way toyled about pilling and drying of flaxe, neither would shee bee disswaded by her neighbours frō such an vnseaso­nable work. One sunday as she was thus busied, fire seemed to fall downe among the flaxe without doing any hurt. The next sunday it tooke fire indeed, but was soone quenched. For all this, shee conti­nued forwarde in her worke euen the third Sunday, when the flaxe againe ta­king fire, could not be extinguished, till it had burnt her, & two of her childrē to death; for though they were recouered out of the fire aliue, yet y ^e next day they all 3. died, & that which was most to be wondred at, a yong infant in the Cradle, was taken out of the midst of the flame, without any hurt. Thus God punisheth the breakers of y ^e sabaoth. Famous is that example, which chanced neere London [Page] in the yeere of our Lord 1583. on the thirteenth day of Ianuarie, being Sun­day, at Paris garden, where there met together (as they were wont) an infinite number of people, to see the beare­baiting, without any regard of that high day. But in the middest of their sports, all the scaffolds and galleries sodainely fell downe, in such wise, that two hun­dred persons were crushed well nigh to death, besides eight that were killed forthwith.

In the yeere of our Lord 1589. I be­ing as then but a boy, do remember, that an Alewife making no exception of dayes, would needes brue vpon Saint Markes day: but loe, the maruailous worke of God, whiles she was thus labo­ring, the top of the chimney tooke fire, and before it could bee quenched, her house was quite burnt. Surely, a gentle warning to them that violate and pro­phane forbidden dayes.

Notwithstanding, I am not so straight laced, that I would not haue any labour done on Sundayes and holy dayes. For I confesse, Mac [...]h. li. 1. ca. 4 It is lawfull to fight in our coun­tries defence on any daie: De con­secrat. distinct. 3 Canō. 12 in fin. It is lawfull to [Page] enter into the bath: and it is lawfull for Phisicians and Apothecaries to temper and prepare medicines for the sicke, and for cookes to dresse meate for our suste­nance. It is lawfull for vs to take paines to hinder our peculiar damages, for Mat. 12. What man is there that hath a sheepe, and if it fall on a Sabaoth day into a pit, doth not lift it out? In like maner, it is lawfull to worke, when there is an inundation or deluge of waters, and also vpon vr­gent necessitie, to take vp a draught of fish, which for that day being let alone, would haue beene cast away. More yet would I write, if I feared not to be ter­med a gagling sophister, as hauing alrea­die discussed this question in my Com­mentaries vpon Persius. In Sat. 5 I will therefore proceed to the next.

Of the duties of seruants towards their Ma­sters. Chap. 17.

THe first dutie of seruants towardes their masters is, that they be subiect vnto them (e) and please them in all things, Titus 2. not answering againe, nor replying, al­though otherwhiles they know better [Page] what is to be done, then their masters. The second is, that they be honest and faithfull vnto their masters, and not (as many now a-dayes do) flatter & cologue with them, therby thinking to get some bootie. The third duty of seruants is, that they seeke their masters profit more thē their owne. The fourth, that they re­ueale not to others their masters secret affayres. The fift, that they defend their masters, euen to the hazarding and lo­sing of their liues. The famous effect whereof, appeared in that couragious seruant of Maurice, Duke of Saxonie; who of late yeeres, seeing his master so­dainely assaulted by certaine Turks that lay in ambush, and cast from his horse, couered him with his owne body, & va­liantly repelled the enemie, vntill cer­taine horsemen came and saued the Prince, but died himselfe a little while after, being hurt and wounded in euerie place of his body. Finally, to fill vp this discourse, seruants must diligently and honestly guard their masters, and their masters goods: for Pro. 27. They that keepe the figge tree, shall enioy the fruite thereof: and they that waite vpon their Masters, [Page] shall come to honour.

Of the Acquisitiue facultie. Chap. 18.

NOw hauing sufficiently disputed of the chiefest parts of a familie, I come to the last part, that is, to the acquisitiue or possessorie facultie, wherof I find two kindes; the one naturall, the other arti­ficiall. The naturall consisteth in bree­ding of cattell, in manuring of the groūd, in hauking, hunting, fishing, & in spoyles and pillages both by sea & land. The artificiall way of getting, lyeth in exchanging, either ware for ware, as, of cloth for silkes, of wool for graine: or els of wares for money. And againe, those acquisitiue Arts bee disallowed, which are loathed of men, as the trade of Bro­kers, huxters, toll-gatherers, bauds, vsu­rers, and ingraters. Of which three last, after my next discourie of money, I wil, God willing, entreat.

Of money, the chiefest part of the Acqui­sitiue facultie. Chap. 19.

MOney (as Plinie writeth) was coyned by King Seruius of Rome, Plin. lib. 33. c. 3. with the I­mage of a sheep and an oxe. Others say, that it was first inuēted at the siege of Troy. But I find that money was many yeeres currant before the warres of Troy. Gen. 23. A­braham bought a field of Ephron the Hethite for foure hundred siluer sicles of money currant amōg Marchāts; Which is of our money, three and thirtie pound, six shil­lings and eight pence. Howbeit, there is no vse of coyned money in sundry coū ­tries at this instāt. In y ^e coūtry of Belul the Ae­thiopian word, in English is Preti­ous, and not Pres­biter or Prester, as hereto­fore it hath been mistaken in print. Pre­tious Iohn, salt goeth for money. The Indians of Peru neuer made any ac­count of money, before the Spaniards robbed them of their gold. Besides, within these two hundred yeeres, mony was verie scant heere in England: for King Edward the fourth, in the ciuill warres betwixt him and Henrie the sixt, beeing on a time pursued by the Earle of Warwicke, who then was tur­ned to the contrarie side, bought a ship [Page] in the yeere of our Lord 1461. for eight score nobles, to saile into Ireland: which price in those times was esteemed won­derfull deare. Also, in the yeere 1514. money coyned of leather was rise in this Realme. Of which kinde of money my selfe haue seene of late, aboue tenne bu­shels in an olde castle in Wales, stam­ped, as farre as I remember, with the Duke of Lancasters Image. For in those dayes, certaine Dukes were licensed to coyne money. So likewise wee reade, that countie Palatines, as Chester, Dur­ham, and Ely, could then giue pardons concerning the pleas of the crowne, and send writs in their owne names. In the Kingdome of Cathay, money is yet nei­ther of gold nor siluer, nor of any other metall, but onely of the barke of mul­berie trees, which is cut as well into sun­drie small, as great round peeces, where­on they engraue the names of their countrie, rating them, as wee do ours, ac­cording to their greatnesse & smalnesse. It is petie treason among them to em­ploy any other money.

Sir Thomas Moore reporteth, that his faigned Vtopians did make cham­ber-pots, [Page] and other vesselles, that serue for most vile vses, of gold and siluer. Moreouer, he saith, that they made great chaines, fetters, and giues, wherein they tyed their bondmen, of the very same metals: and whosoeuer among them for any offence was infamous, by his eares hung rings of gold, about his necke was a chaine of gold. Thus by all meanes possible, they procured to haue gold and siluer among them in reproach and infamie. And if wee Christians examine our selues somewhat more neere, wee shall finde, that money is one of the chiefest causes why so many felonies, murthers & treasons be committed, and why the crie of the poore is so often come before the Lorde. For this cause Plato the Diuine Philosopher saith, that Plato li. 5. in leg. In a common-wealth well gouerned, there should not any money bee vsed, because it marreth good maners, and maketh the mind of a man couetous and in satiable.

Of Bawdes. Whether they ought to be suffered. Chap. 20.

ALthough I haue touched this infa­mous question in another Booke of mine, In com­mentar. in Sat. 5. Pers. yet notwithstanding I iudge it not amisse, if I repaint the same with more breuitie, in a more familiar tongue. The first that instituted the filthie order of stewes, was Venus, who because shee a­lone would not seeme to bee a whore, (as hauing lyen with Mars, Vulcā, Mer­curie, Anchises, and sundrie others) ap­poynted in Cypres, that women should prostitute themselues for money to all commers. Which custome was renewed by the Popes, who built most statelie houses for whores, and ordained, that they for the same should pay yeerely great summes of money. There bee some men liuing, that know how Pope Paul the third had aboue fortie thou­sand courtizans, that paied him an infi­nite tribute. The report goeth, that Pope Clement the 8. that nowe is, receiueth of euery baudy house in Rome yeerely, a [Page] Iull, that is, twentie thousand duckets.

These Panders are to whorehunters, as brokers to theeues. They entice yong lasses with gaudy garments, & deceitfull promises, to serue euery mans turne for gaine: which done, they teach these vir­gins their schoole-lessons, namely, to bring in swaggrers to outsweare a mā of his money, to faine thēselues with child, made of a cushion (for cōcealme [...]t wher­of, the bawds must be wel bribed,) to ca­per in mens armes til they haue guld thē of their purses, to counterfeit teares with an oniō, yea, & to vse fine glozing spee­ches: as, Sir, you mistake your marke, I am none of your wanton Gilles, you abuse my credit, my mistris cals me. And immediatly after, perceiuing the lusty wooer to haue mony in his purse, she begins by degrees to listen, saying: Many men will promise much, but performe little, they beare vs in hād, vntil they haue got their pleasures of vs, and then away they go, but you lo [...]ke like an honest man. After this, the bawdes seeing their wenches deformed, they giue thē drugges to raise their colours, and to seeme fairer. This is the bawdes acquisi­tiue facultie, whereby they liue. Some [Page] bawds haue a dozen damsels, some lesse, yet of euerie man they take largely, as 20. shillings a weeke, or tenne pound a month. It is said, that lōg Meg of West­minster kept alwaies 20. Courtizans in her house, whō by their pictures she sold to all commers. But I returne to the ex­tirpation thereof.

We reade, that Socrat. li. 5. hist. Ecclesia. cap. 8. Theodosius the great, in the yeere of our Lord 392. vtterly chased al stewes out of his Empire. For which nota­ble act, his name euē at this day is great­ly honoured. No lesse praise deserueth Henry the eight of famous memory, for abolishing & putting down of the stewes in London, which then were innumera­ble. Therin he imitated the good K. Io­sias, 2. Reg. 23. who brake down the houses of the So­domites, that were in the house of the Lord. Finally, no man is ignorant, that the pe­stilent disease of the French pockes was sent as a punishment to stewes.

Of Vsurers. Chap. 21.

Couar­ruuias li. 3. varia. resolutiō. cap. 1. HE that receiueth any thing ouer and a­boue the capitall summe that was lent, is an vsurer. For which respect I compare him to an aspet for euen as he that is stūg with an Aspe, falleth asleepe, as it were [Page] with delight, but dieth ere he awakes: so an vsurer taketh great pleasure in his interest at the first, but at length he is so ouercloyed with money, that he can ne­uer enioy any rest: the cause is his con­science, which like a multitude of furies vexeth his heart, and fortelles him of his euerlasting damnation. Hence it is, that the Romanes inflicted as great punish­ment on an vsurer, as on a theefe: and not without cause, for hee that killeth a man, riddeth him out of his torments at once, whereas an vsurer is long in puni­shing and vndoing his creditour, causing him by little and little to pine away. Al­so, an vsurer by vndoing of one, vndoeth many, namely, the wife and whole hous­hold.

Moe Gentlemen heere in England haue Vsurers, Banquers, and Mar­chants driuen to despaire, then either warres or sicknesse. For when a yong Punie commeth vnto them, desiring to be credited for money or apparrell, then one of them counterfeiting themselues forsooth to be coy like women, wil burst foorth into these termes: The world is hard, and wee are all mortall, wee may not [Page] venture our goods, God knowes howe wee earne our liuing: wherefore make vs assu­rance, and you shall haue tenne poundes (worth in silkes and veluets.) Well, this passeth on currant, assurance is gi­uen with a witnesse. A little after, if the Gentleman hath not wherewith­al to pay as wel the interest, as the prin­cipall agreed vpon, whensoeuer this reprobate cut-throate demaundeth it, then presently as round as a ball, hee commenceth his statute-marchant a­gainst him, and for tenne poundes profite, which was scarce woorth fiue pound in money, hee recouereth by re­lapse ten pound a yeere.

O intolerable wickednesse! O diue­lish haberdashers! and worse then those vngodly tenants, who seeing their Land­lords heyre comming, sayde one to an­other: Mat. 21. Mar. 12. This is the heire, come, let vs kill him, and wee shall haue his Inheritance: Darest thou, O wretched cormorant, hope to bee saued, and expect to bee partaker of the heauenly blessings? Art thou a Christian, and wilt suffer thy brother in Christ thus to miscarie through thy entanglements & exactiōs? [Page] No, no: thou art a member of Sathan, thou art in the gall of bitternes, Act. 8. and in the bond of iniquitie.

Of the particulars wherein Vsu­rie is committed. Chap. 22.

A Man committeth vsurie sixe ma­ner of wayes. First, Panorm. in cap. Cōsuluit. dè vsuris▪ whosoeuer lendeth corne vnto his neighbour, with pro­mise, [Page] that at the redeliuery thereof, he should giue him somewhat more, is an vsu­rer. As for example, if he lend to a man fiue bushels of corne at May, vnder con­dition that he giue him sixe bushels at Bartholmewtide. Secondly, hee that forestalleth and intercepteth corne in the market, and that not for any want, but to sell it againe dearer then hee bought it, thereby to enrich himself with the impouerishing of many. Thirdly L. 1. & 2 C. de pig­norat. action. he committeth vsury, that for the loane of his mony receiueth a greater gage, then the mo­ney valueth, and claimeth the same as for­feit, the money being not repayed him at the prefixed time. Fourthly, he is an vsurer, that lendeth his money vpon cō ­dition, that the other buy his necessaries at his shop, or grind at his mill. Fiftly, he is an vsurer, that keepeth false ballan­ces, and that selleth bad & musty things for good and new. Finally, hee that in­closeth commons, & turneth tillage in­to pastures, is an vsurer.

Whether it be lawfull for an householder to ingrate and ingrosse corne in the mar­ket, to the intent he may sell the same another time at a dearer price? Chap. 23.

WHosoeuer hee be, that forestalleth corne in the market, and trāsporteth it home into his garners, there keeping it, vntill a dearer time fall out, without doubt committeth vsury. For euery mā ought to sell as he bought, and doing o­therwise he is an vsurer, and must make restitution of the ouerplus. Panorm. in cap. ad nostrā de empt. & vend. & Couar­ruui. li. 2 variar. resolut. cap. 3. The which if he denie, he is eftsoone depriued of all power to make his last will and testament. Be­sides, there be statute punishments or­dained for the repressing of this filthy lucre: as, forfeits to the Clerkes of the market, & fines [...]to be paid to the Prince, if the foresaid party be taken in the ma­ner. In summe, Iam. 5. his cankred gold and siluer (which hee hath thus receiued of the poore buyers) and the rust of them shall be a witnesse against him at the feareful day of iudgement, and shall eat vp his flesh as it were fire.

Of Hospitality. Chap. 24.

HOspitality is the chiefest point of humanity, which an housholder cā shew, not only vnto his friēds, but also vnto straungers & way­faring men. For which cause Chryso. Hom. 44 sup. Gen. he that kee­peth a good house, and entertaineth straun­gers, is said to receiue Christ himself. Which likewise another holy father confirmeth, saying: August. lib. cōtra haeres. We must tēder hospitality without discretion, lest that the person, whom we ex­clude and shut out of doores, be God him­selfe. This Abraham knew very well, when hee accustomed to sit in his tent doore of purpose to call in trauellers, and to relieue them. Among whom Gen. 18 he en­tertayned on a time three Angels. This also was not vnknowen to Lot, when as he vsed to harbour ghestes, and Gen. 19 com­pell Angels beyng vnder the shape of pil­grimes to come into his house. Wee read, that the harlot Rahab, for her hos­pitality Iosu. 6. was saued with all her house­hold from death at the winning of Iericho. [Page] Wherefore, O yee that be rich, see that▪ yee keepe good hospitalitie, and relieue the impotent and distressed. To con­clude, if we consider more narrowly and pierce more deepely with a sharpe eye into the benefits of hospitality, though no other cause could perswade vs, yet Luc. 14 Rom. 12 1. Tim 3 Tit. 1. Heb. 13. 2. Pet. 4 the monumēts of the new testament might exhort vs thereunto.

Wherein good hospitality consi­steth. Chap. 25.

THey are greatly deceyued, who thinke, that hospitality doth consist in slibber-sauces, in spiced meates, or in diuersities. For these are nought els, saue fooleries, and fond wasting of goods, whereby the flesh is prouoked to leche­ry, & becommeth altogether inflamed, massy, and diseased. Further, experi­ence teacheth, that none are more sub­iect to sicknesses, then they, that gur­maundize and feed on sundry kindes of dishes. The reason is, because that those diuersities, which they eat, be repug­nant and contrary the one to the other, and breed putrifaction and corrupt hu­mours within their bodies. Whereas [Page] contrariwise they, that liue on one sort of meat and hardly, do looke faire, lusty, & well complexioned, and most common­ly attaine vnto very old age. Good hos­pitality therefore cons [...]steth not in glut­tonous diuersities, but rather in one kind of meat, in clothing the naked, and in gi­uing almes vnto the poore.

Why houskeeping now-adaies is decayed. Chap. 26.

THe causes, why hospitality is nowa­daies brought to so low a saile, are fiue. The first is ambition, which mo­ueth Gentlemen, that are of large reue­newes, to weare gorgeous attires, to traile a costly port after them, to caua­liere it abroad, and giuing vp house-ke­ping at home, to take a chamber in Lon­don, where they consume their time in viewing of stage playes, in carousing of healths, & (perhaps) in visiting of cour­tizans. The second is hatred, which pricketh Gentlemē to fall out with their neighbors, and to enrich the lawiers by commencing of suites and cōtrouersies. The third is couetousnesse, which per­swadeth [Page] landlords to hoord vp substāce for the Diuell, to enhaunce incomes, to rayse rents (for feare least yeomen keep better hospitality then themselues,) and to conuert tillage into pastures. In con­sideration of which abominable abuse, it was most prudently enacted in the last Parliament, that all landes, which were conuerted into sheepe pastures, or to the fatting or grazing of cattell, (the same hauing beene tillage lands) should be before the first of May in the yeere of our Lord 1599. last past, resto­red to tillage by the possessours thereof, and so should continue for euer. It was further enacted in the said Parliament, that euery person offending against the premisses aforesaid, should forfeit for euery acre not restored the summe of twenty shillings yeerely, as long as the offence continued. The fourth reason, why hospitality is caried to so lowe an ebbe proceedeth of building; for soo­ner shall wee see a Gentleman build a stately house, then giue almes, and che­rish the needy. The fift and last cause of the decay of hospitality is gluttony, which enduceth men to prepare artifi­ciall [Page] cookeries & diuers sorts of meate: wheras one large and wholesome messe of meat could peraduenture counter­uaile, yea, and go beyond all their iun­kets, and dainty delicacies.

Of Almes, and the forgetfulnesse therof in these dayes. Chap. 27.

THe poore, being an inferiour family in Gods church, are recommended by him to our charge, namely, that wee should relieue them in their distresse, & consider, that whatsoeuer wee do vnto them, we do vnto Christ himselfe, who for our sakes left a glorious habitation, and became poore. Besides, we must re­mēber to giue almes vnto the poore in respect of that holy mans saying: Psal. 34 The poore crieth, and the Lord heareth him, yea, and deliuereth him out of all his troubles, Alasse, let vs ponder with our selues, wherefore did the Lord giue vnto many of vs such great aboundaunce of wealth in this life aboue our brethren, if it were not to vse them well, and to fur­nish the needy. The simplest idiot of vs al doth very wel know, that wealth was not [Page] giuen vs to hoord vp, no nor to consume the same in superfluous vanities. Why then do we keep our clothes in our pres­ses, our money in our coffers? Why do wee misspend our goods in gaudy ray­ments, in caualiering shewes, in feeding of houndes, in banqueting, in reuelling, and in a thousand trumperies besides? oh why do we not waigh in our minds, that whatsoeuer wee spend more then wee need, is none of ours, but the poores; & to detaine from them, is to pill and poll, yea, and perforce to spoyle them. What shall we say, when God will demaund an account of our stewardships? Doubtles, except wee do out of hand repent, and giue almes, wee shall bee cast as a pray vnto the Deuill, and with him bee tor­mented in hell for euermore. O fearfull doome! The misbeleeuing Turkes are woont secretly to send their seruaunts abroad, & purposely to hearkē amongst their neighbours, which of them hath most need of victuals, money, and appa­rell. Yea, & more then that, in their Mu­saph or Alcoran they haue these words: If men knew, how heauenly a thing it were to distribute almes, they would not spare their [Page] owne flesh, but would euen teare the same, and slice it into carbonadoes, to giue it vnto the poore. The Papists, that are ouer­whelmed in superstition and idolatry, do hope (although sacrilegiously) to be sa­ued by their almes-giuing. Oh what a shamefull thing will this be against vs at the dreadfull day of iudgement? Verily, I feare me, it will be easier for them, then for vs, to enter into the kingdome of heauen, if speedily we amend not, & be boūtiful vnto the poore, For Prou. 21 whosoeuer stoppeth his eares at the crie of the poore, Mat. 18. shal also cry himselfe, and not be heard. Where now-adayes shall we find the woman of Sarepta to entertaine Elias? where are Abraham and Lot, to feast the holy An­gels? If Eliza were now liuing, surely he should want his hostesse the Sunamite. Nay, which is more, if Christ himselfe were here, he should neither find Mar­tha to welcome him, no nor Mary to powre any sweet oyntments vpon his head. The members of Christ Prou. 18 make sup­plication, and pray meekely: but the rich gi­ueth a rough aunswere. Lazarus beggeth still without doores, & yet for all his beg­ging cannot come by the crumbes of the [Page] rich mans table.

Wherefore extend your bounty vnto the poore, O yee that be rich, according to the proportion of your wealth, and as your good conscience shall lead you, so giue. Remēber that your daies be short vpon earth, and that you haue but a smal time to liue. Distrust not Gods promise, who said, that Luk. 21 whatsoeuer is giuen to the poore, is lent to himself, and looke, what you lay out, shall be payd you a­gaine.

Circumstaunces to be obserued in giuing of almes. Chap. 28.

HOwbeit for all this, I am not so in­dulgent and fond, that I would haue men to distribute almes without excep­tion, and without due regard of circum­staunces. For herein fiue things are to bee respected: whereof the first is, that they giue their almes for the Lords sake, and that voluntarily, of their owne proper motion. The second, that they argue with them touching their religiō, before they giue them any thing, to the end, they may vnderstand, whether they be true Protestants, or froward Papists, or Atheists. The third, that they dispute with thē concerning their conuersation. The 4. that they giue their almes vnto religious men, and to them that be old, blind, lame, or crazed and sicke of body. The fift & circumstāce to be noted, and followed in distributing of almes, is, that men giue them not for a brauery, [Page] and vainglory, to be praysed and extol­led of the world, but rather of pure zeale & deuotion, not expecting any recom­pence againe.

Of Fasting. That an housholder should obserue fasting dayes. Chap. 39.

Cas. in Append. thesaur. Oecon. EVen as learned and wise Physicians, in euery fluxe of the belly occasioned of sur­fet and repletion, do for the most part pre­scribe an exquisite diet, and also a purga­tion, to wit, of Rheubarb or such like, to the end that not onely the superfluous sub­staunce of the belly may be drawne out, but also that nature may be strengthened by the secret property and vertue of the Medi­cine: so expert and wise householders ought in time of famine specially to haue regard, that they lay downe a li­mited order of fasting vnto their fami­lies, whereby they may not onely purge the rebellious humours of the flesh, but likewise in after-clappes sustaine them­selues the better from pouerty and dearth. Oh, what is it for a man to spare two meales in a weeke, and bestow the [Page] estimate vpon the poore? Alasse, it is not much out of their way.

Wee read that the Iewes, so oft as they would pacifie or aske any benefit of GOD, vsed most commonly to fast. By fasting Exo. 24 Moses saw God. 3. Reg. 19. & Tertulli. de ieiun. aduersus Psychi. & Cypr. de ieiu­nio & tē ­tationib. Christi. E­lias after his fasting was entertained of God. Ionas 3. The Niniuites fasted with repen­tance, and were pardoned. By fasting Dan. 3. Da­niel reuealed Nabuchodonozors dreame.

But if these examples can worke no charity in the adamant and steely hearts of our English Rookes: yet ciuill poli­cy, me thinkes, and her Maiesties com­maundement might preuayle so much with them, that they obserue Frydaies, Saturdayes, Lent, and Ember dayes (so neere as they may) as fasting dayes, both for the preseruation of meates ordained for their owne sustenaunce, and for the safegard of their consciences, and for the supplying of their neyghbours wants.

Of the true fast. Chap. 30.

NEuerthelesse, I am of this mind, that those men obserue not the true fast, which hypocritically forgo a meale or two, of purpose, colourably to hunt for worldly prayse, and to be accounted re­ligious in the sight of man: but they ra­ther are the true and allowed fasters, that strongly leane to the euerliuing God, that shunne as the horrour of hell al earthly vanities, and that mortifie the filthy appetites of the flesh. Albeit the other (I confesse) is a coadiutour to that thing, and auayleth much for that purpose.

Whosoeuer therefore is willing to fast vprightly, and according to the or­dinaunce of GOD, must fast with all the members of his body. First, hee must fast with his eyes, and not pry too much into the pompeous shewes, & da­zeling beauty of this world, lest at the sight thereof, as of a Cockatrice, he be wounded to death both of body and soule. Next, he must fast with his eares, that is, hee must not consent to the al­luring speeches of Seminarie Priests, [Page] heretikes, flatterers, slaūderers, and such like, lest Sirenlike they entice him into their snares. Thirdly, he must fast with his toung, and beware of blasphemies, lies, and vngodly communications.

Fourthly, he must fast with his mouth, that is, he must take heed that he eat and drinke no more, then sufficeth nature, and that he abstaine from meats at con­uenient seasons, whereby as with a wing he may fly into heauen. Fiftly, he must fast with his heart, and refraine from sin­full and idle thoughts. Sixtly, hee must fast with his feet, and bridle them from being too swift to shead bloud, or from trudging to London for pro­ces against his brethren.

Of a Common-wealth. Chap. 1.

A Common-wealth is a socie­tie of free mē, vnited toge­ther by a generall consent, to the end to liue well and orderly, not onely in re­gard of iustice, but also of commoditie, and for the preseruation of themselues, as well in peace, as in warre. The which is a thing naturall, both in respect of parts, to wit, a shire, a parish, and a fami­ly, whereof a Commonwealth is the ac­complishment: and of men naturally dis­posed to liue in societie.

[Page] Neuerthelesse, there haue beene ma­ny societies, which were not Common-wealths, but certaine base habitations in villages, where the weaker yeelded ser­uice to the stronger. Also, the Arabians at this day, wander vp and down, igno­rant of liuing, and do carrie about with them their woodden habitations, which they draw vpon charrets, seeking for prayes and spoyles frō the riuer Euphra­tes, along vnto the sea Atlantique. But to these and such like, well may I apply that saying of the Philosopher, namely, that Arist. li. 1. Politic cap. 2. he, which cannot abide to liue in com­panie, is eyther a beast, that is, a monstrous wicked man, or a God, that is, a man sur­passing the ordinarie sort of vertuous men in perfection.

The examination whereof, caused all that were free and liberally borne, to be enclined vnto societie, and to defend the Common-wealth with all their pow­ers: yea, and Accursi­us ad l. 7. C. de Procurat. thereunto to beare a greater affection, then to their parents. Although our families bee destroyed, yet the Commonwealth standing, wee may in time flourish againe: but if the Com­mon-wealth be destroyed, both we and [Page] our families must likewise come to vtter destruction. Let this serue for a watch­word to our English Fugitiues, who vn­naturally haue abandoned their natiue countrie, and now being become Semi­narie Priestes and vncleane spirits, like vnto them Apo. 16. that in the Reuelation, issued as frogs out of the Dragons mouth, doe by all shameful acts, and false counsels, sub­orne their countrymen to conspiracies against their Prince and Common-wealth.

The diuision of a Common-wealth. Chap. 2.

IT was a great controuersie among po­liticians, about the diuision of a Com­mon-wealth; for some would allow but of two sorts: some contrarie appoyn­ted foure, and others fiue. Li. 6. de militari. Roman. disciplin. Polybius ac­counted seuen. Li. 2. de Repub. cap. 1. Bodinus, whose iudge­ment is most of all applauded, approo­ueth onely those three speciall kindes of a Commonwealth, which Li. 4. Policit. Aristo­tle hath mentioned. The first, a Mo­narchie, where the gouernement of the whole Common-wealth, is in one [Page] mans hand. This kind regarding the weale publike, more then the weale pri­uate, is named the soueraigne authori­tie, as in England, France, Spaine, Den­marke, Polonia, and Swethland. The second, an Aristocracie, where the smal­ler number, and those of the best sort do beare rule; as the Senate of Rome in times past, and the Gentlemen of Ve­nice at this present day. The third kinde of a Common-wealth is called a Demo­cracie, where the regiment of a Com­monwealth consisteth in the power of al, or else, of the greater part of the people: as in ancient times at Athens, and nowe at this present, the Cantons of Switzer­land.

Of a Monarchie. Chap. 3.

AMong all creatures, as well hauing life, as without life, one alwaies hath preeminence aboue the rest of his kind. Arist. li. 1. Mete­ [...]rolog. This inferiour world obeyeth the superiour, and is ruled by it, as wee see by a certaine vertuous influence associated with light heat, and (named by some, the quintes­sence of the world) which issueth down frō the celestiall essence, & spreadeth it [Page] selfe through the lumpe of this huge body, to nourish all things vnder the Moone. In like maner, we see the sunne the principall minister of this celestiall vertue, as a monarch among the Pla­nets, illuminating al the world with his glistering beams. We see the Moone as an Empresse, predominant ouer al moist things. We see the fire bearing the soue­raigntie ouer the other elements. In mu­sicall concents consisting of soundes, we see the treble as it were commāding the base. Among reasonable creatures man onely is the chiefe. Among beasts, the Lion. Among birdes, the Eagle. Among fishes, the Whale. Among metals, gold. Among graines, wheate. Among aro­maticall spices, balme. Among drinke, wine. And to conclude, haue not the Bees one onely King? Is not vnitie the first of numbers, and when we haue cast our accounts, do not we return the same to one totall summe? Thus by naturall discourses wee see, that a monarchie of all other regiments, is the most excel­lent. Isocrat. in oratiō. ad Nico. If wee search ancient Fables, we shal find that the gods were ruled by Iupiter. What blind Bayard therefore wil deny, [Page] that Arist. li. 12. met­aphys. all superiour and inferiour things are much better ordered by the arbitrement of one, then by the aduice of many?

Moreouer, there bee foure forcible reasons, which prooue that a Monarchy ought to be preferred before all other sorts of gouernments. First, Iustin. ex lib. 1. Trog. Pompe. from the be­ginning of countryes and nations, the go­uernement was in the hands of Kings, who were not extolled to that high degree of ma­iestie by Ambition, but for their modestie, which was knowne to all men. Likewise, that which is auncient and first▪ Ari. li. 3 Topicor. cap. 1. is more noble then that which is newfangled and la­ter. Secondly, the image of a monarchie is found in priuate families. For the au­thority of a father ouer his children, may bee resembled to a royall gouernment, because the Children are the fathers charge: hee alone must prouide for them, and their offences are by him chastised. With which concurreth that common speech: Euery man is a King in his owne house. Thirdly, a Monarchie hath continued aboue a thousand yeeres; whereas the longest Aristo­cracie and Democracie, haue not la­sted aboue sixe hundred yeeres.

[Page] Our Kingdome of Brittaine retai­ned a Monarchie, from the time that Brutus first inhabited it, vntill Cad­walader, who was the last king of the British bloud; which was aboue foure­teene hundred yeeres. Then in the yeere of our Lorde 574. the King­dome was diuided among seuen of the Nobles, who still continued ciuill warre one vpon the other, vntill Ec­bert in the yeere 800. reduced the seuen prouinces into one whole King­dome. Since which time there ruled Princes as Monarches, vntill now this yeere of our Lord, one thousand six hū ­dred. Whereby wee finde, that our Monarchie hath alreadie lasted full eight hundred yeeres. Scotland like­wise hath endured in a Monarchie, from the yeere of our Lord eight hun­dred and twentie, Dungall then raig­ning, vntill this present yeere. Fourthly, a Monarch carrieth a greater maie­stie, whereby hee seemes gratious and amiable in the sight of his subiects, and dreadfull to his enemies. To conclude, lette vs consent, that Plato. lib. 1. de. leg. a Monarchie is the most excellent regiment [Page] of all others, as that which draweth neerest to Gods will, who is the Monarch of all Monarches, King of Kings, and Lord of Lordes.

That hereditarie succession is bet­ter then Election. Chap. 4.

Lipsius lib. 2. Po­liticor. cap. 4. MAny affect the place of a mo­narch, not to any good end (they being not good themselues) whome neuerthelesse the custome or lawe of Nations hath restrained by a double bridle of election and succession. The latter is that, when maiestie commeth of descent, and one Prince is borne of another. The other, when as birth­right being set aside, they are chosen by consent of voyces.

Succession without doubt is the bet­ter, as by reasons shall appeare. First, it is meete that the sonne possesse the Kingdome for the Fathers sake. Se­condly, the sonne is brought vp to fol­low his fathers steps, especially in de­fending of religion. Thirdly, Tacitus lib. 2. Histor. the alte­ration of matters giues opportunitie to strange and great attempts. Fourthly, the sonne by nature from his father obtaineth a [Page] smacke of policie, and beeing alwayes present with him, knoweth the state of the Kingdome better then any other. Fiftly, the successour is woont to admi­nister iustice more constantly and sin­cerely. Whereas the elect Prince must in a maner fawne on his electours and newe subiects. Finally, Curtius lib. 4. histor. No authoritie can prosper or endure, which is purchased by canuasing and flatteries, & there is lesse danger in the acceptation of a Prince, then in the election.

The dutie of a Prince. Chap. 5.

THere are foure cheefe qualities ne­cessarie for a Prince to maintaine his reputation. The first is clemencie, to forgiue trespasses. For as the Sunne, when it is highest in the Zodiake, mo­ueth slowest: so the higher a Prince is soared to greatnesse, the more gra­tious and meeke hee ought to bee to­wardes his humble subiects. The se­cond, to imprint the lawes and ordi­nances of God in his minde, and to le­uell all his actions to the glorie of the [Page] king of kings: as well for the health of his owne soule, which hee ought to hold dearer then his whole kingdome, yea, then all the world: as for good ensam­ple and imitation vnto his subiects. The third is liberalitie, to succour poore scho­lers and souldiours; for as there is no­thing more common then the sunne, that communicateth his light to all the celestiall bodies, and chiefely to the Moone, so a prince ought to impart part of his reuenewes to the distressed, and especially aboue the rest, to students & Souldiours. The fourth, to haue cou­rage and vertue to tolerate abuses. For Boetius lib. 3. de consola­tion. phi­losoph. metr. 5. Although his power and authoritie extend so farre, that the countrie of India quaketh at his commandement: & although the far­thest Island in the sea doth serue and obey him: yet if hee cannot bridle his owne af­fections, his power is not worthie to be estee­med.

Of the name of Emperour. Chap. 6.

THis name Emperour the Romanes first inuented, not for their Kings, [Page] but for their warlike Generalles. Ser­ranus, Camillus, Fabius Maximus, and Scipio the Affrican, as long as they go­uerned the Romane hosts, were entitu­led Emperours. But when they fini­shed their warres, they were called by their owne proper names. Afterward, when Antonie was discomfi [...]ed by Au­gustus Caesar, it chanced that the com­mon-wealth came altogether into his hands. Whereupon the Romanes desi­red that hee would not assume vnto himselfe the name of King, because it was odious vnto thē, but that he would vse another title, vnder which they would bee his loyall and obedient sub­iects. Then Augustus being at that time Generall, and therefore named Empe­rour, chose this title, to doe the Ro­manes pleasure. So that Augustus Cae­sar was the first, that called himselfe by the name of Emperour. The cause why they hated the name of King, was by reason that their forefathers in aunci­ent times, hauing deposed their King Tarquin for his tyrannies and rapes, had forbidden by an edict and solemne othe, the name of King euer after to be [Page] vsed among them. Augustus beeing dead, Tiberius succeeded him in the Empire of Rome; then Caligula, Clau­dius, Nero, and foure and thirtie more, before the Empire was by Constan­tine the great, in the yeere of our Lord 310. transferred to Constantinople, where it continued vnited vntill the yeere of our Lord seuen hundred nine­tie and foure. At which time the Em­pire was parted into the East and West, which lasted in that sort, vntill the yeere of our Lord a thousand, foure hundred, fiftie and three, Constantinople to the great disparagement of all Christian Princes, was taken by the great Turke, called Mahomet the second. Neuer­thelesse, the Empire of the West, or rather of Germanie, since that time hath as yet remained with the house of Austria, Rodolph the second now raig­ning.

Of the name of King. Chap. 7.

TOuching the title of King, it is to be noted, that according to the diuersi­tie of Nations, so did they diuersly no­minate their Princes: to wit, among the Egyptians they named them Pharaoes: among the Persians, Arsacides: among the Bythinians, Ptolomeyes: among the Latines, Siluii: among the Sicili­ans, Tyraunts: among the Argiues, Kings: among the Sara [...]ens, Amiraes: and nowe of late among the Persians, Soldanes. In the beginning of the world all Princes were termed Tyrants: but when people beganne to perceiue, how great difference was betwixt the one and the other, Plutar. lib. de Repub. they agreed among them­selues, to call the good Princes Kings, and the wicked Tyrants. Whereby wee see, that this title of King is authorized only vnto iust Princes, and that doe well de­serue to be so named.

In this Realme of England, there hath not at any time beene vsed a­ny other generall authoritie, but one­ly the most royall and kingly maiestie. [Page] Smith. lib. 1. de Repub. Anglicā. cap. 9.Neither hath any King of this Realme, taken any inuestiture at the handes of the Emperour of Rome, or of any other forraine prince, but helde his kingdome of God to himselfe, and by his sword, his people and crowne, acknowledging no Prince in earth his superiour, and so it is kept and holden at this day.

Of a Gynecracie, or Womans raigne. Chap. 8.

WOmen by gouerning haue got no lesse renowne then men, as is eue­dent by learned Histories. For which cause Plato li. 34. de legumlat. The Diuine Philosopher found great fault with his countrymē the Grae­cians, because their Noblewomen were not instructed in matters of state & po­licie. Likewise Iustinian the Emperour was highly displeased with the Arme­nians, Nouell 21. de Armen. For that most barbarously they prohibited women from enioying herita­ges, and bearing rule, as though (quoth hee,) women were base and dishonoured, and not created of God. Iustiniā. in Nouel. 18. cap. 4. § ne­que illo de c [...]ter. In the right [Page] of succession the sisters sonne is equall to the brothers sonne. Whereby is vnderstood, that women are licensed to gouerne, as­well as men.

Moreouer, there be two forcible rea­sons, that conclude women to be most apt for Seignories. First, Galat. 3. there is nei­ther Iew, nor Graecian: there is neither bond nor free: there is neither male, nor female, for they are all one in Christ Iesus. The minds, and actions of men and women do depēd of the soule, in the which there is no distinction of sexe, whereby the soule of a man should bee called male, and the soule of a woman female. The sexe rather is the instrument or meanes of generation; and the soule ingendreth not a soule, but is alway permanent and the very same. Seeing therefore that a womans soule is perfect, why should she be debarred by any statute or salique law from raigning? Aristot. li. 1. Po­lit. ca. 3. The body is but lum­pish, and a vassall to the soule, and for that respect not to be respected. Secondly, Senec. in Epistol. ver­tue excludeth none, but receyueth all, regar­ding neither substaunce nor sexe. What should I rippe vp the examples of sun­dry nations, Lipsius li. 1. Po­lit. cap. 3. which preferred women be­fore [Page] themselues. And for that cause Tacitus li. de mo­rib. Ger­manor. they did neyther reiect their counsels, nor set light by their answeres. Semiramis after the death of her husband Ninus, fea­ring lest the late conquered Aethiopi­ans would reuolt and rebell from her Sonne yet young of yeeres and igno­rant of rule; tooke vpon her the prin­cipality, and for the time of his nonage, ordered the kingdome so princely, that shee passed in feates of armes, in tri­umphs, conquests, and wealth, all her predecessours. Nicocris defended her Empire against the Medes, (who then sought the Monarchy of the world) and wrought such a miracle in the great ri­uer of Euphrates, as all men were asto­nished at it; for shee made it contrary to mens expectation to leaue the anci­ent course, & so to follow her deuice to and fro, to serue the citie most commo­diously: insomuch that she did not one­ly surpasse all men in wit, but ouercame the elements with power. Isis after the decease of her husband Osyris raigned ouer Egypt, and tooke care for so much prouision for the common wealth, that shee was after her death worshipped as [Page] a Goddesse. Debora iudged Israel: Iu­dith the Bethulians: Lauinia after the death of Eneas gouerned Italy: Dido Carthage: Olympias Pirrhus his daugh­ter ruled ouer Epire: Aranea was queen of Scythia: Cleopatra of Egypt. Hele­na after the death of Leo the Emperour raigned in Constantinople ouer all Asia as Empresse. Ioanna was queene of Na­uarre, & marying with Philip Pulcher the French king, made him king of Na­uarre in the yeere of our Lord 1243. Margaret ruled ouer Flaunders in the yeere of our Lord 1247. And another Princesse of that name y ^e only daughter of Valdemare the 3. king of Dēmark & Norway gouerned those kingdoms after her fathers death; & in the yeere of our Lord 1389. she tooke Albert the king of Swethland captiue, & kept him in prison 7. yeeres. Ioanna was queene of Naples in the yeer 1415. Leonora Dutchesse of Aquitaine was maried to Henry Duke of Gaunt, and in despight of the French K. brought him Aquitaine & Poiteaux in the yeere 1552. Queene Mary raig­ned here in Englād in the yeere 1553. What should I write of Elizabeth our [Page] gratious Queene, that now is? which by her Diuine wisedome brought three ad­mirable things to passe. First, her Ma­iesty reformed religion, that by the Ro­mish Antichrist was in her sisters time bespotted. Secondly, she maintayned her countrey in peace, whē all her neigh­bour Princes were in an vprore. Third­ly, she triumphed ouer all her foes, both domesticall and hostile, traiterous and outlandish. If a man respect her lear­ning, it is miraculous, for shee can dis­course of matters of state with the best Philosopher; she vnderstandeth sundry kinds of languages, and aunswereth for­reine Ambassadours in their forreine tongues. If a man talke of the admini­stration of iustice, all the nations vnder the heauens cannot shew her peere. In summe, her Princely breast is the recei­uer, or rather the storehouse of all the vertues, aswell morall as intellectuall. For which causes England hath iust oc­casion to reioyce, and to vaunt of such a gratious mother. To whome the Mo­narch of Monarches long continue her highnesse, and strengthen her (as he hath done hitherto) to his perpetuall glory, [Page] confusion of all her enemies, and to our euerlasting comfort.

Of Tyraunts. Chap. 9.

SIr Thomas Smith termeth him Lib. 1. de Repu. Anglic. cap. 7. a Ty­raunt, that by force commeth to the Mo­narchy against the will of the people, brea­keth lawes already made at his pleasure, and maketh other without the aduise and con­sent of the people, and regardeth not the wealth of his commons, but the aduaunce­mēt of himself, his faction, & kindred. Also, there be two sorts of Tyrants. Bartol. in tract. de tyrān. The one in title, the other in exercise. He is in title Tyrant, that without any lawfull title vsur­peth the gouernment. In exercise, he that hath good title to the principality, and com­meth in with the good will of the people, but doth not rule wel and orderly, as he should. And so not onely they, which behaue themselues wickedly towards their sub­iects, are called Tyraunts, as Edward the second of this realme in the yeere of our Lord 1319. and Alphonsus of Naples, that lawfully came to the crowne in the yeere 1489. but also they are named tyrants, which albeit they behaue them­selues [Page] well, yet they are to be called ty­raunts, in that they had no title to the principality; as S [...]eno the King of Den­mark, that vsurped this realme of Eng­land in the yeere 1017. and Pope Cle­ment the eight, that now is, who about two yeeres ago seysed on the Duke­dome of Ferraria onely by pretence of a gift, which Constantine time out of mind bequeathed to the papacy. Fur­thermore, there be sixe tokens to know a tyrant. The first, if hee sends abroad pickthanks, talebearers, and espies to hearken what men speake of him, as Ti­berius the Emperour was woont to do. The second, if he abolisheth the study of learning, and Tacit. in vita A­gricolae. burneth the monuments of most worthy wittes in the market place, and in the assembly of the people, least his subiects should attaine to the knowlege of wisedome. As Alaricus king of the Gothes did in Italy, in the yeere 313. and the great Turke in his Empire. The third, if hee maintaine schismes, diuisions, and factions in his kingdome, for feare that men should prie into his doings. As the Popes haue done alway from time to time: and of late daies the [Page] Queene mother in Fraunce. The fourth, if hee trust straungers more then his owne naturall subiects; and continual­ly goeth garded with a strong compa­ny: As Vortiger sometime king of this Realme did, when he brought in Hen­gist and the Saxons, and gaue them the countreys of Kent and Essex to inhabit. The fift, if he without cause cōmand his chiefest nobles to be cashiered & bran­ded with ignominy, or to be imprisoned and put to death, for feare lest they should waxe too popular and ouermigh­ty. Such a one was Frauncis Sfortia Duke of Millain, that caused Alphonsus king of Naples villanously at a banquet to murther Earle Iames sonne to Nicho­las Picinio (whome he had sent Ambas­sadour to the sayd Alphonsus) for no o­ther cause, then for that hee feared his might, & because the Braciques in Italy, & some of his subiects highly esteemed him. The sixt token to know a tyrant, is, if he do away learned and wise men for no other intent, then that fearing they should reproue him, & write against his depraued & vngodly life. As Domitius Nero, that commaunded Seneca the [Page] Philosopher, and the Poet Lucan to be slaine; and Domitian, that banished the Poet luuenal for the same cause. But of this matter I haue spoken In Com­ment in Satyr. 3. Pers. in another booke.

Whether it be lawfull for subiects to rise against their Prince being a ty­raunt or an heretique? Chap. 10.

EVen as the Prince ought to remoue the causes of mislike, which his sub­iects haue conceiued against him, and to extinguish the flame, that being nouri­shed in one seuerall house would breake into the next, and at last into the whole towne: so in like maner subiects ought to please their soueraigne, and to tolerat all rigour, yea, and to lay downe their neckes vpon the block, rather then to cōspire against his power, which he hath from God. It may be, that he is raised as another Nabuchodonozor of the Lord for a scourge to punish the transgressiōs and enormities of the inhabitants. Plautus The dishonourable things, which a Prince doth, ought to be accounted honourable. Men must patiētly (for they can do no other­wise) [Page] beare with an vnreasonable deàre yeere, with vnseasonable stormes, and with many blemishes and imperfections of nature. Therefore they ought to en­dure with as constant courages the he­resies and tyrannies of their soueraigne. But, thou wilt say, subiectes must obey only iust and vpright Princes. To which I answere, that Ephes. 6. & Coloss. 3. parents are bound to their children with reciprocall and mutuall du­ties. Yet, if parents depart from their duty, and prouoke their children to des­peration: Ibidem. it becommeth not children to be lesse obedient to their parents. Calu. li. 4. Instit. cap. 20. But they are subiect both to euill parēts, and to such, as do not their duty. Further, if seruants must be obedient to their masters, as­wel curteuos as curst, much more ought subiects to obey not onely their gentle, but also their cruell Princes.

This Didacus Couarruuias an excel­lent Lawier confirmeth, saying: 2. part. Decret. cap. 3. §. 4. If a Prince, (whether by succession or election he was made, it skilleth not) doth exceed the limits of law and reason, he cannot bee deposed, nor put to death by any subiect; Yea, Soto li. 5. de iu­stitia & [...]re. q. 1. artic. 3. it is hereticall to hold that paradoxe. For Dan. 2. & 4. God is he, which chaungeth the times [Page] and seasons: he taketh away kings, and set­teth vp Kings: to the intent, that liuing men might know, that the most high hath power ouer the kingdome of men, and giueth it to whomesoeuer hee will, and appointeth ouer it the most abiect among men. Hence is it, that we seldome heare of rebels, that euer prospered, but in the end they were bewrayed and brought to confusion. In the time of Henry the fourth there re­belled at one time against him the Duke of Exceter, with the Dukes of Glouce­ster, Surrey, Aumarle, & Salisburie: and at another time the Earle of Worcester, the Archbishop of Yorke, & Hēry Hot­spurre sonne to the Earle of Northūber­land; all which were either slaine or be­headed. To come neerer the state of this question, we find, that Leonagildus an auncient king of the Gothes in Spaine, both a tyrant and an Arrian in the yeere of our Lord 568. pursued the true Chri­stians, and exiled his own sonne, because he was of the true religion. Where­upon this young Prince being moued at the persecution of the Christians in his countrey, did twise raise armes a­gainst his Lord and Father. At the first [Page] he was taken captiue and banished; at the second he was put to death on Easter day. By which example wee may note the effects of Gods iudgements, and re­buke the rashnesse of this Prince, that rebelled against his soueraigne.

Wherefore, O yee that be subiect to cruell Princes, refraine your fury, learne to obey, & beware lest the same chance vnto you, which is faigned to haue chan­ced vnto the frogs, who being importu­nat on Iupiter to haue a king, a beame was giuen them: the fi [...]t fall whereof did somwhat affright them, but when they saw it stil lie in the streame, they insulted theron with great disdain, & praied for a king of a quicker spirit: thē was sent vn­to them a stork, which tyrānized & daily deuoured them. In a word, rebels in ta­king care to auoid one calamity, do entā ­gle themselues in a whole peck of trou­bles, as by this fable of y ^e frogs is euident. And oftentimes it hapneth that the re­medy is more dangerous then the mala­dy it selfe; for of one tyraunt they make three Hydraes, or els in seeking to shun tyranny, they reduce their gouernment to a troublesome Democracy.

Of an Aristocracy. Chap. 11.

THe rule of a certain and prescribed number of noblemen & Gentlemē respecting the benefite of the common wealth, is termed an Aristocracy: & if a­ny ambitiously preferre their priuat cō ­modity before the publick good, and by cōspiracies dispose of all matters apper­taining to the cōmonwealth, as it please thē, it is named an Oligarchy. For as irō is consumed in time by rust, although it auoideth al incōueniēces; so some pecu­liar dammage or other sticketh to euery commonwealth according to the nature therof; as for exāple, this Aristot. lib. 4. Po­liticor. Oligarchy en­damageth an Aristocracy; Tyrāny is opposite to a Monarchy, & sedition to a Democracy. That Aristocracy is best allowed, where the gouernment is allotted to a few no­ble & vertuous men, which bestow most in common seruices, and make lawes for the rest, directing their cogitations to no other scope, then the publick good of their countrey. The citizens of Venice do deliuer the discussing of their mat­ters, aswell ordinary, as of importance, to the Senate, which are very fewe in [Page] number, as not ignorant, how, few being made priuy of their matters, they should bee the more priuily managed. Neuer­thelesse this kind of commonwealth be­ing compared with a monarchy, will be found imperfect & farre inferiour. True it is, that siluer and tinne are good, but yet imperfect metals in comparison of gold, wherein the souerainety and per­fection of all metals consist. In like ma­ner an Aristocracy well tempered may be good, but seldome it so falleth out. This Realme of England, when it was diuided into prouinces, as Mercia, Nor­thūberlād, & others, & ruled by the no­bles, was soone surprized by the Danes: whereas if it had continued counted, they durst neuer aduenture to set foot in any one place of this realme. Briefly, an Aristocracy disagreeth with the law of natiōs, which all men held in great esti­mation, for L. ex hoc genere ff. de iu­stitia, & iure. all nations had kingdomes di­stinct, and Kings appointed for them. The Israelites required a king of the Pro­phet Samuel: for, said they, I. Sam. 8. Wee will be like all other nations, and our King shal iudge vs, and go out before vs, and fight our bat­tels.

Of a Democracy, Chap. 12.

A Democracy of all regiments is the very worst, as being a market where all things are sold, & fashioned by owles, whose sight the night lighteneth, & the day makes dim. What is more preposte­rous, then to see the multitude (a mōster of many heads) void of discretion, deli­berating and determining on wise mens deeds, yea, & now & then on their liues? are not they still shuffling the cardes and desirous of new cōmotions? are not they wauering & corrupt? wretched, I say, & miserable is that commonwealth, which wāts a head, & where the people raigne. Persius Satyr. 5. Sooner will a foole be brought to play vpō a harpe, then the vndiscreet multitude bee [Page] made fit for magistracies. No mā is so foo­lish, that hauing need of physicians wise & experienced, he will put his body into the hands of rude and raw Empiriques. Likewise Guicci­ard. lib. 2 hist. as of a iudge incapable & vndis­creet cā be no expectatiō of righteous iudge­mēts: so in a popular state full of confusion & vanity, there is no hope, but at aduenture of deliberatiō, & resolution wise or reasona­ble. Which caused Anacharsis the Phi­losopher, when hee saw the Areopagites propoūding causes, & the people resol­uing thē, to say, that wise men among the the Athenians moued matters, & fooles determined thē. How great troubles did the Florētines sustain by this sort of go­uernment, vntil of late it was reduced by the Mediceis into a monarchy? In fine, y ^e multitude cōpoūded of many & diuers spirits, of maners, & customes, can neuer distinguish between good & bad co sel, by reasō that Thucid. lib. 3. histor. whatsoeuer is moderat, they esteeme a kind of slouthfull cowardize, and whatsoeuer is circūspectly forewarned, that they hold to be curiosity. But whatsoeuer is rash & hasty, that is thought by them to be couragiously deliberated.

The Democracy of the Switzers hath Obiectiō [Page] continued without troubles two hūdred yeeres and vpwards: therefore a Demo­cracy well constituted may endure as long as an Aristocracy or Monarchy.

The members of a Commonwealth. Chapt. 13.

ALl the people, which be in euery royall commonwealth, are gene­rally either Gentlemen or of the commonaltie. Of Gentlemen there be three degrees. Vnder the first and chiefest is the Prince comprehen­ded. Vnder the second, Dukes, Mar­quesses, [Page] Earles, Vicounts, Barons, and Knights of honour. Vnder the third and last are contained Knights, Graduates of law, Esquires, Masters of Arts, Cap­taines, and they that beare the counte­nance and port of Gentlemen. Where­unto also might bee added a fourth de­gree of Gentlemen, whome wee name Gentlemen of the first head: I meane them, Smith. li. 1. de Re­pub. An­glic. cap. 20. to whome Heraldes for money doe giue armes, newly made and inuented, the title whereof shall pretend to haue beene found by the sayde Heralds, in perusing and viewing of olde Registers, where his an­cestors in times past had beene recorded to beare the same. The Commonaltie like­wise is diuided into Citizens, Artificers, Marchants, and Yeomen.

Of Noblemen. Chap. 14.

IF wee call to remembrance all things that wee haue seene, wee shal finde e­uery one thing in particular to excel the rest of the same kind, in some perfection or other. Let vs looke vp into the Zo­diake, and there wee shall see the sunne [Page] to surpasse the minour [...] starres. Among metals, gold, siluer, and brasse are best. Among stones, the marble, iuorie, and loadstone. Among pretious stones, the Diamond, the Smaragde, and Saphire. Among trees, the Pine, the Iuniper, the apple-tree. And so among liuing things, some exceede others. What maruaile therefore is it, if among men, the verie same order bee obserued? In the buying or selling of a horse, wee glorie & boast of his sire: and shall wee not respect, of what stocke and parentage a man is de­scended? Boetius lib. 3. de Consola­tion. Phi­losoph. metr. 6. Eueryman, I confesse, com­meth of Noble seede, that is to say, from God; but afterwards he becommeth de­generate and ignoble, by forsaking God his beginning, and by leaning vnto wic­ked vices. For which cause there was a law in Rome termed Prosapia, that is, the law of discēt, by the which it was ordai­ned, that whē cōtention did arise in the senate house, for the Cōsulship, that they which descēded from the Torquatians, Decians, and Fabricians, should obtaine the place before others.

Concerning Noblemens priuiledges, they be many, wherof we wil at this pre­sent [Page] recite onely 5. First, a Nobleman cānot be chalēged to the combat or lists, by any inferior man. Secondly, a Noble­mā is sooner preferred to beare office in the Cōmon-wealth, to sit in commissiō, & to be an arbitrator betwixt partie and partie. Thirdly, by the ciuill law, the te­stimonies of Noblemen are sooner ap­prooued. And whereas inferior gentle­mē must personally appeare in criminall causes, it is lawfull for Noblemen to bee absent, so that they substitute an attur­ney or proctor for them. Fourthly, a No­bleman hauing cōmitted an hainous of­fence, as murther or treasō, is iudged by his peeres & equals: Smith. li. 2. de Re­public. Anglic. cap. 27. that is, The yeomā ­rie doth not go vpō him, but an enquest of the L. of the Parliamēt, & they giue their voices, not one for al, but each seuerally, as they doe in parliamēt, beginning at the yongest L. and for iudge, one L. sitteth, who is high steward of England for that day. And this punishmēt is beheading: but if an inferior Gent. of­fend in this sort, then at the next sessions he hath twelue Godfathers on his life, and is condemned to bee hanged. Fiftly, Noblemen and their wiues are licensed to weare clothes of gold, but [Page] Knights & Esquires are forbiddē them.

To hasten to an end, this honour of auncestrie as it doth adorne Noble­men, so doth it greatly disgrace them if they liue not vertuously. For thereby they eclipse their genealogie, and be­come themselues vtterly vnknowne. In consideration of which abuse, a notable law was enacted among the Rhodians, to wit, That those sonnes, which followed not their fathers vertues, but liued wicked­ly, should be disinherited, & their reuenewes giuen to the most vertuous of that race, not admitting any vitious heyre whatsoeuer.

The properties of a Gentleman. Chap. 15.

THe meanes to discerne a Gentle­man bee these. First, hee must bee affable and courteous in speech and be­hauiour. Secondly, hee must haue an aduenturous heart to fight, and that but for verie iust quarrels. Thirdly, hee must bee endued with mercie to forgiue the trespasses of his friendes and seruants. Fourthly, hee must stretch his purse to giue liberally vnto souldiours, and vnto [Page] them that haue neede: for a niggard is not worthie to bee called a Gentleman. These bee the properties of a Gentle­man, which whosoeuer lacketh, deser­ueth but the title of a clowne, or of a countrie boore. In breefe, it fareth with Gentlemen, as it doth with wine: which ought to haue foure good qualities, namely, it must not taste of the Caske: next, it must sauour of a good soyle. Thirdly, it must haue a good colour. Last of all, it must sauour of the goodnes of the grape, and not bee sophistically mingled with water and such like.

That Gentlemen must not greatly respect what the common people speake of them. Chap. 16.

THe common people groūd their ac­tions vpō fallible expectations: they are stout when perils bee farre off, and very irresolute when they approach. Who therefore is so brainesicke, as to beleeue their assertions? What else is glorie, then a windie gale, neuer com­ming [Page] from the heart, but onely from the lungs? Boetius li. 3. de Cō ­sol. Philo. pros. 6. They that be praysed vnworthi­ly, ought to bee ashamed of their praise. Ad­mit they bee iustly praised, what thing more hath it augmented to the consci­ence of a wise man, that measureth not his good, by the rumour of the common people, but by the trueth of the con­science? For which cause the Romanes built two temples ioyning together; the one being dedicated to vertue, & the o­ther to honour: but yet in such sort, that no man could enter into that of honour, except first hee passed through the tem­ple of vertue. Ari. li. 4. Ethicor. Honor (as the Philosopher sayth) is a reuerence giuen to another, for a testimonie of his vertue. Insomuch as ho­nor is not attributed to vertue by digni­tie, but rather it is attributed to dignity, by vertue of them that vse the dignitie.

Howbeit notwithstanding, Persius satyr. 1. I haue not such horny heart-strings, that I would not at al haue mē to be praysed; but my meaning is, that Gentlemen should obserue a meane and a limitation in their common applauses, and fine soothings. For Cicero. li. 1. Offici. to bee altogether care­lesse (as Stoykes & Cynicks would haue euerie one to be) what men think of thē, is [Page] not onely a marke of arrogancy, but also a to­ken of a loose life. Wherefore gentlemen must endeuour by al meanes, & without vain-glory, to keep a good name, especi­ally among their neighbors, & to beare themselues such men indeede, as they would haue al men account thē. Wher­to accordeth that saying of the Poet: Thou shalt liue well, Horat. li. 1. Episto. 17. if thou takest care to be such a one, as thou hearest how the people testifie of thee abroad.

Of Knights of honour. Chap. 17.

THose I call knights of honour, who, here in England, are named Knights of the Garter, and in France, Knights of the order of saint Michael. The original of the honorable order of the Garter, was first inuented after this maner. Whē K. Edward the third had, by the means of Edward the blacke Prince his sonne, taken captiues King Iohn of France, and King Dauid of Scotland, and had put them both in ward at London, and al­so had expelled King Henrie the ba­stard of Spaine, restoring the King­dome to Peter the lawfull King, then [Page] he, to honor and grace his victories, de­uised an honourable fellowship, and made choyse of the most famous persons for vertue, and honoured them with this order, giuing thē a garter adorned with gold and pretious stones, together with a buckle of gold, to weare onely on the left legge. Smith. li. 1. de Re­public. Of which order hee and his successors, Kings and Queenes of England should be soueraigne, and the rest, by cer­taine lawes among themselues, Anglic. cap. 18. should bee taken as brethren and fellowes in that order, to the number of sixe and twen­tie. And this breefely touching the inuention and authour of the honoura­ble order of Knights here in England. Now I will addresse my pen to write of the honourable order in France.

King Lewes the eleuenth of France, after he had made peace with his peeres, whom in the beginning of his raigne, he had excluded from his presence, inuen­ted at Amboise, in the yeere of our Lord 1469. a societie of honour, consisting of sixe and thirtie Noblemen, and named Saint Michael Patron of them (euen as the English knights had deuoted them­selues to the tuition of Saint George) [Page] giuing ot each of them a golden chaine, of the value of two hundred pound, which they were bound to weare daily, & not to bestow, sell, or gage the same as long as they liued; & if any one of them chanced to die, forthwith there was an election to dubbe another in his roome, not by voyces, but by litle scrowles tur­ned together in the forme of balles, the which they did cast into a bason, and the Lord Chauncelour was to reckon them. Then he, that had most balles on his side was admitted to the societie, the King speaking these words: The honourable so­cietie do accept of thee as their brother, and in regard of their good wil to thee-wards, do bestow this golden chaine on thee: God grāt thou maist long weare it. When the King had spoken these words, hee gaue him a kisse on the right cheek. This is the cu­stome of dubbing kinghts of the order of Saint Michael.

Also, there be other orders of knights in Christendome, as, the kinghts of the golden Fleece, knights, of the Bathe, knights of the patent deuised by y ^e Pope, and knights of the Rhodes. But because the rehearfall of them are not much ap­pertaining [Page] to our purpose, I cease to treate further of them.

Of Citizens. Chap. 18.

Ari. li. 1. Politic. cap. 2. HE that first inuented a citie, was the cause of much good. The which praise some attribute vnto eloquent men. Some to Saturne. And others to Orphe­us and Amphion. For in the beginning of the world, people liued barbarously like vnto bruit beasts: and the nature of man was such, that they not hauing ey­ther the law naturall or ciuill prescribed, rogued vp and downe dispersed in the world, & possessed nothing, except that, which by force they tooke away from o­thers, Cicero in Oratio. pro Sesti. & Plato li. 6. de legib. til there arose some notable men both in wisedome and valour, who knowing, howe it was to instruct man, assembled all of them into one place, ordamed a Citie, and enuiro­ned them round about with walles.

Further, Citizens in generall are they that liue vnder the same lawes and soue­raigne magistrates. But Citizens parti­cularly are they, that are free-men, & do dwel in Cities and boroughs, or corpo­rated townes, Generally, in the shire [Page] they be of no account, saue onely in the Parliament to make lawes. Smith. de Repub Anglic. The aun­cient Cities appoynted foure, and each borough two, (whome we call Burgesses of the Parliament) to haue voyces in it, and to giue their consent and dissent in the name of the Citie or borough, for which they be appoynted.

Whether out landish men ought to bee admit­ted into a Citie. Chap. 19.

Ari. li. 5 Polit. ca. 3. IT is commonly seene, that sedition often chanceth there, where the inhabitants be not all natiue borne. This Lycurgus the Lawgiuer of the Lacedemonians rightly noting, Rhodigi­nus li. 10 lection. antiquer. cap. 5. instituted, that no stranger should be admitted into his Common-wealth, but at a prefixed time. His reason was, because seldome it is seene, that the homeborne Citizens, and the outlandish doe agree together. In the yere of our Lord 1382. the Londiners made an insurrection, and slew all the Iewes that inhabited a­mongst them. The Neapolitanes and Si­cilians, in the yeere of our Lord 1168. rose against William their king, because [Page] hee gaue certaine offices to French­men, and killed them all in one night. The Citizens of Geneua repining at strangers, which resorted and dwelled among them, conspired together in the yeere 1556. to expell them; and Beza in Caluin. vita. if Cal­uin had not thrust himselfe betweene the na­ked swords to appease the tumult, doubtlesse there would haue beene a great slaughter. There is at this present day, a religious law in China and Cathaya, forbidding on paine of death, the accesse of stran­gers into the country. What shall I say of the constitutions of Princes, where­by strangers were vtterly extruded and excluded from bearing offices in the Common-wealth L. in Ec­clesiis. 11 de Epis. & cleri­cis C. sta­tuerunt. Arcadius and Honor­us Empercurs of Rome decreed, that no man out of the parish, where a benefice fel voyde, should be admitted minister. Likewise, Cap. bo­nae. 4. §. intel­leximus, de postu­lation. praelat. Pope Innocent the third was woont to say, that hee could not with a safe conscience preferre any strangers to bee officers in the kingdome of Hungarie. King Charles the seuenth of France in the yeere of our Lord 1431. proclaimed, that no alien or stranger should be presented to any ec­clesiasticall liuing liuing in his realme.

[Page] For which respects, Princes must haue great regard touching the admission of strangers, and especially to their num­ber. For if they exceede the natiue in­habitanes in number and strength, then through confidence in their own might, they will presently inuade and ouer­throw their too too kind fosterers.

Of Marchants. Chap. 20.

FOrasmuch as there bee three sorts of Citizens: the first of Gentlemen, who are wont now and then for plea­sure to dwell in Cities: the second, of Marchants: and the third of manuaries and Artificers: it is expedient, that I hauing alreadie declared the properties of Gentlemen, should now conse quent­ly discourse some what of Marchants: and then of Artificers. By Marchants neces­saries are transported frō strange coun­tries, and from hence other superfluous things are conueyed to other places, where they traffick so commodiously, that the whole Commonwealth is bette­red by them. Euerie countrie hath a se­uerall [Page] grace naturally giuen vnto it, as, Moscouie is plentifull of hony, waxe, Martin-skinnes, and good hides. The country of Molucca yeeldes cloues, sin­namon, and pepper. In the East Indiaes grow the best oliues. Damascus aboun­deth with prunes, reysins, pomegra­nates, and quinces. From Fraunce we fetch our wines. From Francoford wee haue bookes brought vnto vs. So that whosoeuer considereth the generall cō ­mon-wealth of all the world, hee shall perceiue, that it cannot continue long in perfection, without traffique and diuer­sities.

Of Artificers. Chap. 21.

Ari. li. 1. Politic. cap. 7. AMongst occupations, those are most artificiall, where fortune is least estee­med: those most vnseemely, whereby men do pollute their bodies: those most seruile, wher­in there is most vse of bodily strength: and those most vile, wherein vertue is least required. And again, the gaines of tole­gatherers and vsurers are odious: and so are the trades of Butchers, Cooks, Fish­mongers, and Huxters. Pedlers like­wise & Chaundlers are accounted base, [Page] for that they buy of Marchants, to the end, they may presently vtter the same away. In vttering of which, they cog and cousen the simple buyers: thē which no­thing is more impious or more hurtful to the conscience. These kind of men Smith. 1. de Re­public. Anglic. haue no voyee in the common-wealth, and no ac­count is made of them, but onely to be ruled, and not to rule others.

Of Yeomen, and their oppression. Chap. 22.

A Yeoman is hee that tilleth the ground, getteth his liuing by selling of corne in markets, and can dispend yeerely fortie shillings sterling. There is no life more pleasant then a yeomans life: for where shall a man haue better prouision to keep his winter with fire e­nough, then in the country? and where is there a more delightful dwelling, Xenoph. in oecono­mic. for good­ly waters, gentle windes and shadowes, then in the coūtry? This life was so highly regar­ded in ancient time, that euen Emperors and generals of war, haue not bin asha­med to exercise it. Persius satyr. 1. Herehence descended [Page] Remus, and Q. Cincinnatus, who, as he was earing his foure acres of land, was by a pur­seuant called to the City of Rome, & created Dictator. Dioclesiā left his Empire at Sa­lona, and became a yeoman. Let a man repaire at any time to a yeomans house, and Horatius Epod. 2. & Cicer. desenect. there he shal find all manner of victu­als, meath, and all of his owne, without buy­ing or laying money out of his purse.

But now a dayes yeomanrie is decay­ed, hospitalitie gone to wracke, and hus­bandrie almost quite fallen. The reason is, because Landlords, not contented with such reuenewes, as their predeces­sours receiued, nor yet satisfied, that they liue like swinish Epicures, quietly at their ease, doing no good to the Com­monwealth, Morus lib. 1. V­topi. doe leaue no ground for tillage, but doe enclose for pasture ma­ny thousand acres of ground within one hedge, the husbandmē are thrust out of their own, or else by deceit, constrained to sell all that they haue. And so either by hook or by crook, they must needes depart away poore seely soules, men, women, & children. And not this extre­mity onely do our wicked Ahabs shew, but also with the losse of Naboths life [Page] do they glut their ouergreedy minds. This is the cause, why corne in England is become dearer, then it was woont to bee; and yet notwithstanding all this, sheep & wool are nothing better cheap, but rather their price are much enhaun­sed. Thus do our remorcelesse Puttocks lie lurking for the poore commons, to spoile them of their tenemēts, Iob 20. but they shall not long enioy them. And why? because they are oppressours of the poore, and not helpers, their bellies are neuer filled, there­fore shall they soone perish in their couetous­nesse.

Of Counsell. Chap. 23.

COunsell is a sentence, which par­ticularly is giuen by euery man for that purpose assembled. There be fiue rules to be noted in counsell. The first, to counsell wel, wherein is im­plied, that whatsoeuer is proposed, should be honest, lawful, and profitable. The second, counsell must not be rash and headlong, but mature, deliberated, [Page] and ripe, like vnto the barke of an old tree. Thirdly, to proceed according to examples touching things past, as, what shal chaūce to the Israelites, because they haue worshipped the goldē calf. Fourth­ly, to giue counsel cōcerning the present time, & of those things, which are cōpre­hended in the sences. So Christ said vnto the disciples of Iohn: Mat. 11 Go, and shew Iohn what things yee heare & see. The blind re­ceiue their sight, & the halt do walke: the le­pers are clensed, & the deafe heare: the dead are raised vp, & the poore receyue the Gos­pel. Fiftly, to foresee things to come, & to forewarne men of them; as, Mat. 22 he, that shall offend, shall be bound hand and foote, and cast into vtter darkenesse, where shall be wee­ping and gnashing of teeth.

Of Counsellours. Chap. 24.

SEuen things are required in a counsel­lour; First, the feare of God, for he is the only authour of al good counsels. Se­condly, experience in matters of policy. Thirdly, learning & knowledge in the lawves. For Cassiod. lib. 8 Epistol. 18 hardly will they bee infected with [...]onious vi [...]es, whome learning hath purged. Fourthly, mildnesse. Fiftly, a coū ­sellour [Page] must be naturally borne within that state, where he gouerneth. Sixtly, he must be secrete, lest he worke to himselfe the occasion of his owne death; as the bi­shop of Setto did: who because he reuea­led to the French king, that Cesar Bor­gias his master brought with him a Bull authentike & ratified from the Pope his father, for a diuorcement to the French king, which hee dissembled, was by the said Duke eftsoone poisoned. Seuenth­ly, a counsellour (if it be possible) ought to be of noble parētage, for Aristot. li. 3. Po­lit. ca. 8. they which haue more nobility, haue more right in a cō ­mōwealth, then the ignoble. And euery one esteemeth nobility in his countrey, as a thing very honourable, seeing it is like­ly, that the best parents should beget the best children: and nobility is the vertue of the stock and race.

Of Parliaments. Chap. 25.

PArliaments are right necessary in a commonwealth, & without them the whole estate is mortified and sencelesse. For euen as a man cannot liue without a soule: so a commonwealth cannot liue [Page] without Parliaments. By experience it is found out, that they haue saued com­monwealths frō ruine & decay. Greece had neuer so long flourished, if the great counsell of the Amphictions, first insti­tuted by Amphiction the sonne of Deu­calion, had not beene holden twise a yeere, in spring time and in Autumne at Delphos in the temple of Apollo, which was seated in the heart of all Greece. The counsel of Nicene hindred the proceedings of the Arrians, and cau­sed the true religion to be planted. The Parliamēts of Germany, where the Em­perour and the seuen Electours meete, haue preserued the state thereof from the intrusions of the Turkes. So likewise the Aggregation of the Genowayes, the Iourney or Diet of the Switzers, the great councell of the Vene [...]ian Gentle­men, the Diuan of the Turks, the assem­bly of the states of Polonia, the 7. coun­cels of Spaine, to wit, the councell of Spaine, of the low Countries, of the In­quisition, of the Indians, of Italy, of the order of saint Iohn, & of warre: the mee­ting of the states of Fraunce, and the par­liament of England consisting of the [Page] Prince, Baronrie, and commonalty haue maintained their commonwealths more securely aswell from hostile as from do­mesticall enemies.

To hold a Parliament, is, when the Prince communicateth his affaires of importance with his subiects, demaun­deth subsidies of them, taketh their ad­uice, heareth their molestations, & pro­uideth for them reasonably. Smith. lib. 2. de Republ. Anglic. cap. 2. The Iudges in our Parliament of Englād are the Prince, the Lords spirituall and temporall, and the commons represented by the Knights and Burgesses of euery shire and Borough towne. The officers are the speakers, the clarks, and the committies. The authour of this Parliament was king Henry the third, induced thereunto (as I suppose) by his Barons, who rebelling against him, made England tributary to Pādolph the legat in the Popes name. And doubt­lesse the calling and holding of it is the chiefest meanes of all our welfares. For in times past it appeased ciuill warres, it deliuered the whole realme from the in­cursions of forraine enemies, and main­tained continuall warres abroad with the Scots and Frenchmen. In a word, this [Page] holding of parliament is the anchor of our whole comonwealth, wherby it is set sure and stayed, as a ship in the water.

Of Iudgements. Chap. 26.

IVdgemēt is that, which is decreed by the Iudge, not altogether dissenting frō the tenor of the law. Of iudgements some be called ciuill, some criminall: but because our Ciuilians haue largely trea­ted of them, I will proceed to another diuision, which makes most for our poli­tique instruction. Iudgements againe are either priuat or publique: Ordinary or extraordinary: Priuat iudgemēts cō ­cerne testaments, successions, mariages, contracts, wardships, gardianships, bon­dages, & prescriptions. Publique iudge­ments are of grieuous offences against God and man: as, high treason, petie treason, murthers, rapes, felonies, riot, bribes, forgeries, and insurrections. Or­dinary iudgements are those, which are executed by the Iudge, according to the prescription of the law. Cuiaci­us in Pa­ratit. ff. de extra­ord. cri­minib. Extraordinary are called when the Iudge departing some­what frō the rigour of the law, iudgeth more mercifully according to his owne conscience.

[Page] The cōmon & vsuall forme of iudge­ment, that is exercised here in England is by the great assise, or by a quest of 12. men necessarily of that shire, where the defendāt dwelleth. These mē the sherife warneth to appeare vpō pain of amerce­ments. And appearing (vnlesse excepti­ons be made against thē) they besworne to tell the truth of that issue or criminall cause, according to their conscience and euidence or writings authēticall laid be­fore them. Then these 12. men are shut vp in some roome hard by, and kept by a bailiffe without any kind of sustenance, fire, or candle, vntil al of them agree vpō one verdict about the said issue or crimi­nall cause. This is our common order of iudgement. There are likewise other formes, whereby iudgement is giuen, as by the parliament, by combat, and such like, which are absolute, and without ap­peale; howbeit they be seldome vsed.

Of Iudges and their duty. Chap. 27.

IVdges must not goe astray from the right, but discharge themselues pure & innocent to God, the prince, & the law. L. [...]mne. C. ad leg. Iuli. repe­tund. & l. 1. ff. ad leg. Corn. de sicar. They must not be corrupted with bribes [Page] and extorsion, nor by other mens bra [...]les hunt for a pray. They must be men for their yeres, very ripe in prudence, iudge­ment, and experience; for their counte­nance, seuere and graue; for their paren­tage, (if it be possible) renowmed aboue the residue of the people; for their credit, strong in opiniō with the common peo­ple. * They must not pronounce sentence a­gainst the statutes of the realme, Iul. Paul. li. 5. sen­tent. tit. 25. apud Cuiaciū. or against the common law. Neither must they condemne any man vpon suspition: for better it is to suffer the guilty to escape vnpunished, then to condemne an inno­cent. They must neither be too seuere, nor too remisse, but they must determine circumspectly, as the matter, and neces­sities require. Howbeit, in light matters let them be somewhat addicted to leni­ty, and in waighty affaires to seuerity be­ing tēpered with a meeke countenance. And if they would needes remit penal­ties, forfeits, or capitall punishments, let them first satisfie the agrieued parties.

Iudges may erre sixe maner of waies. First, when they be partial towards their friends and kinsmen. Secondly, Sotus li. 3. de iu­stitia & iure. when they haue no power ouer them, whome they [Page] iudge. Thirdly, when for hatred they prosecute any man. Fourthly, when they repriue men for feare to displease some great personage. Fiftly, when being greased in the fist with the oyle of gold, they winke at enormities, and corrup­tion. Sixtly, when being vnlearned they iudge rashly & without premeditation.

Of Bribes, and going to law. Chap. 28.

WOe be vnto you, Ezech. 22. that haue taken giftes to shead bloud, or haue receyued vsury, and the encrease, and that haue defrauded your neighbours by extortion. For you re­spect not what the lawe decreeth, but what the mind affecteth: you consider not the life of the man, but the bribes of the butcher. When the rich man spea­keth, he is attētiuely heard: but when the poore complaineth, no man giueth eare vnto him. Or if percase one of our fine-headed lawyers vouchsafe to take his cause in hand, he followeth it slowly, and in a dozen sheets not hauing eight lines on euery side he laieth downe such fri­ [...]olous and disguised contradictions and [Page] [...] [Page] [...] [Page] replications, that his suites shall hang seuen yeeres; yea, and perhaps a dozen yeeres, according to the number of those superfluous sheetes, before they bee brought to any perfection, & vntill the poore client become farre behind hand. Nowadaies the common fee of an attur­ney is no lesse thē a brace of angels, not­withstanding hee speake but once, and that (the Lord knows) very coldly to the right sence of the suit. And if a poore man should proffer him lesse, he wil aun­swere him in this maner: Sir, behold my face and complexion, and you shall find, that it is all of gold, and not of siluer. Innume­rable are the quirkes, quiddities, and starting holes of our English petifog­gers: for sometimes when a definitiue sentence is pronounced, they forsooth will inuent some apish tricke, eyther to suspend it from execution vpon some smal cauillation or obiection, or els they call it into a new controuersie by a writ of errour or by a ciuill petition; or, to cō ­clude, they find out some shift or drift to reuerse and reuoke the sentence. Thus do they play the sophisters with their seely cliēts, or rather conies, whom [Page] they haue catched and intrapped in their nettes. But these disorders would bee quickly reformed, if men will follow my counsell, which is, To forbeare awhile from going to law. Honest and well dis­posed men might content themselues at home, and not gadde euery foote to the court of Common pleas, to the Chaun­cery, to the Starchamber. Neighbours, Isay, and kinsfolkes ought to regard one another, and to end all doubts and quarrels among themselues: I do not meane by brutish combats and affraies, but by mediations, atonements, and intercessions. Man is by nature hu­mane, that is, gentle and curteous: and good vsage will in time cause him to re­lent from his former stubbernesse. Ma­ny countries haue their Courts, Leetes, or Lawdaies, where men generally do meet together: there, me thinkes, light controuersies and iarres might assoone be taken vp and decided, aswell as in farre places. If this aduice of mine were obserued, we should haue fewer lawyers and lesse controuersies.

Of Magistrates. Chap. 29.

EVen as in the body of a liuing crea­ture the organe of seeing is ascribed only to the eies, & al the other off [...]ces do obey them as their guides: so in like ma­ner all offices in the commonwealth are cōmitted vnto wise magistrates, as to the eies of the realme, & the other members must be directed by thē. For which con­sideration I require in a magistrate lear­ning and vertue, without which he is not worthy to be termed the eye of a com­mōwealth, but rather a blind bayard, as wanting both the eies of the body & the eies of the mind. Whē as we chuse a ra­pier, we chuse it not, because the hilt is double-guilt, & the scabberd of veluet and beset with pearles: but because the point of it is sharp to enter well, and the blade strong & stiffe. So hapneth it in the electiō of magistrates, namely, that they be learned & vertuous, rather then hād­somely and beautifully proportioned in body. Strength of body is required in a laborer; but policy in a magistrate. This is profitable to a twofold scope, that the wise & feeble may commaund, and the [Page] strong obey. Next, magistrates must cō ­sider, why the sword of iustice both by the law of God and man is put into their hands; that is to say, they are the mini­sters of God and the executioners of the law, to take vengeance on the wicked, & not to let offenders in any case wilfully to perseuer in their errours. In the be­ginning, euery malady is easy to be cu­red: but if it be let alone for a while, it groweth past remedy. Magistrates ther­fore must in time prouide salues to re­dresse abuses: otherwise they incurre the anger of God. They must haue lions harts, that they shrink not in iust causes. They must bee constant, lest by their friends intercessions they waxe partiall. Lastly, they must be both graue & ciuill: graue in commaunding, & ciuill in con­uersation.

Of the great cares and troubles of Magistrates. Chap. 30.

O How greatly are mē deceyued, that perswade thēselues, that magistrates do lead the ioyfullest liues. Litle know they, how vnquiet bee their thoughts. They thinke not of their lōg watchings, [Page] and that their nature is weakened, and through such distemperatures their bo­dies languish. No man liueth exempt from some sorrow or other. Although ignorant men and fresh-water souldiers, to whome warre is pleasant, account it felicity to commaund: yet if they com­pare in an euen balance the waight of such troubles, as daily happē in their ma­gistracies, vnto the weakenesse of plea­sure which proceedeth by cōmaunding, they shal perceiue, that far greater is the toyle of the one, then the toy of the o­ther. How often are they cumbred with cōplaints? How long in perusing of in­formations? So that in fine their offices will not permit them any contentation. Comi­naeus lib. cap. 13. Poore men, that weary their bodies to get food for the sustentation of themselues, their wiues and children, and do pay subsidies to their Prince, should liue in too great discom­fort and despayre, if great men and magi­strates had nothing in this world but plea­sure, and they on the contrary side but toyles and calamities. But God hath otherwise disposed of the case. For they languish in mind: whereas poore men do but weary their bodies, which easily might [Page] be recouered againe. The consuming of the vitall spirites is in a maner irrecu­perable; insomuch as the cares of the one exceed farre the labour of the o­ther.

Whether magistrates may receyue presents sent vnto them? Chap. 31.

Esa. 33 THey that walke in iustice, refusing gaine of oppression, and shaking their hands from taking of giftes, shall dwell on high, their defence shall be the munitions of rockes, and they shall see GOD in his glory. For Exo. 23 Deut. 16 & Eccl. 20. giftes do blind the eies, and peruert the words of the righteous. No magistrates therfore must presume to take gifts, Lib. 6. Decretal. tit. 3. ca. 11. vnlesse they be to be eaten or drunke vp within three dayes at the furthest: & that not of suters, for they giue them, to the intent they may corrupt their authority, and so speed of their owne pleas and pursuites. Let them rather imitate Cicero, Cic. lib. 5. ad At­ticum, E­pist. 10. & 16. who as long as he was Pretour of Cilicia, would neyther himselfe receyue, nor permit any of his company to take presentes, no, not that beneuolence, which by the law Iulia [Page] was due vnto him. Plutar [...]. de Iside. At Thebes the images of iudges were put up without hands: wher­by is meant, that they ought not to re­ceyue any rewards, that were offered them. There is at this present time a pu­blique law amōg the Switzers, that ma­gistrates vnder paine of death should not take any thing eyther directly or vndirectly for iudging.

Of the Education of Gentlemen. Chap. 32.

Plato li. 6. de le­gib. MAn is by nature a gentle creature: who with his happy nature getting good education, becommeth diuinely dispo­sed: but if hee lacke this education, he wax­eth the most wicked of all creatures, that are borne vpon the earth. Many drops of water (as wee see) falling vpon the hard marble stone do pierce and make it hollow. And the ground being well til­led and manured beareth goodly corne. So in like maner a man well brought vp acknowledgeth his duty towards his Maker, & knoweth how to conquer his [Page] owne affections. Whereas contrariwise Gentlemen being euill nurtured, cā ne­uer vnderstand how farre the power and abilitie extendeth, that God hath giuen them. For they neuer read it themselues, neither are they taught by them that know it; Cōminae. lib. 5. Nay, few that vnderstand it, are admitted to their presence: and if one bee, yet dare he not instruct them in it, for feare of displeasure; or if happily at any time hee put them in minde thereof, no man will abide him, or at least he shall be accounted but a foole; peraduenture also it may be ta­ken in il part, and so turne to his harme. Howbeit, the vertuous must not abstain from their godly admonitions, seeing that Cicero li. 3. de Di­uinati. they cannot benefite the common­wealth more, then when they teach and in­struct young mē, especially in those times, wherein they are so corrupted, that they must needes by all well disposed persons, bee refrained and restrained of libertie. One saith, I am an heire, borne to a thousand pound land. Another sayth; Persius satyr. 3. I haue a fat farme, and a house well furnished. What cause haue I to feare? Let the world chance as it will. Another a­gaine craketh and breaketh his lungs [Page] wel-nigh with windie bragges, because he is a Knights eldest sonne, Persius ibid. fetching his pedegree by a thousand lines and branches, from some worthie Lord, and because some neere kinsman of his is made Censour, Ma­ior, Iustice of peace, or Lieutenant of the Shire, Persius ibid. to whom he may say, Good morrow, Cousin.

Infinite are the fooleries of youth, which by due correction, and diligent exhortation must bee rooted out. I will therefore comprehend their education vnder foure lessons.

The first is instruction, vnder which are cōtained foure rules. The 1. wherof is, to teach children the feare and loue of GOD, and to shew them, that they must not glorie too much in worldly goods. Secondly, to teach them, how to bridle their tongues, to bee modest, and to embrace vertue: for education properly, is nothing else but a bringing vp of youth in vertue. Thirdly, to shew them the facultie of exercise, which serueth to the maintenance of health and strength, Arist. lib. 8. Politi­cor. cap. 3 & 4. by ordering the body with light and gentle exercises. Fourthly, fa­miliarly to declare vnto them exam­ples, [Page] as well of good men, as of wicked men, that thereby they may learne how the good are rewarded, and the wic­ked punished.

The second lesson appertaining to the instruction of youth, is prayse, that is, to commende them, when they doe well, that thereby they may bee incouraged the better to goe for­wardes. For youth is like vnto moyst and soft clay, and for that respect, is to bee egged on to glorie in well do­ing.

The third is counsell, which must bee giuen by their sage Vncles, or auncient men, concerning their dutie towards their parents, elders, and tea­chers.

The fourth poynt of instruction is threatning and correction, which is to bee vsed, when they offend and neglect to follow the aduice of their teachers, and when they beginne to bee headie, stubborne, and selfe-wil­led. This the diuine Philosopher ve­rie well noted, saying: that Plato Di­alog. 7 de legib. a boy, not as yet hauing fully and absolutely gi­uen himselfe to vertue, is a deceitfull, [Page] cruell and a most proud beast. Wherefore he must be bound with a schoolemaster as it were with a strong bridle.

The causes why so fewe Gentlemen no we adaies be vertuously dispo­sed. Chap. 33.

I Find that there bee foure causes, why so few Gentlemen in this age, attaine to the knowledge of vertue. The first is, the corruption of the whole world: for now are Dan. 9. the abominations of desolation. These be dayes of vengeance to fulfil althings that are written. Mat. 24 The minds of men are so peruerse and barren, Luk. 21. that they will not receiue the seed of true wisedome. Mar. 13 Their cogitations are too much bent to the pompes and follies of this transitorie world. The second cause proceedeth of counterfeit and vnsufficient teachers, whose onely occupation is couertly to woo yong scholers, that come guidelesse and headlesse into the Vniuersitie: and [...] gotten them into their nets, they afterward let them runne at randon. But [...] iudgement, such youths as suffer [...] to be snatched vp for haukes [Page] meate in this or the like maner, do ther­in imitate sicke folkes, who refusing the good Phisician, by some braine-sicke mans counsell, doe commit themselues to the tuition of such a one, as by igno­rance killeth them. The third cause is the niggardize of parents, who continu­ally labour to gather the drossie and vn­constant pelfe of this world, and in the meane time make no reckoning of their children, but permitte them to grow old in follie, which destroyeth them both bo­die and soule. The fourth and last cause, is the indulgence and fond loue of the parents, who take their sonnes from the Vniuersitie, as fruite from a tree, before it is ripe, or rather as pullets without fea­thers, to place them at the Innes of Court, where, as I haue written in my Commentarie vpon Persius, In sin. satyr. 1. they gad to Stage-playes, & are seduced by flattering coni-catchers.

Whether youths ought to be corrected? Chap. 34.

A Good huswife knoweth how hard a thing it is, to keepe flesh sweete and sauorie, vnlesse it bee first poudred and put in brine. So likewise, it is impossible for parents to reape any ioye of their sonnes, except they bee first corrected. Roses must needes wither, when they be ouergrowne with briers and thornes: and children that are assailed and ouer­taken by whole legions of affections, must at last fall, if they be not according­ly succoured. Prou. 13. * Hee that spareth the rod, spilleth the child. And euen as Phisicions and Chirurgeons are verie necessarie in a Citie for the healing of diseases and bloudie woundes, so are rods expedient for the chastisement of the corruptions of the soule. Whereunto agreeth the prouerbe: Many times the rodde is better for children then bread. This Xenophon considered, when hee brought in his youth Xenoph. [...]i. 1 Paedi. Cyrus, complaining and telling his [Page] mother, that hee was beaten by his master. [...] Our Ciuilias also thought it expedient, Lib. 9. & 19. ff. tit. 2. that boyes should bee punished. And doe we not our selues see by daily expe­rience, that those parents, who dandle and cocker vp their sonnes, and winke at their follies, bee most commonly a­grieued and brought to heauinesse? Eccle. 30 An vntamed horse will be stubburne, and a wanton child will be wilfull. In like sort, suffer thy son to haue his will for a time, and he will become (do what thou canst) rude, inflexible, and wantonly disposed to all maner of vices. Waxe, as long as it is soft and clammie, receiueth any im­pression or seale, but being hardened, it receiueth none. So likewise, chastise thy child, and imprint discipline in his heart, while hee is young and towardly, and thou shalt bow him to what instructi­on thou wilt, but let him haue his owne scope, and Seneca in Thyest. hee will rather breake then bow.

Of Schoolemasters and their duties. Chap. 35.

PRinces that in the frontiers of their enemies, keepe fortes and garrisons, doe choose wise and expert Captaines to ouersee them; otherwise it were better [Page] to batter downe the Forts, and to re­moue the garrisons, then it should come into the hands of the enemies. So in like maner parents, which tender the trai­ning vp of their childrē, ought to choose out a good schoole-master, that will not onely instruct them in learning, but also informe them in the precepts of good maners. Else, they imitate horsecoursers, whose onely delight is, to pamper and fatne their horses, and not to manage them as they should: so that when such Iades come to trauell, they praunse gal­lantly at the first, but in the midst of their trauelling, their grease melting a­way, they founder and fall downe in the mire. Euen so young men hauing gotten but a taste of learning, become so headie with a fond fantasie of that little which they haue, that they tire and lie downe in the midst of their bookish pride. The consideration whereof, hath pro­uoked mee principally to require in a schoole-master, morall and politique Philosophie, thereby to instruct his schollers in awe, obedience, and loue. For would it not grieue the Prince to see his subiects rebellious? the Father to [Page] finde his sonnes disobedient to his will▪ Withall, a schoolemaster must be endu­ed with these nine qualities. First, hee must be well skilled in Grammar, Rhe­toricke, and Poetrie. Secondly, hee ought to haue discretion to iudge of his scholers nature and disposition. Third­ly, courage to heartne and egge for­ward a toward youth. Fourthly, perse­uerance not to giue ouer his schoole vp­on enuie or grudge of some particular person. Fiftly, hee must haue affabilitie and courtesie, least his schollers as apes taking example by his froward lookes, become rough and disobedient. Sixtly, hee must vse mediocritie in correcting, that is, hee must correct them according to the qualitie of their faults, and while hee is so occupied, hee must not re­uile or nickname them. Seuenthly, hee must bee endued with some maiestie of countenance, and strength of bodie, o­therwise hee will bee contemned, and made a iesting-stocke. Eightly, with con­tinence, to abstaine from lecherie and excesse in drinking, apparrell, and such like. Ninthly, a schoole-master must not impose more labours on his scholers, [Page] then they can well sustaine, least there­by hee cloying them with too much at once, doe make them dull, and so daunt them from their bookes. For it is loue that maketh vs to take delight, and to profite in our studies. And this is the cause, why plants moderately watered doe grow, but being too much moyste­ned, they are choaked and drowned.

That schoole-masters should haue large stipendes. Chap. 36.

IN vaine doe I treate of necessarie schoole-masters, vnlesse parents bee gratefull vnto them: Cassiod. lib. 9. E­pist. 21. Stipends doe nou­rish Arts. Wherefore teachers are to bee stirred vp to benefite the Common-wealth, through the augmēting of their allowances. L. medi­cos. §. C. de profeso soribus & medi­cis. Constantine the Emperour enacted, that schoole-masters should haue large salaries payed them: whereby hee got him an immortall name. It was also [Page] decreed by the councell of Laterane, that In cap. de magi. li. 5. tit. 5 prebends should be giuen to schoole-masters. Concil. Trident. sessio. 5. dere­form. c. 1 & sessio. 23. de reforma. c. 18. The like was done by the councell of Trident. It is great pitie that euery se­uerall parish in this realme of England, hath not a good schoole-master consti­tuted in it, for the training vp of youth, and an indifferent liuing out of the same parish, for his trauell. For lacke whereof, some carefull parents now-a-dayes, are constrained to send their chil­dren a hundred miles off, either to Ea­ten colledge, Westminster, Winche­ster, or other like places, where they pay much for their diet and tuition, and per­aduenture so much, as being spared, might encourage them to kee [...] them the longer at the Vniuersitie. But per­haps you will aske mee, at what time I would haue schoolemasters receiue their exhibition? To which I answere: either the one halfe aforehand, and the other halfe at the halfe yeeres end, or else quarterly, or rather Baldus ad leg. 1. de suf­frag. The one halfe at the halfe yeeres end, and the remnant at the tweluemonths end. This is my foundation, which being wel laid, I doubt not but to see youths more ciuill, & better lettered.

Whether it bee better for parents to keepe their sonnes at home with a priuate schoole-master, or to send them abroad to the pub­like schoole. Chap. 37.

IN my iudgement this question is worth the deciding, to wit, whether Gentlemen should maintaine their chil­dren at the free-schoole, or rather at their houses, where they themselues may ouersee their towardnesse? They that approoue this priuate teaching, al­leadge three speciall reasons. First, chil­dren are by nature weake, and quick­ly surprized with infectious diseases, therefore they had rather haue them in sight, where they may be tendred and regarded; which is likewise confirmed by that common saying: namely, The masters eie fatneth his horse. Secondly, they will learne modestie and ciuilitie at home, whereas if they were abroad, they would become rude, impudent, aud vi­cious. Thirdly, they being in number [Page] few, will be more diligently taught and informed; which in a maner is impossi­ble in a common schoole, by reason of the confusion of so many scholers. Howbeit notwithstanding these rea­sons, publike teaching seemeth to bee of most force, and that for foure causes. First, because Ari. li. 8 Politic. cap. 1. Xenoph. li. 1. Paed. & Quin­tiliā. li. the wisest sort of men haue preferred the publike instruction be­fore the priuate. Secondly, a childe will get wit and experience by conuersing with many. Thirdly, when hee misseth in his lesson, hee may in the common schoole speedily recouer that which is lost, 2. cap. 1. by conferring with his mates. Fourthly, if hee bee by nature melan­cholike, crabbed, or wicked, hee will in a free-schoole bee reformed, part­ly for shame to bee beaten in the sight of many, and partly for feare, in seeing offenders punished. These bee all the reasons which I can coniec­ture on the behalfe of the publike schole­master.

To knit vp this question of priuate and publike teaching, this is my resoluti­on, that children from the first time they bee put to schoole, vntill they bee [Page] at least thirteene yeres of age, should be cloystered at home with a priuate tea­cher, and then placed in the common schoole for two or three yeeres space, till they bee readie and fit for the Vni­uersitie.

Of Tutours in the Vniuersitie. How to discerne a good Tutour. Chap. 38.

PArents in any case must not send their sonnes to the Vniuersitie, be­fore they bee at least foureteene yeeres of age: whither being once come, they must curiouslie hearken (but not of vnlearned persons and boyes, for they measure mens sufficiencie by their owne fancie) after a good Tutour, that will not onelie furnish them with necessaries, but also reade him­selfe vnto them: otherwise, the pa­rents may one day repent them [...]f their sonnes education. For many Tutours now-a-dayes will not sticke to receiue a marke or twentie shillings a quarter, for each of their scholers tuition, [Page] and yet not vouchsafe once to reade themselues vnto them, but to substitute young Bachelers of Art, who, albeit some of them can reade tolerably, yet notwithstanding they cannot correct and prouoke the sluggish, as wanting both discretion to iudge, & seueritie to compell. It is therefore very prudently decreed, although not alwaies executed, by the Vniuersitie, that none should be a Tutour, vnder a Master of Arts, & yet not euery Master, but such a one, that for his integritie of life, and sufficiencie of learning, is admitted by the Vicechan­celour, the Head of the house, whereof the Tutour & the scholers are, & by the consent of two Doctours, or two Bache­lers of diuinitie, to be a Tutour.

The qualities of a good Tutour bee tenne: the first is, that hee bee godly and vertuously giuen. The second, that he be well seene in Humanitie and Philosophie. The third, it is requisite that he be no lesse then seuen & twentie yeeres of age, and no more then for­tie, because the one lacks audacitie and grauitie to commaund, and the other most commōly is negligent. The fourth, [Page] a Tutour must be sober aswell in words as in deeds. The fift, he must not (as ma­ny nowadaies do) suffer his pupilles to be idle, and to haue their owne willes. The sixt, he must chastise them seuere­ly, if they play at dice, sweare, fight, or such like. The seuenth, he must (if hee may possibly) haue them in his sight and chamber. The eight thing required in a Tutour is, that he be famous in the Vni­uersity for his learning, and also well friended, that thereby he may both sup­ply his scholers wantes, and looke that they be not iniuried. The ninth duty of a Tutour is, that hee haue an especiall care and respect to his scholers battles, lest that by permitting them to spend what they please, he incurre the displea­sure of the parents, and so hazard his cre­dit. The tenth and last duty of a Tutour is, that he keepe his scholers in awe and obedience; and not too familiarly insi­nuate himselfe vnto them, seing that ac­cording to the old adage, too much fa­miliarity breeds contempt. And (in conclu­sion) whosoeuer giueth his scholers but an inch, may be assured, that they will (do what he can) take a whole ell.

Of Grammar. Chap. 39.

GRammar is an Art that consisteth in speaking & enditing truly. It had the beginning, of noting what is more fit & vnfit in cōmu­nication; which thing men imitating in their speech, in processe of time inuēted this Art. Although before Adams fall from Paradise, learning was natural, yet neuerthelesse no man can now of him­selfe come to the knowledge of it, with­out practize, exercise, and other mens inuention. Charondas the lawgiuer ex­tolled Grammar aboue all other Artes: and that iustly, for Diodor. Sicul. lib. 12. ca. 4 by meanes of it the chiefest things in the world are written; as lawes, constitutions, willes, and testaments, and such like, as concerne mans life. Whereby we see that Arist. lib. 8. Po­lit. ca. 3. Grammar is many wayes profitable to mans life.

But alas, the vse thereof is in these dayes not perfectly knowen. Albeit we haue many that profes it, yet for al that, [Page] few there be that vnderstand it aright. The reason is, because nowadayes they thinke, that whosoeuer can prattle in Latine, make verses, or patch a decla­mation, is a substanciall Grammarian (or, as they terme him, an Humanitian) which, God wot, they know not what it meanes. For a Quin­til. lib. 1. Institut. Oratori. Grāmarian is he, that can speake the vsuall tongues elegantly, and ex­poūd the mysteries of Poets with their tropes and figures, and that hath some smack in Philosophy, because sundry places in Poets are quoted out of the quintessēce of the Mathematikes.

Of Logick. Chap. 40.

LIke as they, that digge for metals, do strictly and diligently search the veines of the earth, and by earnest no­ting the nature thereof, attaine at last to the perfect knowledge of the mine: so they, that will enioy learning, aswell for the common good, as for their owne profit, must narrowly study this Art of Logike, Iohan. Grāma­tic. lib. 1. Prior. Analyt. which is conuersant with vs in our daily conferences. And no doubt but [Page] hauing studied it well, they shall find it expedient three maner of wayes. Arist. li. 1. Topic. cap. 2. First, for exercise. Secondly, for disputations. And thirdly, for the knowledge of Philosophy. But thou wilt say, it is obscure, vnplea­sant, and therfore in no wise profitable. Oh how weake is the connexion of this argument! Admit that it is at first rough and irksome: yet notwithstanding Gell. lib. 16. ca. 8 whē thou shalt enter farther into it, an insatia­ble desire of learning it, foorthwith will cause thee to embrace it. For without doubt Iambli­chus E­pistol. ad Dexip­pum. God himselfe reuealed the knowledge of Logike vnto vs. And if we neglect this worthy and magnificent gift of his, he will also for our ingratitude withdraw not onely this Art, but all other Artes whatsoeuer from vs: though wee haue both wit and learning together, yet shall they litle a­uayle without Logicke. What maketh youths to speake so boldly & roundly? Logike. What maketh atturneyes to go so fast away with their words and pur­suites? Logick. In al Artes therefore Lo­gick is praise worthy. Logick is defined to be an Art, that knitteth well together all discourses formed by speeches, and all positions in them, according as they [Page] depend one vpon another, & are groun­ded vpon good reason. And euē as gold by seuen fires is tried and purified: so in like maner L. fin. §. mixta muner. ff. de mune­ribus & honorib. the truth in despight of errours is by logicall disputations found out, and re­stored to her former liberty. For Zaba­rella li. 1. de natu­ra logic. cap. 13. the end of Logick is to discerne in philosophy the truth from the false; as if a man should say, knowledge is the end of it. The duties of it are foure; namely, to define, to deuide, to compose true arguments, and to dis­solue them that be false. The partes of Logick are two, to wit, De qui­bus Ari­sto. in prae­dicamēt. The first intenti­ons, and De qui­bus Ari­sto. in lib. de Inter­pret. Pri­or. Ana­lyt. Poste­rior. To­pic. & E­lench. the second intentions. Howbeit for all this, the faigned Vtopians are re­ported Morus lib. 2. Vtop. neuer to haue been able to find out the second intentions: by reason that none of them all could see man himselfe in common, as they terme him, though he bee, as s [...]me know, bigger then euer was any Gyant, and pointed vnto vs euen with our finger. But I leaue the Vtopians to their nullibies.

Of Rhetoricke, and the abuse thereof. Chap. 41.

RHetorick is an Art, that teacheth a man to speake finely, smoothly, and [Page] eloquently. And whereas Logick for­meth speech as it were a bare picture, & hauing nothing but simple draughts, which serue to furnish it in respect of ech part and lineament thereof: Arist. lib. 7. Rhetoric. cap. 1. & 2. Rheto­rick beyng the offspring of Logick shapeth it not onely as a picture well varnished, but also enriched and polished with glo­rious fields and medowes, and such like glozing shewes, that it may become faire to the eye, & pleasant to the eare. Being well applied, Aristo­ph. in Ra [...] ­nis. there is nothing so sacred to perswade as it. But nowadaies it is not much profitable, especially to preachers. For although Rhetorical speeches do de­light their auditory; yet notwithstāding, they make not much for y ^• soules health. Aeschy­lus in Prometh. Simple & material speeches are best among friēds. Preachers therfore must labour to speak & vtter that, which the hearers vn­derstand, & not go about the bush with their filing phrases. 1. Cor. 2 They must not (I say) come with excellency of wordes to shew the testimony of God vnto the people. Ibid. Ney­ther must their preaching consist in the en­ticing speech of mans wisedome, but in the plaine euidence of the spirit and of power. Moses, when God commaunded him to [Page] go downe to the Israelites, would haue excused himselfe, saying, Exod. 4 O my Lord, I am not eloquent, neyther at any time haue beene: but I am slow of speech and slow of tongue. Then the Lord said vnto him, Who hath giuen the mouth to man? or who hath made the dumme, or the deafe, or him that seeth, or the blind? haue not I the Lord? Therefore go now, and I will bee with thy mouth, and will teach thee, what thou shalt say. Caluine that zealous Preacher had, as many men know, an impediment in his speach, and in his sermons neuer vsed any painted or rhetoricall termes.

What shall I write of our common lawyers, who with their glozing spee­ches do as it were lay an ambush for iu­stice, and Martia. lib. 1. E­pigram. with their hired tongues think it not vnhonest to defend the guilty, and to pa­tronize vnlawfull pleas? Why will not they imitate Anacharsis the Philoso­pher, who when the scholers of Athens laughed him to scorne, by reason hee could not pronounce Greeke distinct­ly, and eloquently, answered them, that a speach was not to bee termed bad, as long as it contayned good counsels, and as long as honest deeds did follow [Page] after his words? Constantine the Empe­rour deserueth great praise, in that L. 1. & 2. C. de formulis & impe­trationis bus acti­onū sub­latis. hee tooke away the forme of making deceitfull & fine phrazed libels? In like sort we read, that l. fin. C. de dona­tionibus. the elegant solemnities of stipulations, and such like trifling words were laid aside. In briefe, it was decreed among the Areo­pagites in Athēs, that no Orator should vse any proheme or forespeech, and di­gression, nor perswade them eyther to mercy or to enuy.

Of Poetry, and of the excellency thereof. Chap. 42.

When Exod. 1 the children of Israel were en­thralled in the land of bondage: then GOD, who is alway the helper of the friendlesse, raised vp Moses his seruaunt, made him ruler of his distressed people, and deliuered them with a strong & out­stretched arme frō their miserable cap­tiuity. Whereupon Exo. 15 Moses framed a song of thankesgiuing vnto the Lord in verse, which I take to be the most auncient of all. So that it is certaine, and (as they say) able to be felt with hands, that Poetry came first by inspiration from GOD. [Page] Likewise Iudic. cap. 5. Deborasung a Psalme of victo­ry in meetre. Dauid also & the Prophets were Poets.

If wee prie into the liues of the hea­then, we shall find that Poetrie was the chiefest cause of their ciuility. Whē Cic. lib. 1. de Le­gibus. be­fore they remained scattered lawlesse, and barbarous, like vnto sauage beasts, Am­phion and Orpheus two Poets of the first ages assembled th [...]se rude nations, and Hor. de Arte poetica. exhorted them to listen their eare vn­to their wholesome counsels, and to lead their liues well and orderly. And as these two Poets, and Linus before them reclaimed the wildest sort of men: so by all likeli­hood mo Poets did the same in other places.

Further, Poets were the first, that obserued the secrete operations of na­ture, and especially the celestial courses, by reason of the perpetuall motion of the heauens, searching after the first mouer, and from thence proceeding by degrees to consider of the substaunces separate and abstract. They were the first, that offred oblations, sacrifices, and praiers. They liued chast, and by their exceeding continence came to receyue [Page] visions and prophesies. So likewise 1. Sam. 9. Sa­muel & the Prophets were named Seers.

Now sithence Poetry is so sanctified, it will not bee amisse, if I anatomize her parts, and compare her with other fa­culties: which done, I doubt not but she wil deserue a more fauourable censure e­uen of the Momistes themselues. The Prince of Philosophers writeth, that Aristot. li. 3. Rhe­toric. Rhetorick had her first beginning from Poetry. The chiefe of the late Philoso­phers doubted not to proue, that Zabar. lib. 2. de natur. lo­gic. Poetry was part of Logick, because it is wholy occu­pied in deliuering the vse of examples, I do not meane that kind of example, which is v­sed in common conferences; but I meane the maners, affections, and actions of men, which are brought as examples eyther to be imitated or shunned of the spectatours, or readers. In like maner, Poetry is more philosophicall and serious then history, because Poetry medleth with the ge­nerall consideration of all things: wher­as history treateth onely of the parti­cular. And not onely history, but al­so Philosophy, Law, and Phisicke are subiect to Poetry, for whatsoeuer na­ture or policy, case or medicine they re­hearse, [Page] that may y ^e Poet, if he please, with his forme or imitation make his owne.

But, mee thinks, I see a rout of criti­call Pharisees comming towards mee, and discharging whole volees of can­non shot against my breast, and exclay­ming without reason, that I falsely erre, for prouing Poetry to bee deriued from Moses. The Gentiles (say they) were the first founders of Poetry, and therefore it ought to be reiected. Well do I deny this argument, demaunding of thē, whe­ther philosophy be bad, because the Pai­nims brought the knowlege thereof to light? whether Greeke letters be euill, because Cadmus inuented thē? whether the bookes of Resolution bee blame­worthy, for that R. P. a fugitiue papist wrote thē? O mōstrous absurdity! What? wil they with the foolish Donatists vtter­ly refuse the Sacraments, because the priests are vicious, that administer them? Or wil they with the Anabaptists forbid alsuites & going to law, because the law­yers, that cōmence thē, are corrupt? Thē farewell quietnesse, farewel money, yea, farewell religion, & all: for each of them was, is, & will be abused for euermore.

[Page] Othersome there be, that iudge poe­try vnlawfull, for that they themselues are not capable thereof. And againe there be some, that meane to kil the lion with a straw, and condemne Poetry for the fables that are contained therein. But if I should dash these enuious Syco­phāts with a blurre of inke for euery of­fence, which they commit against the truth, they would, I feare me, become blacker then Aethiopian Negroes.

As for Poetical Fabies and Parables what els should I retort, but that, which one of the ancient Fathers hath written on their behalfe? to wit, Lactan­tius. Poets do speake that which is most true, and by their mysticall fables do decipher profound matters. After which maner Dauid in his Psalmes saith, Psa. 80 Thou hast brought forth a vine out of Egypt: thou hast cast out the heathen, and planted it. What is vnderstood by this vine, & the plāting thereof, but the childrē of Israel, whom God by his Diuine prouidence brought out of Egypt, & gaue thē inhe­ritance in the land of Chanaan? likewise we read of the steward, of the prodigall child, & such like in the new Testament. Whē Perseus, Dedalus, & Bellerophon [Page] are faigned to fly: what els is meant by their flying, but their speedy iourney­ing? what doth the trāsformatiō of Hal­cione into a bird signifie? namely, that shee, after the death of her husband Ceix, mourned & sorowed like vnto that same bird. When Lycaon is reported to be metamorphozed into a woolfe: what other sence is vnderstood by the wolfe, then that this king was a tyrant & a raue­nous theefe? By the painful trauell of V­lisses is portrayed the liuely picture of mans miseries. Icarus had winges, and therewith mounted vp into the aire: but so soone as the sunne had melted his waxen wings, he fell downe into a riuer, and was drowned. Whereby is included that no man must rashly reach aboue his pitch. If men would speake & inueigh a­gainst niggards, what better instance cā they make, then in Danae, Tantalus, and Midas? To blaze prodigality, and such as were giuē to pleasures, the Poets painted Acteon turned into a Hart, who was so much delighted in hunting, that in the end he was eaten vp of his dogs; that is, he spent all his goods in feeding of hounds. For an exāple of whoredome [Page] they inferre Circe, who was so beauti­full, that she rauished and enchaunted all such as beheld her. And so wee must iudge of the rest. Iupiter betokeneth the highest God: Phoebus the Sunne: Mars warre: Themis law: Minerua lear­ning: Venus loue: Vulcan fire: Ceres corne: Bacchus wine: Neptune the sea: The Nymphes signifie riuers: and by destiny is declared the ineuitable will of God. There is no faculty of any ac­count, but hath hard & obscure signifi­cations; as for example, naturall philoso­phy comprehendeth the first matter and the first mouer. Alchymy cōtaineth dark words: as, Saturne signifieth lead: Mer­cury quicksiluer: Sol gold: Luna siluer: Venus copper: Iupiter tinne: Mars iron; with diuers words of Art a hūdred times more mysticall then these. I wil passe o­uer the elixers, fixations, and such like names of the Chymists. Thus (gentle Reader) mayst thou see, that euery Sci­ence hath other significations, then the plaine names do declare. Why then wil Dunces vpbraid Poets with their in­tricated Fables, which none but Oedi­pus can interpret? Only sonnes of Art, [Page] to whome God hath imparted his bles­sing, must attaine to the right knowlege of the Muses. Hearken what another saith, Zabar. lib. 2. de natur. Lo­gic. cap. 19. The faigned examples of the Poets are fit and conuenient for the amendement of maners. To bee short, I am verily of this opinion, that Osor. li. 1. Ciuilis nobilitat. all Poets are sworne enemies to lies, and do vtterly detest false­hood: and among the rest Homer was the searcher and louer of truth and verity. Sundry times haue I beene conuersant with such, as blasphemed Poetry, by calling it mincing and lying Poetry. But it is no maruel, that they thus deride Poetry, sith they sticke not in this out­worne age to abuse the ministers of GOD, by terming them bookish fel­lowes and Puritanes, they themselues not knowing what they meane.

What more shall I write? Poets at all times haue beene preferred before all Artists, & highly esteemed of all Prin­ces. Euripides was entertained of A­mintas king of Macedon. Sophocles to­gether with Pericles was cōstituted go­uernour of Athens. Antimenides the Poet was Generall of an army. Likewise Tyrtaeus the Poet being lame on one [Page] legge, was by the oracle of Apollo cho­sen chieftaine of the Lacedemonians, & got the victory ouer his enemies. Lysan­der king of Lacedemon, in reward of a few verses, gaue vnto the Poet Antio­chus his hat full of siluer. The Sicili­ans hauing ouercome the Athenians, spared many of them for Euripides his sake. And if they heard any verses like vnto his, they would haue thē by heart, and one would present them to ano­ther with great ioy. Sydn [...]i. in Apol. Poet. Alexander the great left his Tutour liuing Aristotle behind him, but tooke the workes of dead Homer with him, & euery night he caused them to be laid vnder his pillow. And not only Ho­mer was thus honoured, but also for his sake all other meane Poets, insomuch as Cherilus a simple Poet had for euery good verse, which he composed, a Phi­lip noble of gold, amounting to the va­lue of an Angel English. Theocritus the Poet was in estimation with Ptolome king of Egypt, and with Queene Be­renice his wife. Ennius was highly fa­uoured by that noble warriour Scipio: Virgil and Horace were aduaunced by Augustus the Emperour.

[Page] To come neerer our owne time, Hier­nus an excellent Poet, and yet of base li­nage, when Frotho K. of Denmark died without issue, and the Peeres of the realme had determined him to succeed, that best could honour the dead King: among the rest, hee knowing that Poe­trie was the onely meanes to reuiue the memorial of the dead, made an Epitaph, which publikely repeated, hee was by generall consent elected King.

Ieffery Chaucer, the English Poet, was in great account with King Richard the second, who gaue him in reward of his Poems, the Manour of Newelme in Oxford Shire. Neither will I passe o­uer with silence, the fauor of the French Queene Anne, wife to Lewis the twelfe of France, extended to Poets. This Queen passing on a time from her lodg­ing towards the Kings side, saw in a gal­lerie Allen Chartier a learned Poet, leaning on a tables end fast asleepe, which this Princesse espying, shee stou­ped downe to kisse him, vttering these words in all their hearings: Wee may not of Princely courtesie passe by, and not honour with our kisse the mouth, [Page] from whence so many golden poems haue issued. Frauncis the first, French King in the yeere of our Lord 1532. made those famous Poets, Dampetrus and Macrinus, of his priuie Counsell. King Henrie the eight, her maiesties Father, for a few Psalmes of Dauid tur­ned into English meeter by Sternhold, made him Groome of his priuie cham­ber, and rewarded him with many great gifts besides. Moreouer, hee made Sir Thomas Moore Lord Chauncelour of this Realme, whose Poeticall works are as yet in great regard. Queene Marie for an Epithalamy composed by Ver­zoza a Spanish Poet, at her marriage with King Philip in Winchester, gaue him during his life two hundred crowns pension. Her Maiestie that now is, made Doctour Haddon being a Poet, master of the Requests. In former times, Prin­ces themselues were not ashamed to stu­die Poetrie. As for example, Iulius Ce­sar was a very good Poet. Augustus likewise was a Poet, as by his edict tou­ching Virgils bookes appeareth. Euax King of Arbia wrote a booke of preti­ous stones in verse. Cornelius Gallus [Page] treasurer of Egypt, was a singular good Poet. Neither is our owne age altoge­ther to bee disprayed. For the old Earle of Surrey composed bookes in verse. Sir Philip Sydney excelled all our English Poets, in rarenesse of stile and matter. King Iames the sixt of Scotland, that now raigneth, is a no­table Poet, and daily setteth out most learned Poems, to the admiration of all his subiects.

Gladly I could goe forward in this subiect, which in my stripling yeeres pleased mee beyond all others, were it not I delight to bee briefe: and that Sir Philip Sydney hath so sufficiētly defen­ded it in his Apologie of Poetrie; that if I should proceede further in the com­mendation thereof, whatsoeuer I write would bee eclipsed with the glorie of his golden eloquence. Wherefore I stay my selfe in this place, earnestly beseeching all Gentlemen, of what qua­litie soeuer they bee, to aduaunce Poe­trie, or at least to admire it, and not to bee so hastie shamefully to abuse that, which they may honestly and lawfully obtaine.

Of Philosophie. Chap. 43.

[...] PHilosophie is the knowledge of all good things, both diuine and humane. Cicero li. 3. de O­ratore. It chal­lengeth vnto it three things: first, con­templation to know those things, which are subiect vnto it, as Arist. li. 2. meta­phys. text 3. Natural Philosophy teacheth vs the knowledge of the world: Geo o [...]trae of the triangle: the Metaphysick of God: and morall Philosophie, of vertue and felicitie. Secondly, Philosophie cha­lengeth the execution and practise of precepts. Thirdly, the promotion of a good man; Clemens Alexan­drinus. li. 2. stro­mat. * Which three concurring toge­ther in one man, do make him a wise Phi­losopher. The Iewes diuided Philosophie into foure parts: namely, into Historical, Ciuill, Naturall of the contemplation of sacrifices, and into Diuine of the specu­lation of Gods word. Of which I will at this time content my selfe with the na­tural, [Page] and the ciuill Ari. in initio lib. 1. de coe­lo. Naturall Philosophie is a science that is seene in bodyes, mag­nitudes, and in their beginnings or ground workes, affections, and motions. Or, as others say, Zaba­rel. lib. de Constitu­tione na­turalis scientiae. cap. 6. Naturall Philosophie is a contemplatiue science, which declareth the perfect knowledge of naturall bodyes, as farre foorth as they haue the beginning of motion within them. Pereri­us lib. 2. Physic. cap. 7. There bee seuen parts of it. The first is of the first causes of nature, and of naturall bodyes. The second of the world. The third, of the mutuall transmutation of the ele­ments, and in generall, of generation and corruption. The fourth is, of the meteours. The fift, of the soule, and of liuing creatures. The sixt, of plants, The seuenth, of things perfectly mix­ed, and of things without life, as, of Mi­nerals and such like.

Piccolo­minaeus in intro­duct. ad 10. gra­dus Ciui­lis Philo­sophiae. cap. 7. Ciuill Philosophie is a science compoun­ding mans actions out of the inward moti­on of Nature, and sprung vp from the ful­nesse of a wise minde: insomuch that wee may in all degrees of life attaine to that which is honest.

This ciuill Philosophie is diuided into foure parts: Ethicke, Politicke, Oeco­nomicke, [Page] and Monastick. Ethick is the discipline of good maners. Of Oeco­nomick and Politick, I haue discoursed before. Monastick is the institution of a priuate and a solitarie life. But of the worthinesse of this ciuill Philosophie, and by how much it goeth before the naturall, I haue expressed in In Com­mentar. in satyr. 5. Persi. another booke.

Of the Art Magick. Chap. 44.

THe auncient Magicians prophesied either by the starres, and then their Art was termed Astrologie: or by the flying and entrailes of birdes, and this they called Augurie: by the fire, and that they named Pyromancie: or by the lines and wrinckles of the hand, which was termed Chiromancie or Palmistrie: by the earth, called Geomancie: by the water, and that they termed Hydro­mancie: or by the diuell, and this we call coniuring or bewitching. All which superstitious kindes of illusions (I feare mee) haue beene too often vsed heere [Page] in England; witnesse of late yeeres the witches of Warboise: witnesse figure­casters, & calculatours of natiuities: wit­nesse also many of our counterfeit Bed­lems, who take vpon thē to tell fortunes and such like. Now-a-dayes among the common people, he is not adiudged any scholer at all, vnlesse hee can tell mens Horoscopes, cast out diuels, or hath some skill in southsaying. Little do they know that Plinius in initi. li. 30. this Art, (if it b [...]e lawfull to call it an Art) is the most deceitfull of all Arts, as hauing neither sure foundations to rest vpon, nor doing the students there­of any good: but rather alluring them to throw themselues away vnto the diuel both body & soule. Wo be vnto thē that delight therein, for it were better for them that they had neuer beene borne. A man hauing in his furie killed one, may by the grace of God repent, and bee sorie for his offence; but for the con­iurer or magician, it is almost impossible that hee should be conuerted, by reason that the Diuell is alwaies conuersant with him, and is present euen at his ve­ry elbow, and will not once permit him to aske forgiuenesse. Experience where­of [Page] Doctour Faustus felt, who was at last torne in peeces by the diuell. Cor­nelius Agrippa likewise, a man famous for his great skill in Magicke, and as yet fresh in some old mens memorie, went continually accompanied with a Diuell in the shape of a blacke dōgge [...] and when at his death hee was vrged to repent and crie GOD mercie, hee pulled off the coller which was about the dogges necke, and sent him away with these words, Packe hence, thou cursed curre, which hast quite vndone mee. With that the dogge went away, and drowned himselfe in the riuer Arar▪ Within a little after Agrippa deceased, whose iudgement I leaue vnto the Lord.

As touching the deedes of coniu­rers, I confesse, they bee wonderfull; for Exod. 7. the charmers of Egypt turned roddes into serpents in the sight of Pharao. And there is nothing which good men doe, but Sorcerers like Apes will assay to do the like. Many of them (among whome I meane Pope Siluester the second, Pope Benedict the ninth, and Pope Alexander the sixt) were cunning in [Page] the scriptures, professed holynesse of life, and gaue pardons and indulgen­ces (as the Pope doth now) vnto them that would buy them. But in the end they were pitifully and openly tor­mented and deuoured by the Diuell their schoole-master. My selfe haue seene about eleuen yeeres agoe, a coun­terfeit dumbe fellow, that could by signes and tokens foretell diuers, things to come. Hee could signifie what mis­fortunes a man hath suffered, what yeeres hee was off, what wife hee had maried, how many children he had; and which is most strange of all, hee would finde out any thing which was hidden of purpose. At last it was this yong Ma­gicians happe to arriue at a zealous Gentlemans house, who hauing before heard of his miraculous deedes, eft­soone suspected him and made no more adoe, but by violence and threatning enforced him to speake, and to declare his dissimulation procured, as hee him­selfe confessed, by the Diuell, with whome hee had couenated to become dumbe, on condition that he might performe such miracles.

[Page] haue heard and read of many Con­iurers, that wrought wonders, and things almost incredible: yet neuer haue I either heard or read of any that prospered, but at the last, they eyther came to the gallous or fagot, or else they were preuented, and mise­rably taken by the Diuell. Which is the cause, that wise men haue vt­terly detested this blacke Arte, as be­ing admonished by other mens harmes, to beware of it. So that none but ma­licious, simple, and grosse-headed per­sons, who eyther for reuenge, or for couetousnesse are so seduced, doe en­ter into league and confederacie with the Diuell.

To knit vp this discourse, I ad­uise all persons, and especially olde women, to take heede of illusions and charmes▪ seeing principally, Exo. 22 Leuit. 19 Deut. 18 they bee damnable, and forbidden by the lawes of God. Secondarily, Tacitus li. 1. An­nal. Vlpi­anus lib. 7. de Of­fic. pro­cons. tit. de ma­thematic. & Serut­us in lib. 4. Encid. ac Canō. 1. caus. 24. q. 5. & can. 17. caus. 6. q. 1. Magicke is infamous & abominable by the laws of man both ciuill and canon. Finally, men must ab­stain from sorceries, coniurations, witch­crafts, and such kind of wickednesse, for feare of punishment, because, Leuit. 20. if any [Page] sayth the Lord, turne after such as worke with spirits, and after southsayers, to goe (spiritually) a whoring after them, then will I set my face against that person, and will cut him off from among his people. And in another place: Exo. 22. Thou must not suffer a witch to liue. Looke therefore vnto your selues, and bee prepared, O simple wretches, lest otherwise the siend fin­ding you vnreadie, will quickly surprize you, and so inueigle your weake and shallow mindes.

Of Phisicke. Chap. 45.

MAny confound Phisicke and Philo­sophie together, because both of them doe alike respect naturall bodies. but our L. 1. § medicorū ss [...]de va­riis & ex­tra [...]rd. cognition. Ciuilians haue distinguished the one from the other. For which cause I will at this time surcease the concor­dance, and fall to the declaration of the goodnesse thereof. There is no facul­tie, saue law and Diuinitie, comparable vnto Phisicke. Insomuch as mightie Potentates haue not disdained to exer­cise [Page] it. Gentius the King of Illyria, found out the vertuous qualities of the herbe called Gentian. Iuba King of Maurita­nia and Lybia, found the herbe called Euphorbium. Sabor King of the Medes, Sabrel King of the Arabians, Mithri­dates King of Pontus, and Auicenna King Corduba, were professed Phisi­cious. The Angell Raphael caused blind Tobias with the gall of a fish to receiue his sight. Luke the Euangelist was a Phisicion: yea, Clemens Alexan­drinus li. 1. Paedag. cap. 2. Eccless. 38. and * GOD himselfe is called the supreme Phisicion both of body and soule. Wherefore see that you honour Phisicke, O yee that bee rich, and make much of the Phisici­on for the Lord created him.

Of Law. Chap. 46.

THe law is the knowledge of things As wel Diuine as Humane, L. Institut. tit, de Iust. & iure. §. Iurispru­dentia. and of that which is iust and vniust. Of Ciuilians it is de­clared tripartite: as it comprehendeth the law of nature, the law of nations, and the ciuill law. The law of nature is a feeling which euerie one hath in his [Page] conscience, whereby hee discerneth betweene good and euill, as much as is sufficient to deliuer him from the clou­die cloake of ignorance, in that hee is re­prehended by himselfe. L. Iustitu. tit. de iu­re. Natu. Gent. & Ciuil. §. ius natur. Hence commeth the coniunction of male and female: the Pro­creation of children, and education. The law of Nations is a prescription, that all maner of people can claime: as, to resist violence was lawfull: to defraud the wi­lie and subtill was no fraude: to hurt a Herauld was not tolerable: to pay eue­ry man his owne was right: and in a ma­ner all contracts were brought in by this law: as buying, selling, hiring, gaging, and infinite others. The Ci­uill law is that, which is squared ac­cording to honestie, and is termed eue­ry priuate law, enacted by one peculi­ar people.

There is also a Diuine law, which is three-fold: to witte, the morall law, the ceremoniall law, and the Iudiciall law. The morall law is that, which is constituted for all Nations, if they will obserue the commandements of GOD, The Ceremoniall law was an instructi­on of infancie giuen to the Iewes, to bee [Page] exercised vnder the obedience of God, vntill Christs comming. The Iudiciall law is that, which was giuen them for politicke gouernement, teaching them certaine Maximes of iustice, whereby they might liue quietly, without mole­sting one another.

Of the Common Law in England. Chap. 47.

AS soone as Brutus came into this Realme, hee constituted the Tro­ians lawes throughout all his dominions. But when diuisions and ciuill broyles hapned a little after his decease, those lawes decayed for a long time, vntill Malmutius reuiued them, enlarging them with many profitable more, and were named Malmutius lawes: vnto which Martia a Queene of this land, ad­ded the decrees of her time, and were called Martiaes lawes. Besides these, King Lud is reported to amend them. Then in the succession of time, raig­ned Saint Edward, a right vertuous [Page] Prince, who selected and enacted ex­cellent good lawes: but within a while after, the Normans conquered this land, and altered the estate thereof, appoyn­ting new lawes in their owne language, as a people naturally inclined to sophi­sticall and doubtful sence, whereby they wrested the lawes to all constructions. Yet notwithstanding, King Edward the third was enduced to abrogate many of the Norman lawes, and in their stead to inuest new and wholesome lawes. The method of which, is at this day put in practise among our Sergeants and vtter-Sarristers.

Whether alteration of lawes be good in a commonwealth. Chap. 48.

THere was a law amōg the Locren­sians, that whosoeuer did intrude himself to make a new law, should come with a halter about his necke: insomuch that if his lawes were approued, he went away safe as he came: if reproued, hee was presently hanged. So in like maner, when we alter our vsuall diet, wee feele great innouations in our bodies, and do perhaps fall into some sicknesse or other: but when we be accustomed once vnto it, then we recouer, & waxe more lusty then before we were. Custome (as they say) is another nature. But yet this cu­stome may bee reduced into a better. The alteration of lawes (I confesse) at the first seemeth rough and raw vnto our fraile and queizy natures. But with­in a while they be better liked of. Which moued the Diuine Philosopher to say: that Plato li. 7. de [...] ­gibus, chaunge of lawes, excepting those that be bad, is perilous at all times. This [Page] caused the Kentishmen to rise against king William the Conquerour of this land, and priuily to enclose him round about in the woods, that thereby hee might the sooner be compelled to cōdis­cend to their petition, which was, that they might be suffered to enioy their an­cient customes and liberties.

As for the deciding of this question, I thinke, that some lawes may bee alte­red and reduced into better. Howbeit law-makers must aduise themselues wel in that behalfe, & take great heed there­in for where there ariseth small good by innouations of lawes, it is an euill thing. Surely, Arist. lib. 2. Po­litic. ca. 6 It is better to beare with the imperfections of lawes: because the al­teration of them will not do so much bene­fit, as harme, by vsing men to disobey.

And againe, who is so dull-spiri­ted, which will not graunt, that de­fects of lawes ought now and then to be winked at and dissembled? Vpon which occasion Plato li. 1. de Le­gibus. all persons vnder the age of forty were heretofore forbidden to en­quire whether lawes were well or ill made. Ripenesse of yeares is a great meane to conserue people in their obedience. [Page] And for that cause Arist. lib. 1. E­thic. ca. 3 young men are thought vnfit to deale in matters of state and morall Philosophy.

Of Diuinity. Chap. 49.

THe auncient Philosophers accoun­ted three kinds of speculatiue or contemplatiue Sciences: to wit, Aristot, lib. 11. Metaph. cap. 1. na­turall philosophy: the Mathematickes: and Diuinity, which is the first and chiefest beginning of all things, which is the cement that soddereth the peeces of the building of our estate, and the planke, wherewith our ship is fortified. Take away this beginning, and the world will seeme a confused Chaos. Take away this cement, and our building is ruinous. In a word, vncaske the plāks of a ship, & it wil leake & sinke into the sea. Plant ye ther­fore religion in your kingdomes, and let not the heathen rise vp against you at the day of iudgement. The Romanes, we read, through the bare instinct of na­ture, did so reuerētly thinke of Diuinity, that they sent their childrē into Hetruria to learne it there. And yet many of vs Christiās presume to iniure the ministers [Page] God, albeit we know, that Sen. in Epist. 84 nothing is hidde from him, and that he is present, and still accompanieth vs in the midst of our se­crete cogitations. God make cleane our hearts within vs, and cause vs to regard his ministers and word better then wee do. Otherwise, let vs expect for nothing, but fearfull alarums, warres, heresies, pestilence, and famine continually with­out ceasing to annoy and destroy both vs and our countrey.

Whether two religions may be tolera­ted in one kingdome? Chap. 50.

TWo religions cannot be suffered in one kingdome: for diuersities cause factions, garboiles, and ciuill warres, which neuer end but with the subuersiō of the commonwealth. The tranquillity of all estates consisteth in the vnion and consent of the inhabitants. Take away this vnion, and it is but a denne for ro­uers and theeues. The first foundations of kingdomes were built vpon the rock of one religion; and the heathen them­selues had neuer established their lawes, [Page] if they had harboured pluralities of reli­gions. He that displaceth this stone, sha­keth all the building. Matt. No man can serue two masters, for eyther he must despise the one, or loue the other. Neither must Prin­ces halt betweene two opinions. 3. Reg. 18. If the Lord be God, follow him, but if Baal be hee, then go after him. In religion there is no mediocrity, for a man must either be a Christian, or els, he must be an enemy of Christ, that is, an Antichristian, accor­ding to our Sauiour Christes words: Luc. 11 He that is not with mee, is against me: and he that gathereth not with me, scattereth. Esa. 42 I am the Lord, saith God, this is my name, and my glory wil I not giue away to another: neyther my prayse to grauen images. Also, it is written, Matt. 4. Thou shalt worship the Lord thy God, and him onely shalt thou serue. But how is it possible to obserue this com­maundement, as long as our Papists be­leeue that Decret. Part. 1. lib. 6. tit. 6. de E­lectione. the Pope is no man, but Gods vicar, and more expresly, that hee is God? Theodosius therefore is highly com­mended, in that Socrat. li. 5. Ec­cles. Hi­stor. c. 10 he made warre with the. Arrians, and proclaimed one true reli­gion [...] be planted throughout all his Empire. in this likewise England may faithfully [Page] glory, that beyng welnigh drowned in the sea of Popish superstition, she is now saued and restored to the true and Apo­stolicall doctrine: the which God of his goodnesse maintaine from heresies and schismes.

Of Simony, one of the chiefest ouer­throwes of religion. Chap. 51.

SImony is a deliberatiue will eyther of buying and selling, or els of posting ouer and exchaunging some spirituall thing, or some thing annexed to the spi­rituality, as aduowsons, presentations, and such like. This vice is called after the name of Simon Magus, by reason that he Act. 8. offred the Apostles money, that they might giue him the power, that, on whomso­euer he layd his hands, he should receyue the holy Ghost. For which his execrable proffer, hee had this answere of Peter: Ibid. Thy money perish with thee, because thou thinkest, that the gift of God may be obtai­ned with money.

Simony may be cōmitted three ma­ner of wa [...]es. First, whosoeuer selleth or [Page] buyeth the word of God, is a Simonist. Wherefore the Lord said vnto his disci­ples, Mat. 10 Freely you haue receyued, freely giue. Secondly, hee that giueth, or ta­keth any thing for a Bishopricke, Be­nefice, Headship, or for a fellowes or Scholers roome, is guilty of Simony. Thirdly, 13. q. 2 Can. que [...]sta est no­bis. & cap. abo [...]lendae de sepult. The Minister that denieth to bury the dead, or say Diuine seruice, com­mitteth Simony.

Now hauing declared how many waies Simony is committed, I wil shew, that it is the vtter ruine of the Clear­gie, and consequently of the whole com­monwealth. First, Sotus li. 9. q. 8. art. 1. & Nauarr. in manu [...]al. ca. 7. Simony is condemned with excommunication, the seuerest cen­sure of the Church: and therfore odious. Secondly, Simony hindreth house-kee­ping, so that ministers cannot distri­bute almes. Thirdly, it breedeth the desolation and destruction of the state. For commonly Tacitus lib. 13. Annal. there ensueth a dissolu­tion of the commonwealth, when the fruits [...] reuene [...]es therof are decreased. Fourth­ly, Simony discourageth parents to send their sonnes to the Vniuersity: for what parents bee so foolish, as to bestow in maintenaunce of their sonnes at least [Page] three hundred pound before they at­tayne to perfection, and then to pay a­gaine two hundred poūd for a benefice, or foure hundred pound for a Chaunce­lorship? surely it is a lamentable case. I had rather, saith one, that my sonne be a colier then a scholer. For what shall I put my sonne to schoole, when he shall pay so much for a liuing? Better it is for me to leaue my sonne an ingram foole, then to buy him a li­uing through vnlawfull meanes. Besides, who is so bluntish, that knoweth not the great & infinite labours of Scholers? that seeth not their eyes weakned, their bodies empaired, & which is worse, their spirites decaied? O stony hearts! O wic­ked Simonists! Doubtlesse this abomi­nation portends some great calamity to follow. Lastly, l. q. 1. ca. Quis­quis. Simony is an heresie, and for that respect it ought to be reiected from all true Christians.

To wind this vp in a word, I wish all Pastours and patrons of benefices and Chancelourships to looke more narrow­ly vnto themselues, and to stand in feare of God, who vndoubtedly is offended with their Simony, and will one day Valer. Maxim, lib. 1. re­quite the slacknes of their punishments with [Page] the weight thereof, & wil cast them downe headlong into the bottomlesse and tor­menting pit of hell, where euery sence of their bodies shall abide his peculiar punishment. Their eyes shall haue no other obiects then Diuels and Snakes: their eares shall bee afflicted with cla­mours and howlings: their noses with brimstone and filthy smels: their tast with poison and gall: and their feeling shal be vexed continually with boyling lead and firy flames.

Of the alteration of a common­wealth. Chap. 52.

COmmonwealths, euen as mortall men, haue their infācy, childhood, stripling age, youth, virility, mid­dle age, and old age: that is, they haue their beginning, vegetation, flou­rishing, alteration, and ends. And like as diuers innouations, & maladies do hap­pen to mē, according to the cōstitutiō of their bodies, or according to their diet and education: so in like maner it falleth [Page] out with commonwealths, as being alte­red eyther by domesticall & ciuill wars, or els by forreyne, or perhaps by both together, or by the death of the noblest inhabitaunts, or to bee briefe, by vices, which are suffred to creepe in. It is ne­cessary that all things, which are in this world should waxe old, and Ouid. li. 10. Me­tamorph. hasten to the same end, some sooner, others later, accor­ding to the will of God their Creatour, and by his permission through the in­fluence of the heauenly bodies from which this mutuall succession of life and death issueth. Howbeit notwithstāding, I confesse that prodigious signes are not the causes of euents, but rather foreto­kens of them. Like as an Iuy bush put forth at a vintrie, is not the cause of the wine, but a signe that wine is to be sold there: so likewise if wee see smoke ap­pearing in a chimney, wee know that fire is there, albeit the smoke is not the cause of the fire. Dan. 2. God onely chaungeth the tymes and seasons, hee discouereth the deepe and secret things, and the light is with him.

The effects of all the Cometes, and the chiefest Eclipses, which hapned in this last age. Chap. 53.

FOrasmuch as the alterations of com­mōwealths are for the most part fore­shewed vnto vs by heauenly signes: I iudge it more meet for mee to declare those, which chaunced within this last age, rather then in any other, especial­ly for that they are neerer to our fa­thers memories, and also more familiar vnto vs.

In the yeere of our Lord 1500. there appeared a Comet in the North, Anno 1500. after the which followed many and straunge effects. For the Frenchmen assaulted the kingdome of Naples: & the Tartarians the kingdome of Polonia. Then was a great famine in Swethland, and a cruell plague throughout al Germany; besides ciuill warres amongst themselues, in ta­king part with the Bauarians against the Bohemians. Thē died Pope Pius the 3. together with the Archbishop of Tre­ [...]ires, and diuers other famous wights.

In the yeere 1506. Anno 1506. appeared another [Page] Comet. Whereupon died Prince Philip the father of Charles the fift and Ferdi­nand afterward Emperours. Maximilian the Emperour made warre with the Frenchmen and Venetians.

In the yeere 1514. Anno 1514. was an Eclipse of the sunne. About which time George Duke of Saxony inuaded and spoyled Frizelād. King Lewis the 12. of Fraūce, and Vladislaus king of Hungary & Bo­hemia departed out of this world.

In the yeere 1518. Anno 1518. was seene another Eclipse of the sunne. Immediatly after the which died the Emperour Maximi­lian the first. Christierne the 2. king of Denmarke fought a most bloudy battell with the Swethens: & within a while af­ter he was deposed of his kingdome.

In the yeere 1527. Anno 1527. appeared a great Comet: the operation wherof the poor [...] Hungarians felt, as being barbarously▪ to the shame of all Christians, martyred & destroyed by the Turkes. The prodi­gious disease of sweating was rife here in England. The riuer Tiber ouerflowed the citie of Rome. The sea also consumed away a great part of the low countries. Anno 1533.

In the yeere of our Lord 1533. wa [...] [Page] seene another blazing starre: whereupō a litle while after, king H. y ^• 8. was diuor­ced frō his brothers wife. The sect of the Anabaptists begā to rise. Pope Clement the 7. departed out of this life: and Pope Paul the 3. was inuested in his roome.

In the yeere 1539. Anno 1539. chaunced an E­clipse of the sunne: & presently after ap­peared a Comet: the effects wherof were many. For there was a great cōmotiō in Gaūt, which the Emperour not without much damage at lēgth appeased, & took away their priuileges frō them. Iohn the K. of Hungary ended his life. And so did Henry Duke of Saxony. The Duke of Brunswisk was by the young Duke of Saxony and by the Landgraue of Has­sia driuen out of his countrey. The En­glish ouercame the Scots.

In the yeere 1544. Anno 1544. chaūced foure E­clipses, one of the sunne, and three of the Moone. Wherupō the L. high Admiral of England arriued with a fleet of two hūdred saile in Scotland, where he spoi­led Lieth, and burned Edinburgh. King Henry the eight went himselfe in person to Fraunce wiith a great army, & cōque­red Boloigne. The Marques of Brande­burge [Page] died in his banishmēt. And before three yeeres after the fight of the said Eclipses were fully expired, king Henry the eight deceased. Likewise, the French kings sonne, the Duke of Bauarie, the Queene of Polonia, the Queene of Spaine, the Archbishop of Mogunce, & Martine Luther ended their liues.

In the yeere 1557. Anno 1557. a blazing starre was seene at al times of the night, to wit, the sixt, the seuenth, eight, ninth, and tenth of March: when presently after, open war was proclaimed between Eng­land and Fraunce; and a great army was sent by Q. Mary ouer to S. Quintaines. The Protestants were persecuted and cruelly dealt withall in this Realme. And Queene Mary, before a tweluemoneth came about, departed out of this life.

In the yeere 1572. Anno 1572. was seene towards the North a straunge starre, in bignesse surpassing Iupiter, and seated aboue the moone. At which time succeeded the bloudy massacre and persecution of the Protestants in Fraunce. Many great per­sonages ended their liues; as, King Charles the ninth of Fraunce, Mathew Parker Archbishop of Canterbury, and [Page] sundry other. Pirats robbed and spoy­led many of our marchants on the West seas. The sect of the family of loue begā to be discouered at London. Sebastian the king of Portingal, and Mule the king of Moroco were both slaine within lesse then sixe yeeres after.

In the yeere 1581. Anno 1581. appeared a Comet bearding Eastward. Whereupon a little while after, certaine cōpanies of Italians & Spaniards sent by the Pope to streng­then the Earle of Desmond in his rebel­liō, landed on the west coast of Ireland, and there erected their Antichrists ban­ner against her Maiesty. Campian and other Seminary priests returned to this Realme, and were attached.

In the yeere 1583. Anno 1583. appeared another Comet, the bush wherof streamed south­east. But the effects thereof followed in the death of Edmund Grindal Archbi­shop of Canterbury, & Thomas Earle of Sussex: and in the apprehending of Ar­den, Someruile, and other traitours in Warwickshire. Also within a while en­sued a great dearth here in England.

In the yere 1596. Anno 1596. appeared a Comet northward. At which time Hēry Carew [Page] L. Hunsdon, & L. Chamberlaine of her Maiesties houshold, and Sir Frauncis Knowles ended their liues. Robert Earle of Essex, and Charles L. high Admiral of England Generalles of the English fleet burned the Spanish nauy, & sacked the towne of Cales. Moreouer, there conti­nued here in England a great dearth of corne, with straunge inundations of wa­ters, Graue Maurice got a famous victo­ry ouer the Spaniards in the low coun­treyes. Alphonsus Duke of Ferraria de­parted out of this life. The Pope and the Bastard of Ferraia had diuers bicke­rings about the Dukedome. Finally, be­fore the yeere went about, died Gunilla the Queene mother of Swethland, and Gustaue Duke of Saxony her Nephew. Likewise Iohn Marquesse of Brādeburge one of the Electours, & Anne Queene of Polonia, daughter to Charles Arch­duke of Austria, being great with child, ended their liues.

In the beginning of the yeere 1598. was seene a most fearfull Eclipse of the sunne, Anno 1598. in the seuenteenth degree of Pis­cis, neere to the Dragons head: the like whereof was seldome heard off at any [Page] time before: for the sunne was darkened full eleuen poynts, which very neere is the whole compasse of his body. The ef­fects of it are these following.

Sigismund Prince of Transyluania, not finding his power sufficient to en­counter the Turks, voluntarily resigned his dominion to the Emperour Rodolph the second. The King of Swethland re­turning into his Realme from Polonia, had diuers conflicts and skirmishes with his subiects. William Lord high Treasu­rer of England deceased. And so did king Philip the second of Spaine, albeit after a more strange maner. For it is cre­dibly enformed, that this tyrant was ea­ten vp of lice and vermine. A punishmēt no doubt befitting his vsurping life. Rome was againe ouerflowne by the ri­uer Tiber, whereby fifteene hundred houses perished, and in a maner all the Popes treasure was lost. Car­dinall Albert sent Mendoza Admirall of Aragon, with his rascalitie, into the Low Countries, where, vpon his owne confederates of Cleueland, he hath ex­ercised many bloudy tragedies. Theo­dore Duke of Muscouie ended his life. [Page] There was a great deluge of waters in Hungarie. The Turks had wonderfull bad lucke vpon the seas. The vnited States of the low Countries sent a huge fleete into Spaine, where they had verie good successe, to the vtter vndoing of many a Spaniard. What shall I write of the terrible rumours of warres, which were noysed throughout all England this last summer? Assuredly these enents were foreshewed vnto vs by the horrible Eclipse, which appeared now aboue two two yeeres agoe. Since which time I waited continually for some notable ef­fect or other: neither could my mind o­therwise presage, but that such things would come to passe, which now (GOD be thanked) are ouerpast. This after a sort, I communicated at that time to ma­ster Ia. Pr. an auncient wise gentleman, and a deare kinsman of mine, at whose house, I as then being lately come into my countrey, after my fathers decease, soiourned. God grant vs better and hap­pier successe in this new yeere.

Of the causes of sedition and ciuill broyles. Chap. 54.

THere be sixe causes of sedition. The first and chiefest is the contempt of religion. For if men loued God, which they cannot doe, except they loue their neighbour, doubtlesse no such effects would follow from their actions. Esay. 2. The loue of religion breaketh swords into mattocks, and speares into sithes, and cau­seth that Micha. 4. nation shall not lift vp sword a­gainst nation, neither learne to fight any more. The second cause of sedition is the factions of the subiects, which euer haue beene, and euer will bee the subuersion of estates. The third cause is riotous pro­speritie: for ouer-great aboundance of wealth, is the prouocation of mischiefes, Ouid. lib. 1. Meta­morph. and maketh men to become diuels. The fourth is, when the Prince ouerchargeth his subiects with tributes, and when hee substituteth niggardly and deceit­full Treasurers and Lieutenants to re­ceiue the leuied money, that will not [Page] sticke to detaine a part thereof for their owne priuate gaine. The first cause of Sedition is iniquitie: Arist. li. 5. Politic. cap. 1. as, when that which is due by proportion, is not giuen to them that bee equall; and when the Prince be­stoweth honour, which is the hire and guerdon of vertue, vpon raw and meane men. This was one of the originall cau­ses of the late troubles in France, when the Queene mother, for the establish­ment of her regencie, dubbed simple Gentlemen knights of the honourable order of Saint Michael, first instituted by King Lewis the eleuenth, and til that time held in great estimation. The sixt cause of sedition is, when the Prince winketh at the cosonages of magistrates and Lawyers, and permitteth some of the richer sort to enclose commons, and to rake their inferiors out of measure.

Of Treason. Chap. 55.

TReason bringeth no lesse danger and hurt to men, Valerius Maxim. lib. 9. ca. 6. then Loyaltie doth profit and fe­licitie: for it is farre easier to vanquish a knowne foe, then to subdue a traitour and a priuie conspiratour. This wicked [Page] monster in time of warre, worketh more scath and damage, then all artilleries. Howbeit, hee neuer enioyeth his pro­mised hire, but is at last cruelly punished. As for example, the great Turke in the yeere of our Lord 1400. hauing taken Constantinople through the treason of Iohn Iustinian a Genoway, whō after he had made King according to his pro­mise, caused his head to bee chopt off within three dayes.

To approch neerer our owne time, let vs bethinke with our selues the mer­cifull prouidence of God, in discouering the hainous treasons pretended against our dread soueraigne Queen Elizabeth. Of late yeeres, namely, in the yeere 1588. what befell to Tilney, Sauage, Babington, and the rest of their cursed complices? were they not all executed, & brought to confusion? Likewise Doc­tour Lopouze, the Queenes Phisicion, who had poysoned sundry Noblemen of this Realme, and by the Spanish Kings procurement, went about to poyson the Queene her selfe, had he not in the yere 1594. his deserued punishment? Euen so the last yeere one Squire, by the in­stigation [Page] of a Spanish Frier, going about to do away her Maiestie, was surprized in his treason, and executed to the terrour of all such diuelish traitours.

Be therefore better admonished, yee wauering men, let the example of such as were executed, terrifie your minds from rebellious attempts, and suffer not wil­fully the diuell to tempt and leade you into temptation.

Of Idlenesse. Chap. 56.

O You slouthfull men, why doe you miche, range, & turne your backs to vertuous labours, seeing that they, who ouercame the delites of this world, haue deserued heauen for their rewards? why doe you straggle & rogue from house to house? Beleeue me, there is no occupati­on in the world, that bringeth with it lesse profit then yours. Prou. 6. Goe to the emmet, yee slouthfull sluggards: consider her wayes, and learne to bee wise. She hath no guide, no teacher, no leader, yet in the summer shee prouideth her meate, and gathereth together her foode in the haruest. Oh why haue you forgotten the words of the Lord, name­ly, Gen. 3 In the sweate of thy face shalt thou eate [Page] thy bread? Remember what penalties are imposed on runnagates and loyte­ring droanes. In the primitiue Church it was decreed, that all men should liue of their owne labour, and not vnprofitably waste the fruits of the earth. Likewise the (faigned) Syphograuntes or officers of the Vtopians, Moru [...] li. 2. Vtop. tooke heede, that no man sate idle, but that each one should dili­gently apply his owne craft and occupation. What shall I say of our owne constituti­ons here in England? In the yeere of our Lord 1572. it was enacted in the par­liament, that all persons aboue the age of foureteene yeeres, which were taken begging and roging abroade, should be apprehended, whipped, and burnt through the eare with a hot iron, for the first time so found; and the second time to be hanged. For which considerati­on, looke vnto your selues yee care­lesse caitifes, gette you masters, that may instruct you in some occupation or other; which done, labour continually: & that not onely for your selues, but for the reliefe also of such as are not a­ble to helpe themselues. In so doing, Sa­than the enemie of grace, who hitherto [Page] like a wily foxe hath awaited for you, shall goe away in despaire, and (as they say) with a flea in his eare.

Of Dice-play. Chap. 57.

CHristians ought vtterly to forbeare Dice-play: first, because Cypriā. lib. de A­lea. The diuell inuented it. Secondly, because it is flat a­gainst the commandement of GOD, namely, Exo. 20 Thou shalt not couet any other mans goods. Thirdly, Dice-play is for the most part accompanied with swearing and blaspheming Gods holy name. Fourthly, August. in Epist. 64. ad Maced. the holy fathers of the church haue most vehemently written against it. Ambros. lib. 1. Of­fici. cap. 23. Fiftly, all sports and recreations must haue respect to some profite, either of body or of mind, Chrysost. homil. 6. in Matth. P. Marty. Commēt. in Iudic. cap. 14. & Danae­us lib. de Alea. (otherwise it is but lost, for which wee must one day yeelde an account to God) but Dice-play, as wee know, is no exercise for the body; nei­ther is it any pleasure for the minde: for the euent of the hazard or maine, driueth the players minde to a furious hope, and sometimes into a fearefull quanda­rie: to wit, when hee doubteth the re­couerie of his lost money. Sixtly, we [Page] are charged, Coloss. 4. Not to consume our time in wicked and vnlawfull exercises. Seuenth­ly, men must abstaine from Dice-play, that they might shew good example to their inferiours. Iuuenal. satyr. 14. For * if graue parents de­light in wicked Dice-play, their sonnes will likewise be enduced thereunto. Eightly, C. lib. 3. tit. 43. L. Alear. v­sus. &c. ff. 11. tit. 5. Dice-play is condemned by the lawes and decrees of Princes. By the law Ros­cia, all such as played at dice were bani­shed from their countrey. It was also en­acted in Rome, that Paedian. in. lib. 2. Diuinat. Ciceron. Dice-players should bee amerced in foure times so much as they played for. King Edward the fourth of this Realme decreed, that euerie Dice-player should be imprisoned two yeres, and forfeit tenne pound. King Henrie the seuenth enacted, that Dice-players should bee imprisoned one day, and that the keeper of the gaming house should bee bound to his good be haui­our, and be fined a Noble. King Hen­rie the eight ordained, that euerie one which kept a dicing house, should pay fortie shillings, and the players them­selues a Noble, for euerie time so occu­pied. Ninthly, this kind of play is odi­ous and reproachfull, as appeared in [Page] Antonie, to whome Cicero obiected, that hee Cicero Philip. 2. Sueton. cap. 71. not onely himselfe was a dicer but also hee fostered such men as were dicers, ⁱ Augustus the Emperour was noted, and ill thought of for his dicing. Lastly, the de­spaire and aduersitie which Dice-players fall into, and their extraordinarie pu­nishments be sufficient meanes, to re­claime and terrifie men from it.

In the yeere of our Lord 1550. one Steckman of Holsatia hauing lost much money at dice, fell into despaire, and therewithall killed three of his children, and would haue hanged himselfe, if his wife had not preuented him. Likewise in the yere 1553. one Schetrerus playing at dice in an ale-house neere to Belisan, a towne in Heluetia, blasphemed God. Wherupon the diuell came in place, and carried him away. Also, my selfe haue knowne a wealthie yeoman, that was as great a dicer, as any other in that shire where he dwelt, and (I thinke) had got­ten wel-nigh a thousand pound by that his occupation: but what became of him and his wealth? marrie, he bathing him­selfe in a riuer, was sodainely drowned: and his sonne, to whom his goods after [Page] his death did rightly appertaine, before 3. yeeres were expired, spent al at dice, and at this day is glad to stand at mens deuotion. In summe, do wee not com­mōly see, that dice-players neuer thriue? and if perhaps one amongst a thousand chance to winne, notwithstanding at last he loseth all, & so may put his winnings in his ere, yea, and which is worse, hee hazardeth his soule, which hee ought to hold more deare then all the world. But because I haue largely confuted this vice in In Com­mētar. in satyr. 3. & 5. other places, I will proceed to the other cause of the alteration of com­monwealths.

Of superfluitie of apparell, another cause Persi. of the alteration of Kingdomes. Chap. 58.

IN the beginning of the world, men were clothed with pelts and skins of beasts: wherby is to be noted, that they were become as beasts, by transgressing the cōmandement of God, touching the fruit in Paradise. Apparell was not giuen to delight mens wanton eies, but to preserue their bodies from the cold, [Page] and to couer their shame. They had no Beuer hats sharpe on the top, like vnto the spire of a steeple, nor flatte crownde hats, resembling rose-cakes. They wore no embrodered shirtes, nor garments of cloth of gold. They knew not what meant our Italianated, Frenchified, nor Duch and Babilonian breeches. They bought no silken stockins, nor gaudie pantoffles. Their women could not tel how to frizle and lay out their haire on borders. They daubed not their fa­ces with deceitfull drugs, wherewith, hi­ding the handi-work of God, they might seeme to haue more beautie, then hee hath vouchsafed to giue them. They imi­tated not Hermaphrodites, in wearing of mens doublets. They wore no chaines of gold, nor ouches, iewels, bracelets, nor such like. They went not clothed in veluet gownes, nor in chamlet peti­cotes. They smelt not vnto pomanders, Ciuet, Muske, and such like trumperies. And yet for all that, they farre surpassed vs in humanitie, in kindnesse, in loue, and in vertue. Their onely cogitations were bent to decke the inward mind, & not the outward body, which is nothing [Page] els, sauing a liuing sepulcher. They knew that if the mind were humble and lowly, the raiment for the body must bee euen so. Euerie seede bringeth forth herbes according to his kind: as time seed brin­geth foorth time, and tare seede tare. Such as the heart is, such is the body; if the heart bee proude, the fruit thereof will be ill weedes, and proud attires. But why is the earth & ashes proud? to what end will our fine apparell serue, when death knocketh at out doores, and like a theefe in the night surprizeth vs vna­wares? Our yong gallants, when they hire a chamber in London, looking dai­ly to bee sent for home by their parents, will neuer trouble themselues with any charges or garnishing it, as otherwise they would doe, if they were assured longer to continue in it. And what, I pray you, is the body, but a chamber lent to the soule, wherehence it expecteth continually to bee sent for by God our heauenly father, and (as Saint Paul spea­keth) to bee loosed, and to be with Christ? For what cause doe wee take such care to apparell the body, seeing within a while after it must putrifie, and returne [Page] to the dust of the earth, from whence it came? what reason haue wee to neglect the soule, which neuer dieth? why do we not follow King Henrie the sixt of this Realme, who when the Earle of War­wicke asked him wherefore hee went so meanely apparelled, answered, It behoo­ueth a Prince to excel his subiects in vertue, and not in vesture? Let vs call to remem­brance the wife of Philo, the Iewish Philosopher, who wisely answered one of her gossips, that demaunded of her, why she went not (as other matrons) at­tired in pretious garmēts: Because (quoth shee) I thinke the vertues of my learned hus­band sufficient ornaments for me. Where­to consenteth that of the Comick: Plautus in Most­ellar. z In vaine doth a woman goe well attired, if shee be not also well manered. But what neede I spend time in producing of examples, when our Sauiour Christ scorned not to weare a coate without a seame? Which kinde of apparell if a man now-a-dayes vsed heere in England, presently, Persius in fin. satyr. 5. one of our fine Caualeers would laugh at him, and prize both him and his apparell, scant worth a hundred farthings. Oh, what a shame is it, that euerie seruing-man in [Page] England, nay, euerie common Iacke, should flaunt in silkes and veluets, and surpasse Gentlemen of worship! I haue knowne diuers, who would bestow all the money they had in the world, on sumptuous garments; and when I asked them howe they would liue heereafter, they would answere: A good marriage will one day make amends for all; there­by implying, that they hoped to inuei­gle and deceiue some widow or other. Which pretence of theirs being fru­strate, they will bee driuen to commit burglaries and murthers. In respect of which inconueniences, I exhort euerie man to liue according to his vocation, and to obserue her Maiesties decrees and proclamations, whereby Caualee­ring groomes, and dunghilled knaues, are straightly prohibited to weare the same sutes and apparell as Gentlemen

Of the conseruation of a common­wealth. Chap. 59.

THere be many means to preserue a commonwealth; but aboue the rest these ten are of most efficacy. The first, and chiefest is to liue vprightly in the feare of God. The se­cond, to make no delay in executing of attainted and condemned persons. The third, to suffer euery man to enioy his owne, and not lauishly to spend & rake the priuat inhabitants goods. The 4. to haue a great regard of mischiefs & euils at the first budding, how small soeuer it be, for Aristot. li. 5. Po­lit. cap. 8 the corruptiō, that creepeth in by lit­tle & little, is no more perceyued, then small expenses be, the often disbursing wherof vn­doeth the substance of a house. And as great rayne & horrible stormes proceed from vapours and exhalations, that are not seene: so alteration & changes breed in a commonwealth of light and trifling things, which no man would iudge to haue such an issue. The fift means is, that [Page] Magistrates behaue themselues mildly and modestly towards their inferiours. The sixt, that Princes bee not partiall in their subiects factions. The seuenth, the Prince & his Coūcell must not giue care to euery tale and crafty deuice: for it may be, that the enemy hath his intelligence in the realme. The eight, to cast out Heretickes and Schismatickes frō amōg the people. The ninth, to mu­ster & traine the people once a moneth in martiall affaires. The tenth is, to dis­card stageplayes, vsury, extorsiō, bribes, and such like abominable vices.

Of Taxes and Subsidies. Chap. 60.

Tacitus lib. 4. Histor. THe peace and tranquillity of a com­monwealth can neuer be had without souldiours, nor souldiours without mainte­nance & pay, not pay cā be purchased with­out taxes and subsidies, which are the law­full reuenewes of the Prince to main­taine his Realme. But, thou wilt say, taxes and subsidies bee for the common good of the Realme, & not for the Prin­ces maintenaunce. To which I answere, that Caluin. lib. 4. In­stit. c. 20 the Prince may likewise vse taxes [Page] and subsidies to his priuat royalty, which is after a maner conioyned with the honour of the Princely state, that hee beareth. How is it possible for a Prince to beare a stately port, vnlesse hee hath sufficient reuenewes? Let therefore all true hear­ted subiectes Mat. 22 giue vnto Cesar that which is Cesars: Rom. 31 tribute to whome tribute belongeth: and custome to whome custome. Without this ground we had long since been a pray vnto our enemies. The Scots would haue swalowed vs vp. The Spa­niards also would haue triūphed & cru­elly massacred vs, as they did the poore Indians. None but wizards and niggards will seeke to be exempted from contri­butions, & shake off the necessary yoke of obedience. Experience layeth downe before our eyes the successe of them, that grudge and rebelled against their Prince for taxing. The beginnings haue beene vngodly, and the ends mi­serable.

In the yeere of our Lord 1381. the cōmons of Kent & Essex, to the number of threescore thousand, rebelled against king Richard the second beyng their Soueraigne: but they were discomfited, [Page] and the most part of them sharply puni­shed. Likewise in the yeere 1484. a great commotion was moued by the commons of the North, by reason of a taxe, which was imposed vpon them of the tēth peny of all their lands & goods. But their rash attempt was speedily bro­ken, and their ringleaders hanged at Yorke.

By this wee see the miserable issue of all such rash reuoltings, and therewithall consider, how detestable they are in the sight of God, Let therfore al subiects pa­tiently endure whatsoeuer subsidy is le­uied, and night & day beseech the Lord to graunt thē peace, whereby their taxes will become shortned.

Remedies against sedition and priuy conspiracies. Chap. 61.

THe plaisters, that are to bee applied vnto sedition, be diuers, according to the causes therof. Yet notwithstāding, I will epitomize and draw some of them into a breuiary. First, the Prince must betimes forethinke to alay the seditions, which beginne to kindle. For euery mis­chiefe [Page] at first is soone cured, but being let alone, and taking farther roote, it ga­thereth more strength. Secondly, the Prince must by espials know, who slaūder or speake euil of him. Howbeit, respect must be had, lest the innocent be iniuried. Thirdly, the Prince must pro­claime rewards to the reuealers of con­spiracies. Fourthly, the Prince must a­forehand remoue munitions and artil­leries out of the way, & put them in safe custody. In so doing he shall find the se­ditious the more tractable. Fiftly, the Prince must seuerely punish the authors of sedition, Cic. ad Brutū. lest they, that come after, go a­bout to imitate such wickednesse. Sixtly, the seditious must be sundred by some poli­cy or other. Seuenthly, the seditious must be allured with ambiguous & doubtfull promises. Eightly, the Prince must dili­gently looke, that his loyall subiects cō ­municat not with the seditious, for Comi [...] naeus li. 1 cap. 9. such communing together at such times, and in such sort, is very daungerous, especially for the party, that is like to take the foile. Ninth­ly, Lipsius li. 6. Polit. cap. vle. the Prince must * send men of honour and dignity vnto the rebels vnder pretence of reward, to the intent, that their Cap­taines, [Page] who desire innouations, may be withdrawen from them.

Of the felicity of a commonwealth. Chap. 62.

THe felicity of a commonwealth is, when by some Diuine prouidēce frō aboue, there meeteth in one person the right maiesty of a Prince, and the mind of a wise Philosopher. For then nee­deth no cōpulsion, no rigour, no extre­mity to bridle the subiects, what is more delightfull, then to see the true image of vertue in their visible Prince? then to heare the wise lessons and golden speeches issuing out of such a mouth? Happy, I say, is the Realme, where the Prince imitateth the order of an expert Phisicion, who whē the remedies, which he prepareth to cure the weakenesse of the inferiour members, encrease griefe in the head, he throweth away all infir­mities most light, and with the fauour of time, hee proceedeth carefully to the cure of that, which necessarily impor­teth the health of the patient or commō ­wealth.

Of warres. Chap. 63.

BEcause * a Prince ought to be proui­ded against all chaūces as well of warre as of peace: Iustinian. in Prole­gomen. Institut. it will not bee amisse, if I write somewhat of warrelike affaires. The original whereof in my opinion proceeded from Gen. 10 Nemrod the iolly hunter before the Lord. The Graeci­ans inuented first of all the vse of ar­mour. And the Almaines deuised in the yeere of our Lord 1381. gunnes being the most terrible engines of al others.

Now touching the causes and effects of warre, doubtlesse, God seing that no benefits could fructifie, nor threatnings disswade vs from our disobedience, sen­deth warre, as his fearefull instrument to rouse vs frō sluggishnes, & to plague vs for our manifold iniquities: accor­ding to that dreadfull alarum, which long since hee sounded against vs. Leuitic. 26. If, quoth he, you wil walke in my ordinances, I will send peace in the land: but if you will not obey me, but despise my cōmandements, [Page] I will send a sword vpō you, that shall auenge the quarrell of my couenant, and you shall be deliuered into the hands of the enemy. This the Spaniards of the Island saint Maries knew & felt this last Summer, being the yeere of our Lord 1599. insomuch as when two English ships, and one ship of Amsterdame had taken the said Island, and the Generall had demaunded the Spanish Gouernour, wherefore hee yeelded so soone? Hee answered, that the sinnes of the inhabitants were great, and therefore it was bootlesse for them to resist.

As for the discommodities of warre, they be infinit: it treadeth vnder foot the lawes of God and man: it maketh the Church to be derided, and placeth ty­rants in the throne of Iustice. In conclu­sion, warre enduceth many malecontēts to follow the importunity of the time, and breedeth pestilence and dearth: for victuals spent, dearth must needs ensue. Whereupon sundry infectious diseases spring.

Whether it be lawfull for Christians to make warre? Chap. 64.

ALthough the Marcionists haue here­tofore doubted, whether Christians might make warre? yet notwithstan­ding, I wil by forcible reasons maintaine the contrary. First, it is written, that the Israelites should warre against their ene­mies, and Deu. 20 not faint, nor feare, nor be ama­zed, nor a-dread of them. Secondly, law­full warres are named 2. Paral. 20. the battels of the Lord. Thirdly, Exo. 15 the Lord himselfe is a mā of warre. Fourthly, Saint Iohn Baptist confirmeth the lawfulnesse of warre in these wordes, which he spoke vnto the souldiers: Luc. 3. Do no violēce to any man, ney­ther accuse any falsly, and be content with your wages. Fiftly, Cornelius a Captaine was so fauoured of God, that Act. 10 he recey­ued the holy Ghost. Sixthly, Rom. 13 the Magi­strate carieth not the sword in vaine. Se­uenthly, it is lawfull for any man to de­fend himselfe. For Cic. pro Milon. reason teacheth, that it is lawfull to repell force offred to our liues and to our persons, with force. To con­clude, it is lawfull for one people to as­sault [Page] another, so that it it bee either to get their owne againe, or els to punish reuolters. Howbeit neuerthelesse, I counsell warre to be practized as a last and desperat medicine, which without very vrgent occasion ought neuer to be applied.

What warres be most lawfull. Chap. 65.

Liuius lib. 9. THose warres be most iust, whereto we are constrained; and with good cōsciēce may we take armes, when there is no safet [...] for vs, but in armes. To this an anciet Bi­shop subscribeth, saying, Ambr. li. 3. Of­fic. That fortitude, which defendeth a mans countrey from forrayne enemies, or sustaineth the deso­lat and oppressed, is perfect iustice. More­ouer, Caluin. lib. 4. In­stitut, ca. 20.the holy Ghost by many testimonies of Scripture declareth such warres to bee lawfull.

The iniury, which is done to Am­bassadours, ministreth lawfull cause for Princes to take armes in hand. There­fore K. Dauid made war with the Am­monits, for that they villanously misused the messengers, 2. Sam. 10. which he sent to comfort the yoūg king of Ammō for his fathers death. [Page] Most iust likewise was that warre, which king Richard the first of this Realme made with the Infidels for the recouery of the holy land. And surely it is a me­ritorious and religious deed, that Chri­stian Princes should vnite their forces together, and proclaime warres against the Trukes, who to their great shame haue now welnigh conquered all Hun­gary, & are at the very gates of Germa­ny, and consequently or all Christen­dome: this peril how long soeuer it is de [...] ­ferred, doubtles is like to happen. Sup­pose our Christian Princes could do no other good, but keepe back the Turkes forces from further inuasions, would not this be a meanes to restore and reuiue the dismembred estate of Christēdome? Yea certainely. To that end I constant­ly auerre, that it is lawfull to warre: pro­uided still, that the determination be not to put to death any, that will be brought to the true knowledge of the Gospell. For it is not with swords, but with words, not with constraint, but with cōference, that misbeleeuers are become conuer­ted.

That before we begin warres, prepara­tion is to be made of sufficient necessaries thereto belonging. Chap. 66.

Lipsius lib. 5. Po [...] lit. cap. 6. TO the execution of warres three things are needfull: prouision, men, and ad­nice. Vnder prouision I comprehend ar­mour, money, & victuals. Touching ar­mour, I would haue an indifferent com­pany of weapōs prepared both for hors­men and footmen: as, artillery, powder, bullets, billes, pikes, launces, bowes and arrowes, plated doublets, iackets of male, and such like. Next, money must be gotten, Demo­ [...]th [...]. lib. 1. Olynt. without the which nothing can be done, as it ought to be. And if they fight with siluer speares they will conquer all. Money being gotten, it is meete, that victuals be prouided, seeing Vegetius lib. 3. de remilit. cap. 26. through want thereof souldiers will bee ouercome without stroke. Against other euils there are cures, but there is no striuing against hunger. herehence proceed mutines, despaires, infectious sicknesses, and in­numerable kinds of calamities.

Hauing forethought of prouision, it is [Page] also necessary, that men should bee mu­stered and chosen out. For Xenoph. li. 1. Pae­dt. Cyr. if there be a mighty hoste of men in the field, what towne or countrey is not willing to welcome them? In like maner the Captaine generall must forecast, whether horsemen would serue his turne better then footemen?

This question being well discussed, the Generall must take aduice with his chiefe and wisest Lieftenaunts concer­ning the successe of the warres. For Luc. 14what King going to make warre with an­other King, sitteth not downe first, and taketh counsell, whether he be able with ten thou­sand to meete him, that cōmeth against him with twenty thousand? or els, while hee is yet a-great way off, he sendeth an ambassage, and desireth peace?

The dueties of a Generall. Chap. 67.

IN a Generall seuen things are requi­red. First, that he be religious and de­uout: for thē if he with Iosuah say, Iosu. 10 Sunne, stay thou in Gibeon: and thou Moone, in the valley of Aialon: the Sunne wil abide, and the Moone will stand still, vntill he [Page] be auenged vpon his enemies. Second­ly, a Generall must be a man of autho­rity, by reason that Cic. pro lege Ma­nili. nothing is more auail­able in the ordering of battels, then authori­ty. Thirdly, he ought to be temperate: for how can he gouerne others, that can­not rule his owne affections? Fourth­ly, he must be well experienced, that he may see how the enemy lieth, what way is best, eyther to prouoke the ene­my, or to defend himselfe. Fiftly, a Ge­nerall must be witty and well spoken, because souldiers minds will be sooner inflamed to fight by sweet exhortations, then by all the trumpets in the world. Sixtly, he must be couragious and vali­ant, that he may Silius I­talicus lib. 1. giue the first onset, when any bickering is at hand, and shew the way to others. Lastly, a Generall ought to be very well seene in Philosophy, & speci­ally in Geometry, otherwise he will ne­uer be able either to incampe himselfe, to find out the enemy, or to cōceiue the scituation of places: as for example, how the champion fields are couched toge­ther, how the valleys hang, how broad the marishes be, & how the mountaines are lift vp.

Of the choyse of Souldiers. Chap. 68.

THere be six notes to discerne a good souldiour. The first is, that he be an honest mā. The second, that he be strōg and valiant. The third, that he be con­stant & patient. The fourth, that (if it be possible) he be a Gentle-man borne: the reason is, because most commonly he is more easily trained for the warres, and will scorne to yeeld himselfe vanquished to the enemy. The fift marke of a soul­dier is, that he be nimble, actiue, and not of a fat or grosse body, lest like a carters iade he founder and fal downe. The sixt, a souldier ought to be chosen from seuē ­teene yeeres old to sixe and forty. But in my opinion elderly souldiers are more apt & fit to go to the warres, then young men, by reason that they are lesse muti­nous, and better able to endure.

Whether the straunger or the home­borne subiect ought to be pre­ferred? Chap. 69.

IF we cōsider the cause, frō whēce pro­ceeded the late destructiō of Italy, we [Page] shall find, that the calling in of the Swit­zers and Frenchmen to aide it, turned to the desolation of it. Lodowick Sfor­tia Duke of Millaine sent for the Swit­zers to succour him against the French­men. But how sped he? Mary, hee was by his owne mercenaries deliuered pri­soner ouer to Lewis the twelfe, French king. yea, we read, that the greatest mi­sery, which euer hapned to the Brit­tish nation diuided, was, when Vortiger mistrusting the peeres of his Realme, called in the Saxons to helpe him, who at last cōpelled him to deliuer the chie­fest part of his kingdome vnto them. So that at length they droue away at the na­turall inhabitants of the countrey. For which cause the natiue subiect is to be esteemed, who stādeth not so much vpō his valour & pay, as vpon his loyalty & reputation. Besides, no man is so barba­rous & sauage, as to take part with strā ­gers against his owne countreymen.

How the enemy is to be vanquished. Chap. 70.

WE must obserue twelue rules, before we discomfit our enemies. Wherof [Page] the first is, that wee aske forgiuenes of God for our misdeedes, and feruently beseech him to goe before our armie. The second is, that the Captaine Gene­rall forbid all blasphemies, swearing, di­cing, rioting, and such like impious do­ings. The third, that none but wise men beare office in the campe. The fourth way to ouercome the enemie, is to bee well prouided of necessaries. The fift, Captaines must not enuie one another. The sixt, niggardly and corrupt offi­cers must bee seuerely punished. The se­uenth, our warriours must make no long delay in the enemies country: especial­ly if the climat therof be contagious and noysome. The eight meanes to obtaine the victorie ouer our foes is, not to per­mit any to straggle abroad and rob, lest meeting with ambushes, they bee vna­wares surprized. The ninth, Marchants, on paine of death, must not transport a­ny newes, prouision, or commodities in­to the enemies coast. The tenth, valiant men must bee nobly recompenced for their aduenturous acts. The eleuenth rule, to haue a fresh supply alwaies at a becke; and for that purpose, some of the [Page] best experienced Captaines must be left behind, to conduct the rawest sort, and to traine them vp in martiall discipline. The twelfe and last obseruation is, that all transgressors be rigorously chastised, to the terrour and ensample of others.

The Conclusion, of peace. Chap. 71.

LEst for treating of Martiall affaires, I bee either termed a fauourer of contention, or else a simple dizart, as hauing Cicero. lib. 2. de Orator. neuer as yet seene the enemie in the face, no not so much as their tents: heere voluntarily I resigne my crest, I lay downe mine ensigne. In regard whereof, I demaund an oliue branch, the onely true and vndoubted token of peace. The reason that thus moo­ueth mee, is our owne safetie: for if wee should doe nothing but fight and enter into skirmishes, in the end, Seneca in Hercule fureate. our fieldes would remaine without village, and the ashes of our burat houses as a graue would couer [Page] our dead corps. Who knoweth not, that peace is the end of warre? peace there­fore must bee established betimes. Aeliā. li. de natur. animal. cap. 3. All things are sodered together through vnitie, but disseuered through discord. The Realme of France is a liuely spectacle hereof, which being of late yeeres hackt by the leaguers, as it were into mam­mocks, became wel-nigh a pray vnto the Spanish king. But now being vnited againe, shee recouereth her former strength.

Wherefore, O Souldiour, lay downe thy Musket and Armour, and say not with the Poet: Homer. lib. 3. I­li [...]d. I haue as yet long speares, round shieldes, head-peeces, and glistering cuiraces. Oh, seeke not to defile thy handes in thy brothers bloud. Forgiue thine enemie, euen as GOD forgi­ueth thee. Hearken (I pray thee) what the Apostle sayth, Rom. 12. If it bee possi­ble, as much as in you is, haue peace with all men. And againe, Colos. 3. Let the peace of GOD rule in your hearts, to the which ye are cal­led all in one body.

Finally, to end this discourse, and therewithall my booke, I conuert my speech vnto thee, O Lord of Hostes, [Page] humbly from the bottome of my heart desiring thee to saue vs from the furie of our enemies, and to sende vs peace in Christ Iesus, to whom with thee and the holy ghost, for this which I haue writ­ten, and for all other benefites re­ceiued, I yeelde all praise, ho­nour, and glorie. Amen.

If I haue done wel, & as the mat­ter required, 2. Macc. 15. it is the thing that I would: if I haue spoken slenderly and barely, it is that I could.