A DISCOURSE OF THE RELIGION Anciently professed by the IRISH and BRITTISH.

By IAMES VSSHER Archbishop of Armagh, and Primate of IRELAND.

LONDON, Printed by R. Y. for the Partners of the Irish Stocke. 1631.

❧ TO MY VERY MVCH HONOVRED Friend, Sir Christopher Sibthorp, Knight, one of his Majesties Iustices of his Court of chiefe place in IRELAND.

WORTHY SIR:

I Confesse, I somewhat in­cline to bee of your minde, that if unto the authorities drawn out of Scriptures and Fathers (which are common to us with others) a true di­scoverie were added of that Religion which anciently was professed in this Kingdome; it might prove a speciall motive to induce my poore country-men to consider a little [Page] better of the old and true way from whence they have hitherto been mis-ledd. Yet on the one side, that saying in the Gospel runneth much in my minde; Luke 16. 31. If they heare not Moses and the Prophets, neyther will they be perswaded, though one rose from the dead: and on the other, that heavie iudgement mentioned by the A­postle; 2 Thes. 2. 10, 11. because they received not the love of the truth, that they might bee saved, God shall send them strong delusion, that they should beleeve lyes. The woefull experience whereof, wee may see daily before our eyes in this poore nation: where, such as are slow of heart to beleeve the saving truth of God delivered by the Pro­phets and Apostles, doe with all greedinesse imbrace, and with a most strange kinde of credulitie entertaine those lying Legends, wherewith their Monkes and Friars in these latter daies have polluted the religion and lives of our ancient Saints.

I doe not deny but that in this Countrey, as well as in others, corruptions did creep in by little and little, before the Divell was let loose to procure that seduction which pre­vailed so generally in these last times: but as farre as I can collect by such records of the former ages as have come unto my hands [Page] eyther manuscript or printed) the religion pro­fessed by the ancient Bishops, Priests, Monks, and other Christians in this land, was for substance the very same with that which now by publike authoritie is maintained therein, against the forraine doctrin brought in thither in later times by the Bishop of Romes followers. I speake of the more sub­stantiall points of doctrine, that are in con­troversie betwixt the Church of Rome and us at this day; by which only we must iudge, whether of both sides hath departed from the religion of our Ancestors: not of matters of inferiour note, much lesse of ceremonies and such other things as appertaine to the di­scipline rather than to the doctrine of the Church.

And whereas it is knowne unto the lear­ned, that the name of Scoti in those elder times (whereof we treate) was common to the inhabitants of the greater and the lesser Scotland (for so heretofore they have beene distinguished) that is to say, of Ireland, and the famous colonie deduced from thence in­to Albania: I will not follow the example of those that have of late laboured to make dis­sension betwixt the daughter and the mo­ther, [Page] but account of them both, as of the same people.

Tros Rutulusve fuat, nullo discrimine habebo. The religion doubtlesse received by both, was the selfe same; and differed little or no­thing from that which was maintained by their neighbours the Britons: as by compa­ring the evidences that remaine, both of the one nation and of the other, in the ensuing discourse more fully shall appeare.

The chiefe Heads treated of in this discourse, are these:

  • I. OF the holy Scriptures. pag. 1.
  • II. Of Predestination, Grace, Free-will, Workes, Iustification and Sanctifica­tion. pag. 11.
  • III. Of Purgatory, and Prayer for the dead. pag. 21.
  • IIII. Of the Worship of God, the publike forme of Liturgie, the Sacrifice, and Sacra­ment of the Lords Supper. pag. 30.
  • V. Of Chrisme, Sacramentall Confession, Pe­nance, Absolution, Marriage, Divorces, and single life in the Clergie. pag. 45.
  • VI. Of the discipline of our ancient Monkes; and abstinence from meats. pag. 54.
  • VII. Of the Church and various state thereof, especially in the dayes of Antichrist: of [Page] Miracles also, and of the Head of the Church. pag. 66.
  • VIII. Of the Popes spirituall Iurisdiction, and how little footing it had gotten at first within these parts. pag. 75.
  • IX. Of the Controversie which the Britons, Picts, and Irish maintained against the Church of Rome, touching the celebra­tion of Easter. pag. 92.
  • X. Of the height that the opposition betwixt the Romane party, and that of the Brittish and the Scottish grew unto; and the abatement thereof in time: and how the Doctors of the Scottish and I­rish side have beene ever accounted most eminent men in the Catholike Church, notwithstanding their dis-union from the Bishop of Rome. pag. 105.
  • XI. Of the temporall power, which the Popes followers would directly intitle him un­to over the Kingdome of Ireland: toge­ther with the indirect power which hee challengeth in absolving subjects from the obedience, which they owe to their temporall Governours. pag. 117.

[Page 1]OF THE RELIGION PROFESSED BY THE ANCIENT IRISH.

CHAP. I.

Of the holy Scriptures.

TWo excellent rules doth St. Paul prescribe unto Christians for their direction in the waies of God: the one, that they Ephes. 5. 17. be not unwise, but un­derstanding what the will of God is; the other, that they Rom. 12. 3. [...]. bee not more wise than behoveth to be wise, but be wise unto sobriety. and that we might know the limits, within which this wisedome and sobriety should bee bounded; hee elsewhere declareth, that not to bee [Page 2] more wise than is fitting, is 1 Cor. 4. 6. [...]. not to be wise above that which is written. Hereupon Sedulius (one of the most ancient Writers that remaineth of this Country birth) delivereth this for the meaning of the former rule; Scrutamini legem, in quâ voluntas ejus continetur. Se­dul. in Ephes. 5. Search the Law, in which the will of God is con­tained: and this for the later; Plus vult sa­pere, qui illa scrutatur quae Lex non dicit. Id. in Rom. 12. He would be more wise than is meete, who searcheth those things that the Law doth not speake of. Unto whom wee will adjoyne Claudius another famous Divine, (counted one of the founders of the University of Paris) who for the illustration of the former, affirmeth that men Proptereà errant, quia Scripturas ne­sciunt: & quia Scripturas ig­norant, conse­quenter nesci­unt virtutem Dei, hoc est, Christum, qui est Dei virtus & Dei sapien­tia. Claud. in Matth. lib. 3. Habetur MS. Romae in Bibli­othecâ Valli­cellaná; & Can­tabrigiae, in Bibliothce. Colleg. Bene­dict. & Aulae Pembrochianae. there­fore erre, because they know not the Scriptures; and be­cause they are ignorant of the Scriptures, they conse­quently know not Christ, who is the power of God and the wisedome of God: and for the clearing of the latter, bringeth in that knowne Canon of Saint Hierome; Hoc, quia de Scripturis non habet authori­tatem, eâdem facilitate contemnitur quâ probatur. Id. ib. This, because it hath not authority from the Scrip­tures, is with the same facility contemned, wherewith it is avowed.

Neither was the practice of our Ancestors herein different from their judgement. For as Bede touching the latter, recordeth of the successors of Colum-kille the great Saint of our Country; that they Tantùm ea quae in Propheticis, Evangelicis & Apostolicis literis discere poterant, pietatis & castitatis opera diligenter observantes. Bed. lib. 3. histor. Ecclesiast. cap. 4. observed onely those workes of piety and chastity, which they could learne in the Propheticall, Evangelicall, and Apostolicall writings: so for the former, hee specially noteth of one of the principall of them, to wit, Bishop Aidan; that In tantum autem vita illius à nostri temporis segniciâ distabat; ut omnes qui cum eo incedebant, sive adtonsi, sive laici, meditari deberent, id est, aut legendis Scripturis, aut Psalmis discendis operam dare. Id. ibid. cap. 5. all such as went in his company, whether they were [Page 3] of the Clergie, or of the Laity, were tyed to exercise them­selves, either in the reading of Scriptures, or in the lear­ning of Psalmes. And long before their time, it was the observation which Saint Chrysostome made of both these Ilands: that [...] Chrysost. in serm. de utili­tate lectionis Scripturae, tom. 8 edit. Savil. pag 111. although thou didst goe unto the Ocean, and those Brittish Isles, although thou didst sayle to the Euxine Sea, although thou didst goe unto the Southerne quarters; thou shouldst heare ALL men every where discoursing matters out of the SCRIPTVRE, with another voice indeede, but not with another faith, and with a different tongue, but with an according judge­ment. Which is in effect the same with that which venerable Bede pronounceth of the Island of Brit­taine in his owne dayes, that Quinque gentium lin­guis unam e­andem (que) sum­mae veritatis & verae sublimi­tatis scien [...]a [...] scrutatur & confitetur; An­gl [...]rum videli­cet, B [...]itonum, Scotorum, Pictorum, & Latinorum, quae meditatione Scripturarum caeteris omnibus est facta communis. Bed. lib. 1. Histor. Ecclesiast. cap. 1. in the language of five Nations it did search and confesse one and the same know­ledge of the highest truth, and of the true sublimity; to wit, of the English, the Britons, the Scots, the Picts, and the Latins. which last although hee affirmeth by the meditation of the Scriptures to have become common to all the rest: yet the community of that one among the learned, did not take away the property of the other foure among the vulgar, but that such as understood not the Latin, might yet in their own mother tongue have those Scriptures, wherein they might search the knowledge of the highest truth, and of the true sublimity. even as at this day in the reformed Churches, the same Latin tongue is common to all the learned in the meditation and exposition of the Scriptures; and yet the common people for all that, doe in their owne vulgar tongues Iohn 5. 39. search the Scriptures, because [Page 4] in them they thinke to have eternall life. For as by us now, so by our forefathers then, the Bonis sem­per moribus delectatur & consentit; & assiduis Scrip­turarum medi­tationibus & eloquiis ani­mam vegetar. Patric. de abuse­onibus saeculi, cap. 5. de Pudi­citia. continuall me­ditation of the Scriptures was held to give speciall vi­gour and vegetation to the soule (as wee reade in the booke attributed unto St. Patrick, of the abuses of the world:) and the holy documents delivered therein, were esteemed by Christians as their chiefe riches; according to that of Columbanus, Columban. in Monastichis, & in epistolâ ad Hunaldum. Sint tibi divitiae, divinae dogmata legis.’ In which heavenly riches our ancient Scottish and I­rish did thrive so well, that many worthy persona­ges in forraine parts were content to undergoe a vo­luntarie exile from their owne Country; that they might more freely trafficke here for so excellent a commodity. And by this meanes Altfrid King of Northumberland, purchased the reputation of Successit E [...]gfrido in regnum Alt­frit, vir in Scripturis do­ctissimus. Bed. lib. 4. hist. ca. 26. a man most learned in the Scriptures.

Scottorum qui tum versatus incola terris,
Coelestem intento spirabat corde sophiam.
Nam patriae fines & dulcia liquerat arva,
Sedulus ut Domini mysteria disceret exul.

as Bede writeth of him, in his Poëme of the life of our Countryman St. Cuthbert.

So when wee reade in the same Bede of Ab ipso tem­pore pueritiae suae curam non modicam le­ctionibus sa­eris, simul & monasticis ex­hibebat disci­plinis. Bed. lib. 3 hist. cap. 19. Ab infantiâ sacris literis & monasticis disciplinis eruditus. Iohannes de Tinmouth ( & ex eo Io. Capgrar.) in vita Fursei. Furseus, and in another ancient Author of A puerili aetate magnum habet studium sacras discere literas. Tom. 4. Antiqu. lect. Heur. Canis. pag. 642. Kilianus, that from the time of their very childhood, they had a care to learne the holy Scriptures: it may easily bee col­lected, that in those dayes it was not thought a thing unfit, that even children should give themselves un­to [Page 5] the studie of the Bible. Wherein how greatly some of them did profit in those tender yeeres, may appeare by that which Boniface the first Archbishop of Mentz, relateth of Livinus (who was trained up in his youth by Benignus in Davidic [...] Psalmo [...]um melodiis, & sanctorum E­vangeliorum mell. fluis le­ctionibus at­que caeteris divitiis exerci­tationibus E [...] ­u fac. in vitâ Livini. the singing of Davids Psalmes, and the reading of the holy Gospels, and other divine exercises) and Ionas of Columbanus; in whose Tantum i [...]ejus pectore divinatum the­sauri Scriptu­rarum conditi tenebantur; ut intra adole­scentiae aeta­tem detentus, Psalmorum li­brum elimato sermone ex­poneret. Ion [...] in vitâ Colum­ba i, cap. 2. breast the treasures of the holy Scriptures were so layd up, that within the compasse of his youthfull yeeres hee set forth an elegant exposition of the booke of the Psalmes, by whose industry likewise afterward, the studie of Gods Word was so propagated; that in the Monasteries which were founded B. Burgun­dofora mona­sterium quod Euoriacas ap­pellatur, &c. secundùm re­gulam S. Co­lumbani insti­tuit. Id. in vitâ Burgundos. according to his rule beyond the Seas, not the men only, but the reli­gious women also did carefully attend the same, that through patience and comfort of the Scriptures they might have hope. See for this, the practice of the Virgin Cùm jam in extremis posita posceret per successiones noctium lumen coram se accen­di, & sacrae lectionis praeconia ante se legi, &c. Id ibid. Bitihildis lying upon her death bed; repor­ted by the same Ionas, or whosoever else was the Au­thor of the life of Burgundofora.

As for the edition of the Scriptures used in these parts at those times: the Latin translation was so re­ceived into common use among the learned, that the principall authority was still reserved to the origi­nall fountaines. Therefore doth Sedulius in the Old Testament commend unto us Hebraicam veritatem Sedul. in Galat. 3. & Hebr. 7. the Hebrew verity (for so with S. Hierome doth he style it:) and in the New correct oftentimes the vulgar Latin according to the truth of the Greek copies. For example: in 1 Cor. 7 34. [Page 6] he readeth as wee doe, There is difference betweene a wife and a virgin; and not as the Rhemists have tran­slated it out of the Latin. Rom. 12. 19. hee readeth, Non vosmetipsos vindicantes, not avenging your selves: where the vulgar Latin hath corruptly, Non vosmetipsos defendentes, not defending your selves. Rom. 3. 4. where the Rhemists translate according to the Latin, God is true: hee sheweth that in the Greeke copies it is found, Let God be true, or, let God be made true. Rom. 15. 17. hee noteth that the Latin bookes have put glory for gloriation. Galat. 1. 16. where the Rhemists have according to the Latin, I condescended not to flesh & bloud: he saith, that in Grae­co meliùs habet (for so must his words bee here cor­rected out of St. Hierome, whom hee followeth) the Greek hath it better, I conferred not. Rom. 8. 3. where the Rhemists say of God, according to the Latin translation, that of sinne hee damned sinne in the flesh: Sedulius affirmeth, that veriùs habetur apud Graecos, it is more truly expressed in the Greeke bookes; that for sinne he damned sinne in the flesh. Lastly, where the Rhemists translate after their Latin copie, Gal. 5. 9. A little leaven corrupteth the whole paste: hee saith it should be, leaveneth, (as we have it) and Non, ut ma­lè in Latinis codicious, cor­rumpit. Sedul. in Gal. 5. not corrup­teth, as it is ill read in the Latin bookes. So where they translate by the same authority, Galat. 6. 1. In­struct such an one in the spirit of lenitie: Instruat; si­ve, ut melius habetur in Graeco, perfi­ciat in spiritu lenitatis. Claud. in Gal. 6. Claudius, following St. Hierome, affirmeth that it is better in the Greeke, Restore or Perfect him. and where they make St. Peter say, Mat. 16. 22. Lord, bee it farre from thee: Absit à te Domine: vel ut meliùs ha­betur in Grae­co; Propitius esto tibi, Do­mine. Id. lib. 2. comment. in Matth. he noteth, that it is better in the Greeke, Lord, favour thy selfe.

[Page 7] In the old Testament I observe that our Writers doe more usually follow the translation taken out of the Septuagint, than the Vulgar Latine, which is now received in the Church of Rome. So, for example, where the Vulgar Latin hath Esay 32. 4. Lingua bal­bo [...]um veloci­ter loquetur & planè. The tongue of the stammerers (or mafflers, as the Doway Tran­slation would have it englished) shall speak readily and plainely: in the Confession of St. Patricke Linguae bal­butientes velo­citer discent lo­qui pacem. wee finde it layd downe more agreeably to the [...], Greeke lecti­on: The stammering tongues shall swiftly learne to speak peace. and in his Epistle to Coroticus or Cereticus; Exultabitis sicut vituli ex vinculis reso­luti. Graec. [...]. Malach. 4. 2. You shall dance as calves loosed out of bands: where our common Latin hath; Salietis sicut vituli de ar­mento. You shall leape as calves of the heard. And Iob 20. 15, 16. Divitiae quas congregabit injustè, evo­mentur de ven­tre ejus, trahit illum angelus mortis. Itá draconum mul­ctabi [...]ur: inter­ficiet illum lingua colubri. Graec. [...]. The riches which he shall gather unjustly, shall be vomited out of his belly, the Angel of death draweth him. Hee shall be mulcted with the wrath of Dragons: the tongue of the Serpent shall kill him. where the Vulgar Latin rea­deth: Divitias quas devoravit [...]vomet, & de ventie illius extrah [...]t [...]as Deus. Caput aspidum suget, & occidet cum lingua viperae. The riches, which he hath devoured, he shall vomit out, and God shall draw them forth out of his belly. He shall suck the head of Aspes, and the Vipers tongue shall kill him. The same course is likewise observed by Sedulius in his citations. But Gildas the Briton in some Bookes, (as Deuteronomy, Esay and Ieremy, for example) useth to follow the Vulgar Latin translated out of the Hebrew; in others (as the bookes of Chro­nicles, Iob, Proverbs, Ezekiel, and the small Prophets) the elder Latin translated out of the Greeke, as also long after him his country man [...]nn. Hisior. Briton. cap. 1. Nennius, in recko­ning [Page 8] the yeares of the age of the world, followeth the LXX. and Asser alledgeth the text, Genes. 4. 7. Si rectè offe­ras, rectè au­tem non divi­das, peccas. Asser Mener­vens. de gestis Alfreat R. If thou offer aright, and dost not divide aright, thou sin­nest; according to the [...]. Greek reading: whereas the Vulgar Latin hath it; Nonne si bene egeris, recipies? fin autem malè, statim in fori­bus peccatum [...]derit? If thou doe well, shalt thou not receive againe? but if thou doest ill, shall not thy sinne forthwith be present at the doore?

Of the Psalter there are extant foure Latin tran­slations out of the Greeke, (namely the old Italian, the Romane, the Gallican, and that of Millayne:) and one out of the Hebrew, composed by St. Hierome: which though it bee now excluded out of the body of the Bible, and the Gallican admitted in the roome thereof; yet in some Manuscript Copies, it still re­taineth his ancient place. three whereof I have seene my selfe in Cambridge, the one in Trinitie, the other in Benet, and the third in Iesus Colledge Librarie: where this translation out of the Hebrew, and not the Vulgar out of the Greek, is inserted into the context of the Bible. In the citations of Gildas, and the Confession of Saint Patrick, I observe that the Ro­man Psalter is followed, rather than the Gallican: in the quotations of Sedulius, on the other side, the Gallican rather than the Roman. Claudius speaking of a text in the 118 th. (or as he accounteth it, the 117 th.) In Psalmo 117. ubi LXX. interpretes tran­stulerunt, O Do­mine salvū me fac; in Hebraeo scriptum est, Anna Adonai Osanna: quod interpres noster Hieronymus diligentiùs elucidans ita transtulit; Obsecro Do­mine, salva obsecro. Claud. Scot. in Matth. lib. 3. Psalme, saith, that where the LXX. Interpreters did translate it, O Lord save me, it was written in the Hebrew, Anna Adonai Osanna: which our Interpreter Hierom (saith he) more diligently explaining, transla­ted thus; I beseech thee, O Lord, save I beseech thee. Be­fore [Page 9] this translation of S. Hierome, MS. in Bibli­othec [...] eruditis­si [...]i antistiatis D. Guilielmi Bedelli, Kilmo­rersis & Arda­chadensis apud nos Episcopi. I have seene an Epigram prefixed by Ricemarch the Briton; who by Caradoc of Lhancarpan Caradoc. in Chronico Cam­briae, circa an­num 1099. ad quem in aliis etiam Annalibus Britannicis MSS. annotatum repperi. Sub hu­jus anni ambi­tum morti suc­cumbit Rich­march cogno. mine Sapiens, filius Sulgeni Episcopi, cum jam annum XLIII. aetatis ageret. is commended for the god­liest, wisest, and greatest Clerke that had been in Wales many yeares before his time, his father Sulgen Bishop of S. Davids only excepted, who had brought him up, and a great number of learned disciples. He having in this Epigramme said of those who translated the Psalter out of Greeke, that they did darken the Hebrew rayes with thir Latin clowde: addeth of S. Hierome, that be­ing replenished with the Hebrew fountaine, hee did more cleerely and briefly discover the truth; as drawing it out of the first vessell immediately, and not taking it at the second hand. To this purpose thus expresseth he himselfe;

Ebraeis nablam custodit littera signis:
Pro captu quam quisque suo sermone Latino
Edidit, innumeros Linguâ variante libellos;
Ebraeum (que) jubar suffuscat nube Latina.
Nam tepefacta ferum dant tertia labrasaporem.
Sed sacer Hieronymus, Ebraeo fonte repletus,
Lucidiùs nudat verum, breviusque ministrat.
Namque secunda creat, nam tertia vascula vitat.

Now for those bookes annexed to the Old Testa­ment, which S. Hierom calleth Apocryphall, others Ecclesiasticall; true it is that in our Irish and Brittish writers some of them are alledged as parcels of Scripture, and propheticall writings; those especial­ly that commonly bare the name of Salomon. But so also is the fourth booke of Esdras cited by Gildas, in the name of Quid prae­tereà beatus Esdras Prophe­ta ille, Bibli­otheca legis, minatus sit at­tendite. Gild. Epist. blessed Esdras the Prophet; which yet our Romanists will not admit to be Canonicall: neither [Page 10] doe our writers mention any of the rest with more titles of respect than wee finde given unto them by others of the ancient Fathers, who yet in expresse termes doe exclude them out of the number of those bookes which properly are to be esteemed Canoni­call. So that from hence no sufficient proofe can bee taken, that our ancestours did herein depart from the tradition of the Elder Church, Vid. Richard. Armachanum, de questionib. Armeniorum, [...] 18. cap. 1. delivered by S. Hie­rome in his Prologues, and explained by Brito (a Bri­ton, it seemeth, by nation, as well as by appellation) in his commentaries upon the same; which being heretofore joyned with the Ordinarie Glosse upon the Bible, have of late proved so distastefull unto our Popish Divines, that in their new editions (printed at Lyons anno 1590. and at Venice afterward) they have quite crossed them out of their books.

Yet Marianus Scotus (who was borne in Ireland in the MXXVIII. yeare of our Lord) was somewhat more carefull to maintaine the ancient bounds of the Canon set by his forefathers. For he in his Chroni­cle, following Eusebius and S. Hierom, at the reigne of Artaxerxes Longimanus writeth thus: Hucus (que) He­braeorum divi­na Scriptura tempurum se­riem continet. Quae verò post haec apud Iu­daeos sunt gesta, de libro Maccabaeorum, & Iosephi at (que) Aphricani scriptis exhi­bentur. Marian. Chron. MS. Hitherto the divine Scripture of the Hebrewes containeth the or­der of Times. But those things that after this were done among the Iewes, are represented out of the booke of the Maccabees, and the writings of Iosephus and Aphricanus. But before him, more plainly, the author of the book de mirabilibus Scripturae ( who is accounted to have lived here, about the yeare DCLVII.) In Macca­baeorum libris etsi aliquid mi­rabilium numero inserendum conveniens fuisse huic ordini inveniatur; de hoc tamen nullâ curâ satigabimur: quia tantum agere proposuimus, unde divini canonis mirabilibus exi­guam (quamvis ingenioli nostri modulum excedentem) historicam expositionem ex parte aliquâ tangeremus. Lib. 2. de mirabilib. Script. cap. 34. ( inter opera B. Augustini, tom. 3.) In the bookes [Page 11] of the Maccabees, howsoever some wonderfull things bee found, which might conveniently bee inserted into this ranke; yet w [...]ll wee not weary our selves with any care thereof▪ because wee only purposed to touch in some mea­sure a short historicall exposition of the wonderfull things contained in the divine canon. as also in the apocry­phall additions of Daniel, hee telleth us, that what is reported De [...]acu vero iterùm & Aba­cuk translato in Belis & Dra­conis fabulà, idcirco in hoc ordine non po­nitur; quòd in authoritate di­vinae Scripturae non habentur. ibid. cap. 32. touching the lake (or denne) and the carrying of Abackuk, in the fable of Bel and the Dragon, is not therefore placed in this ranke, because these things have not the authority of divine Scripture.

And so much concerning the holy Scriptures.

CHAP. II.

Of Predestination, Grace, Free-will, Faith, Workes, Iustification and Sanctification.

THe Doctrine which our learned men observed out of the Scriptures & the writings of the most approved Fathers, was this▪ that God Praescitam & praedestinatam immobili con­silio creaturam, ad se laudan­dum, & ex se & in se & per se beatè viven­dum. S. Gallus in serm. habit. Constant. by his immove­able counsaile ( as Gallus speaketh in his Sermon prea­ched at Constance) ordained some of his creatures to praise h [...]m, and to live blessedly from him and in him, & by him: namely, Praedestina­tione scilicèt ae­ternâ, non cre­atione tempo­rariâ, sed vocatione gratuitâ, vel [...]ndebitâ, gratiâ. Id. ib. by his eternall predestination, his free calling, and his grace which was due to none. that Miseretur magná bonitate, [...]ob­durat nullà iniquita [...]: ut ne (que) libera [...]s de luis meritis glorietur, neq damnatus nisi de suis meritis conquetatur Sola enim [...] [...]edemptos discernit à perditis, quos in unam perdi­ [...] concreavcrat massam, ab ori [...]ne ducta caussa communi. Sedul. in Rom. 9. hee hath mercie with great goodnesse, and hardneth without any iniquitie: so as neyther he that is delivered can glory of his own merits, nor he that is condemned complain but [Page 12] of his own merits. for asmuch as grace onely maketh the distinction betwixt the redeemed and the lost; who by a cause drawne from their common originall, were framed together into one masse of perdition. For Videt uni­versum genus humanum tam justo judicio divinoque in apostaticâ ra­dice damna­tum; ut etiamsi nullus inde li­beratur, nemo rectè posset Dei vituperare justitiam: & qui liberantur, sic oportuisse liberari, ut ex pluribus non liberatis, at (que) damnatione justissimâ de­relictis, osten­deretur quid meruisset uni­versa consper­sio, quòd etiam justos debitum judicium Dei damnaret, nisi in ejus debitum misericordia subveniret: ut volentium de suis meritis gloriari, omne os obstruatur; & qui gloriatur, in Domino glorietur. Id ibid. all mankinde stood condemned in the apostaticall roote ( of Adam) with so just and divine a judgement; that although none should be freed from thence, no man could rightly blame the justice of God: and such as were freed, must so have beene freed, that by those many which were not freed, but left in their most just condemnation, it might bee shewed what the whole lumpe had deserved, that the due judge­ment of God should have condemned even those that are justified, unlesse mercy had relieved them from that which was due: that so all the mouthes of them, which would glory of their merits, might bee stopped; and hee that glorieth, might glory in the Lord.

They further taught (as Saint Augustine did) that Libero arbitrio malè utens homo, & se perdidit, & ipsum. Sicut enim qui se occidit, utique vivendo se occidit, sed se occidendo non vivit, neque seipsum poterit refuscitare cùm occiderit: ita cùm libero arbitrio peccaretur, victore peccato amissum est & liberum arbitrium. à quo enim quis devictus est, huic & servus addictus est. sed ad benè faciendum ista libertas unde erit homini addicto & vendito, nisi redimat, cujus illa vox est; Si vos Filius liberaverit, verè liberi eritis? Id. ibid. Man using ill his Free will, lost both himselfe and it. that, as one by living is able to kill himselfe, but by killing himselfe is not able to live, nor hath power to raise up himselfe when hee hath killed himselfe so when sinne had beene committed by free will, sinne being the conque­rour, free will also was lost; for asmuch as of whom a man is overcome, of the same is hee also brought in bondage (2 Pet. 2. 19.) that unto a man thus brought in bondage and sold, there is no liberty left to doe well, unlesse he re­deeme [Page 13] him, whose saying is this; If the Sonne make you free, yee shall bee free indeede. ( Iohn 8. 36.) that Quòd ab adolescentia mens homi­num apposita sit ad malitiam: non est enim homo qui non peccet. Id. in Ephes. 2. the minde of men from their very youth is set upon evill: there being not a man which sinneth not. that a man Quid habes ex teipso nisi peccatum? Id. in 1 Cor. 4. hath nothing from himselfe, but sinne. that Deus author est omnium bonorum, hoc est, & naturae bonae, & vo­luntatis bonae; quam nisi De­us in illo opere­tur, non facit homo. quia praeparatur voluntas à Do­mino in homi­ne bona; ut fa­ciat Deo do­nante, quod à seipso facere non poterat per liberi arbi­trii volunta­tem. Claud. li. 1. in Matth. God is the author of all good things, that is to say, both of good na­ture, and of good will; which unlesse God doe worke in him, man cannot doe. because this good will is prepared by the Lord in man; that by the gift of God hee may doe that, which of himselfe he could not doe by his owne free-will. that Praecedit bona voluntas hominis multa Dei dona, sed non omnia: quae autem non praecedit ipsa, in eis est & ipsa. Nam utrumque legitur in sanctis eloquiis; & misericordia ejus praeveniet me, & misericordia ejus subsequetur me: nolentem praevenit ut velit, vo­lentem subsequitur, ne frustrà velit. Cur enim admonemur petere ut accipiamus; nisi ut ab illo fiat quod volumus, à quo factum est ut velimus? Sedul. in Rom. 9. the good will of man goeth before many gifts of God, but not all: and of those which it doth not goe before, it selfe is one. For both of these is read in the holy Scriptures; His mercy shall goe before mee, and, His mer­cie shall follow mee: it preventeth him that is unwilling that hee may will, and it followeth him that is willing, that he will not in vaine. and that therefore we are ad­monished to aske that wee may receive, to the end, that what we doe will may be effected by him, by whom it was effected that we did so will.

They taught also, that Non ergo lex data est, ut peccatum auferret, sed ut sub peccato omnia concluderet. Lex enim o­flendebat esse peccatum, quod illi per consuetudinem caecati possent putare iustitiam: ut hoc modo humiliati cognoscerent non in suâ manu esse salutem suam, sed in manu media­toris. Id. in Gal. 3. the Law was not given, that it might take away sinne, but that it might shut up all under sinne: to the end that men, being by this means humbled, might understand that their salvation was not in their owne hand, but in the hand of a Mediatour. that [Page 14] by the Law commeth, Non remis­sio, nec ablatio peccatorum, sed cognitio. Id. in Rom. 3. neither the remission nor the removall, but the knowledge of sinnes: that it Lex, quae per Moysen data est, tan­tùm peccata ostendit, non abstulit. Claud. in Gal. 2. Per (que) illam legem morbos osten­dentem non auferentem, etiam praeva­ricationis cri­mine contrita superbia est. Id. in Gal. 3. taketh not away diseases, but discovereth them; Lex non do­ [...]at peccata, sed damnat. Sedul. in Rom. 4. forgiveth not sinnes, but condemneth them. that Dominus Deus imposue­rat non justitiae servientibus sed peccato: justam scilicèt legem injustis hominibus dando, ad demonstranda peccata eorum, non auferenda. Non enim aufert peccata nisi gratiâ fidei quae per dilectionem operatur. Claud. in argument. epist. ad Gal. the Lord God did impose it, not upon those that served righteousnesse, but sinne; namely, by giving a just law to unjust men, to ma­nifest their sins, and not to take them away: forasmuch as nothing taketh away sins but the grace of faith which worketh by love. That our Gratis nobis donantur peccata. Sedul. in Gal. 1. A morte redemptis gratis peccata dimit­tuntur. Id. in Ephes. 1. sinnes are freely forgiven us; Abs (que) operum merito, & peccata nobis concessa sunt pristina, & p [...]x indulta post veniam. Claud. in Gal. 1. without the merit of our workes: that Gratiâ estis salvati per fidem, id est, non per o­pera. Sedul. in Eph. 2. through grace we are saved, by faith, and not by works; and that therfore we are to rejoyce, Non in propriâ justitiâ, vel doctrinâ, sed in fide crucis, per quam mihi omnia peccata dimissa sunt. Sedul & Claud. in Gal. 6. not in our owne righteous­nesse, or learning, but in the faith of the Crosse, by which all our sinnes are forgiven us. That Abjecta & irrita gratia est, si [...]bi sola non sufficit. Sedul. in Gal. 2. grace is abject and vaine, if it alone doe not suffice us: and that we Christum vilem habetis, dum putatis eum vobis non sufficere ad salutem. Id. in Galat. 3. esteem basely of Christ, when we thinke that he is not sufficient for us to salvation.

That Disposuit Deus propitium sefuturum esse hu­mano generi, si credant in sanguine ejus se esse liberandos. Id. in Rom. 3. God hath so ordered it, that he will be gracious to mankind, if they do beleeve that they shall be freed by the bloud of Christ. that, as Vita corporis amma, vi a animae fides est. Id. in Hebr. 10. the soule is the life of the body, so faith is the life of the soule: and that wee live In fide vivo filii Dei, id est, in solâ fide, qui ni [...]ld [...]b olegi. Id. in. Gal. 2. by faith onely, as owing nothing to the Law. that Perfectionem legi habet, qui credit in Christo. Cùm enim nullus iustifica [...]tui ex lege, quia nemo implebat legem, nisi qui sp [...]raret in promissionem Ch [...]: fides posita est, quae cederet pro perfectione legi; ut in omnibus praetermissis fides satissaceret pro totâ lege. Id. in Rom. 10. hee [Page 15] who beleeveth in Christ, hath the perfection of the Law. For whereas none might be justified by the Law, because none did fulfill the Law, but onely hee which did trust in the promise of Christ: faith was appointed, which should be accepted for the perfection of the Law, that in all things which were omitted faith might satisfie for the whole Law. That this righteousnesse therefore is Non nostra, non in nobis, sed in Christo, quasi membra in capite. Id. in 2 Cor. 5. not ours, nor in us, but in Christ; in whom were are consi­dered as members in the head. That Fides, dimis­sis per gratiam peccatis, omnes credentes filios efficit Abrahae. Id. in Rom. 4. faith, procuring the remission of sinnes by grace, maketh all beleevers the children of Abraham: and that Iustum fue­rat, ut quo mo­do Abraham credens ex gentibus per solam fidem iustificatus est; ita caeteri fidē eius imitantes salvarentur. Id. in Rom. 1. it was just, that as Abraham was justified by faith onely, so also the rest that followed his faith should bee saved after the same manner. That Per adoptio­nem efficimur filii Dei, cre­dendo in Fili­um Dei. Claud. l [...]b. 1. in Mat. through adoption we are made the sons of God, by beleeving in the Sonne of God: and that this is Testimonium adoptionis, quòd habemus spiritum, per quem ita oramus: [...] intam enim arrham non poterant, nisi filii accipere. Sed. in Rom. 8. a testimony of our adoption, that we have the spirit; by which we pray, and cry Abba Father; forasmuch as none can receive so great a pledge as this, but such as bee sonnes onely. That Ipse Moses distinxit inter utramque iustitiam, fidei scilicet atque factorum: quia altera operibus, altera solâ credulitate iustificet accedentem. Id. in Rom. 10. Moses himselfe made a distinction betwixt both the justices, to wit of faith and of deedes: that the one did by workes justifie him that came, the o­ther by beleeving onely. that Patriarchae & Prophetae non ex o­peribus legis, sed ex fide iustificati sunt. Id. in Gal. 2. the Patriarches and the Prophets were not justified by the workes of the Law, but by faith. that Ita praevaluit consuetudo pec­candi, ut nemo iam perficiat legem: sicut Petrus Apostolus ait; Quod neque nos neque patres nostri portare potuimus. Si qui verò iusti non erant maledicti; non ex operibus legis, sed fidei gratiâ salvati sunt. Id. in Gal. 3. the custome of sinne hath so prevailed, that none now can fulfill the Law: as the Apostle Peter saith, Acts 15. 10. Which neither our fathers nor wee [Page 16] have beene able to beare. But if there were any righteous men which did escape the curse: it was not by the workes of the Law, but for their faiths sake that they were saved.

Thus did Sedulius and Claudius, two of our most famous Divines deliver the doctrine of free will and grace, faith and workes, the Law and the Gospel, Iu­stification and Adoption; no lesse agreeably to the faith which is at this day professed in the reformed Churches, that to that which they themselves recei­ved from the more ancient Doctors, whom they did follow therein. Neither doe wee in our judgement one whit differ from them, when they teach that Hoc contra illos agit, qui solam fidem posse sufficere dicunt. Sedul. in Ephes. 5. Non ergo sola ad vitam sufficit fides. Claud in Gal. 5. bis. Haec sententia illos revincit, qui solam fidem ad salutem ani­marum suarum sufficere arbi­trantur. Id. ibid. in fine. faith alone is not sufficient to life. For when it is said, that Faith alone justifieth: this word alone may bee conceived to have relation either to the former part of the sentence, which in the Schooles they terme the Subject; or to the latter, which they call the Pre­dicate. Being referred to the former, the meaning will be; that such a faith as is alone (that is to say, not accompanied with other vertues) doth justifie: and in this sense wee utterly disclaime the assertion. But being referred to the latter, it maketh this sense; that faith is it which alone or onely justifieth: and in this meaning onely doe we defend that proposition; un­derstanding still by faith, not a dead carkase thereof (for how should the just bee able to live by a dead faith?) but a true and lively faith, Gal. 5. 6. which worketh by love. For as it is a certaine truth, that among all the members of the body, the eye is the onely instru­ment whereby we see; and yet it is as true also, that the eye being alone, and separated from the rest of [Page 17] the members, is dead, and for that cause doth neither see onely, not see at all: so these two sayings like­wise may stand well enough together, that among all the vertues in the foule, faith is the onely instru­ment whereby wee lay hold upon Christ for our ju­stification; and yet, that faith being alone, and dis­joyned from the society of other graces, is dead in it selfe, (as St. Iam. 2. 17. Iames speaketh) and in that respect can neither only justifie, nor justifie at all.

So though Claudius doe teach as wee doe, that Si gentes fides sola non salvat, nec nos: quia ex operi­bus legis nemo iustificabitur. Claud. in Ga­lat. 2. faith alone saveth us; because by the workes of the law no man shall bee justified: yet hee addeth withall this caution. Non quò legis opera contemnenda sint, & abs (que) eis simplex fides adpetenda; sed ipsa opera fide Christi ador­nentur. Sc [...] est enim sapi­entis viri [...]sla sententia; non fidelem v [...]v [...]e ex iustitiâ, sed iustum ex fi­de. Id. in Ga­lat. 3. Not as if the workes of the law should be con­temned, and without them a simple faith ( so hee calleth that solitary faith whereof we spake, which is a simple faith indeed) should bee desired; but that the workes themselves should bee adorned with the faith of Christ. For that sentence of the wise man is excellent, that the faithfull man doth not live by righteousnesse, but the righteous man by faith. In like manner Sedulius, ac­knowledgeth with us, that God Gratis pro­posuit per so­lam fidem dimittere peccata. Sedul. in Rom. 4. hath purposed by faith onely to forgive our sinnes freely, and Vt solâ fide salvatentur creden­tes. Idem. in Galat. 3. by faith onely to save the beleevers; and that, when men have fallen, they are to bee renewed Per solam fidem Christi, quae per dilectionem operatur, Id. in Hebr. 6. onely by the faith of Christ, which worketh by love. intimating by this last clause, that howsoever faith onely be it which justi­fieth the man, yet the worke of love is necessarily required (for all that) to justifie the faith. And this [Page 18] faith ( saith Haee fides cùm justificata fuerit, [...]anquam radix imbre suse pro, haeret in animae solo; ut cum per le­gem Dei excoli [...]aeperit, rur­tùm in eam surgant rami, qui fructus o­perum ferant. Non ergo ex operibus radix justitiae, sed ex radice justitiae fructus operum crescit [...] illâ sci­licet radice ju­stitiae, cu [...] Deus accep [...]in fert justitiam sine operibus. Id. in Rom. 4. he) when it hath beene iustified, sticketh in the soyle of the soule, like a roote which hath received a showre: that when it hath begunne to be manured by the law of God, it may rise up againe into bowes, which may beare the fruit of workes. Therefore the roote of righte­ousnesse doth not grow out of works, but the fruit of works out of the root of righteousnesse; namely out of that root of righteousnesse, which God doth accept for righteous­nesse without workes. The conclusion is: that saving faith is alwaies a fruitfull faith; and though it never goe alone, yet may there be some gift of God, which it alone is able to reach unto. as Columban. in [...]. Columbanus also implieth in that verse: ‘Sola fides fidei dono ditabitur almo.’

The greatest depressers of Gods grace, and the ad­vancers of mans abilities, were Pelagius and Celestius [...] the one borne in Brittaine ( as appeareth by Prosper Aquitanus) the other in Scotland or Ireland; as Pe [...]s [...]three Convers. part. 1. chap. 3. sect. 10. M r. Persons doth gather out of those words of S. Hierom in one of the Prefaces of his commentaries (not upon Ezechiel, as he quoteth it, but) upon Ieremy. Habet enim progeniem Seoticae gentis, de Britanno­rum viciniâ. Hieron. prooem. lib. 3. commentar. in Ierem. He hath his off-spring from the Scottish nation, neere to the Bri­tans. These hereticks (as our Marianus noteth out of Prosper. in his Chronicle) preached, among other of their impieties, Vnum­quem jue adiu­stitiam voluntate propriâ regi; tantumque accipere gratiae, quantum meruerit. Morian, Scot. Chron. ad an. Dom 413. vel 414. Whereof see more particularly, the Answer to the Iesuite, in the question of Free-will. that for attaining of righteousnesse every one was governed by his owne will, and received so much grace as he did merit. Whole venemous doctrine was in Brittaine repressed, first by Palladius, Lupus, [Page 19] Germanus and Severus from abroad; afterward, by David Menevensis, and his successors at home agree­ably to whose institution, Asser. Men [...]vensis doth pro­fesse, that God is alwaies to bee esteemed both the mover of the will, and the bestower of the good that is willed for hee is (saith hee) Omnium bonarum vo­luntatum inssi­gator; necnon etiam, ut habe­antur bona de­siderata, largis­simus admini­strator. neque enim unquam aliquem bene velle insligaret, nisi & hoc, quod bene & iustò quisque habere desiderat, largi­ter administra­ret. Asser. d [...] rebus gestic Aelfredi. R. the instigatour of all good wills, and withall the most bountifull provider that the good things desired may bee had: forasmuch as hee would never stirre up any to will well, unlesse hee did also liberally supply that which every one doth well and justly desire to obtaine.

Among our Irish, the grounds of sound doctrine in these points were at the beginning well settled by Palladius and Patricius, Prosp. Aqui­tan. advers. Coe­later. [...]. sent hither by Celestinus Bi­shop of Rome. And when the poyson of the Pela­gian heresie, about two hundred yeares after that, be­ganne to breake out among them: the Clergie of Rome in the yeare of our Lord DCXXXIX. (during the vacancie of the See, upon the death of Severi­nus) directed their letters unto them, for the preven­ting of this growing mischiefe. Wherein among o­ther things they put them in minde, that Blasphemia & stultiloqui­um est dicere, esse hominem sine peccato quod omnino non potest, nisa unus mediater Dei & homi­num [...] Christus Iesus, qui sine pecca­to est conceptus & partus. Epist. Cler. Roman. apud. [...]dam, lib. 2. hist. cap. 13. it is both blasphemy and folly to say, that a man is without sinne: which none at all can say, but that one mediatour betwixt God and man, the man Christ Iesus, who was conceived and borne without sinne. Which is agreeable, partly to that of Claudius; that Quia, (quod omnibus sapientibus patet, licèt haeretici contradicant) nemo est, qui sine adtactu alicuius peccati vivere possit super terram. Claud. lib. 2. in. Matth. it is manifest unto all wise men, although it bee contradicted by heretickes, that there is none who can live upon earth without the touch of some [Page 20] sinne: partly to that of Sedulius, that Nullus ele­ctus & ita mag­nus, quem Di­abolus non au­deat accusare: nisi illum so­lum, qui pec­catum non fe­cit, qui & dice­bat; Nunc ve­nit princeps huius mundi, & in me nihil. invenit. Sedul. in Rom. 8. there is none of the elect so great, whom the Divell doth not dare to accuse, but him alone who did no sinne, and who said; The Prince of this world commeth now, and in mee bee findeth nothing.

For touching the imperfection of our sanctificati­on in this life, these men held the same that wee doe: to wit, that the Law Non potest impleri. Id. in Rom. 7. cannot be fulfilled; that Non est qui faciat bonum, hoc est, perfe­ctum & inte­grum bonum Id. in Rom. 3. there is none that doth good, that is to say, perfect and entire good. that Ad hoc nos elegit, ut esse­mus sancti & immaculati, in futurâ vitâ; quoniam Ec­clesia Christi non habebit maculam ne­que rugam. Li­cèt etiam in praesenti vitâ justi, & sancti, & immaculati, quamvis non ex toto, tamen ex parte, non inconuenienter dici possunt. Id. in E­phes. 1. Gods elect shall be perfectly holy and im­maculate in the life to come, where the Church of Christ shall have no spot nor wrinkle: whereas in this present life they are righteous, holy, and immaculate, not wholly, but in part only that Tunc erit iustus fine ullo omninò peccato, quando nulla lex erit in memberis eius, repugnans legi mentis eius. Claud. in Gal. 5. the righteous shall then be with­out all kinde of sinne, when there shall be no law in their members, that shall resist the law of their minde. that al­though Non enim iam regnat peccatum in eorum mortali corpore ad obediendum desideriis eius: quamvis habitet in eodem mortali corpore peccatum, nondum extincto impetu consuetudinis naturalis, quâ mortaliter nati sumus, & ex proptlis vitae nostrae, cùm & nos ipsi peccando auximus quod ab origine peccati humani damnationis trahebamus. Id ibid. sinne doe not now reigne in their mortall body to obey the desires thereof: yet sin dwelleth in that mor­tall body, the force of that naturall custome being not yet extinguished, which we have gotten by our originall, and increased by our actual transgressions. And as for the matter of merit: Sedulius doth resolve us out of S. Paul, that we are Saints Vocatione Dei, non merito facti. Sedul. in. Rō. 1. by the calling of God, not by the merit of our deed; that God is able to exceeding abundantly above that we aske or think, Se­ [...]nd [...]m virtutem quae operatur in nobis; non secundùm merita nostra. Id. in Ephes. 3. according to the power that worketh in us, not according to our me­rits; [Page 21] that Sciendum est, quin omne quod habent homines à Deo, gratia est: nihil enim ex [...]ebito habent. Id. in Rom. 16. whatsoever men have from God; is grace, because they have nothing of due; and that Nihil dignum inveniri vel comparati ad futuram glori­ [...]m potest. Id. in Rom. 8. nothing can bee found worthy or to bee compared with the glorie to come.

CHAP. III.

Of Purgatory, and Prayer for the dead.

THe next Point that offereth it selfe unto our con­sideration, is that of Purgatory. Whereof if any man doe doubt; Qui de Pur­gatorio dubi­tat, Scotiam pergat, Purga­torium sancti Patricii intret, & de Purgato­rii poenis am­pliùs non du­bitabit. Caesar. Heisterbach. Dialog. lib. 12. cap. 38. Caesarius (a Germane Monke of the Cistercian order) adviseth him for his resolution to make a journey into Scotland (the greater Scotland he meaneth) and there to enter into S. Patricks Purgatory: and then he giveth him his word, that he shall no more doubt of the paines of Purgatory. If Doctor Terry (who commendeth this unto us as the testimony of Cujus loci fama, ita spar­sim per omnes Europae partes velare visa est; ut Caesarius ce­leberrimus au­ctor, de eo ni­hil dubitans sic scribat. Guil. Thyraeus, in Discurs Pane­gyrit. de S. Pa­tric. pag. 151. a most famous Authour) should chance to have a doubtfull thought hereafter of the pains of Purgatory; I would wish his ghostly Father to injoyne him no other pe­nance, but the undertaking of a pilgrimage unto S. Patricks purgatorie; to see whether he would prove any wiser when he came from thence, than when he went thither. In the meane time, untill he hath made some further experiment of the matter, he shall give me leave to beleeve him that hath beene there, and hath cause to know the place as wel as any (the Iland wherein it is seated, being held by him as a part of the inheritance descended unto him from his an­cestours) [Page 22] and yet professeth, that hee found nothing therein, which might afford him any argument to thinke there was a Purgatorie. I passe by, that Nen­nius, and Probus, and all the elder writers of the life of S. Patrick that I have met withall, speake not one word of any such place; and that Henr. Salte­reyens. in lib. de Visione Oeni mil tis MS. in publicâ Canta­brigiensis acade­miae Bibliothecâ; & privatâ viri doctiss. M. Tho­ [...]ae Alani Oxo­mensis; & in Nigro libro Ec­clesiae S. Trinitat. Dublin. Henrie the monke of Saltrey, in the daies of King Stephen, is the first in whom I could ever finde any mention thereof. this only would I know of the Doctor, what the reason might bee, that where hee bringeth in the words of Giraldus Cambrensis touching this place, as De posterio­ri non minùs authentica vi­detur auctori­tas Giraldi Cambrensis, rerum lberni­carum diligen­tissimi investi­gatoris, qui ta­liter loquitur. Thyr, Discurs. Panegyric. pag. 153. an au­thenticall authoritie; he passeth over that part of his relation, wherein he affirmeth, that S. Patrick inten­ded by this means to bring the rude people to a per­swasion of the certaintie De infernali­bus namque reproborum poenis, & de verâ post mortem perpetuâque electorum vitâ vir sanctus cum gente incredulâ dum disputâsset: ut tanta, tam inusitata, tam inopinabilis re­rum novitas rudibus infidelium animis oculatâ fide certi [...]s imprimeretur: efficacioratio­num instantiâ magnam & admirabilem utriusque rei notitiam, dutae (que) cervicis populo peru­tilem, meruit in terris obtinere. Giral. Cambrens. Topograph. Hibern. distinct. 2. cap. 5. of the infernall paines of the reprobate, and of the true and everlasting life of the elect after death.

The Grecians alledge this for one of their argu­ments against Purgatory: that whereas [...]. Marcus Ephesius, in Graecorum Apolog. de igne Purgatorio ad Concil. Basileens. their Fathers had delivered unto them many visions and dreames and other wonders concerning the everlasting punishment, wherewith the wicked should be tormented in Hell; yet none of them had declared any thing concerning a purgatorie temporarie fire. Belike the Doctor was af­fraid, [Page 23] that wee would conclude upon the same ground; that S. Patrick was carefull to plant in mens minds the beleefe of Heaven and Hell, but of Purga­tory taught them never a word. And sure I am, that in the booke ascribed unto him, De tribus habitaculis, (which is to be seene in his Majesties Librarie) there is no mention of any other place after this life, but of these two only. I will lay downe here the begin­ning of that treatise; and leave it to the judgement of any indifferent man, whether it can well stand with that which the Romanists teach concerning Purga­torie at this day. Tria sunt sub omnipotentis Dei nutu habi­tacula: primum, mum, medium▪ Quorum sum­imum, regnum Dei vel reg [...]ū Coelorum di [...]i­tur, imum voca­tur inferous, medium Mun­du [...] praesens vel Orbis tertarum appellatur. Quo [...]um ex­trema omninô sibi invieem sunt contraria, & nullâ sibi so­cietate conju [...] ­cta: (quae enim societas potest esse luci ad tenebras, & Christo ad Belial?) medium veò nonnullam habet similitudinem ad extrema, &c Commixio namque malorum simul & honorum in h [...]c mun­do est. In regno autem Dei nulli mali sunt, sed omnes boni: at in Inferno nulli boni sunt, sed omnes mali. Et uter (que) locus ex medio suppietur. H [...]minum enim huius mundi ali [...] e­levantur ad Coelum, ali [...] trahuntur ad Infernum. Similes quippe similibus i [...]gu [...], id est, boni bonis, & mali malis; iusti homines iustis angelis, transg essores homine transgresso­ribus angelis; servidei Deo, servi diaboli Diabolo. Benedicti vocantur ad [...] pa­ratum ab origine mundi: maledicti expelluntur in ignem aeternum, qui prae para [...] [...] Dia­bolo & angelis eius. Patric. de trib, babitac. MS. in Bibliothecâ Regid Iacobae [...]. There be three habitations under the power of Almighty God: the first, the lowermost, and the middle. The highest whereof is called the Kingdome of God, or the Kingdome of Heaven, the lowermost is termed Hell, the middle is named the present World, or the cir­cuit of the earth. The extremes whereof are altogether contrary one to another: (for what fellowship can there be betwixt light and darkenesse, betwixt Christ and Be­lial?) but the middle hath some similitude with the ex­tremes. For in this world there is a mixture of the bad and of the good together. whereas in the Kingdome of God there are none bad, but all good: but in Hell there are none good, but all bad. And both those places are sup­plyed out of the middle. For of the men of this world, [Page 24] some are lifted up to Heaven, others are drawne downe to Hell▪ namely, like are joyned unto like, that is to say, good to good, and bad to bad: just men to just Angels, wicked men to wicked Angels; the servants of God to God, the servants of the Divell to the Divell. The blessed are cal­led to the Kingdome prepared for them from the begin­ning of the world: the cursed are driven into the ever­lasting fire that is prepared for the Divell and his angels, Thus farre there.

Hitherto also may be referred that ancient Canon of one of our Irish Synods, wherin it is affirmed, that the soule being separated from the body is Custodita­ [...]imam usque dum steterit ante tribunal Christi; cui refert sua prout gesserit pro­pria. Nec arch­angelus potest ducere ad vi­tam, usque dum indicaverit eam Dominus; nec Zabulus ad poe­nam traducere, nisi Dominus damnaverit cam. Synod. Hi­bern. in vet. cod. Canonum, titulo­rum 66. MS. in Bibliothecá D. Roberti Cot [...]oni. Cuius initium: inter vetera Concilia, quatuor esse venerabiles Synodos, &c. presented before the judgement seat of Christ, who rendreth it owne unto it, according as it hath done: and that neither the Archangel can leade it unto life, untill the Lord hath iudged it; nor the Divell transport it unto paine, unlesse the Lord doe damne it. as the sayings of Sedulius like­wise; that after the end of this life, Finem dixit exitum vitae & actuum; cui aut mors, aut vita succedit. Sedul. in Rom. 7. eyther death or life succeedeth, and that Mors po [...]ta est, per quam itur ad regnum Id. in. 1. Cor. 3. death is the gate by which wee enter into our kingdome: together with that of Clau­dius; that Suscepit Christus sine reatu supplicium nostrum; ut inde sol­reret reatum uostrum, & finiret etiam supplicium nostrum. Claud. in Galat. 3. Christ did take upon him our punishment without the guilt, that thereby hee might loose our guilt, and finish also our punishment. Cardinall Bellarmine in­deed alledgeth here against us the vision of Furseus: who Beda lib. 3. hist. Anglor. cap. 19. scribit, B. Furseum à mortuis resurgentem narrâsse multa, quae vidit de purgatoriis poenis. Bellarm. de Purgator. lib. 1. cap. 11. rising from the dead, told many things, which he saw concerning the paines of purgatory; as Bede, he saith, doth write. But, by his good leave, we will be better [Page 27] advised, before wee build articles of faith upon such visions and dreames as these: many whereof deserve to have a place among [...]. Phot. Bibliothec. num. [...]30. the strange narrations of soules appearing after death, collected by Damascius the heathen Idolater; rather than among the histo­ries and discourses of sober Christians.

As for this vision of Furscus: all that Bede rela­teth of it to this purpose, is concerning certain great fires above the ayre, appointed to Etsi terribilis iste & grandis rogus videtur, tamen iuxta merita operum singulos exami­na [...]: quia unius­cuiusque cupi­ditas in hoc ig­ne ardebit. Bede lib. 3. cap. 19. examine every one according to the merits of his workes. which perad­venture may make something for Damascius his Pur­gatory in Circulo lacteo (for in that circle made hee [...]. Damasc.. apud [...]o. Philo­ponum [...] 1. Meteor. fol. 104. b. away for the soules that went to the Hades in Hea­ven; and [...]. Id. ibid. would not have us wonder, that there they should be purged by the way:) but nothing for the Papists Purgatory, which Bellarmine by the com­mon consent of the Schoolemen determineth to bee within the bowels of the earth. Neyther is there a­ny thing else in the whole booke of the life of Fur­seus (whence Bede borrowed these things) that look­eth toward Purgatorie: unlesse peradventure that speech of the Divell may bee thought to give some advantage unto it. Hic homo non purgavit delicta sua in terrâ, [...] vin­dictam hic re­cipit. Vbi [...]st ergo iusticia Dei? ab. v [...]ae Furse [...]. This man hath not purged his sins upon earth; neither doth he receive punishment for them here. Where is therefore the justice of God? as if Gods justice were not sufficiently satisfied by the sufferings of Christ; but man also must needs give further sa­tisfaction thereunto by penall workes of sufferings, eyther here, or in the other world. which is the ground, upon which our Romanists doe lay the rot­ten frame of their devised Purgatorie.

The later visions of Malachias, Tundal, Owen, and [Page 26] others that lived within these last five hundred years; come not within the compasse of our present inquirie: nor yet the fables that have beene framed in those times, touching the lives and actions of el­der Saints; whereof no wise man will make any reckoning. Such (for example) is that which we read in the life of St. Brendan: that the question being moved in his hearing, Si peccata mortuorum re­dimi possunt ab amicis suis re­manentibus in hâc vitâ; oran­do, vel eleemo­synas faciendo. Vit. Brendani, in Legendâ. Io. Cap. gravii. Whether the sinnes of the dead could be redeemed by the prayers or almes-deeds of their friends remaining in this life (for that was still a questi­on in the Church:) he is said to have told them, that on a certaine night, as hee sayled in the great Ocean, the soule of one Colman Colmannus, inquit, vocor: qui sui Mona­chus iracundus, discordiaeque seminator inter fratres. Ibid. (who had beene an angry Monke, and a sower of discord betwixt brethren) appea­red unto him; who complaining of his grievous tor­ments, intreated that prayers might be made to God for him, and after sixe dayes thankefully acknow­ledged that by meanes thereof hee had gotten into heaven. Whereupon it is concluded, In hoc ergo, dilectissimi, ap­paret: quòd o­ratio vivorum multùm mor­tuis prodest. [...]. that the prayer of the living doth profit much the dead. But of S. Bren­dans sea-pilgrimage, we have the censure of Molanus a learned Romanist; that there bee Multa apo­crypha delira­menta. Molan. in Vsuard. mar­tyolog. Mai. 26. many apocryhall fooleries in it: and whosoever readeth the same with any judgement, cannot choose but pronounce of it, as Photius doth of the strange narrations of Damasci­us, formerly mentioned; that it containeth not only apocryphall, but also [...]. Phof. Bi­bliothec. num. 130. impossible, incredible, ill-compo­sed, and monstruous fooleries. Whereof though the old Legend it selfe were not free (as by the heads thereof, touched by Glaber Rodulphus and Giraldus Cambrensis, may appeare) yet for the tale that I reci­ted out of the Nova Le­genda Angliae. impress. Londin. an. 1516. New Legend of England, I can say, [Page 27] that in the manuscript books which I have met with­all here, in St. Brendans owne country, (one where­of was transcribed for the use of the Friars minors of Kilkenny, about the yeere of our Lord 1350.) there is not the least footstep thereof to be seene.

And this is a thing very observable in the ancien­ter lives of our Saints (such I meane, as have beene written before the time of Sathans loosing; beyond which we doe not now looke:) that the prayers and oblations for the dead mentioned therein, are ex­pressly noted to have beene made for them, whose soules were supposed at the same instant to have rested in blisse. So Adamnanus reporteth, that Saint Colme (called by the Irish, both in Qui videli­cèt Columba nunc à nonnul­lis, composito à cella & Co­lumba nomine, Colum-celli vocatur. Bed. lib. 5. hist. ca. 10. Bedes and our dayes, Colum-kille) Adaman. Vit. Columb. lib. 3. cap. 15. caused all things to be prepa­red, for the sacred ministry of the Eucharist; when he had seene the soule of St. Brendan received by the holy Angels: and that hee did the like, when Colum­banus Bishop of Leinster departed this life. for I must to day (saith St. Colme Meque (ait) hodiè, quam­libèt indignus sim, ob vene­rationem illius animae, quae hâc in nocte inter sanctos Angelorum choros vecta ultra siderea coelorum spatia ad Paradisum ascendit, sacra oportet Eucharistiae celebrare mysteria. Ib. cap. 16. there) although I bee unworthy, celebrate the holy mysteries of the Eucharist, for the re­verence of that soule which this night, carried beyond the starry firmament betwixt the holy Quires of Angels, ascended into Paradise. Whereby it appeareth, that an honourable commemoration of the dead was herein intended, and a sacrifice of thanksgiving for their salvation rather than of propitiation for their sinnes. In Bede also wee finde mention of the like ob­sequies celebrated by St. Cuthbert for one Hadwal­dus; after Vidi, inquit, animam cujusdam san­cti manibus Angelicis ad gaudia regni coelestis ferri. Bed. in vit. Cuthbert. cap. 34. he had seene his soule carried by the hands of [Page 28] Angels unto the joyes of the kingdome of heaven. So Gallus and Magnus (as Walafridus Strabus relateth in the life of the one, and Theodorus Campidonensis, or whosoever else was author of the life of the o­ther) Coeperunt missas agere, & precibus insi­stere pro com­memoratione B. Columbani. Walafrid. Vit. Gall. lib. 1. cap. 26. Theodor. vit. Magni, li. 1. cap. ult. edit. Golda­sti, c. 12. Canissi. said Masse (which what it was in those dayes wee shall afterward heare) and were instant in prayers for the commemoration of Abbat Columbanus their countryman; Deinde tanti patris memori­am precibus sacris & sacrifi­ciis salutaribus frequentave­runt. Ibid. frequenting the memory of that great Father, with holy prayers, and healthfull sacrifices. Where that speech of Gallus unto his Deacon Mag­nus or Magnoaldus, is worthy of speciall considera­tion: Post hujus vigilias noctis, cognovi per vi­sionem, Domi­num & patrem meum Colum. banum de hu­jus vitae angu­stiis hodie ad Paradisi gaudia commigrásse. Pro ejus ita (que) requie sacrificium salutis debeo immolare. Ibid. After this nights watch, I understood by a visi­on, that my master and father Columbanus is to day de­parted out of the miseries of this life unto the joyes of Paradise. For his rest therefore I ought to offer the sacri­fice of salvation. In like manner also, when Gallus himselfe dyed; Presbytez eum ut surgeret monuit, & pro requie defuncti ambitiosiùs Dominum precaretur. Intrave­runt itaque Ecclesias, & [...]piscopus pro [...]a [...]ssimo salutares hostias immolavit amico. Finito autem fraternae commemorationis obsequio, &c. Walafrid. Strab. vit. Gall. lib. 1. cap. 30. qui etiam addit postea, Discipulos ejus, pariter cum Episcopo orationem pro illo fecisse. cap. 33. Iohn Bishop of Constance prayed to the Lord for his rest, and offered healthfull sacrifices for him: although he were certainly perswaded that he had attained the blessing of everlasting life; as may bee seene in Walafridus. And when Magnus after­wards was in his death bed, hee is said to have used these words unto Tozzo Bishop of Ausborough, that came to visit him. Noli flere, venerabilis P [...]aesul, quia me in tot mundialium perturbationum procellis labo­rantem conspicis: quoniam credo in misericordiâ Dei, quòd anima mea in immortalitatis libertate fit gavisura. tamen deprecor, ut orationibus tuis sanctis me peccatorem & animam meam non desinas adjuvare. Theodor, Campiden. vel quicunque author fuit vitae Magni, lib. 2. cap. 13. edit. Goldasti, cap. 28. Canissi. Doe not weepe, reverend Prelate, [Page 29] because thou beholdest me labouring in so many stormes of worldly troubles: because I beleeve in the mercy of God, that my soule shall rejoyce in the freedome of immortali­tie. yet I beseech thee, that thou wilt not cease to helpe mee a sinner and my soule with thy holy prayers. Then followeth: that at the time of his departure, this voice was heard; Veni, Mag­ne, veni; acci­pe cotonam quam tibi Do­minus praepa­ratam habet. Ibid. Come, Magnus, come, receive the crowne which the Lord hath prepared for thee. and that thereupon Tozzo said unto Theodorus (the supposed writer of this history) Cessen [...] flere, frater; quia potiùs nos oportet gaude­re de animae ejus in immor­talitate sumprae hoc signo au­dito, quàm lu­ctum facere: sed eamus ad Ecclesiam, & pro tam charis­simo amico sa­lutares hostias Domino immo­lare studeamus. Finito itaque fraternae com­memorationis obsequio, &c. Ibid. Let us cease weeping, brother; because wee ought rather to rejoyce, having heard this signe of the receiving of his soule unto immortality, than to make lamentation. but let us goe to the Church, and be carefull to offer healthfull sacrifices to the Lord for so deare a friend.

I dispute not of the credit of these particular pas­sages: it is sufficient, that the authors from whom wee have received them, lived within the compasse of those times, whereof wee now doe treate. For thereby it is plaine enough (and if it be not, it shall elsewhere be made yet more plaine) that in those el­der dayes it was an usuall thing, to make prayers and oblations for the rest of those soules, which were not doubted to have beene in glorie: and conse­quently, that neither the Commemoration nor the Praying for the dead, nor the Requiem Masses of that age, have any necessary relation to the beleefe of Purgatory. The lesson therefore which Claudius teacheth us here out of Saint Hierome, is very good: that Dum in praesenti seculo sumus, sive ora­tionibus, sive consiliis invi­cem posse nos adjuvari: cùm autem ante tribunal Christi venerimus, nec Iob, nec Daniel, nec Noe, rogare posse pro quoquam; sed unumquemque portare onus suum. Claud. in Gal. 6. while wee are in this present world, wee may bee [Page 30] able to helpe one another, either by our prayers or [...] by our counsailes, but when wee shall come before the Iudgement seate of Christ, neither Iob, nor Daniel, nor Noah can intreate for any one, but every one must beare his owne burden. and the advice which the no lesse learned than godly Abbat Columbanus giveth us, is verie safe: not to pitch upon uncertainties hereafter, but now to trust in God, and follow the precepts of Christ; while our life doth yet remaine, and while the times, wherein we may obtaine salvation, are certaine.

Vive Deo fidens ( saith
Columban. in epist. ad Hunal­dum.
he) Christi praecepta sequēdo;
Dum modò vita manet, dum tempora certa salutis.

Whereunto Iohn the Briton (another son of Sul­gen Bishop of St. Davids) seemeth also to have had an eye, when (at the end of the Poëme which he wrote of his owne and his fathers life) he prayeth for him­selfe in the same manner:

Vt genitor clemens solitâ pietate remittat
Factis aut dictis quae gessi corde nefando;
Dum mihi vita manet, dum flendi flumina possunt.
Nam cum tartareis nullius cura subintrat.

CHAP. IV.

Of the Worship of God, the publicke forme of Liturgie, the Sacrifice and Sacrament of the Lords Supper.

TOuching the worship of God, Sedulius delive­reth this generall rule: that Adorare ali­um praeter Pa­trem & Fili­um, & Spiritum sanctum, impietatis crimen est. Sedul. in Rom. 1. to adore any other beside the Father, and the Sonne, and the holy Ghost, is [Page 31] the crime of impiety; and that Totum quod debet Deo anima, si alicui praeter Deum reddiderit, moechatur. Id. in Rom. 2. all that the soule oweth unto God, if it bestow it upon any beside God, it commit­teth adultery. More particularly, in the matter of Images, Recedentes à lumine veri­tatis sapientes; quasi qui inve­nissent, quo modo invisibi­lis Deus per si­mulacrum visi­bile coleretur. Id. in. Rom. 1. hee reproveth the wise men of the heathen, for thinking that they had found out a way, how the invisible God might bee worshipped by a visible image: with whom also accordeth Claudius; that Deus non in manufactis ha­bitat, nec in metallo aut saxo cognosci­tur. Claud. lib. 2. in Matth. God is to bee knowne, neither in mettall nor in stone. and for Oathes, there is a Canon ascribed to Saint Patricke; wherein it is determined, that Non adju­randam esse crea [...]uram ali­am, nisi crea­torem. yaod. Patricij. can. 23. MS. no creature is to bee sworne by, but onely the Creator. As for the forme of the Litugrie or publicke service of God, which the same St. Patrick brought into this country: it is said, that hee received it from Germanus and Lupus; and that it originally descended from S. Marke the Evan­gelist. for so have I seene it set downe in an ancient fragment, written wellnigh 900. yeeres since: re­maining now in the Library of Sir Robert Cotton, my worthy friend; who can never sufficiently bee com­mended, for his extraordinary care, in preserving all rare monuments of this kinde. Yea St. Hieromes au­thority is there vouched for proofe hereof. Beatus Hieronymus adfirmat, quòd ipsum cursum, qui dicitur praesente tempore Scottorum, beatus Marcus decanta [...]it. which being not now to bee found in any of Saint Hieroms workes, the truth thereof I leave unto the credit of the reporter.

But whatsoever Liturgie was used here at first: this is sure, that in the succeeding ages no one gene­rall forme of divine service was retained, but diverse rites and manners of celebrations were observed in diverse parts of this Kingdome; untill the Romane [Page 32] use was brought in at last by Gillebertus, and Mala­chias, and Christianus, who were the Popes Legates here about 500. yeeres agoe. This Gillebertus ( an old acquaintance of Auselm. lib. 3. epist. 143. Anselm Archbishop of Canterbury) in the Prologue of his booke De usu Ecclesiastico, di­rected to the whole Clergie of Ireland, writeth in this manner. Episcopis, presbyteris to­tius Hiberniae, infimus prae­sulum Gille Lunicensis in Christo salutē. Roga [...], nec non & praecep­to multorum ex vobis (Cha­rissimi) cano­nicalem con­suetudinem in dicencis Horis, & peragendo totius Ecclesi­astici ordinis officio, scribere conatus sum; non praesump­tivo, sed vestrae cupiens piissi­mae servire jus­stoni [...] ut diversi & schismatici illi Ordines, quibus Hiber­nia penè tota delusa est, uni Catholico & Roma [...]o ced [...]nt officio. Quid enim magis indecens aut schisma­ticum dici poterit; quàm doctiss [...]mum unius ordinis in alterius Ecclesiâ idiotam & laicum fieri? &c. Prolog Gille five Gilleberti Lummicensis epise. De usu Ecclesiastic. MS. in Colleg. S. Be­nedict. & public [...] academiae Cantabrigiensis Bibliothecâ. At the request, yea and at the command of many of you (dearely beloved) I endevoured to set downe in writing the Canonicall custome in saying of Houres, and performing the Office of the whole Ecclesi­asticall Order; not presumptuously, but in desire to serve your most godly command: to the end that those diverse and schismaticall Orders, wherewith in a manner all Ire­land is deluded, may give place to one Catholicke and Romane Office. For what may bee said to bee more unde­cent or schismaticall; than that the most learned in one order, should bee made as a private and lay man in ano­ther mans Church?

These beginnings were presently seconded by Malachias: in whose life, written by Bernard, wee reade as followeth. Apostolicas sanctiones as decreta sanctorum patrum, praecipueque consuetudines sanctae Romanae ecclesiae in cunctis eccle [...]iis statuebat. Hinc est quòd hodieque in illis ad horas canonicas cantatur & psallitur juxta motem universae terrae: nam minimè id antè f [...]bat, ne in civitate quidem. Ipse verò in adolescentiâ cantum didicerat, & in suo coenobio mox cantati fecit; cùm necdum in civitate seu in episcopatu universo cantare scirent, vel vellent, Bernard. in vitâ Mal [...]thia. The Apostolicall constitutions, and the decrees of the holy Fathers, but especially the cu­stomes of the holy Church of Rome, did he establish in all Churches. And hence it is, that at this day the Canoni­call [Page 33] Houres are chanted and sung therein, according to the manner of the whole earth: whereas before that, this was not done, no not in the Citie it selfe. ( the poore city of Ardmagh he meaneth.) But Malachias had lear­ned song in his youth, and shortly after caused singing to be used in his own Monasterie; when as yet, aswell in the citie as in the whole Bishoprick, they eyther knew not, or would not sing. Lastly, the worke was brought to perfection, when Christianus Bishop of Lismore, as Legate to the Pope, was President in the Councell of Casshell: wherein a speciall order was taken for Officium eti­am Ecclesiasti­cum ritè mo­dulandum sta­tuerunt. Iohan. Brampto [...], in Ioralanensi histo­riâ. MS. the right singing of the Ecclesiasticall Office; and a gene­rall act established, that Omnia divi­na ad instar sa [...]osanctae Ecclesiae, iuxta quod Anglica­na observat Ec­clesia, in om [...]i­bus pa [...]tibus Hiberniae amo­do tractentur. Girald. Cambr. Hibern. exp [...]g­nat. lib. 1. cap. 34. all divine offices of holy Church should from thenceforth be handled in all parts of Ireland, according as the Church of England d [...]d ob­serve them. The statutes of which Councell were Conci [...] sta­tuta sub [...]cripta sunt, & Regiae sublimitatis authoritate firmata Id. ibid. confirmed by the Regall authoritie of King Henry the second; Ex ipsius tri­umphatoris mandato, in civitate Cassiliensi convenerunt. Id. ibid. by whose mandate, the Bishops that met therein were assembled, in the yeare of our Lord 1171. as Giraldus Cambrensis▪ witnesseth, in his histo­rie of the Conquest of Ireland. And thus late was it, before the Romane use was fully settled in this King­dome.

That the Britons used another manner in the ad­ministration of the Sacrament of Baptisme than the Romanes did: appeareth by the proposition made un­to them by Austin the Monke; Vt ministerium baptizandi, quo Deo renascimur, iuxta morem Sanctae Romanae & Apostolicae Ecclesiae compleatis, Bed. lib. 2. Histor cap. 2. that they should performe the ministerie of baptisme, according to the cu­stome of the Church of Rome. That their forme of Li­turgie [Page 34] was the same with that which was received by their neighbours the Galls, is intimated by the Au­thor of that ancient fragment before alledged: who also addeth, that the Per univer­sum orbè terra­ [...]um, in Ecclesiâ ordo cursus Gallorum dif­fusus est. Frag­ment. de Ecclesi­asticorum offici­orum origine. MS. Bibliothecâ C [...]ttonianâ. Gallican Order was received in the Church throughout the whole world. Yet elsewhere doe I meete with a sentence alledged out of Gildas; that Gildas ait. Britones toti mundo contra­rii, moribus Ro­manis inimici non solùm in Missâ, sed eti­am in tonsurâ. Cod. Ca [...] titulorum 66. MS. in eâdem Bibliothecâ. the Britons were contrary to the whole world, and enemies to the Roman customes, aswell in their Masse, as in their Tonsure.

Where to let passe what I have collected touching the difference of these tonsures (as a matter of very small moment eyther way) and to speake somewhat of the Masse (for which so great adoe is now adayes made by our Romanists) wee may observe in the first place, that the publike Liturgie or service of the Church, was of old named the Masse: even then also, when prayers only were said, without the celebrati­on of the holy Communion. So the last Masse that S. Colme was ever present at, is noted by Adamnan. Vit. columb. lib. 3. cap. 31. Adamnanus to have beene vespertinalis Dominica noctis Missa. He dyed the mid-night following; whence the Lords day tooke his beginning (9 [...] viz. Iunii, Anno Dom. 597.) according to the account of the Ro­manes: which the Scottish and Irish seeme to have be­gunne from the evening going before. and then was that evening-Masse said: which in all likelihood, dif­fered not from those [...] mentioned by [...] Tactic. cap. 11. sect. 18. Leo the Emperour in his Tacticks, that is to say, from that which we call Even-song, or Evening prayer. But the name of the Masse was in those daies more specially applied to the administration fo the Lords Supper: & therfore in the same Adamnan. Vit. Columb. lib. [...]. 15. Adamnanus we see that Sacra [Page 35] Eucharistiae ministeria and Missarum solemnia, the sa­cred ministerie of the Eucharist and the solemnities of the Masse, are taken for the same thing. So likewise in the Walafrid. Strab. Vit. Gall. lib. 1. cap. 26. Theodor. Cam­pidonens. vel quicun (que) author. fuit Vit. Magni, lib. 1. cap. 9. edit. Goldast. cap. 12. Conis [...]i. relation of the passages that concerne the ob­sequies of Columbanus, performed by Gallus and Magnoaldus; we finde that Missam celebrare and Mis­sas agere, is made to be the same with Divina celebra­re mysteria and Salutis hostiam (or salutare sacrificium) immolare: the saying of Masse, the same with the ce­lebration of the divine mysteries and the oblation of the healthfull sacrifice. for by that terme was the admini­stration of the sacrament of the Lords Supper at that time usually designed.

For as in our Heb. 13. 16. beneficence, and communicating unto the necessities of the poore (which are sacrifices wherewith God is well pleased) wee are taught to 2 Cor. [...]5. give both our selves and our almes, first unto the Lord, and after unto our brethren by the will of God: so is it in this ministery of the blessed Sacra­ment. the service is first presented unto God, (from which, as from a most principall part of the dutie, the sacrament it selfe is called the Eucharist; because therein wee Heb. 13. 15. offer a speciall sacrifice of praise and thankesgiving alwaies unto God) and then commu­nicated unto the use of Gods people. in the perfor­mance of which part of the service, both the mini­ster was said to give, and the communicant to receive the sacrifice: as well as in respect of the former part, they were said to offer the same unto the Lord. For they did not distinguish the Sacrifice from the Sacra­ment, as the Romanists doe now adayes: but used the name of Sacrifice indifferently, both of that which [Page 36] was offered unto God, and of that which was given to and received by the communicant. Therefore wee read of offring the sacrifice to God: as in that speech of Gallus to his scholler Magnoaldus; Praeceptor mens B. Co­lumbanus in vasis aeneis Do­mino solet sa­crificium of­ferre salutis. walafrid. Strab. Vit. Gall. lib. 1. cap. 19. My master Co­lumbanus is accustomed to offer unto the Lord the sacri­fice of salvation in brasen vessels. Of giving the sacri­fice to man: as when it is said in one of the ancient Synods of Ireland, that Testamentū Episcopi sive principis est; 10. scripuli Sa­cerdoti danti sibi sacrificium. Synod. Hibern. in vet. lib. Can [...]num Cotte [...]nious, titu­lorum 66. a Bishop by his Testament may bequeath a certaine proportion of his goods for a legacie to the Priest that giveth him the sacrifice. and of receiving the sacrifice from the hands of the minister: as in that sentence of the Synod attribu­ted unto S. Patrick; Qui in vitâ suâ non mere­bi [...] sacrificū accipere: quo­modo post mortem illi po­test adjuvare? Synod Patric. cap. 12. MS. He who deserveth not to receive the sacrifice in his life, how can it helpe him after his death? and in that glosse of Sedulius upon 1. Cor. 11. 33. Invicem ex­pectate, id est, usque quo sa­crificium acci­piatis. Sedul. in 1 Cor. 11. Tarry one for another, that is, (saith he) untill you doe receive the sacrifice. and in the Brittish antiqui­ties: where we reade of Amon a noble man in Wales (father to Samson the Saint of Dole in little Brittain) that Gravi infir­mitate depres­sus, à suis com­monitus est vi­cinis, ut iuxta morem susciperet sacrificium communienis. Ex vitâ S. Samsonis MS. in libro [...] Eccles [...] [...] Tilo. being taken with a grievous sicknesse, hee was ad­monished by his neighbours, that according to the usuall manner he should receive the sacrifice of the communion. Whereby it doth appeare, that the sacrifice of the elder times was not like unto the new Masse of the Romanists, wherein the Priest alone doth all; but unto our Communion, where others also have free li­bertie given unto them to Hebr. 13. 10. eat of the Altar, as well as they that serve that Altar.

Again, they that are communicants in the Romish sacrament, receive the Eucharist in one kinde onely: [Page 37] the Priest in offering of the sacrifice receiveth the same distinctly, both by way of meat and by way of drinke; which they tell us Id fit potis­simùm ob [...]a­crificii, non ob Sacramenti in­tegtitatem. Bel­larmin. de sacra­ment. Eucharist. lib. 4. cap. 22. in fine. is chiefly done, for the integritie of the Sacrifice and not of the Sacrament. For in the Sacrifice, they say, Rhem. anno­tat. in Matth. 26. 26. the severall elements be consecrated, not into Christs whole person as it was borne of the Virgin or now is in heaven: but the bread into his body apart, as betrayed, broken, and given for us; the wine into his bloud apart, as shed out of his bodie for re­mission of sinnes and dedication fo the new Testament, which bee conditions of his person as hee was in sacrifice and oblation. But our ancestours, in the use of their Sacrament, received the Eucharist in both kinds: not being so acute as to discerne betwixt the things that belonged unto the integritie of the sacrifice and of the sacrament, because in very truth, they tooke the one to be the other.

Thus Bede relateth, that one Hildmer, an officer of Egfrid King of Northumberland, intreated our Cuth­bert Mittas pres­byterum qui illam, prius­quam moria­tur, visitet; ei­que Dominici corporis & san­guinis sacra­menta mini­stret Bed. de Vit. Cuthbert. pros. cap. 15. to send a Priest that might minister the sacra­ments of the Lords body and bloud unto his wife that then lay a dying: and Cuthbert himselfe, imme­diately before his owne departure out of this life, received the communion of the Lords body and bloud; as Acceptis è me sacramentis salutaribus exi­n [...] suum, quem iam venisse cognovit, Dominici corporis & sanguinis com [...]un [...] munivit. Ibid. cap. 39. Herefride Abbat of the monsterie of Lindisfarne (who was the man that at that time ministred the sa­crament unto him) made report unto the same Bede. who elsewhere also particularly noteth, that he then tasted of the cup. [Page 38] Bed. de Vit. Cuthbert. corm. cap. 36. Pocula degustat vitae, Christique supinum Sanguine munit iter.’ lest any man should thinke, that under the formes of bread alone he might be said to have been partaker of the body and bloud of the Lord, by way of Concomi­tance: which is a toy, that was not once dreamed of in those daies. So that we need not to doubt, what is meant by that which wee reade in the booke of the life of Furseus (which was written before the time of Bede) that Petivitque & accepit sacri corporis & sanguinis com­munionem. Author antiqu. Vitae Fursaei. he received the communion of the holy body and bloud; and that hee was wished to admonish Principes & doctores Ec­clesiae Christi, animas fideli­um ad poeni­tentiae lamen­tum post culpas pro [...]ocent; & eas spirituall pastis doctrinae, ac sacri corpo­ris & sanguinis participatione solidis reddant. Ibid. the Pastors of the Church, that they should strengthen the soules of the faithfull with the spiritu­all food of doctrine, and the participation of the holy body and bloud, or of that which Cogitosus writeth in the life of Saint Brigid, touching the place in the Church of Kildare; Pe [...] alterum [...]stium Abba­ti [...] cu [...]suis puellis & vid [...]is fidelibus [...] convivio corporis & sanguinis fruantur Iesu Christi. Cogitos. vit. Brigid. whereunto the Abbatesse with her maidens and widowes used to resort, that they might enioy the banquet of the body and bloud of Iesus Christ. which was agreeable to the practice, not on­ly of the Nunneries founded beyond the seas accor­ding to the rule of Columbanus; where the Virgins Quadam ex his nomine Domna, cùm jam corpus Domini accepisset, ac sanguinem li­bâffet. I [...]n. Vit. Burgundofor. received the body of the Lord, and sipped his bloud (as appeareth by that which Ionas relateth of Domnae, in the life of Burgundofora:) but also of S. Brigid her selfe, who was the foundresse of the monasterie of Kildare; one of whose miracles is reported, even in the later Legends, to have happened when shee was [Page 39] about to drinke out of the Chalice, at the time of her receiving of the Eucharist. which they that list to looke after, may finde in the collections of Capgrave, Surius, and such like.

But, you will say; these testimonies that have beene alledged, make not so much for us, in proving the use of the communion under both kindes, as they make against us, in confirming the opinion of Tran­substantiation: seeing they all specifie the receiving, not of bread and wine, but of the body and bloud of Christ. I answer, that forasmuch as Christ himselfe at the first institution of his holy Supper did say ex­presly; This is my body, and, This is my bloud: hee deserveth not the name of a Christian, that will que­stion the truth of that saying, or refuse to speake in that language, which hee hath heard his Lord and Master use before him. The question onely is, in what sense, and after what manner, these things must bee conceived to bee his body and bloud. Of which there needed to be little question: if men would bee pleased to take into their consideration these two things; which were never doubted of by the anci­ent, and have most evident ground in the context of the Gospel. First, that the subject of those sacramen­tall propositions delivered by our Saviour (that is to say, the demonstrative particle THIS) can have reference to no other substance, but that which hee then held in his sacred hands, namely, bread & wines which are of so different a nature from the body and bloud of Christ, that the one cannot possibly in proper sense be said to be the other; as the light of common reason doth force the Romanists themselves to con­fesse. [Page 40] Secondly, that in the Predicate, or latter part of the same propositions, there is not mention made only of Christs body and bloud; but of his body broken, and his bloud shed: to shew, that his body is to be con­sidered here apart, not as it was borne of the Virgin, or now is in heaven, but as it was broken and crucified for us; and his bloud likewise apart, not as running in his veines, but as shed out of his body; which the Rhe­mists have told us to be conditions of his person, as hee was in sacrifice and oblation.

And lest wee should imagine, that his body were otherwise to bee considered in the sacrament than in the sacrifice; in the one alive, as it is now in heaven, in the other dead, as it was offered upon the Crosse: the Apostle putteth the matter out of doubt, that not onely the minister in offering, but also the people in receiving, even 1 Cor. 11. 26. as often as they eate this bread, and drinke this cup, doe shew the Lords death untill hee come. Our elders surely, that held the sacrifice to bee given and received (for so we have heard themselves speak) as well as offered; did not consider otherwise of Christ in the sacrament, than as hee was in sacrifice and oblation. If here therefore, Christs body be presented as broken and livelesse, and his bloud as shed forth and severed from his body; and it be most certaine, that there are no such things now really existent any where (as is confessed on all hands:) then must it follow necessarily, that the bread and wine are not converted into these things really. The Rhem. in Mat. 26. 26. Rhemists in­deede tell us, that when the Church doth offer and sacrifice Christ daily; hee in mysterie and sacrament dyeth. Further than this they durst not goe: for if [Page 41] they had said, hee dyed really; they should thereby not only make themselves daily killers of Christ, but also directly crosse that principle of the Apostle, Rom. 6. 9. Christ being raised from the dead dyeth no more. If then the body of Christ in the administrati­on of the Eucharist be propounded as dead (as hath been shewed) and dye it cannot really, but onely in mysterie and sacrament: how can it be thought to bee contained under the outward elements, otherwise than in sacrament and mysterie? and such as in times past were said to have received the sacrifice from the hand of the Priest; what other body and bloud could they expect to receive therein, but such as was suta­ble to the nature of that sacrifice, to wit, mysticall and sacramentall?

Coelius Sedulius (to whom Gelasius Bishop of Rome, with his Synod of LXX. Bishops, giveth the title of Venerabilis viri Sedulii Paschale opus, quod heroicis descripsit versi­bus, insigni lau­de praeferimus. Synod. Roman. sub Gelasi [...]. venerable Sedulius; as Venantius Fortunatus of Hinc quoque conspicui radi­avit lingua Se­duli. Venant. Fortunat. de vi­tâ S. Martini, lib. 1. con­spicuous Sedulius; and Hildephonsus Toletanus of the Bonus Sedu­lius, poëta E­vangelicus, Orator facundus, scriptor catholicus. Hildephons. Toletan. serm. 5. de assumpt. Ma­ria. good Sedulius, the Evangelicall Poet, the eloquent Orator, and the Catholicke Writer) is by Trithemius and others supposed to be the same with our Sedulii Scoti Hiberniensis, in omnes epistolas Pauli Collectan: excus. Basil. an. 1528. Sedu­lius of Scotland (or Ireland) whose Collections are extant upon St. Pauls Epistles: although I have for­borne hitherto to use any of his testimonies, because I have some reason to doubt, whether hee were the same with our Sedulius or no. But Coelius Sedulius (whatsoever countryman hee was) intimateth plain­ly, that the things offered in the Christian sacrifice, [Page 42] are the fruit of the corne and of the vine:

(
Sedul. Carm. Paschal. lib. 4.
Denique Pontificum princeps summusque Sacerdos
Quis nisi Christus adest? gemini libaminis author,
Ordine Melchisedech, cui dantur munera semper
Quae sua sunt, segetis fructus, & gaudia vitis.

or, as hee expresseth it in his prose; Triticeae se­mentis cibus suavis, & amoe­nae vitis potus amabilis. Id. pros. lib. 4. ca. 14. the sweete meate of the seede of wheate, and the lovely drinke of the plea­sant vine. Of Melch [...]sedek (according to whose or­der Christ, and he onely, was Priest) our owne Sedu­lius writeth thus: Melchise­dech vinum & panem obtulit Abraham, in fi­guram Christi, corpus & san­guinem suum Deo patri in cruce offeren­tis. Secul [...]n Heb. 5. Melchisedek offered wine & bread to Abraham for a figure of Christ, offering his body and bloud unto God his Father upon the Crosse. Where note, that first hee saith, Melch sedek offered bread and wine to Abraham, not to God: and secondly, that hee was a figure of Christ offering his body and bloud upon the crosse, not in the Eucharist. But we (saith Nos verò in commemora­tionem Domi­nicae semel pas­sionis quotidie nostraeque sa­lutis offerimus. Id [...] Heb. 10. he) doe offer daily, for a commemoration of the Lords passion (once performed) and our owne salvation. and else­where, expounding those words of our Saviour, Doe this in remembrance of me; hee bringeth in this simili­tude, used before and after him by others. Suam me­moriam nobis reliquit: quem­admodum si quis peregrè proficiscens a­liquod pignus ei quem diligit derelinquat; ut quotiescunque illud viderit, possit ejus beneficia & amicitias recordari. Id. in 1 Cor. 11. He left a memory of himselfe unto us: even as if one that were going a farre journey, should leave some token with him whom hee loved; that as oft as hee beheld it, hee might call to remembrance his benefits and friendship.

Claudius noteth, that our Saviours Voluit antè discipulis suis tradere sacramentum corporis & sanguinis sui, quod signi­ficavit in fractione corporis & effusione calicis, & posteà ipsum corpus immolari in ara Crucis. Claud. lib. 3. in Matth. pleasure was, first to deliver unto his Disciples the sacrament of his bo­die and bloud; and afterwards to offer up the body it selfe upon the altar of the crosse. Where at the first sight I [Page 43] did verily thinke, that in the words fractione corporis an error had beene committed in my transcript ( cor­poris being miswritten for panis) but afterwards com­paring it with the originall, whence I tooke my co­pie, I found that the author retained the manner of speaking used both See Chryso­stom, Theodo­ret, and Ephrae­mius Antio­chenus, in the Answer to the Iesuit, pag. 66, 67. of the last edition. before and Apud Ra­thrannum (sive Bertramum) & Aelfricum, pas­sim. after his time; in giving the name of the thing signified unto the signe, even there where the direct intention of the speech was to distinguish the one from the other. For hee doth expresly here distinguish the sacrament of the bo­die, which was delivered unto the Disciples, from the body it selfe, which was afterwards offered upon the Crosse: and for the sacramentall relation be­twixt them both, hee rendreth this reason. Quia panis corpus confir­mat, vinum verò sangui­nem operatur in carne: hic ad corpus Christi mysti­cè, illud refer­tur ad sangui­nem. Id. ibid. Because bread doth confirme the body, and wine doth worke bloud in the flesh: therefore the one is mystically referred to the body of Christ, the other to his bloud. Which doctrine of his (that the sacrament is in it owne nature bread and wine, but the body and bloud of Christ by mysti­call relation) was in effect the same with that which long afterwards was here in Ireland delivered by Henry Crumpe the Monke of Baltinglas, Quòd cor­pus Christi in altaris sacra­mento est so­lum speculum ad corpus Christi in coe­lo. Ex actis [...] illelmi An­dreae Midensis episcopi contra Henr. Crumpe, anno 1384. que MS a. hab [...]o. that the bo­die of Christ in the sacrament of the altar was onely a looking glasse to the body of Christ in heaven: yea and within fifty or threescore yeeres of the time of Clau­dius Scotus himselfe, was so fully maintained by Io­hannes Scotus in a booke that hee purposely wrote of that argument; that when it was alledged and ex­tolled by Berengarius, Pope Leo (the ninth) with his Bishops assembled in Synodo Vercellensi, an [...]. Domini, 1050 (which was 235. yeeres after the time that Claudius wrote his commentaries upon St. Matthew) [Page 44] had no other meanes to avoide it, but by flat Iohannis Scoti liber de Eucharistiâ lectus est, ac damnatus. Lan­franc. de Eucha­rist. contr. Beren­gar. con­demning of it. Of what great esteeme this Iohn was with king Alfred, may be seene in William of Malmes­bury, Roger Hoveden, Matthew of Westminster, and o­ther writers of the English history. The king him­selfe, in the Preface before his Saxon translation of St. Gregories Pastorall, professeth that he was holpen in that worke by Iohanne mjnū [...] Alfred. praefat. in Gregor. Pa­storal. Saxonic. Iohn his Masse-priest. By whom if he did meane this Iohn of ours: you may see, how in those dayes a man might be held a Masse-priest, who was far enough from thinking that he offered up the very body and bloud of Christ really present under the formes of bread and wine; which is the onely Masse that our Romanists take knowledge of.

Of which wonderfull point how ignorant our el­ders were, even this also may be one argument: that the author of the booke of the wonderfull things of the holy Scripture (before alledged) passeth this quite o­ver, which is now esteemed to be the wonder of all wonders. And yet doth he professe, that he Praefertim cùm ex mira­bilibus Scrip­turae Domini­cae nil praeter­ire disposui, in quibus à ministerio quotidian [...] excellere in aliis videntur. Lib. 2. de mirabilib. Scriptur. cap. 21. purpo­sed to passe over nothing of the wonders of the Scripture, wherein they might seeme notably to swerve from the or­dinary administration in other things.

CHAP. V.

Of Chrisme, Sacramentall Confession, Penance, Absolu­tion, Marriage, Divorces, and single life in the Clergie.

THat the Irish Quod infan­tes baptismo sine Chrismate consecrato baptizantur. Lanfranc. epist. MS. in Biblio­thecâ Cottonia­n [...]: & apud Baron. an. 1089. num. 16. ubi tamen sive malè habetur prosine. did baptize their infants without any consecrated Chrisme, Lanfranc maketh com­plaint in his letters to Terdeluacus (or Tirlagh) the chiefe King of that country. And Bernard reporteth, that Malachias in his time (which was after the daies of Lanfranc and Pope Hildebrand) did Vsum salu­berrimum Confessionis, sacramentum Confirmatio­nis, contractum conjugiorum (quae omnia aut ignorabant aut neglige­bant) Mala­chias de novo instituit. Ber­nard. in vitâ Malachiae. of the new institute the most wholesome use of Confession, the sacra­ment of Confirmation, and the contract of marriages: all which he saith the Irish before were either ignorant of, or did neglect. Which, for the matter of Confessi­on, may receive some further confirmation from the testimonie of Alcuinus: who writing unto the Scot­tish (or, as other copies read, the Gothish) and com­mending the religious conversation of their laity, who Inter mun­danas occupa­tiones castissi­mam vitam ra­tionabili consi­deratione degere dicuntur. Alcuin. epist. 26. edit. H. Canisti, 71. Andreae Quercetan [...]. in the midst of their worldly imployments were said to leade a most chaste life; condemneth notwith­standing another custome, which was said to have continued in that country. For Dici­tur verò neminem ex Laicis suam velle Confessionem sacerdotibus dare: quos à Deo Christo cum sanctis Apostolis ligandi solvendi (que) potestatem accepisse credimus, Ibid. it is said (quot he) that no man of the laity will make his confession to the Priests; whom we beleeve to have received from the Lord Christ, the power of binding and loosing, together with the holy Apostles.

[Page 46] They had no reason indeed to hold (as Alcuinus did) that they ought to confesse unto a Priest all the sinnes they could remember: but upon speciall oc­casions, they did (no doubt) both publikely and privately make confession of their faults, aswell that they might receive counsaile and direction for their recovery, as that they might bee made partakers of the benefit of the keyes, for the quieting of their troubled consciences. Whatsoever the Gothish did herein (by whom wee are to understand the inhabi­tants of Languedok in France, where Alcuinus lived) sure wee are, that this was the practice of the ancient Scottish and Irish. So wee reade of one Fiachna or Fechnaus, that being touched with remorse for some offence committed by him, he fell at St. Colmes feet, lamented bitterly, and Coram om­nibus qui ibi­dem erant peccata sua confessus est. Adamnan. vit. Columb. lib. 1. cap. 16. ( vel 20. in MS.) confessed his sinnes before all that were there present. Whereupon the holy man, weeping together with him, is said to have returned this answer: Surge fili, & consolare: di­mi [...]a sunt tua, quae commi­ [...]isti, peccami­na. quia sicut scriptum est; Cor contritum & humiliatum Deus non spernit. Ibid. Rise up, Sonne, and bee comforted, thy sinnes which thou hast committed are forgiven; because (as it is written) a contrite and an humbled heart God doth not despise. We reade also of Adamanus, that being very much terrified with the remembrance of a grievous sinne committed by him in his youth; he Accedens ad sacerdotem, à quo sibi spera­ [...]at iter salutis posse demonstrari; confessus est reatum suum, petiique [...] consilium sibi daret, quo posset fugere à venturâ Dei irâ. Bed. lib. 4. histor. cap. 25. resorted unto a Priest, by whom hee hoped the way of salvation might bee shewed unto him, hee confessed his guilt, and intreated that hee would give him counsell, whereby hee might flee from the wrath of God that was to come.

[Page 47] Now the counsell commonly given unto the Pe­nitent after Confession, was; that hee should Confessa dignis (ut im­perabat) poe­nitentiae fructi­bus absterge­rent. Id. ibid. cap. 27. wipe away his sinnes by meet fruits of repentance: which course Bede observeth to have beene usually prescri­bed by our Cuthbert. For penances were then exacted, as testimonies of the sincerity of that inward repen­tance which was necessarily required for obtaining remission of the sinne: and so had reference to the taking away of the guilt, and not of the temporall punishment remaining after the forgivenesse of the guilt; which is the new found use of penances, inven­ted by our later Romanists. One old Penitentiall Ca­non wee finde laid downe in a Synod held in this country about the yeere our Lord CCCCL. by S. Pa­trick, Auxilius, and Isserninus: which is as followeth. Christianu [...] qui occiderit, aut fornicatio­nem fecerit, aut more Gentili­um ad aruspi­cem meaverit; per singula cri­mina annum poenitentiae agar, impleto cum testibus veniat anno Poenitentiae, & posteà resolve­tur à sacerdote. Synod. Patricij, Auxilij & Is­sernini MS. in Bibliothecâ Col­legii Benedict. Cantabrig. A Christian who hath kild a man, or committed forni­cation, or gone unto a Southsayer after the manner of the Gentiles, for every of those crimes shall doe a yeere of Pe­nance: when his yeere of penance is accomplished, he shall come with witnesses, and afterward hee shall be absol­ved by the Priest. These Bishops did take order (we see) according to the discipline generally used in those times, that the penance should first be perfor­med; and when long & good proofe had bin given by that means of the truth of the parties repentance, they wished the Priest to impart unto him the benefit of Absolution. wheras by the new device of sacramen­tall penance the matter is now far more easily trans­acted: by vertue of the keyes the sinner is instantly of attrite made contrite, and thereupon as soon as hee hath made his Confession hee presently receiveth his Absolution: after this, some sorry penance is imposed, [Page 48] which upon better consideration may bee converted into pence; and so a quicke end is made of many a foule businesse.

But for the right use of the keyes, we fully accord with Claudius: that Necnon e­tiam nunc in Episcopis ac Presbyteris omni Ecclesiae officium idem committitur: Ut videlicèt ag­nitis peccanti­um caussis, quoscunq, hu­miles ac verè poe [...]entes a­spexerint, hos iam à timore perpetuae mor­tis miserantes absolvant, quos ver in pecca­tis quae egerint persistere cog­nove [...]int illos perennibus suppliciis obli gandos [...]sinu­ent. Claud in Matth. lib. 2. the office of remitting and re­taining sinnes which was given unto the Apostles, is now in the Bishops and Priests committed unto every Church. namely, that having taken knowledge of the causes of such as have sinned, as many as they shall be­hold humble and truly penitent, those they may now with compassion absolve from the feare of everlasting death; but such as they shall discerne to persist in the sins which they have committed, those they may declare to be bound over unto never ending punishments. And in thus ab­solving such as be truly penitent, we willingly yeeld, that the Pastors of Gods Church doe remit sinnes af­ter their manner, that is to say, ministerially and im­properly: so that the priviledge of forgiving sinnes properly and absolutely, bee still reserved unto God alone. Which is at large set out by the same Claudi­us; where hee expoundeth the historie of the man sicke of the palsey, that was cured by our Saviour in the ninth of S. Matthew. For, following Bede upon that place, he writeth thus. Verum di­cunt Scribae, quia nemo di­m [...]tere peccata nisi sulus Deus potest; qui per eos quoque di­mi [...] ut, quibus dimitiendi tri­buit p [...]testatem. Et ideò Christus verè Deus esse probatur; quia dimittere peccata qua­si Deus potest. Verum Deo testimonium reddunt; sed personam Christi negando fal­luntur. Id. in Matth. lib. 1. The Scribes say true, that none can forgive sinnes but God alone; also forgi­veth by them, to whom hee hath given the power of for­giving. And therefore is Christ proved to bee truely God because he forgiveth sinnes as God. They render a true testimony unto God: but in denying the person of [Page 49] Christ, they are deceived. and againe: Si & Deus est, iuxta Psal­mistam, qui quantum distat Oriens ab oc­casu clongavit à nobis iniqui­tates nostras; & filius homi­nis potestatem habet in terrâ dimittendi pec­cata: ergò i­dem ipse & De­us & filius ho­minis est. ut & homo Chri­stus per divini­tatis suae poten­tiam peccata dimittere pos­sit; & idem Deus Christus per humanita­tis suae fragili­tatem pro pec­catoribus mori. Ibid. If it bee God that, according to the Psalmist, removeth our sins as far from us, as the East is distant from the West; and the Sonne of man hath power upon earth to forgive sinnès: therefore hee himselfe is both God and the Sonne of man. that both the man Christ might by the power of his divi­nitie forgive sinnes; and the same Christ being God, might by the frailtie of his humanitie dye for sinners. and out of S. Hierome: Ostendit se Deum, qui po­test cordis oc­culta cognosce­re; & quodam modo tacens loquitur. Eâ­dem maiestate & potentiâ quà cogitationes vestras intueor, possum & hominibus delicta dimittere. Ibid. Christ sheweth himselfe to bee God, who can know the hidden things of the heart; and after a sort holding his peace he speaketh. By the same ma­jestie and power, whereby I behold your thoughts, I can also forgive sinnes unto men. In like manner doth the author of the booke of the wonderfull things of the Scripture observe these In paralytico à quatuor viris portato, qua­tuor divina opera cernuntur. Dum dimittuntur ei peccata, & praesentis aegritudinis plaga verbo tunc solvitur, & cogitationibus in ore Dei omnia scrutantis respondetur. Auth. lib. de Mirabilib. S. Scriptur. lib. 3. cap. 7. divine workes in the same historie: the forgiving of sinnes, the present cure of the disease, & the answering of the thoughts by the mouth of God who searcheth all things. With whom, for the propertie of beholding the secret thoughts, Sedulius also doth concurre, in those sentences. Deus solus potest occulta hominum scire, Sedul. in Rom. 2. God alone can know the hidden things of men. Corda hominum nôffe solius Dei est, & mentis secreta ag­noscere. Id. ibid. To know the hearts of men, and to discerne the secrets of their minde, is the pri­viledge of God alone.

That the contract of Marriages, was either unknown or neglected by the Irish, before Malachias did insti­tute the same anew among them (as Bernard doth seeme to intimate) is a thing almost incredible. al­though Nondum de­eimas vel pri­mitias solvunt: nondum matri­ [...]nia con­trahunt; non incestus vitant. Girald. Cambr. Topograph. Hi­bera. distinct. 3. cap. 19. Vide etiam Lan­franci epist. ad Gothricum & Terdeluacum reges Hibern. apud Baronium, an. 1089. num. 13. & 16. [Page 50] Giraldus Cambrensis doth complaine, that the case was little better with them after the time of Malachias also. The licentiousnesse of those ruder times, I know, was such, as may easily induce us to beleeve, that a great both neglect and abuse of Gods ordinance did get footing among this people. Which enormities Malachias, no doubt, did labour to reforme: and withall peradventure brought in some new matters, not knowne here before; as hee was very desirous his country men should generally conforme themselves unto the traditions and cu­stomes of the Church of Rome. But our purpose is here only to deale with the doctrine and practice of the elder times: in which, first, that Marriage was not held to bee a sacrament, may bee collected from Videtur in­dicare, esse ali­quid quod do­num quidem fit, non tamen spirituale: ut Nuptiae. Sedul. in Rom. 1. Sedulius, who reckoneth it among those things, which are gifts indeed, but not spirituall.

Secondly, for the degrees of Consanguinitie hinde­ring marriage, the Synod attributed unto St. Patricke seemeth to referre us wholly unto the Levitical law; prescribing therein De consan­guinitate in conjugio. In­telligite quid Lex loquitur, non minùs nec plus. Quod autem observa­tur apud nos, ut quatuor genera dividantur; nec vidisse di­ [...]unt nec le­gisse. Synod. Pa­tric. cap. 19. MS. neyther lesse nor more than the Law speaketh: and particularly, against matching with the wife of the deceased brother (which was the point so much questioned in the case of King Henrie the eighth) this Audi decreta Synodi super istis. Frater thorum defuncti fratris non ascandat: Domino di­cente, Erunt duo in carne unâ. Ergo uxor fratris tui soror tua est, Ibid. cap. 25. & in Excerptis è Inre Sacerdota [...]i Egborti archiepisc. per Hucarium Levitam. MS. Synodicall decree is there urged. The brother may not ascend into the bed of his deceased brother: the Lord having said, They two shall be one flesh. Therefore the wife of thy brother, is thy sister. Whereupon we finde also, that our Kilianus did suf­fer [Page 51] martyrdome for Vit [...]ilia [...], tom. 4. antiqu. lect. Henr. Ca [...] ­sti, pag. 633. & 644. dissolving such an incestuous marriage in Gozbertus Duke of Franconia: and that Clemens Scotus for maintaining the contrary was both by Iudaismum inducens, ju­dicat justum esse Christiano, ut si voluerit, viduam fratris defuncti accipi­at uxorem. Boni­fac. epist. ad Za­char. tomo 3. Concil. part. 1. pag. 382. edit. Colon. An. 1618. Boniface Archbishop of Mentz, and the Inferens Christianis Iu­daismum, dum praedicat fratris defuncti acci­pere uxorem. Concil. Roman. II. sub. Zachar. ibid. pag. 383. e. Councell held at Rome by Pope Zacharie in the yeare DCCXLV. condemned as a bringer in of Iu­daisme amongst Christians. Yet how farre this con­demned opinion of his prevailed afterward in this countrey, and how foule a crime it was esteemed to be by others abroad (notwithstanding the Pope doth now by his Buls of dispensation take upon him to make a faire matter of it) may easily be perceived by this censure of Giraldus: Quinimo (quod valde detestabile est, & non tantùm fidei, sed & cui­libet honestati valde contra­rium) fratres pluribus per Hiberniam lo­cis fratrum defunctorum uxores, non dico ducunt, sed traducunt, imo verius se­ducunt; dum trupiter eas, & tam incestuosè cognoscunt: veteris in hoc testa­menti non medullae sed cortici adhaerentes, veteresque libentiùs in vitiis quàm vir­tutibus imitari volentes. Girald. Cambr. Topograph. Hibern. distinct. 3. cap. 19. Moreover, saith hee, which is very detestable, and most contrary not only to the faith, but also unto common honesty; brethren in many places throughout Ireland do, I say not marry, but marre rather and seduce the wives of their deceased brothers, while in this sort they filthily and incestuously have knowledge of them: cleaving herein not to the marrow but to the barke of the Old Testament, and desiring to imitate the ancient in vices more willingly than in vertues.

Thirdly, touching divorces, wee reade in Sedulius; that Non licet secundùm praeceptum Domini ut dimittatur conjunx, nisi caussâ fornicationis. Sedul. in 1 Cor. 7. it is not lawfull, according to the precept of our Lord, that the wife should be put away, but for the cause of fornication, and in the Synod ascribed to St. Pa­trick. Non licet vi­ro dimittere uxorem nisi ob caussam forni­cationis. ac fi dicat, ob hanc caussam. Vnde si ducat alte­rum, velut post mortem prioris, non ve [...]ant. Synod. Patrie. cap. 36 MS. [Page 52] It is not lawfull for a man to put away his wife, but for the cause of fornication. as if he should say; for this cause, he may. Whence if hee marry another, as it were after the death of the former, they forbid it not. Who they were, that did not forbid this second marriage, is not there expressed: that Saint Patrick himselfe was of another minde, would appeare by this constitution following; which in another anci­ent Canon-booke I found cited under his name. Si alicujus uxor fornicata fuerit cum alio viro: non ad­ducet aliam uxorem, quan­diù viva fuerit uxor prima. Si fortè conversa fuerit, & agat poenitentiam, suscipiet eam; & serviet ei in vicem ancillae: & anuum inte­grum in pan [...] & aquâ per mensuram poe­niteat; nec in uno lecto per­maneant. Ex li­bro [...] Cott [...]an [...], titu­l [...]m 66. If any mans wife have committed adulterie with another man: he shall not marry another wife, as long as the first wife shall be alive. If per adventure she be converted, and doe penance: he shall receive her; and she shall serve him in the place of a maid-servant. Let her for a whole yeare doe penance in bread and water, and that by measure: neyther let them remaine in the same bed together. Fourthly, concerning single life, I doe not finde in any of our records, that it was generally imposed upon the Clergie; but the contrary rather. For in the Synod held by St. Patrick, Auxilius, and Isserninus; there is a speciall order taken, Quicunque Clericis, ab Ostiario usque ad Sacerdotem, fine [...] visus fuerit, &c. & uxor ejus si non velato capite ambulaverit: pa­riter à laicis contemnenurtur, & ab Ecclesiâ separentur. Synod. Patric. Auxil Issernin. that their wives shall not walke abroad, with their heads uncovered. And St. Patrick himselfe confesseth (at leastwise the Con­fession which goeth under his name saith so; and Pro­bus, Iocelinus, and others that write his life, agree therewith) that hee Patrem habui Calporn [...] Diaconum, filium quondam Potiti presbyteri. S. Patricii Confessio. MS. had to his father Calphurnius a Deacon, and to his grandfather Potitus a Priest. For that was no new thing then among the Britons: [Page 53] whose Bishops therefore Gildas doth reprehend (as for the same cause he did the chiefe of the Laity) that they were not content to be the husbands of one, but of many wives, and that they corrupted their chil­dren by their evill example: whereas Imperfecta est patrum ca­stitas, si eidem non & [...] accumul [...]. Sed quid crir, ubi nec pater, nec filius mali genitoris ex­emplo prava­tus, conspicitu [...] castus? Gildas. the chastitie of the fathers was to be esteemed imperfect, if the chastitie of their sonnes were not added thereunto.

Nennius, the eldest Historiographer of the Britons which wee have after him (who in many copies also beareth his owne name) wrote that booke which we have extant of his, to Sic inveni, ut tibi Samuel (infans magi­stri mei Benla­ni presbyteri) in istâ pagina scripsi. Nennius in MS o. Dunel­mensi. Samuel the childe of Benlanus the Priest, his master: counting it a grace, rather than any kinde of disparagement unto him, to bee estee­med the sonne of a learned Priest. Which maketh him in the Versus Nen­nii ad Samue­lem filium ma­gistri sui Benla­ni, viri religiosi, ad quem histo­riam istam scripserat. Nenn. MS. in publicâ Cantae­brigiensis acade­miae Bibliothecâ verses prefixed before the worke to say: Christe, tribuisti patri Samuelem, Hinc apud Balaeum, Centur. 1 cap. 77. Ben­lani presbyteri [...] Laeta est nominata.

But about 60. or 70. yeares after, I finde some par­tiall eclipse here (and the first, I thinke, of this kinde, that can bee shewed among the Britons) in the lawes of Howel Dha: where it is ordered, that Si clericus haberet foeminam datam à suo genere, & sic habee filium ex eâ; & posteà ille cleritus presbyteratus ordinem accipiens, si post votum conse­crationis filium haberet de eâdem foeminâ; prior filius non debet partiri cum filio post na­to. Ex legib. Howel Dha, MS. in [...] Cottonia [...]â. if a Clerk of a lower degree should match with a woman, and have a sonne by her, and that Clerke afterward ha­ving received the order of Priest-hood, should have another sonne by the same woman; the former son should enjoy his fathers whole estate, without being bound to divide the same with his other brother. Yet these marriages for all that were so held out, that the fathers not content their sonnes should succeed them in their temporall estate alone, prevailed so [Page 54] far that they continued them in the succession of their spirituall promotions also. Which abuse Giraldus Cambrensis Successivè & post patres filii ecclesias obti­nent, non ele­ctivè sed haere­ditate possiden­tes & polluen­tes Sanctuari­um Dei. quia si praelatus alium eligere & insti­tuere fortè prae­sumpserit; in instituentem procùl dubiò, vel institutum, genus injuriam vindicabit. Girald, Cambrensis Descript. Cambri [...], libro 2 . MS. Successio [...]is quippe vitium non solùm in sedibus cathedralibus, verùm etiam adeò per totam in clero sicut & in populo Walliam per­ [...]inaciter inyaiuit; quòd & post patres filii passim ecclesias & consequenter obtineant, tanquam haereditate possidentes & polluentes Sanctuarium Dei, &c. Id. in Dialogo de Ec­clesiâ Menevensi, distinct. 1. MS. complaineth to have been continuedin Wales unto his time; & out of Hildebert. epist. 65. ad Honorium II. (tomo 12. Bibloth. Patr. part. 1. pag. 338. 339. edit. Colon.) Hil [...]ebertus Cenoma­nensis sheweth to have prevailed in little Brittaine al­so: whence he inferreth, Ex quibus constare potest, utrumque vitium toti huic genti Britanniae tam cismarinae quàm transmarinae ab antiquo commune fuisse. Girald. Cambr. in utroque. that this vice was of old com­mon to the whole Brittish nation aswell on this side as on the other side of the sea. Whereunto for Ireland also wee may adde the letters written by Pope Innocent the third unto Iohannes Salernitanus the Cardinall, his legate, Alphons. Ciacon. in Vitis Pontificum & Cardinalium, pag. 515. for abolishing the custome there, where­by sonnes and grand-children did use to succeede their fathers and grand-fathers in their Ecclesiastical benefices.

CHAP. VI.

Of the discipline of our ancient Monkes; and abstinence from meats.

WHat hath beene said of the married Clergie, concerneth the Seculars, and not the Regulars, whereof there was a very great number in Ireland; because here [...] in clerum electi [...] distinct 3. cap. 29. almost all the Prelates were wont to bee [Page 55] chosen into the Clergie out of monasteries. For our mo­nasteries in ancient time were the seminaries of the ministerie: being as it were so many Colledges of learned divines, whereunto the people did usually resort for instruction, and from whence the Church was wont continually to bee supplied with able mi­nisters. The benefit whereof was not onely contai­ned within the limits of this Iland, but did extend it selfe to forraine countries likewise. For this was it that drew Ecgbenu [...] cum C [...]adda adolescente & ipse adolescens in Hiberniâ monasticam in orationibus & continentiâ & meditatione divinarū scrip­tura [...]um vitam sedulus agebat. Bed. lib. 4. hist. cap. 3. Egbert and Ceaddae (for example) into Ireland; that they might there leade a monasticall life in prayers and continencie and meditation of the holy Scriptures: and hence were those famous monasteries planted in England by Aidan, Finan, Colman, and o­thers; unto which Sed & diebus Dominicis ad ecclesiam sive ad mona­steria certatim, non reficiendi eorp [...]ris, sed e­rudiendi ser­monis Dei gra­tiâ confluebant Id. lib. 3. cap. 26. the people flockt apace on the Lords day, not for the feeding of their body, but for the lear­ning of the word of God, as Beda witnesseth. Yea this was the principall meanes, whereby the knowledge both of the Scriptures and of all other good learn­ing was preserved in that inundation of barbarisme, wherewith the whole West was in a manner over­whelmed. Hitherto (saith Hactenus vi­deri poterat a­ctum esse cum sapientiae stu­diis; nisi semen Deus servâsset in aliquo mun­di angulo. In Scotis & Hibernis haeserat aliquid adhuc de doctrinâ cognitionis Dei & honestatis civilis; quòd nullus fuerit in ultimis illis mundi finibus armorum terror, &c. Et summam possumus ibi conspicere & adorare Dei bonitatem; quòd in Scotis, & locis, ubi nemo putâsset, tam nu­merosi coaluerint sub strictissimâ disciplinâ coetus. Jacob. Curi [...], lib. [...] rerum Chronologie. Curio) it might seeme that the studies of wisedome should quite have perished; un­lesse God had reserved a seed in some corner of the world. Among the Scottish and the Irish something as yet re­mained of the doctrine of the knowledge of God and of civill honesty; because there was no terrour of armes in those utmost ends of the world. And we may there behold and adore the great goodnesse of God; that among the [Page 56] Scots, and in those places where no man would have thought it, so many great companies should bee gathered together under a most strict discipline.

How strict their discipline was, may appeare part­ly by the Rule, and partly by the Daily penances of Monkes; which are yet extant of Columbanus his wri­ting. In the later of these, for the disobedience of Monkes these penances are prescribed. Si quis frater inobediens fue­rit; duos dies uno paxmate & aquâ. Si quis dicit, Non faci­ [...]m; tres dies uno paxmatio & aquâ. Si quis [...]murat; du­os dies uno paxmatio & aquâ. Si quis veniam non petit, aut dicit excu [...]tionem; [...] dies uno paxmatio & aquâ. Col [...] lib. de quatidi [...] ­ [...]us P [...]itentus [...] ca 10. MS. in [...]aste­ris S. Galli. If any bro­ther bee disobedient; hee shall fast two dayes, with one bisket and water. If any say, I will not do it; three dayes, with one bisket and water. If any murmure; two dayes, with one bisket and water. If any doe not aske leave, or tell an excuse; two dayes, with one bisket and water▪ and so in other particulars. In his Rule, these good les­sons doth hee give unto his Monkes, among many others. That Quid pro­dest, si virgo corpore sit, & non sit virgo [...]ente? Id. in Regulâ [...]. cap. 8. it profited them little, if they were vir­gins in body, and were not virgins in minde. that they Quotidie proficiendum est: sicut quotidie orandum, quotidic (que) est legendum. Ibid. cap. 5. should daily profit, as they did daily pray, and daily reade. that Bona vanè laudat [...] Pharis [...]i perierunt: & peccata Publicani accusata evanuerunt. Non exeat igitur verbum grande de ore Monachi: ne suus grandis pereat labor. Ibid. cap. 7. the good things of the Pharisee being vain­ly praised were lost, and the sinnes of the Publican being accused vanished away: and therefore that a great word should not come out of the mouth of a Monke, lest his great labour should perish. They were not taught to vaunt of their state of perfection, and workes of supereroga­tion: or to argue from thence (as Celestius the Pelagi­an Monke sometime did) that Tantam nos habere per natura [...] liberi arbitrii non peccandi possibilitatem: ut plus etiam quàm praeceptum est, faciamus: quoniam perpe [...]a servatur à plerisque virginitas, quae praecepta non est; cùm ad [...] peccandum praecepta impl [...]re sufficiat. Aug. de gesti [...] Synod. Palestin. contra Pelag. cap. 13. by the nature of their free will they had such a possibility of not sinning, that [Page 57] they were able also to doe more than was commanded; be­cause they did observe perpetuall virginity which is not commanded, whereas for not sinning it is sufficient to fulfill the precepts. It was one of the points which Gal­lus (the scholler of Columbanus) delivered in his ser­mon preached at Constance; that our Saviour Ipsis Aposto­lis & eorum sequacibus ita bonum virgini­tatis arripien­dum persuasit: ut hoc scirent non humanae industriae, sed muneris esse divini. S. Gallus, in serm. [...]abit. Constant. did so perswade the Apostles & their followers to lay hold upon the good of virginity; that yet they should know, it was not of humane industry, but of divine gift. and it is a good observation which wee reade in Claudius: that Non in solo rerum corpo­rearum nitore, sed etiam in ipsis sordibus luctuosis esse posse jactanti­am: & eo peri­culosiorem, quo sub nomi­ne servitutis Dei decipit. Claud. lib. 1. in Matth. not only in the splendour of bodily things, but also in mournfull abasing of ones selfe, there may bee boasting; and that so much the more dangerous, as it deceiveth un­der the name of the service of God.

Our Monkes were religious in deede, and not in name only; farre from the hypocrisie, pride, idle­nesse and uncleannesse of those evill beasts and sloth­full bellies that afterward succeeded in their roome. Under colour of forsaking all, they did not hooke all unto themselves; nor under semblance of devo­tion did they devoure widowes houses: they held begging to bee no point of perfection; but Act. 20. 35. remem­bred the words of our Lord Iesus, how he said, It is a more blessed thing to give rather than to take. When king Sigebert made large offers unto Columbanus and his companions, to keep them within his dominions in France: hee received such another answer from them, as [...]; Euseb. lib. 1. hist. cap. ult. Thaddaeus in the Ecclesiasticall history is said to have given unto Abgarus the governour of Edessa: Qui nostra reliquimus, ut secundùm E­vangelicam jussionem Dominum sequeremur, non debemus alienas amplecti divitias; ne fortè praeva­gicatores simus divini mandati. Walafrid. Strab. vit. Galli, lib. 1. cap. 2. Wee who have forsaken our owne, that accor­ding [Page 58] to the commandement of the Gospel we might follow the Lord, ought not to embrace other mens riches; lest peradventure we should prove transgressors of the divine commandement. How then did these men live, will you say? Walafridus Strabus telleth us, that Alii hortum labor averunt, alii arbores po­miferas excolu­erunt. B. verò Gallus texebat retia, &c. & de [...]odem labore afliduas popu­lo benedictio­nes exhibuit. Ibid. cap. 6. some of them wrought in the garden, others dressed the orchard; Gallus made nets and tooke fish, wherewith hee not only relieved his owne company, but was helpfull also unto strangers. So Bede reporteth of Cuthbert, that when hee retired himselfe unto an anchoreticall life, he Et primùm quidem permo­dicum ab eis panem, quo ve­sceretur accipi­ [...]hat, ac suo bi­bebat è fonte: postmodùm verò proprio mantum labo­re juxta exem­pla patrum vivere magis aptum ducebat. Rogavit ergo afferri sibi in­strumenta qui­bus terram exerceret, & triticum quod fereret. Bed. vit. Cuthbert. pros. cap. 19. Vid. li. 4. hist, eccles. cap. 28. first indeed received a little bread from his bre­thren to feede upon, and dranke out of his owne well; but afterwards hee thought it more fit to live by the worke of his owne hands, after the example of the Fathers: and therefore intreated, that instruments might bee brought him wherewith he might till the earth, and corne that hee might sowe.

Id. in Carm. de vit. Cuthbert. cap. 17.
Quique suis cupiens victum conquirere palmis;
Incultam pertentat humum proscindere ferro,
Et sator edomitis anni spem credere glebis.

The like doth hee relate of Id. lib. 3. hist. eccles. cap. 19. Furseus; and Bonifacius of Bonifac. in vitâ Livini, pag. 240. Livinus; and Theodorus Campidonensis (or who­soever else wrote that booke) of Theod. Ca [...]did. vit. Magni, lib. 1. cap. 5. edit. Goldasti, 6. Ca [...]issi. Gallus, Magnoaldus, and the rest of the followers of Columbanus; that they got their living by the labour of their owne hands. And the 2 Thes. 3. 12. Apostles rule is generally laid downe for all Monkes, in the life of Furseus: Qui in monasteriis degun [...], cum silentio operante [...], suum panem manducent. Vit. Fursei. They which live in Monasteries should worke with silence, and eate their owne bread.

[Page 59] But now there is start up a new generation of men, that refuse to eate their own bread, and count it a high point of sanctity to live by begging of other mens bread; if yet the course they take may rightly bee termed begging. For as Richard Fitz-Ralphe, that fa­mous Archbishop of Armagh, objected to their faces, before the Pope himselfe and his Cardinals in [...]am enim istis in tempo­ribus non po­terit magnus aut mediocris in clero & po­pulo aut vix cibum sumere, ubi tales non affuerint men­dicantes: non more paupe­rum petentes ad portas vel ostia humiliter eleemosynam (ut Franciscus in Testamento praecepit & docuit) men­dicando; sed curias, sive do­mos, sine vere­cundiâ pene­trantes, & inibi hospitantes, nullatenùs in­vitati, edunt & bibunt quae apud eos repe­riunt. secum nihilominùs aut grana, aut similam, aut panes, aut carnes, seu caseos (et [...]amsi in domo non fuerint nisi­duo) secum extorquendo reportant: nec eis quisquam poterit denegare, nisi verecundiam naturalem abjiciat. Rich. Armachanus, in Defensorio Curaterum, pag. 56. 57. edit. Paris. an. 1625. ( collat. cum vetere editione Ascensianâ.) his time (and the matter is little amended, I wisse, in ours) scarce could any great or meane man of the Clergie or the Laitie eate his meate, but such kinde of beggers would be at his elbowe: not like other poore folkes hum­bly craving almes at the gate or the doore (as Francis did cammand and teach them in his Testament) by beg­ging; but without shame intruding themselves into courts or houses, and lodging there. where, without any inviting at all, they eate and drinke what they doe finde among them: and not with that content, carry away with them eyther wheate, or meale, or bread, or flesh, or cheeses (although there were but two in an house) in a kinde of an extorting manner; there being none that can deny them, unlesse he would cast away naturall shame.

This did that renowned Primate (whose anniver­sary memory is still celebrated in Dundalke, where hee was borne and buried, by the name of Saint Ri­chard) publickly deliver in the yeere 1357. at the Consistory of Avinion: where he stoutly maintained against the whole rabble of the Friars, what hee had preached the yeere before at Pauls Crosse unto the [Page 60] people. namely, Prima con­clusio erat, quòd Dominus Iesus Christus in conversatio­ne suâ humanâ semper pauper erat, non quia propter se pau­pertatem di­lexit aut voluit. Ibid. pag. 104, 105. that our Lord Iesus Christ, although in his humane conversation hee was alwayes poore, Secunda conclusio erat, quòd Dominus noster Iesus Christus nun­quam sponta­neè mendica­vit. Ib. pag. 107. yet did hee never voluntarily begge himselfe, Tertia con­clusio fuit; quòd Christus nun­quam docuit spontaneè mendicare. Ib. pag. 121. nor taught others so to doe, Quarta conclusio fuit; quòd Dominus noster Iesus Christus docuit non debere homines spontaneè mendicare. Ibid. pag. 123. but taught the plaine contrary: and Quinta conclusio erat; quod nullis potest pru­denter & sanctè spontaneam mendicitatem super se assumere perpetuò asservandam. quo­niam ex quo talis mendicitas vel mendicatio est dissuasa à Christo, à suis Ap [...]sto [...] & Disci­pulis, & ab Ecclesiâ ac sacris Scripturis, ac etiam reprobata: consequitur quòd non potest prudenter & sanctè assumi hoc modo. Ibid. pag. 131. Vid. ejusd. Richardi sermonem 3 apud Cru­cem Londi [...]. edit. Paris an. 1512. that no man could prudently & holily take upon himself the perpetuall observation of voluntary beggary; foras­much as such kinde of begging, as well by Christ, as by his Apostles and Disciples, by the Church and by the holy Scriptures, was both disswaded and also reproved.

His Countryman Henry Crumpe (a Monke of the Cistercian order in Baltinglas) not long after, treading in his steps, was accused for delivering in his Deter­minations at Oxford: that Quòd fratres de quatuor ordinibus Mendican [...] non sunt nec fuer [...]at Domino inspirante instituti; sed contra Concilium generale [...] sub Innocentio tertio celebratum, ac per ficta & falsa & falsa somnia, Papa Honorius suasus à fratr [...]bus eos confirmavit. Act. contra Henr. Crumpe, in Thomae Waldensis Fasciculo [...], quem MS um [...]abeo. the Friars of the foure Mendicant orders are not, nor ever were instituted by Gods inspiration, but that contrary to the generall Coun­cell of Lateran, held under Innocent the third (which prohibited the bringing in of any more new religi­ous orders into the Church) and by feigned and false dreames, Pope Honorius being perswaded by the Friars, did confirme them. and Quòd omnes Doctores determinantes pro parte fratrum [...] Dudum, vel timuerunt veritatem dicere, ne eorum libri per fratres Inquisitores haer [...] pravitatis damnarentur; vel dixerunt, ut videtur, vel solùm disputative & non deter [...]tivè processerunt: quia si planè veritatem pro Ecclesiâ dixissent, persecuti eos fuisse [...] Fra­tres, sicut persequebantur sanctum Doctorem Armachanum. Ibid. that all the Doctors which did [Page 61] determine for the Friars side, were eyther affraid to speak the truth, lest their books should be condemned by the Fri­ars that had gotten to be Inquisitors; or said, As it see­meth, or proceeded onely by way of d [...]sputation and not of determination: because if they had spoken the truth plainly in the behalfe of the Church, the Friars would have persecuted them, as they d [...]d persecute the holy Do­ctor Armachanus. Which Crumpe himselfe found af­terwards to be too true by his owne experience. for hee was forced to deny and abjure these assertions in the house of the Carmelite Friars at Stanford, before William Courtney Archbishop of Canterbury: and then silenced, that hee should not exercise publickly any act in the Schooles, either by reading, prea­ching, disputing, or determining; untill hee should have a speciall licence from the said Archbishop so to doe.

But to leave the begging Friars (being a kinde of creatures unknowne to the Church for twelve hun­dred yeers after Christ) and to return to the labouring Monkes: wee finde it related of our Brendan: that he Tribus mo­nachorum (qui suis, sibi ipsi la­boribus vi­ctum, manibus operando sup­peditabant) millibus prae­fuisse creditur. Nicol. Horps­field. hist. Eccles. Angl. lib. 1. cap. 25. governed three thousand such Monkes, who by their owne labours and handy-worke did earne their living. which agreeth well with that saying ascribed to him by the writer of his life: Monachum oportet labore manuum suarum vesci & vestiri. Vit. S. Brendani. A Monke ought to bee fed and clothed by the labour of his owne hands. Neither was there any other order observed in that famous Monasterie of Bangor among the Britons, In quo tantus fertur fuisse numerus monachorum; ut cùm in septem portio­nes esset cum praepositis sibi rectoribus monasterium divisum, nulla harum portio minus quàm trecentos homines haberet: qui omnes de labore manuum suarum vivere solebant. Bed. lib. 2. histor. Ecclesiast. cap. 2. wherein [Page 62] there is said to have beene so great a number of Monkes, that the Monastery being divided into seven portions (together with the Rectors appointed over them) none of all those portions had lesse than three hundred persons in them: all which (saith Bede) were w [...]nt to live by the la­bour of their owne hands. From the destruction of which Monastery, unto the erection of Tuy Gwyn, or White-house (which is said to have beene about the yeere 1146.) the setter forth of the Chronicle of Wales, pag. 253, 254. Welsh Chro­nicle observeth, that there were no Abbeyes among the Britons.

Here in Ireland Bishop Colman founded the Mo­nastery of Magio (in the Vid. Arnal. Hibern. a Cam­deno edit. ad an. 1370. county of Limrick) for the entertainment of the English: where they Ad exem­plum venera­bilium patrum, sub regulá & Abbate cano­nico, in magnâ continentiâ & finceritate pro­prio labore manuum vi­vunt. Bed. lib. 4. bist. eccles. cap. 4. did live according to the example of the reverend Fathers (as Bede writeth) under a rule and a canonicall Abbot, in great continency and sincerity, with the labour of their owne hands. Like whereunto was the monastery of Mailros also, planted by Bishop Aidan and his fol­lowers in Northumberland; where St. Cuthbert had his education: who affirmed, that Iure, inquit, est coenobitarū vita miranda, qui Abbatis per emnia sub­jiciuntur im­periis; ad ejus arbitrium cun­cta vigilandi, orandi, jeju­nandi, atque operandi tempora moderantur. Bed. vit. Cuthbert. pros. cap. 22. the life of such Monkes was justly to bee admired, which were in all things subject to the commands of their Abbot; and or­dered all the times of their watching, praying, fasting, and working, according to his direction.

id. Carm. cap. 20.
Excubiasque, famemque, preces, manuum (que) laborem
Ad votum gaudent proni fraenare regentis.

As for their fasting (for of their watching and praying there is no question made; and of their working wee have already spoken sufficiently) by the [Page 63] rule of Columbanus, they were Quotidie jejunandum est, sicut quoti­die reficien­dum est. Co­lumb. Regul. c. 5. every day to fast, and every day to eate: that by this meanes, Quia haec est vera discre­tio, ut possibi­litas spiritalis profectus cum abstinentiâ carnem mace­tante retente­tur. Ibid. the enabling of them for their spirituall proficiency might bee retai­ned, together with the abstinence that did macerate the flesh. Hee would therefore have them Ideò quoti­die edendum est, quia quoti­die proficien­dum est. Ibid. every day to eate, because they were every day to profit; and because Si enim mo­dum abstinen­tia excesserit, vitium non virtus erit. Ibid. abstinence, if it did exceed measure, would prove a vice and not a vertue. and he would have them to fast eve­rie day too, that is, not to eate any meate at all (for other fasts were not knowne in those dayes) untill evening. Cibus sit vi­lis & vesperti­nus Monacho­rum, satietatem fugiens & po­tus ebrietatem; ut & sustineat, & non noccat. Ibid. Let the food of Monkes (saith he) be meane, and taken at evening; flying satiety and excesse of drink: that it may both sustaine them and not hurt them. This was the daily fasting and feeding of them that lived according to Columbanus his rule. although the strict­nesse of the fast seemeth to have beene kept on Wed­nesdayes and Fridayes onely: which were the dayes of the weeke, wherein the ancient Irish (agreeable to the custome of the Grecian rather than the Roman Church) were wont to observe abstinence both from meate and from the Synodus Hi­berniensium dicit. In tribus quadragesimis anni, in die Dominico & in quartâ feriâ & sextâ, conjugaies continere se debent. Canonum Collectio, cu­jus initium; Sancta Synodus bis in anno decrevit habere Concilia. MS. in Bibliothecâ Cotton. marriage bed. Whence in the booke before alledged, of the Daily Penances of Monkes, we finde this order set downe by the same Columbanus: that Si quis ante horam nonam quartâ sexta (que) feriâ manducat, nisi infirmus; duos dies in pane & aquâ. Columban. lib. de quotidianis Poenitent. monachor. cap. 13. if any one, unlesse he were weake, did upon the Wednesday or Friday eate before the ninth houre (that is to say, before three of the clocke in the afternoone, according unto our account) hee should be punished with fasting two dayes in bread and water▪ [Page 64] and in Bedes Ecclesiasticall Historie; that Cujus exem­plis informati, tempore illo, religiosi qui (que) viri ac foeminae, consuetudinem fecerunt per to­tum annum, (exceptâ re­missione quin­quagesimae Paschalis) quartâ & sextâ sabbati ieiuni­um ad nonam usque horam protelare. Bed. lib. 3. hist. eccles. cap. 5. such as followed the information of Aidan, did upon the same dayes observe their fast, untill the same houre. in which history we also reade of Bishop Cedd (who was brought up at Lindisfarne with our Aidan and Finan) that keeping a strict fast, upon a speciall oc­casion, in the time of Lent, hee did Quibus die­bus cunctis, ex­ceptâ Domini­câ, iciunium ad vesperam iuxta morem prote­lans; nec tunc nisi panis per­modicum, & unum ovum gallinaceum, cum parvo la­cte aquâ mixto percipiebat. Ibid. cap. 23. every day, except the Lords day, continue his fast, (as the manner was) un­till the evening; and then also did eate nothing but a small pittance of bread, and one egge, with a little milke mingled with water. Where by the way you may note, that in those daies egges were eaten in Lent, and the Sundayes excepted from fasting, even then when the abstinence was precisely and in more than an or­dinarie manner observed.

But generally for this point of the difference of meats, it is well noted by Claudius out of S. Augustin, that Ostendens evidenter, filios sapientiae in­telligere, nec in abstinendo nec in manducando esse iustitiam; sed in aequanimitate tolerandi inopiam, & temperanti [...] per abundantiam non se co [...]rumpendi, atque opportunè sumendi vel non sumendi ea, quorum non usus sed concupiscentia reprehendenda est. Claud. lib. 2. in Matth. the children of wisedome doe understand, that nei­ther in abstaining nor in eating is there any vertue; but in contentednesse of bearing the want, and temperance of not corrupting a mans selfe by abundance, and of oppor­tunely taking or not taking those things, of which not the use but the concupiscence is to be blamed. and in the life of Furseus, the hypocrisie of them is justly taxed, that being Sunt nonnulli, qui spiritualibus vitiis impugnantur; sed his omissis, corpus in abstinentiâ affigunt. Vit. S. Fursei. assaulted with spirituall vices, doe yet omit the care of them, and afflict their body with abstinence: [Page 65] who Multi enim cibis, quos De­us ad percipi­endum cum gratiarum acti­one creavit, ab­stinentes, haec nefanda quasi licita sumunt; hoc est, superbi­am, avaritiam, invidiam, fal­sum testimoni­um, blasphemi­am. Ibid. abstaining from meates, which God hath created to be received with thankesgiving, fall to wicked things, as if they were lawfull; namely to pride, covetousnesse, envy, false witnessing, backbiting. Of whom Gildas giveth this good censure, in one of his Epistles which now are lost. Gildas in epi­stolis su [...]. Hi dum pane ad mensuram vescuntur, pro hoc ipso fine mensurâ glori­antur, dum aquâ utuntur, simul odii po­culo potantur; dum siccis fer­culis vescun­tur, detractioni­bus utuutur; dum vigiliis expendunt, a­lios somno pressos vitupe­rant: ieiunium caritati, vigilias iustitiae, propriam adinventionem concordiae, clausulam Ecclesiae (al. Cellae,) severitatem humilitati, postremò hominem Deo anteponunt. Horum ieiunium, nisi per aliquas virtutes adfectatur, nihil prodest. qui verò caritatem perficiunt, cum citharâ Spiritus sancti dicunt: Quasi pannus menstruatae, omnes iustitiae nostrae sunt. Ex libro Canonum Cottoniano, titulorum 66. These men, while they doe feed on bread by measure, for this same very thing doe glory without measure; while they use water, they are withall drenched with the cup of hatred; while they feed on dry meates, they use detractions; while they spend themselves in watchings, they disprayse others that are oppressed with sleepe; preferring fasting before charitie, watching before justice, their owne invention before concord, seve­ritie before humilitie, and lastly, man before God. Such mens fasting, unlesse it be proceeded unto by some vertues, profiteth nothing at all: but such as accomplish charitie, doe say with the harpe of the holy Ghost; All our righ­teousnesses are as the cloth of a menstruous woman. Thus Gildas: who upon this ground layeth downe this sound conclusion; wherewith wee will shut up this whole matter. Abstinentia corporalium ciborum sine charita­te inutilis est. Meliores ergo sunt, qui non magnoperè ieiunant, nec supra modum à crea­turâ Dei abstinent, cor intrinsccùs nitidum coram Domino sollicitè servantes, à quo sciunt exitum vitae: quàm illi qui carnem non edunt, nec prandiis secularibus delectantur, neque vehiculis & equis vehuntur, pro his quasi superiores caeteris se putantes; quibus mors in­travit per fenestras clationis. Gildas, ibid. Abstinence from corporall meats is un­profitable without charitie. They are therefore the better men, who doe not fast much, nor abstaine from the crea­ture of God beyond measure, but carefully keepe their [Page 66] heart within pure before God, from whence they know commeth the issue of life: than they who eate no flesh, nor take delight in secular dinners, nor ride with coaches or horses, thinking themselves hereby to bee as it were supe­riour to others▪ upon whom death hath entred through the windows of haughtinesse.

CHAP. VII.

Of the Church, and various state thereof, especially in the dayes of Antichrist: of Miracles also, and of the Head of the Church.

COncerning the Catholike Church, our Doctors taught with S. Gregory; that God Haber vine­am, universam scilicèt Eccl [...]si­am; quae ab A­bel iusto usque adul [...]mum e­ [...]ectum qui in [...]ne mundi na­ [...]riturus est, quot sanctos prouilit, quasi tot palmites mis [...]t. Claud. lib. [...] in Matth. hath a vine­yard, to wit, the universall Church, which from just A­bel untill the last of the elect that shall be borne in the end of the world, as many Saints as it hath brought forth, so many branches (as it were) hath it budded. that Congregatio quippe iusto­rum, regum [...]lorum dici­tur; quod est Ecclesia in [...]rum Id. lib. 3. in Matth. the congregation of the just is called the kingdome of hea­ven; which is the Church of the just. that Ecclesiae filii sunt omnes ab institutione generis humani usque nu [...]c, quotquet iusti & sancti esse pomerunt. Id. lib. 2. in Matth. the sonnes of the Church bee all such as from the beginning of man­kinde untill now, have attained to be just and holy. that His & caeteris instruimur, tam Apostol [...]s omnesque credentes, quàm ipsam quoque Ecclesiam, coluamnam in Scripturis appellari; & nihil interesse de corpore quid dicatur in membris, cùm & corpu [...] dividatur in membra, & membra fint cor­pori [...]. Id. in Gal. 2. [...] Hitro [...]ymo. what is said of the body, may bee said also of the members; and that in this respect, as well the Apostles and all beleevers, as the Church it selfe, have the title of [Page 67] a pillar given them in the Scriptures. that Ecclesias vo­cat, quas post [...]à errore arguit depravatas. Ex quo noscen­dum, dupliciter Ecclesiam posse dici: & cam, quae non habe­at maculam aut rugam, & verè corpus Christi sit; & eam quae in Christi no­mine absque plenis perfectis­que virtutibus congregetur. Id. in Galat. 1. ex eodem. the Church may be considered two manner of wayes: both that which neyther hath spot nor wrinkle and is truely the bo­dy of Christ, and that which is gathered in the name of Christ without full and perfect vertues; which not­withstanding by the warrant of the Apostle, may have the name of the Church given unto it, although it be depraved with errour. that Ecclesiam non habituram maculam ne (que) rugam dicitur, respectu futurae vitae. Sc [...]ul in Ephes. 1. the Church is said not to have spot or wrinkle, in respect of the life to come. that when the Apostle saith; In a great house there are not only vessels of gold, &c. but some to honour and some to dishonour: (2 Tim. 2. 20.) by this Magnam do­mum non Ec­clesiam dicit (ut quidam pu­tant) quae non habet maculam neque rugam: sed mundum, in quo z [...]zauia sunt mixta tri­tico. Id. in. 2. Tim. 2. great house he doth not understand the Church (as some have thought) which hath not spot nor wrinkle: but the world, in which the tares are mingled with the wheate. that yet in Sancta Ecclesia decem Virginibus similis denuntiatur: in quâ quia mali cum bonis & reprobi cum electis admixtisunt, rectè similis virginibus prudenti­bus & fatuis esse perhibetur. Claud. lib. 3▪ in Matth. the ho­ly Church also, the evill are mingled with the good, and the reprobate with the elect: and that in this respect it is resembled unto the wise and foolish virgins; as also to Perhas regis nuptias praesens Eccle­sia designatur; in quâ cum bonis & mali conveniunt. Id. lib. eod. the Kings marriage, by which this present Church is designed, wherein the good and the bad doe meet toge­ther. So that In h [...]c ergo Ecclesiâ, nec mali esse sine bo [...]is, nec boni esse sine malis possunt: quos tamen sancta Ecclesia & nunc indiscretè suscipit, & postmodum in egressione discernit. Id. ibid. in this Church, neyther the bad can bee without the good, nor the good without the bad: whom the holy Church notwithstanding doth both now receive indifferently, and separate afterwards at their going from hence.

The number of the good, Gildas complaineth to [Page 68] have beene Exceptis pau­cia, & valdè, paucis, qui (ob amissioné. tan­ [...]ae multitudi­nis, quae quoti­diè p [...]ona ruit ad tartara) tam brevis numeri habentur; ut [...]os quodam­modò venera­bilis mater Ec­clesia in suo si­nu recumber­ [...]es non videat, quos solos ve­ros filios habet. Gild. epist. so exceeding short in his time among the Britons, in comparison of the other; that their mother the Church in a manner did not see them lying in her own lap, albeit they were the onely true sonnes which she had. And for externall pressures, our Doctors have delivered, that Nonnun­quam Ecclesia [...]ntis gentili­um pressuris, non solùm af­tlicta, sed & fae­data est; ut, si fieri possit, re­demptor ipsius cam prorsus de­ [...]eruisse ad tem­pus videretur. Claud. lib. 2. in Matth. the Church sometimes is not only afflicted, but also defiled with such oppressions of the Gen­tiles; that if it were possible, her redeemer might seeme for a time utterly to have forsaken her: and that, in the raging times of Antichrist, Ecclesia non apparebit, impiis tunc persecutoribus ultra modum saevientibus. Id. lib. 3. in Matth. the Church shall not ap­peare; by reason that the wicked persecutors shall then ex­ercise their cruelty beyond all measure. that in those Temporibus Antichristi non solum tormenta crebtiora & acerbiora, quàm priùs consueverant, ingerenda sunt fidelibus; sed (quod gravius est) signorum quo (que) operatio eos qui tormenta ingerunt, comitabitur: tests Apostolo, qui ait; Cujus est adven­tus secundùm operationem Satanae, in omni seductiorie, signis, & prodiglis mendacii. Id. lib. c [...]d. times of Antichrist, not onely more often and more bitter torments shall be put upon the faithfull, than before were wont to be; but (which is more grievous) the work­ing of miracles also shall accompany those that inflict the torments: as the Apostle witnesseth, saying; Whose com­ming is after the working of Satan, with all seduction, signes, and lying wonders. namely, Praestiglosis: sicut antè praedictum est; Dabunt signa, ita ut seducantur, si fieri po­test, etiam electi. per phantasticam virtutem: ficut Iamnes & Mambres coram Pharaone [...]ecerunt. Sedul. in [...] Thes. 2. juggling ones: as it was foretold before; They shall shew such signes that, if it were possible, the very elect should bee deceived, by such a phantasticall power, as Iamnes and Mambres wrought withall before Pharao. Quis ergo ad fidem convertitur incredulus? cujus jam credentis non pavet & concutitur fides? quando persecut [...]r pietatis fit etiam operator virtu­tis: idem (que) ipse qui tormentis [...] ut Christus negetur, provocat miraculis ut Antichristo [...]. Claud. lib. 3. in Matth. What unbeleever [Page 69] therefore ( say they) will then bee converted unto the faith? and who is hee that already beleeveth, whose faith trembleth not and is not shaken? when the persecuter of piety is the worker of wonders: and the same man that exerciseth crueltie with torments, that Christ may be de­nyed; provoketh by miracles, that Antichrist may bee be­leeved? And Quàm ergo mundo & sim­plici oculo o­pus est, ut inve­niatur via sapi­entiae, cui tan­tae malorum & perversorum hominum de­ceptiones erro­resque obstre­punt? quas omnes necesse est evadere, hoc est, venire ad certissimam pa­cem, & immo­bilem stabilita­tem sapientiae. Id. lib. 1. in Matth. what a pure and a single eye is there need of, that the way of wisedome may be found; against which so great deceivings and errours of evill and perverse men, doe make such a noyse? all which notwithstanding men must passe through; and so come to most certaine peace, and the unmoveable stabilitie of wisedome.

Hence concerning Miracles, they give us these in­structions. First, that Nec si se An­gelus nobis o­stendat, ad sedu­cendos nos sub­ornatus falla­ciis patris sui Diaboli, praeva­lere debebit adversum nos: ne (que) si virtus ab aliquo facta siet, sicut dicitur à Simone Mago in aäre vo­lâsse. Sedul. in Rom. 8. neyther if an Angel should shew himselfe unto us to seduce us, being suborned with the de­ceits of his father the divell, ought he to prevaile against us; neither if a miracle should be done by any one, as it is said of Simon Magus that he did flye in the ayre: Neque signa vos terreant, tanquam per Spiritum facta: quia hoc & Salvator praemonuit. Id. in 2 Thess. 2. ney­ther that signes should terrifie us, as done by the Spirit; because that our Saviour also hath given us warning of this before-hand. ( Matth. 24. 24, 25.) Secondly, that Hic ostenditur, crescente fide signa cessare: quando fidelium causâ danda esse praedicantur. Id. in 1 Corinth. 14. the faith having increased, miracles were to cease; for­asmuch as they are declared to have beene given for their sakes that beleeve not. and therefore that Vnde nunc cùm fidelium numerositas excrevit, intra sanctam Ecclesiam multi sunt qui vitam virtutum tenent, & signa virtutum non habent: quia frustrà miraculum foris ostenditur, si deest quod intùs operetur. Nam iuxta Magistri Gentium vocem: Linguae in signum sunt, non fidelibus sed in fidelibus. Claud. lib. 1 in Matth. now when the number of the faithfull is growne, there bee many within the holy Church that retaine the life of vertues, [Page 70] and yet have not those signes of vertues: because a mi­racle is to no purpose shewed outwardly, if that bee wan­ting which it should worke inwardly. For according to the saying of the Master of the Gentiles; Languages are for a signe, not to the faithfull but to infidels. (1 Cor. 14. 22.) Thirdly, that the working of miracles is no good argument to prove the holinesse of them that bee the instruments thereof: and therefore Qualia pro­pter infideles cùm fecerit Dominus, mo­nuit tamen ne talibus decipia­mur, arbitran­ [...]es ibi esse in­visibilem sapi­entiam, ubi miraculum vi­sibile videri­mus. Adiungit ergo & dicit, Multi dicent mihi in illâ die, Domine, Domine: [...] in nomine tuo prophetavi­mus, & in tuo nomine daemo­nia eiecimus, & in tuo nomine virtutes multas fecimus? Id. lib. eod. when the Lord doth such things for the convincing of infidels, he yet giveth us warning that we should not bee deceived thereby, supposing invisible wisedome to bee there, where we shall behold a visible miracle. For hee saith: Many shall say unto me in that day, Lord, Lord; have wee not prophesied in thy name, and in thy name cast out Divels, and in thy name done many miracles? ( Matth. 7. 22) Fourthly, that Ille Deum tentat, qui ia­ctantiae suae vitio, superflu­am & inutilem vult ostentare virtutem. Quid e [...]im utilitatis habet, quid commodi confert, si praeceps hin [...] in plana descendero? &c. Id. lib. eod. he tempteth God, who for his own vaine glory will make shew of a superfluous and unprofitable miracle. such as that (for example) was, whereunto the Divel tempted our Saviour, Matth. 4. 6. to come downe headlong from the pinnacle of the Temple unto the plaine, Inane est enim omne miraculum, quod utilitatem saluti non operatur humanae. Ibid. every miracle being vaine, which worketh not some profit unto mans salvation. Whereby wee may easily discerne, what to judge of that infi­nite number of idle miracles, wherewith the lives of our Saints are every where stuffed: many whereof wee may justly censure (as Amphiloch▪ in l [...] ambis ad Sel [...]um. Amphilochius doth the tales that the Poets tell of their Gods) for

[...],
Fables, of laughter worthy, and of teares;

[Page 71] Yea some of them also we may rightly brand, as

[...]
Vnseemely fables, and Divels documents.

For what (for example) can be more unseemely, and tend further to the advancement of the doctrine of di­vels, than that which Cogitosus relateth in the life of S. Brigid? that she, for saving the credit of a Nunne that had beene gotten with childe, Cogitos. Vit. Brigid. in exem­plaribus MS o. antiquiss. Biblio­thec Cottonianae, & Ecclesiae Sa­risburiensis. blessed her faith­fully forsooth (for so the author speaketh) and so cau­sed her conception to vanish away, without any deli­very and without any paine. which for the saving of St. Brigids owne credit, eyther Tom. 5. An­tiqu. lection. in lacunâ, sub [...] ­nem, pag. 629. Hen. Canisius or the friars of Aichstad ( from whom he had his copie of Cogitosus) thought fit to scrape out, and rather to leave a blanke in the booke, than to suffer so lewd a tale to stand in it. But I will not stirre this puddle any further: but proceed on, unto some better matter.

And now are wee come at last to the great Point, that toucheth the Head and the foundation of the Church. Concerning which Sedulius observeth, that the title of Fundamen­ta.] Christum, & Apostolos, & Prophetas. Se­dul. in Hebr. 11. foundation is attributed both to Christ, and to the Apostles and Prophets. that where it is said, Esay 28. 16. Behold, I lay in Sion a stone, &c. Compertum est in petrâ vel lapide Chri­stum esse signi­ficatum. Id. in Rom. 9. it is certaine, that by the rocke or stone Christ is signified. that, in Ephes. 2. 20. Apostoli fundamentum sunt, vel Christus fundamentum est Apostolorum. Christus est fundamentum, qui etiam la­pis dicitur angularis, duos conjungens & continens parietes. Ideò hic fundamentum & summus est lapis; quia in ipso & fundatur, & consummatur Ecclesia. Id. in Ephes. 2. the Apostles are the foundation, or Christ rather the foundation of the Apostles. For Christ ( saith hee) is the foundation, who is also called the corner stone, joyning and holding together the two wals. [Page 72] Therefore is hee the foundation and chiefe stone; because in him the Church is both founded and finished. and we are to account the Apostles Vt ministros Christi: non ut fundamen­tum. Id. in 1 Cor. 4. as Ministers of Christ, and not as the foundation. The famous place, Mat­thew 16. 18. ( whereupon our Romanists lay the maine foundation of the Papacie) Claudius expoun­deth in this sort. Super hanc petram aedifi­cabo ecclesiam meam, id est, super Dominū salvatorem, qui fideli suo cog­nitori, amatori, confessori, par­ticipium sui nominis dona­vit, ut scilicet à petrâ Petrus vocaretur. Ae­dificatur Eccle­sia: quia non nisi per fidem & dilectionem Christi, per susceptionem sacramentorum Christi, per observantiam mandatorum Christi, ad sor­tem. electorum & aeternam pertingitur vi­tam, Apostolo attestante qui ai [...]; Fundamentum enim aliud nemo potest ponere praeter id quod positum est, qui est Christus Iesus. Claud. lib. 2. in Matth. Vpon this rocke will I build my Church, that is to say, upon the Lord and Saviour, who granted unto his faithfull knower, lover, and confessor the participation of his owne name; that from petra (the rocke) hee should be called Peter. The Church is builded upon him: because onely by the faith and love of Christ, by the receiving of the Sacraments of Christ, by the ob­servation of the commandements of Christ, wee come to the inheritance of the elect and eternall life, as wit­nesseth the Apostle, who saith, Other foundation can no man lay beside that which is laid, which is Christ Iesus.

Yet doth the same Claudius acknowledge, that Pettum solum nominat, & sibi comparat: quia primatum ipse accepit ad fundandam Ecclesiam: se quoque pari modo electum, ut prima­tum habeat in fundandis Gentium Ecclesiis. Id. in Galat. 2. St. Peter received a kinde of primacy for the foun­ding of the Church ( in respect whereof hee termeth him Id. in Galat. 5. Ecclesiae principem, and Id. in Galat. 2. Apostolorum principem, the prince of the Church, and the prince or chiefe of the Apostles) but hee addeth with all, that Saint Paul also was chosen in the same manner, to have the primacy in founding the Churches of the Gentiles. and that hee Ab his itaque probatum dicit donum quod accepit à Deo, ut dignus essect habere primatum in praedicatione Gentium, sicut & habebat Petrus in praedicatione Circumcisionis. Id. in Gal. 2. received this gift from God, that hee should bee worthy [Page 73] to have the primacie in preaching to the Gentiles, as Pe­ter had it in the preaching of the Circumcision. and therefore that Gratiam sibi soli primus vendicat con­cessam à Deo, sicut & soli Petro concessa est inter Apo­stolos. Id. ibid. St. Paul challengeth this grace as gran­ted by God to him alone, as it was granted to Peter alone among the Apostles. and that hee esteemed himselfe Non illi sum inferior; quia ab uno sumus ambo in unum ministerium ordinati. Id. ibid. not to be inferiour unto St. Peter, because both of them were by one ordained unto one and the same ministery. and that writing to the Galatians, Apostolum se Christi titu­lo praenotavit, ut ex ipsâ le­cturos nominis auctoritate ter­reret; judicans omnes, qui in Christo crede­rent, debere sibi esse sub­jectos. Id. in Gal. 1. he did in the title name himselfe an Apostle of Christ, to the end that by the very authority of that name hee might terrifie his rea­ders; judging, that all such as did beleeve in Christ, ought to be subject unto him.

It is furthermore also observed by Claudius, that Nam sicut interrogatis generaliter omnibus, Pe­trus respondit unus pro om­nibus: ita quod Petro Dominus respondit, in Petro omnibus respondit. Id. lib. 2. in Matth. as when our Saviour propounded the question ge­nerally unto all the Apostles, Peter did answer as one for all; so what our Lord answered unto Peter, in Peter he did answer unto all. and therefore Quae solvendi ac ligandi potestas, quamvis soli Petro data videatur à Domino; absque ullâ tamen dubietate noscendum est, quia & caeteris Apostolis datur: ipso teste, qui post passio­nis resurrectionisque suae triumphum apparens eis insufflavit, & dixit omnibus: Accipite Spiritum sanctum, quorum remiscritis peccata, remittuntur eis, & quorum retinueritis, rerenta sunt. Id. lib. eod. howsoever the power of loosing and binding might seeme to be given by the Lord unto Peter alone, yet without all manner of doubt it is to be knowne, that it was given unto the rest of the Apostles also: as himselfe doth witnesse, who appearing unto them after the triumph of his passion and resurrection, brea­thed on them, and said unto them all; Receive the holy Ghost, whose sinnes ye remit, they are remitted unto them, and whose sins ye retaine they are retained. Gildas the Briton goeth further, affirming that Vero sacerdoti dicitur: Tu es Petrus, & super hanc petram aedificabo ecclesiam meam. Gild. epist. to the true Priest [Page 74] it is said; Thou art Peter, and upon this rocke I will build my Church. that Petro ejus (que) successoribus dicit Dominus: Et tibi dabo claves regni coelorum. Ibid. to Peter and his successors our Lord saith; And unto thee will I give the Keyes of the King­dome of heaven. and consequently, that Itemque omni sancto sacerdoti pro­mittitur: Et quaecunque solveris super terram, erunt soluta & in coe­lo; & quaecun (que) ligaveris super terram, erunt ligata & in coelo. Ibid. unto every holy Priest it is promised: Whatsoever thou shalt binde on earth, shalbe bound likewise in heaven; and whatsoe­ver thou shalt loose on earth, shalbe loosed likewise in hea­ven. Whereupon hee pronounceth of the good Priests of Brittaine; that they Apostolicam sedem legitimè obtinent. Ibid. doe lawfully obtaine the Apostolicall state, and Si hunc vos Apostoli reti­netis in omni­bus affectum; ejus quoque cathedrae legi­timè insidere noscatis. Ibid. lawfully sit in the chaire of St. Paul: and on the other side of the bad, that Sedem Petri Apostoli im­mundis pedibus usurpantes; sed merito cupidi­tatis in Iudae traditoris pe­stilentem ca­thedram deci­dentes. Ibid. with uncleane feete they usurpe the seate of the Apostle Peter, but by the demerit of their covetousnesse fall into the pe­stilent chaire of the traytor Iudas; and so the ordainers of such, place Iudam quedam modo in Petri cathedrâ Domini traditorem statuunt. Ibid. after a sort Iudas the betrayer of our Lord, in the seate of Peter.

Lastly, as Claudius noteth, that Super ipsos Ecclesiae fit positum fundamentum. Claud. in Gal. 2. the foundation of the Church was laid not onely upon St. Peter, but also upon St. Iohn: so in a certaine Hymne supposed to be written by Secundinus (knowne in this country com­monly by the name of St. Scachlin) in the yeere of our Lord CCCCXLVIII. St Patrick also is thus com­mended. Con­stans in Dei timore, & fide immobilis, super quem aedificatur ut Petrum Ecclesia: cujusque Apostolatum à Deo sortitus est, & inferni porta adversus eum non praevalebunt. Hymn in laud. S. Patricij. He is constant in the feare of God, and unmo­vable in the faith, upon whom the Church is builded as upon Peter; whose Apostleship also he hath obtained from God, and the gates of Hell shall not prevaile against him. yea Christus illum sibi elegit in terris Vicarium. Ibid. Christ is there said to have chosen him for his Vi­car upon earth. His See likewise of Armagh, is by one [Page 75] Calvus Perennis in the dayes of Brian king of Ireland (who was slaine, as appeareth by Brianus rex Hiberniae, Pa­rasceve Paschae, sextâ feriâ, IX. Calend. Maii, manibus & mente ad De­um intentus necatur. Ma­rian. Scot. See Caradoc of Lhancarran, in the Chronicle of Wales, pag. 80. Marianus in the yeere 1014.) termed Sanctus Pa­tricius iens ad coelum, manda­vit totum fru­ctum laboris sui (tam baptismi, tam causarum quàm eleemosynarum) deserendum esse A­postolicae Vrbi, quae Scoticè nominatur Arddmacha. Sic repperi in Bibliothecis Scotorum. Ego scripsi, id est, Calvus Perennis, in conspectu Briani Imperatoris Scotorum. Ex. Vet. Cod. Ecclesiae Armachanae. the Citie Apostolick. So De­siderius Bishop of Cahors in France, is by our coun­tryman Gaellus saluted both Domino semper suo, & Apostolico Patri, Desiderio Papae, Gallus peccator. Papa and Apostolicus: and the Bishop of Kildare in Ireland, honoured by Cogitosus, with the stile of Cogitos. in vit. Brigid. tom. 5. antiqu. lect. Henr. Canisii, pag. 625. lin ult. Summus Sacerdos, and Ibid. pag. 640. lin. 2. Summus Pontifex, the highest Priest and the highest Bishop. those titles and prerogatives, which the Pope now peculiarly challengeth unto himselfe, as en­signes of his Monarchy, being heretofore usually communicated unto other Bishops, when the univer­sall Church was governed by way of Aristocratie.

CHAP. VIII.

Of the Popes spirituall Iurisdiction; and how little footing it had gotten at first within these parts.

MAster Campion telleth us; that Edm. Camp. History of Ire­land. lib. 2. ca. 2. when Ireland first received Christendome, they gave themselves into the Iurisdiction both spirituall and temporall of the See of Rome. But herein he speaketh without booke; of the spirituall jurisdiction untruly, of the temporall absurdly. For from the first legation of Palladius and Patricius, who were sent to plant the faith in this [Page 76] country, it cannot bee shewed out of any monument of antiquity, that the Bishop of Rome did ever send any of his Legats to exercise spirituall jurisdiction here (much lesse any of his Deputies to exercise juris­diction temporall) before Gillebertus, quem aiunt pri­mâ functum legatione Apostolicae sedis per universam Hiberniam; saith one that lived in his own time, even Bernard himselfe in the life of Malachias. One or two instances peradventure may be alledged out of some obscure authors, whose names, and times, and autho­rity no man can tell us newes of: but unlesse that which is delivered by Bernard, as the tradition that was current in his time, can bee controlled by some record that may appeare to have beene written be­fore his dayes; we have small reason to detract any thing from the credit of so cleere a testimony.

This country was heretofore, for the number of holy men that lived in it, termed the Iland of Saints: of that innumerable company of Saints, whose me­mory was reverenced here; what one received any solemne canonization from the Pope, before Mala­chias Archbishop of Armagh, & Laurence of Dublin? who lived, as it were, but the other day. We reade of sundry Archbishops that have beene in this land: betwixt the dayes of Saint Patrick and of Malachias, what one of them can be named, that ever sought for a Pall from Rome? Ioceline indeed a late Monke of the Abbey of Furnesse, writeth of St. Patrick; that the Bishop of Rome Pallio deco­ravit, illique vices suas committens at (que) legatum suum constituens, quaecunque in Hiberniâ gesserat, constituerat, disposuerat, auctoritatis suae munimine confirmavit. Iocelin. vit. Patric. cap. 166. conferred the Pall upon him, toge­ther with the execution of legatine power in his [Page 77] roome. But he is well knowne to be a most fabulous author: and for this particular, Bernard (who was his ancient) informeth us farre otherwise; that Metropoliti­cae sedi deerat adhuc, & defu­erat ab initio pallii usus. Ber­nard. vit. Ma­lach. from the very beginning untill his time, the metropoliticall See of Armagh wanted the use of the Pall. with whom the au­thor of the Annales of Mailros doth fully accord; noting that Anno 1151. Papa Eugenius quatuor pallia per legatum suum Iohan­nem Papirum transmisit in Hiberniam, quò nunquam anteà pallium delatum fuerat. Annal. Coenobij Melros. MS. in Bibliothecâ Cot­tonianâ. in the yeere 1151. Pope Eugenius (the same to whom Bernard did write his bookes de Con­sideratione) did by his Legate Iohn Papiron transmit foure Pals into Ireland; whither a Pall before had never beene brought. And therefore Giraldus Cambrensis, howsoever he acknowledgeth that Saint Patrick did Apud Ard­macham sibi sedem elegit; quam etiam quasi metro­polim consti­tuit & propri­um totius Hi­berniae prima­tiae locum. Girald. Cambr. Topograph. Hi­bern. distinct. 3. cap. 16. choose Armagh for his seate, and did appoint it to be as it were a metropoliticall See, and the proper place of the primacie of all Ireland; yet doth hee affirme withall, that in very deed Archiepiscopi verò in Hiberniâ nulli fuerant; sed tantùm se Episcopi invicem consecra­bant: donec Iohannes Papyrio Romanae sedis legatus, non multis retrò annis advenit. Hic quatuor pallia in Hiberniam portavit, &c. Ibid. cap. 17. there were no Archbishops in Ireland, but that Bishops only did consecrate one another, untill Io­hannes Papirio (or Paparo) the Popes Legate brought foure Pals thither. whereupon some of our Chroni­clers after him, give this note concerning Gelasius, who was at that time Archbishop of Armagh; that Hic primus Archiepiscopus dicitur, quia primo pallio usus est. Alii verò ante ipsum solo nomine Archiepiscopi & Pri­mates vocabantur; ob reverentiam & honorem Sancti Patricii, tanquam Apostoli illius gentis. Pembrigius, author. Annal. Hibern. à Guil. Camden [...] edit. Thomas Casaeus in Chronic. Hi­ [...]ern. MS. ad ann. 1174. hee is said to have beene the first Archbishop, because hee used the first Pall: and that others before him were cal­led Archbishops and Primates in name only; for the reve­rence of Saint Patrick, as the Apostle of that Nation.

And indeed it might seeme, that the complaint [Page 78] made by Anselme in his letters to Muriar dach King of Ireland, that Episcopi quo (que) (qui de­bent esse forma & exemplum aliis Canonicae religionis) in­ordinatè, sicut audivimus, aut à solis Episco­pis, aut in locis ubi ordinari non debent, consecrantur. Anselm. lib. 3. epist. 142. Bishops here were consecrated by Bi­shops alone, might somewhat justifie the truth of Gi­raldus his relation; if we did not find a further com­plaint there also, that they were often Dicitur, ab uno Episcopo Episcopum, sicut quemlibet presbyterum, ordinari. Id. ibid. epist. 147. ordained by one Bishop onely. But as this latter argueth, not the want of a competent number of Bishops in the land (for, as we shall heare presently, they had more than a sufficient number of such) but a neglect of the ob­servance of the Canon provided by the Nicence Fa­thers in that behalfe: so can it not rightly bee infer­red out of the former, that wee had no Archbishops here at that time, but that the Bishops rather did faile much in the Canonicall respect which they ought to shew unto their Metropolitane. For that the Irish had their Archbishops (beside many other pregnant testimonies that might bee produced) Pope Hilde­brands owne Briefe doth sufficiently manifest; which is directed Terdeluacho inelyto Regi Hiberniae, Ar­chiepiscopis, Episcopis, Ab­batibus, Proce­ribus, omni­bus (que) Christia­nis Hiberniam inhabitantibus. Gregor. VII. epist. ad Hibern. MS. in Bibito­thecâ Cotton. to Terdeluachus (or Tirlagh) the illustri­ous King of Ireland, the ARCHBISHOPS, Bishops, Abbots, Nobles, and all Christians inhabiting Ireland. And for the Archbishops of Armagh in particular; it appeareth most evidently by Bernard in the life of Malachias, that they were so far from being Metro­politans and Primates in name onely; that they exer­cised much greater authority before they were put to the charges of fetching Pals from Rome, then e­ver they did afterward: and that they did not onely consecrate Bishops, but erected also new Bishopricks, and Archbishopricks too sometimes, according as they thought fitting.

We reade in Nennius, that at the beginning St. Pa­trick [Page 79] Ecclesias sundauit CCCLXV. Or­dinavit Episco­pos eodem nu­mero CCCLXV. Presbyteros autem us (que) ad tria millia or­dinavit. Nenn. histor. Brit. MS. founded here 365. Churches, and ordained 365. Bishops, beside 3000. Presbyters. In processe of time the number of Bishops was daily Mutabantur & multiplica­bantur Episco­pi pro libitu metropolitani; ita ut unus E­piscopatus uno non esset con­tentus, sed sin­gulae penè Ec­clesiae singulos haberent Epi­scopos. Bernard. vit. Malach. multiplyed according to the pleasure of the Metropolitan, (whereof Bernard doth much complaine) and that, not onely so farre, that every Church almost had a severall Bishop: but also that in some Quòd in villis, vel civi­tatibus plures ordinantur. Lanfranc. epist. ad Terdelua­chum regem Hibern. apud Baron. ann. 1089. num. 16. Townes or Cities there were or­dained more than one; yea and oftentimes Dicitur, Episcopos in terrâ vestrâ passim eligi, & sine certo Episcopatus loco constitui. Anselm. lib. 3. epist. 147. ad Muriardachum regem Hi­bern. Bishops were made without any certaine place at all assigned un­to them. And as for the erecting of new Archbisho­prickes: if we beleeve our Legends, Rex Engus & S. Patricius, cum omni populo, ordinaverunt Archiepiscopassm Mumeniae in civitare & in sede sancti Albei, qui tunc ab eisdem Archiepiscopus ordinatus est, per seculum. Ex vitâ S. Declani. Rex Engus & Patricius ordinaverunt; ut in civitate & cathe­drâ sancti Albei e [...]et Archiepiscopatus omnium Memonensium semper, Ex vitâ S. Albei. King Engus and S. Patrick, with all the people, did ordaine, that in the City and See of Albeus (which is Emelye, now annexed to Cashell) should be the Archbishoprick of the whole Pro­vince of Mounster. in like manner also, Factâ Synodo magnâ in terrâ Laginensium, decrevit rex Brandubh, & tam laici quàm clerici, ut Archiepiscopatus omnium Laginensium semper esset in sede & cathedrâ sancti Moedog. Et tunc sanctus Moedog à multis catholicis consecratus est Archiepiscopus. Ex vit. S. Edani. A rege jam Laginensium Brandubh filio Eathach constitutum est, ut Archiepisco­patus Laginensium in civitate sancti Moedog esset. Ipsa civitas vocatur Ferna, quae est in ter­râ gentis Kenselach. Ex vit. S. Molyng. Brandubh King of the Lagenians, with the consent as well of the Laity as of the Clergie, did appoint that in the Citie of Fernes (which was the See of Moedog, otherwise cal­led Edanus) should bee the Archbishopricke of all the Province of Leinster. But Bernards testimony, wee have no reason not to beleeve, relating what was knowne to be done in his owne very time: that Erat & altera Metropolitica sedes, quem de novo constituerat Celsus, primae tamen sedi & illius Archiepiscopo subdita tanquam primati. Ber­nard. in vitâ Malachiae. Cel­sus [Page 80] the Archbishop of Armagh, had of the new consti­tuted another Metropoliticall See, but subiect to the first See, and to the Archbishop thereof. By which wee may see that in the erection of new Archbishopricks and Bishopricks, all things were here done at home, with­out consulting with the See of Rome for the matter.

As for the nomination and confirmation of the Archbishops and Bishops themselves: wee finde the manner of advancing Saint Livinus to his Arch­bishoprick thus laid downe by Boniface in the de­scription of his life. Illo defuncto, Rex Calomag­nus, & eius Pa­latinorum cho­rus cum suis subaulicis, toti­usque regionis illius confluen­tiâ, pari cordis affectu concla­maverunt, sanctum Sacer­dotem Livinum in honorem hu­ius ordinis dig­nissimè subli­mandum fore. His Rex omni­bus devotior consentiens, ter quaterque bearum virum in cathedrâ Archiepiscopa­tus debito ho­nore, Domino jubente, collocavit. Bonifat. Vit. Livin. When Menalchus the Arch­bishop was dead, Calomagnus the King of Scots, and the troope of his Officers with the under-courtiers, and the concourse of all that countrey, with the same affection of heart cryed out, that the holy Priest Livinus was most worthily to bee advanced unto the honour of this order. The King (more devout than all of them) consenting thereunto, three or foure times placed the blessed man in the chaire of the Archbishoprick with due honour, accor­ding to the will of the Lord. In like manner also did Rex Ecgfridus Episcopum fecit ordinari Lindisfarnensium ecclesiae virum sanctum & venerabilem Cudbertum. Bed. lib. 4. hist. cap. 27. & Vit. Cuthbert. cap. 24. King Ecgfrid cause our Cuthbert to be ordained Bi­shop of the Church of Landisfarne; and King Pipin Episcopatum Salzburgensem, pro debito regiae magnificentiae, sancto concessit Virgilio. Vit. Episc. Saluburgensaom. 2. Antiqu. lect. Henr. Canis. pag. 259. & tom. 6. pag. 1174. granted the Bishoprick of Salzburg to our Virgilius: and Duke Gunzo would have Walafrid. Strab. Vit. Gall. lib. 1. cap. 16, 17, 19, 20. conferred the Bishop­rick of Constance upon our Gallus; but that he refused it, and Theo­dor. Compidonens. v [...]lquicunque author fuit vitae Magni. lib. 1. cap. 8. edit. Goldesti, 10. Canisii. caused another upon his recommendation to be preferred thereunto.

In the booke of Landaffe, which is called Tilo [Page 81] (eyther from Teliau the second Bishop of that place, whose life is largely there described; or rather from the place it selfe, which of old was called In the Lawes of Howel Dhae it is named Ec­clesia Teilau: and so in Cara­dot of Lhancar­vans Chronicle of Wales, pag. 94. Ioseph is called Bishop of Teilo, or Lan­daff. Telio) we reade that Germanus and Lupus Super omnes Britannos dex­tralis partis Britanniae B. Dubticium summum Do­ctorem, à Rege & ab omni pa­rochiâ electum Archiepisco­pum, consecra­verunt. Hâc dignitate ei à Germano & Lupo datâ; constituerunt ei Episcopalem sedem concessu Mourici Regis, Principum, Cleri & populi, apud Podium Lantavi. Lib. Ecclesiae Landavensis, MS. did consecrate chiefe Doctor over all the Britons inhabiting the right side of Britanie, S. Dubricius, being chosen Archbishop by the King and all the Diocesse: and that by the graunt of Mouric the King, the Nobili­tie, Clergie, and people, they appointed his Episco­pall See to bee at Landaff. that Ele­ctione Cleri & populi succedit in episcopatu Landavensis Ecclesiae. electione cleri Merc­guini & Elgoreti & Gunnuini magistri; & trium Abbatum, Catgen abbatis [...]duti, Con­cenn abbatis Catmaili, Cetnig abbatis Docguinni; laicorum, Regis Mourici, & filiorum Athruis & Idnerth, Guidgen & Cetiau, Brogmail, Gendoc, Louhonerd, Catgualatyr, & omnium principum totius parochiae. Missus est S. Oudoceus cum clericis suis praedictis (Merchui & Elguoret & Gunubui) cum legatis trium Abbatum & Regis & Principum, ad Dorobornensem civitatem ad beatum Archiepiscopum; ubi sacratus est ecclesiae Landaviae in honore S. Petri fundatae. Ibid. Oudoceus, the third Bishop after him, being elected by King Mouric, and the chiefe of the Clergie and Laitie of the whole Diocesse, was by them sent to the Archibishop of Canterbury for his consecration. that DCCCCLXXXII. (vel DCCCLXXII. potius) lucarnationis Domini anno, Gucaunus episcopus Landaviae confecratus à metropolitano Du [...]stano Do­robornensis ecclesiae archiepiscopo, datâ sibi virgâ pastorali in regali curià à summo Rege Anglorum AE [...]garo. Ibid. Gucaunus (the 26 th. Bishop of that Church) was consecrated by Dunstan Archbishop of Canterbury; the pastorall staffe being given him in the Court by Edgar chiefe King of the English. that next after him, DCCCCLXXXIII. anno, electione factà regum Morcannuc, Ouein videlicèt & Idguallaun, Catell & Cinuin filiorum Morcantheu, Rotri & Crifud fili­orum Elired, & totius Cleri & populi Morcannuc infra hortum Taratir in Gui & hortum Tivi positi: & dato sibi baculo in regali curiâ à summo Rege Anglorum Adelredo, & à me­tropolitano Dorobornensis Ecclesiae Albrico archiepiscopo, Bledri episcopus Landaviae consecratus est; & 1022. o [...]. anno Incarnationis Domini, ordinationis suae autem 39 o. anno, migravit ad Dominum. Ibid. in the year. [Page 82] 983. election being made by the Kings and the whole Clergie and people of Glamorgan, and the pastorall staffe given in the Court by Ethelred chiefe King of the English; Bledri was consecrated by the Archbishop of Canterbury, who is there named Al­bricus. (though in truth, at the yeare here assigned, Dunstan did still hold the place.) and that after his decease in the yeare 1022. MXXII. anno Incarnationis Domini, conse­cratus est Io­seph episcopus Landaviae, Cantuariae à metropolitano Dorobornensis ecclesiae Aelnod archiepiscopo, in Kalendis Ostobris, & in primo (vel XVI [...]. potiùs) anno Cycli decen­novennalis, verbo Regis Anglorum Cout, & dato sibi baculo in Curiâ illius: electione popu­li & cleri Lan­daviae, & Re­gum Britanniae, regis videlicèt Riderch reg­nantis per to­tam Gualiam tune tempore, & Hivel subre­guli regis Moreannuc infra hortum Taratir in Gui & hortum Tivi regnantis. Ibid. by the election of the people and Clergie of Landaff and the Kings of the Britons (namely King Riderch that reigned at that time through all Wales, and Hivel the substitute of the King of Glamorgan) Ioseph was consecrated Bi­shop by Aelnod Archbishop of Canterbury, at the word of Cnut King of England, in whose Court the Pastorall staffe was given unto him.

Here in Ireland much after the same manner, M r. Campion himselfe setteth down, that Edm. Campion. Histor. Hibern. lib. 1. cap. ult [...] ad annum 948. to the Monarch was granted a negative in the nomination of Bishops at every vocation: the Clergie and Laity of the Diocesse recommending him to their King, the King to the Mo­narch, the Monarch to the Archbishop of Canterbury. although this last clause bee wrongly extended by him to the Bishops of the whole land, which pro­perly belonged to the Ostmann strangers, that pos­sessed the Girald. Cambrens. Topograph. Hiber [...]. distinct. 3. cap. 43. three cities of Dublin, Waterford, and Limrick. For these being a Colonie of the Norwe­gians and Livonians, and so country-men to the Normans, when they had seene England subdued by the Conquerour, and Normans advanced to the [Page 83] chief archbishoprick there; would needs now assume to themselves the name of Eodem tem­pore Norwa­genses sive Ostmanni, qui civitates Hiber­niae & mariti­ma occupave­runt, Norman­ni vocati sunt. Annal. Dublin. ad ann. 1095. Normans also, and cause their Bishops to receive their consecration from no other metropolitan but the Archbishop of Canter­bury. And forasmuch as they were confined within the walls of their own cities: the Bishops which they made had no other diocesse to exercise their juris­diction in, but onely the bare circuit of those cities. Whereupon we finde a Certificate made unto Pope Innocent the third in the yeare 1216. by the Arch­bishop of Tuam and his suffraganes; that Dominus Io­hannes Papi­ron legatus Ro­manae Ecclesiae veniens in Hi­berniam, inve­nit Dublin E­piscopum ha­bentem, qui tantum intra muros Episco­plae officium exercebat. Testimon. Tua­mens. archiepisc. in Registro Dub­lin. archiepisc. & nigro libro Ec­clesia S. Trini­tatis. Iohn Pa­piron the Legate of the Church of Rome comming into Ireland, found that Dublin indeed had a Bishop, but such a one as did exercise his Episcopall office within the wals onely.

The first Bishop which they had in Dublin (as it appeareth by the Records of that Church) was one Donatus, or Dunanus, as others call him: upon whose death, in the yeare 1074. Ad regimen Dublinensis Ecclesiae Lan­francus archie­piscopus Can­tuariae, petente Goderico rege, Dubliniensis Ecclesiae populo & clero consentientibus & eligentibus, in Ecclesiâ sancti Pauli Londin. Patricium sacravit Antistitem. Annul. Dublin. ad annum 1074. Gothric their King, with the consent of the Clergie and people of Dublin, chose one Patrick for their Bishop, and directed him into England to bee consecrated by Lanfranc Arch­bishop of Canterbury: who sent him backe with commendatory Habentur apud Baron. ann. 1089. num. 12. & 15. letters aswell to the said Gothric King of the Ostmans, as to Terdeluacus the chiefe King or Monarch of the Irish. Hereupon, after the decease of this Patrick, Anno Dom. 1085. Laufrancus Archiepiscopus Cantuar. ad regimen Dublinensis Ecclesiae sacravit Donatum monasterii sui monachum in sede metropoli Cantuar. petentibus atque eligentibus eum Terdeluaco Hiberniae rege, & e­piscopis Hiberniae regionis, atque clero & populo praefarae civitatis. Annal. Dublin. in the yeare 1085. the same [Page 84] Terdeluacus and the Bishops of Ireland joyned with the Clergie and people of Dublin, in the election of Donatus, one of Lanfrancs owne Monkes in Canter­bury: who was by him there also consecrated. Then when he dyed, in the yeare 1095. his nephew Samu­el, a monke of St. Albans but borne in Ireland, was A Rege Hi­berniae, Murier­dach nomine, [...]ecnon à clero & populo in Episcopatum psius civitatis electus est; at (que) ad Anselmum, iuxta morem antiquum, sa­crandus cum communi de­creto directus. Fadmer. Histor. Nevor. lib. 2. pag. 34. chosen Bishop in his place by Murierdach King of Ireland, and the Clergie and people of the Citie: by whose common decree he was also sent unto An­selme Archbishop of Canterbury for his consecra­tion. Not long after, the Waterfordians, following the example of the Dublinians, erected a Bishoprick among themselves; Ibid. pag. 36. and sent their new Bishop to Canterburie for his consecration. the manner of whose election the Clergie and people of Waterford in the letters which they wrote at that time unto An­selme, doe thus intimate. Nos & Rex noster Mur­cherta [...]bus, & Episcopus Dof­naldus, & Der­meth Dux no­ster frater Re­gi [...], elegimus hunc Presbyte­rum Malchum, Walkelini Wintoniensis Episcopi mona­chum, nobis sufficientissimè cognitum, &c. We and our King Murcher­tach, and Dofnald the Bishop, and Dermeth our Captain the Kings brother, have made choice of this Priest Mal­chus, a monke of Walkeline Bishop of Winchester, the same man, without doubt, who was afterward pro­moted to the Bishopricke of Lismore; so much com­mended by Bernard in the life of Malachias.

The last Bishop of Dublin in the yeare 1122. was sent unto Anselmes next successor for his consecrati­on: touching which I have seene this writ of King Henry the first, directed unto him:

Henricus Rex Anglia, Radulpho Cantuariensi Archi­episcopo, salutem. Vt apud Graecos [...], non est semper [...], qu [...]madmodum ad Iliad. [...]. notatum est ab Eustathi [...] (pag. 884 & 831. edit. Roman.) sed aliquando respondet [...]. ita & vox Mando, apud Latinos mediae aetatis scriptores. ut apud Vincentium, verbi gratiâ, lib. 30. Specul. Historical. cap. 130 ( humiliter ei mandaverunt.) & hoc in loco. Mandavit mihi Rex Hiberniae per [Page 85] Breve suum, & Burgenses Dublinae, quòd elegerunt hunc Gregorium in Episcopum, & eum tibi mittunt consecrandum. Vndè tibi mando, ut petitioni eorum satisfaciens, ejus consecrationem sine dilatione expleas. Teste Ranulpho Cancellario apud Windelsor.

Henry King of England, to Ralphe Archbishop of Canterbury, greeting. The King of Ireland hath in­timated unto mee by his writ, and the Burgesses of Dublin, that they have chosen this Gregory for their Bishop, and send him unto you to be consecrated. Wher­fore I wish you, that satisfying their request, you per­forme his consecration without delay. Witnesse Ra­nuph our Chancellour at Windsor.

All the Burgesses of Dublin likewise, and the whole assembly of the Clergie, directed their joint letters to the Archbishop of Canterburie the same time: where in among other things they write thus. Sciatls vos reverâ, quòd Episcopi Hiber­niae maxi­mum zelum erga nos ha­bent, & maxi­mè ille Episco­pus qui habitat Ardimachae: quia nos nolu­mus obedire eorum ordina­tioni, sed sem­per sub vestro dominio esse volumus. MS. ad calcem collectionis Is [...] ­dori Mercatoris, in Bibliothecâ Cottonianâ. Know you for verity, that the Bishops of Ireland have great in­dignation toward us, and that Bishop most of all that dwelleth at Armagh: because we will not obey their ordi­nation, but will alwaies bee under your governement. Whereby we may see, that as the Ostmans were desi­rous to sever themselves from the Irish, and to bee esteemed Normans rather: so the Irish Bishops on the other side, howsoever they digested in some sort the recourse which they had to Lanfranc and An­selme (who were two of the most famous men in their times, and with whom they themselves were desirous to hold all good correspondence) yet could they not well brooke this continuation of their de­pendance [Page 86] upon a Metropolitan of another king­dome; which they conceived to be somewhat dero­gatorie to the dignitie of their owne Primate. But this jealousie continued not long. for this same Gre­gorie being afterwards made Archbishop of Dublin, and the Bishopricks here settled by Iohannes Paparo: aswell they of Dublin, as the others of Waterford and Limrick (for they also had one Patricke consecrated Bishop unto them by Theobald Archbishop of Can­terbury) did ever after that time cease to have any relation unto the See of Canterbury.

And now to goe forward: as the Kings and peo­ple of this land in those elder times kept the nomi­nation of their Archbishops and Bishops in their own hands, and depended not upon the Popes provi­sions that way: so doe wee not finde by any appro­ved record of antiquitie, that any Visitations of the clergie were held here in the Popes name; much lesse that any Indulgences were sought for by our people at his hands. For, as for the Charta S. Patricii, in Gu­lielmi Mal [...]es­buriensis libello, de Antiquitate Glastoniensis Ecclesiae. MS. Charter of S. Patrick, (by some intituled, De antiquitate Avalonicâ) wherein In scriptis re­centioribus in­veni, quòd sancti Phaga­nus & Deruvia­nus perquifie­rant ab Eleu­therio Papâ, qui eos miserat, X. ( al. XXX.) annos indulgentiae. Et ego frater Patricius à piae memoriae Celestino Papâ XII. annos tempore meo acquisivi. Ibid. Phaganus and Deruvianus are said to have purcha­sed ten or thirtie yeares of Indulgences from Pope Eleutherius; and St. Patrick himselfe to have procu­red twelve yeares in his time from Pope Celestinus: it might easily bee demonstrated (if this were a place for it) that it is a meere figment, devised by the Monkes of Glastenbury. Neyther doe I well know, what credit is to bee given unto that stragling sen­tence, [Page 87] which I finde ascribed unto the same authour. Patricius ai [...] Siquae quest [...] ­ones in h [...]c in­sulâ oriantur, ad sedem Apo­stolicam refe­rantur. Vet. Col­lect. Canonum, Bibliothecae Cot­toniane. cujus initium: Syno­dicorum ex­emplariorum innumerosita­tē conspiciens. If any questions doe arise in this Iland, let them bee re­ferred to the See Apostolick. or that other decree, at­tributed to Auxilius, Patricius, Secundinus and Benig­nus. Quaecunque causa valdè dif­ficilis exorta su­erit, atque ig­nota cunctis Scotorum gen­tium judiciis; ad Cathedram Archiepiscopi Hibernensium (id est, Patricii) atque huius an­tistitis exami­nationem rectè referenda. Si verò in illâ, cum suis sapien­tibus, facile sa­na [...]i non pote­rit tali. causa [...] ne­gotiationis: ad se [...]m Aposto­licam decrevi­mus esse mittendam; id est, ad petri Apostoli Cathedram, auctoritatem Romae Vrbis haben­tem. Hi sunt qui de hoc decreverunt: id est, Auxilius, Patricius, Secundinus, Benignus, Vet. Codex Ecclesiae Armacha [...]e. Whensoever any cause that is very difficult, and unknown unto all the Iudges of the Scottish nations, shall arise; it is rightly to bee referred to the See of the Arch­bishop of the Irish (to wit, Patrick) and to the examina­tion of the Prelate thereof. But if there, by him and his wisemen, a cause of this nature cannot easily be made up: wee have decreed, it shall bee sent to the See Apostolick; that is to say, to the chaire of the Apostle Peter, which hath the authoritie of the City of Rome. Onely this I will say, that as it is most likely, that St. Patrick had a spe­ciall regard unto the Church of Rome, from whence he was sent for the conversion of this Iland: so if I my selfe had lived in his daies, for the resolution of a doubtful question I should as willingly have listened to the judgement of the Church of Rome, as to the determination of any Church in the whole world; so reverend an estimation have I of the integritie of that Church, as it stood in those good daies. But that St. Patrick was of opinion, that the Church of Rome was sure ever afterward to continue in that good e­state, and that there was a perpetuall priviledge an­nexed unto that See, that it should never erre in judg­ment, or that the Popes sentences were alway to bee held as infallible Oracles; that will I never beleeve: [Page 88] sure I am, that my countrey-men after him were of a farre other beleefe; who were so farre from submit­ting themselves in this sort to whatsoever should proceed from the See of Rome, that they oftentimes stood out against it, when they had little cause so to doe. For proofe whereof I need to seeke no further, than to those very allegations which have been late­ly urged for maintenance of the supremacie of the Pope and Church of Rome in this Countrey.

First, M r. Coppinger commeth upon us, with this wise question. Copping. [...] to the Catholicks of Ireland, lib. 2. cap. 3. Was not Ireland among other Countries absolved from the Pelagian heresie by the Church of Rome, as Cesar Baronius writeth? then hee setteth downe the copie of S. Gregories Gregor. lib. 2. epist. 36. Indict. 30. epistle, in answer unto the Irish Bishops that submitted themselves un­to him. and concludeth in the end, that the Bishops of Ireland being infected with the Pelagian errour, sought absolution first of Pelagius the Pope: but the same was not effectually done, untill S. Gregory did it. But in all this, hee doth nothing else but bewray his owne ig­norance. For neyther can hee shew it in Cesar Baro­nius or in any other author whatsoever, that the Irish Bishops did ever seeke absolution from Pope Pelagi­us; or that the one had to deale in any businesse at all with the other. Neyther yet can hee shew that e­ver they had to doe with Saint Gregory in any matter that did concerne the Pelagian heresie. for these bee dreames of Coppingers owne idle head. The epistle of S. Gregory dealeth onely with the controversie of the three chapters, which were condemned by the fifth generall Councell; whereof Baronius writeth [Page 89] thus. Ardentissi­mo studio protrium capi ulo­rum defensio­ne, junctis ani­mis omnes qui in Hiberniâ erant Episcopi, insurrexere. Addiderunt & illud nefas, ut cùm percepis­sent Romanam Ecclesiam ae­què suscepisse Trium damna­tionum capitu­lorum, atque suo consensu Quintam Sy­nodum robo­râsse: ab eâdem pariter resilie­rint, atque reli­quis qui vel in Italiâ, vel in Africâ, aliisve regionibus e­rant schismati­cis inhaeserint; fiduciâ illâ vanâ erecti, quòd pro fide Catholicâ sta­rent, cùm quae essent in Con­cilio Chalcedo­nensi statuta defenderent. Baron. Annal. tom. 7. an. 566. num. 21. All the Bishops that were in Ireland, with most earnest study, rose up jointly for the defence of the Three Chapters. And when they perceived that the Church of Rome did both receive the condemnation of the Three Chapters, and strengthen the fifth Synod with her con­sent: they departed from her, and clave to the rest of the schismatickes, that were eyther in Italy, or in Africke, or in other countries, animated with that vaine confidence, that they did stand for the Catholicke faith, while they defended those things that were concluded in the Councell of Chalcedon. Sed eo fixiùs inhaerent errori, cùm quaecun (que) Italia passa sit bellorum motibus, fame, vel pestilentiâ, eâ ex caussâ illi cuncta in­fausta accidisse putarent, quòd pro Quintâ Synodo adversus Chalcedonense Concilium praelium suscepisset. Ibid. And so much the more fixedly (saith he) did they cleave to their error, because whatsoever Italy did suffer by commotions of warre, by famine or pesti­lence, all these unhappy things they thought did there­fore befall unto it, because it had undertaken to fight for the fifth Synod against the Councell of Chalcedon.

Thus farre Baronius: out of whose narration this may bee collected, that the Bishops of Ireland did not take all the resolutions of the Church of Rome for undoubted oracles; but when they thought that they had better reason on their sides, they preferred the judgement of other Churches before it. Where­in how peremptory they were, when they wrote unto St. Gregory of the matter; may easily be percei­ved by these parcels of the answer, which hee retur­ned unto their letters. Prima ita (que) epistolae vestrae frons, gravem vos pati per­secutionem innotuit. Quae quidem persecutio dum non rationabiliter sustinetur, nequa­quam proficit ad salutem. Gregor. Regest. lib. 2. epist. 36. The first entry of your epistle [Page 80] hath notified, that you suffer a grievous perfecution [...] which persecution indeed, when it is not sustained for a reasonable cause, doth profit nothing unto salvation. and Dum igit [...] ita sit, incon­gruum nimis est de eâ vos, quam dicitis, persecutione gloriari, per quam vos con­stat ad aeterna praemia mini­mè provehi. Ibid. therefore it is very unfit, that you should glory of that persecution, as you call it, by which it is certaine you can­not be promoted to everlasting rewards. Quod autem scribitis, quia ex illo tempore inter alias pro­vincias maxi­mè flagelletur Italia; non hoc ad ejus debetis intorquere op­probrium: quo­niam scriptum est; Quem di­ligit Dominus, castigat, flagel­lat autem om­nem filium quem recipit. Ibid. And whereas you write, that since that time among other provinces Italy hath beene most afflicted; you ought not to object that unto it as a reproach: because it is written: Whom the Lord loveth he chasteneth, and scourgeth every sonne that he receiveth. Then having spoken of the booke that Pope Pelagius did write of this controversie (which indeed was penned by Gregory himselfe) hee addeth. Porrò autem si post hujus libri lectionem in eâ, quâ estis, volueritis deli­beratione per­sistere; sine dubio non ra­tioni operam, sed obstinationi vos dare monstratis. Ibid. If after the reading of this booke, you will per­sist in that deliberation, wherein now you are; without doubt you shew, that you give your selves to bee ruled not by reason, but by obstinacie. By all which you may see, what credit is to be given unto the man, who would beare us in hand, that this epistle of St. Gregory was sent as an answer unto the Bishops of Ireland, that did submit themselves unto him: whereas (to say nothing of the Vid. Roman Correct. in Gratian. De comsecrat. distinct. 4. cap. 144. Ab antiqua. copies, wherein this epistle is noted to have beene written to the Bishops of Iberiâ, and not, in Hiberniâ) the least argument of any submissi­on doth not appeare in any part of that epistle; but the whole course of it doth cleerly manifest the flat contrary.

In the next place steppeth forth Osullevan Beare; who in his Catholick history of Ireland, would have us [Page 77] take knowledge of this, that Quando verò Doctores Ibernici de gravibus fidei quaestionibus minimè con­sentiebant, vel aliquid novi dogmatis pere­grè allati audi­ebant; soliti erant Roma­num Pontifi­cem veritatis Oraculum con­sulere. Philip Osullevan. Be­arr. hist. Catholic. Ibern. tom. 1. lib. 4. cap. 6. when the Irish Doctors did not agree together upon great questions of Faith, or did heare of any new doctrine brought from abroad, they were wont to consult with the Bishop of Rome the Oracle of truth. That they consulted with the Bishop of Rome, when difficult questions did arise, wee easily grant: but that they thought they were bound in conscience to stand to his judgement, whatsoever it should bee, and to entertaine all his resolutions as certaine Oracles of truth; is the point that wee would faine see proved. For this hee telleth us, that Namque de tempore agen­di Paschatis so­lennia (de que aliae queque Catholicae gentes saepè ambegerunt) & de Pelagianâ haeresi ubi fuit in quaestionem disputationem­que deducta; Doctores Iber­ni ad Sedem Apostolicam retulerunt. Ac ita miseri Pela­gli error nullum in Iberniâ patronum vel assertorem invenisse fertur; vel insulae aditu interclusus, vel ab eâ protinùs explosus, ubi contagiosam faciem aperuit, seseque cogno­scendum praebuit: & ratio communis & ab Ecclesiâ usitata celebrandi redivivi Domini fe­stum ab Australibus Ibernis fuit semper observata; & à Septentrionalibus quoque & Pictis & Britonibus, qui Doctoribus Ibernis fidem acceperunt, amplexa, ubi Ecclesiae Romanae ritum cognoverunt. Quod ex Apostolicarum literarum duplici capite à Bedâ relato non obscurè constat. Ibid. when questions and disputations did arise here concerning the time of Easter and the Pelagian heresie; the Doctors of Ireland referred the matter unto the See Apostolicke. Whereupon, the errour of Pelagius is reported to have found no patron or maintainer in Ireland: and the com­mon course of celebrating Easter was embraced both by the Northren Irish, and by the Picts and Britons, as soon as they understood the rite of the Romane Church. Which ( saith hee) doth not obscurely appeare by the two heads of the Apostolicke letters, related by Bede, lib. 2. cap. 19.

But that those Apostolick letters (as he calleth them) had that successe which hee talketh of, appeareth neither plainly nor obscurely by Bede, or any other authority whatsoever. The errour of Pelagius, saith [Page 92] he, is reported to have found no patron or maintainer in Ireland. But who is he that reporteth so, beside Phi­lip Osullevan? a worthy author to ground a report of antiquity upon: who in relating the matters that fell out in his owne time, discovereth himselfe to bee as egregious a lyar, as any (I verily thinke) that this day breatheth in Christendome. The Apostolicke let­ters he speaketh of, were written (as before hath bin touched) in the yeere of our Lord DCXXXIX. during the vacancie of the Romane See, upon the death of Severinus. Our Countryman Kilianus repayred to Rome 47. yeeres after that, and was ordained Bishop there by Pope Conon in the yeere DCLXXXVI. The reason of his comming thither, is thus laid downe by Egilwardus or who ever else was the author of his life. Hibernia si­quidem olim Pelagianâ foe­data fuerat haeresi, Aposto­licaque censurâ damnata, quae nisi Romano judicio solvi non poterat. Author antiqu. Vit. Kilian. For Ireland had beene of old defiled with the Pela­gian heresie, and condemned by the Apostolicall censure, which could not bee loosed but by the Romane judgement. If this be true: then that is false which Osullevan re­porteth of the effect of his Apostolicall Epistle, that it did so presently quash the Pelagian heresie, as it durst not once peepe up within this Iland.

CHAP. IX.

Of the controversie which the Britons, Picts, and Irish maintained against the Church of Rome, touching the celebration of Easter.

THe difference betwixt the Romanes and the Irish in the celebration of Easter, consisted in this. [Page 63] The Romanes kept the memoriall of our Lords resur­rection upon that Sunday, which fell betwixt the XV. and the XXI. day of the Moone (both termes in­cluded) next after the XXI. day of March; which they accounted to bee the seat of the Vernall aequino­ctium, that is to say, that time of the Spring wherein the day and the night were of equall length. and in reckoning the age of the Moone they followed the Alexandrian cycle of XIX. yeeres (whence our gol­den number had his originall) as it was explained un­to them by Dionysius Exiguus: which is the account that is still observed, not onely in the Church of England, but also among all the Christians of Greece, Russia, Asia, Aegypt, and Aethiopia; and was (since the time that I my selfe was borne) generally received in all Christendome, untill the late change of the Kalendar was made by Pope Gregory the XIII th. The Northren Irish and Scottish, together with the Picts, observed the custome of the Britons: Non enim Paschae diem Dominicum suo tempore, sed à decima­quartâ usque ad vicesimam Lunam obser­vabant. Quae computatio 84▪ annorum cir­culo contine­tur. Bede lib. 2. hist. cap. 2. keeping their Easter upon the Sunday that fell be­twixt the XIIII. and the XX. day of the Moone; and following in their account thereof, not the XIX. yeeres computation of Anatolius, Porrò isti secundùm decennem novemque Anatolii computa­tum, aut potiùs juxta Sulpicii Severini regulam, qui LXXXIV. annorum cursum descripsit, XIV. Lunâ cum Iudaeis Paschale sacramentum celebrant: cùm neutrum Ecclesiae Romanae Pontifices ad perfectam calculi rationem sequantur. Aldelm. epist ad Geruntium regem & Domnonios: inter epistolas Bonifacij, num. 44. but Sulpicius Se­verus his circle of LXXXIIII. yeeres. for howsoe­ver they extolled Anatolius Bed. lib. 3. hist. cap. 3. & 25. Vid. Dionysii Pe­tavii notas in Epiphan. pag. 194. 195. for appointing (as they supposed) the bounds of Easter betwixt the XIIII. and the XX. day of the Moone, yet Wilfride in the [Page 94] Synod of Strenshal chargeth them utterly to have re­jected his cycle of XIX. yeeres: from which there­fore Cummianus draweth an argument against them; that Ad veram Paschae ratio­nem nunquam pervenire eos, qui cycium LXXXIIII. anno­rum observant. Cumm [...]an. epist. ad Seg [...]enum abbat. de Dispu­tatione Lunae. MS. in Bibli [...] ­thec. Cottonian. they can never come to the true account of Easter, who observe the cycle of LXXXIIII. yeeres.

To reduce the Irish unto conformity with the Church of Rome in this point, Pope Honorius (the first of that name) directed his letters unto them: Exhortans, ne paucitatem suam in extre­mis terrae fini­bus constitutā, sapientiorem antiquis sive modernis, quae per Orbem ter­rae erant, Chri­sti Ecclesiis ae­stimarent: ne­ve contra Pas­chales compu­tos, & decreta synodalium to­tius Orbis Pontificum aliud Pascha celebrarent. Bed. lib. 2. hist. cap. 19. Exhortintg them, that they would not esteeme their own paucity, seated in the utmost borders of the earth, more wise than the ancient or moderne Churches of Christ through the whole world; and that they would not cele­brate another Easter contrary to the Paschall computati­ons, and the Synodall decrees of the Bishops of the whole world. and shortly after, the Clergie of Rome (as wee have said) upon the death of Severinus, wrote other letters unto them to the same effect. Now where O­sullevan avoucheth, that the common custome used by the Church in celebrating the feast of the Lords resurrection was alwaies observed by the Southerne Irish; and now embraced also by the Northren, together with the Picts and Britons (who received the faith from Irish Doctors) when they had knowledge given them of the rite of the Church of Rome: in all this (according to his com­mon wont) he speaketh never a true word. For ney­ther did the Southerne Irish alwayes observe the cele­bration of Easter commonly received abroad: ney­ther did the Northren Irish, nor the Picts, nor the Bri­tons, many yeeres after this admonition given by the Church of Rome, admit that observation among them. to speake nothing of his folly in saying, that the Britons received the faith from the Irish: when [Page 95] the contrary is so well knowne, that the Irish rather received the same from the S. Patrick, & his followers. Britons.

That the common custome of celebrating the time of Easter was not alwaies observed by the Southerne Irish, may appeare by those words of Bede, in the third booke of his history and the third chap­ter. Porrò gentes Scottorum, quae in australibus Hiber­niae insulae partibus morabantur, jamdudum ad admoni­tionem Apostolicae sedis antistitis Paschacanonico ritu ob­servare didicerunt. For if (as this place cleerly pro­veth) the nations of the Scots, that dwelt in the Southern parts of Ireland, did learne to observe Easter after the canonicall manner, upon the admonition of the Bishop of Rome: it is evident, that before that admonition they did observe it after another manner. The word jamdudum, which Bede here useth, is taken among authors oftentimes in contrary senses: either to sig­nifie a great while since, or else, but lately, or erewhile, In the former sense it must bee here taken, if it have relation to the time wherein Bede did write his book: and in the latter also it may be taken, if it be referred to the time whereof he treateth, (which is the more likely opinion) namely to the comming of Bishop Aidan into England; which fell out about halfe a yeere, after that Honorius had sent his admo­nitorie letters to the Irish. who, as hee was the first Bishop of Rome we can reade of, that admonished them to reforme their rite of keeping the time of Easter: so that the Irish also much about the same time conformed themselves herein to the Romane usage, may thus be manifested.

When Bishop Aidan came into England from the Iland Hy, now called Y-Columkille; Bed. lib. 3. hist. cap. 5. the Colledge [Page 96] of Monkes there was governed by Segenius, who in the Id. lib. 2. cap. 19. inscription of the epistle of the clergie of Rome sent unto the Irish, is called Segianus. Now there is yet extant in Sir Robert Cottons worthy Librarie, an epistle of Cummianus directed to this Segienus (for so is his name there written) Abbot of Y-Columkille▪ wherein he plainly declareth, that the great cycle of DXXXII. yeeres, and the Romane use of celebrating the time of Easter according to the same, was then newly brought in into this country. Ego enim primo anno quo cyclus DXXXII. anno­rum à nostris celebrari ors [...]s est; non susce­pi, sed silui, nec laudare nec vi­tuperare ausus. Cummian. epist. ad Segienum. For the first yeere (saith he) wherein the cycle of DXXXII. yeeres be­gan to bee observed by our men; I received it not, but held my peace, daring neither to commend it nor to dis­praise it. That yeere being past, he saith he consul­ted with his ancients; who were the successors of Bishop Ailbeus, Queranus Coloniensis, Brendinus, Nes­sanus and Lugidus. who being gathered together in Campo-lene, concluded to celebrate Easter the yeere following together with the universall Church. Sed non post multum surre­xit quidam pa­ries dealbatus, traditionem se­niorem serva [...]e se simulans; qui utraque non fecit unum sed divisit, & irritum ex par­te fecit quod promissum est: quem Domi­nus ut spero, percutiet quo­quo modo ve­luerit. Ibid. But not long after (saith hee) there arose up a certaine whited wall, pretending to keepe the tradition of the El­ders; which did not make both one, but divided them, and made voide in part that which was promised: whom the Lord (as I hope) will smite, in whatsoever manner he pleaseth.

To this argument drawne from the tradition of the elders, hee maketh answer: that Seniores verò, quos in velamine repulsionis habetis, quod optimum in diebus suis esse noverunt [...]impliciter & fideliter sine culpa contradictionis ullius & animositatis observave­runt, & suis posteris sic mandaverunt. Ibid. they did simply and faithfully observe that which they knew to bee best in their dayes, without the fault of any contradiction or a­nimosity, and did so recommend it to their posterity. and [Page 97] opposeth thereunto Vniversalia Ecclesiae Ca­tholicae unani­mem regulam. Ibid. the unanimous rule of the Vni­versall Catholicke Church: deeming this to be a very harsh conclusion. Roma errat, Hierosolyma errat, Alexan­dria errat, An­tiochia errat, totus mundus errat: soli tan­tùm Scoti & Britones re­ctum sapiunt▪ Ibid. Rome erreth, Ierusalem erreth, Alexandria erreth, Antioch erreth, the whole world erreth: the Scottish onely and the Britons doe alone hold the right. but especially hee urgeth the authority of the first of these Patriarchicall Sees, which now (since the advancement thereof by the Emperour Phocas) began to bee admired by the inhabitants of the earth, as the place which God had chosen; whereun­to, if greater causes did arise, recourse was to bee had, ac­cording to the Synodicall decree, as unto the head of ci­ties. and therefore he saith, that they sent some unto Rome: who returning backe in the third yeere, infor­med them, that they met there with a Grecian, and an Hebrew, and a Scythian, and an Aegyptian in one lodging; and that they all, and the whole world too, did keep their Easter at the same time, when the Irish were dis-joyned from them by the space of a whole This seemeth to have fallen out, eith r [...]i [...] the yeere 634. or 645. wherein Easter was so­lemnized at Rome the 24. day of April. and it appeareth by ou [...] Annals, that Segenius was abbot of Y [...]Co­lumkille from the yeere 624. untill 652. moneth. Vidimus oculis nostris puellam coecam omnine ad has reliqulas oculos aperientem, & paralyticum ambulantem, & multa daemonia ejecta. Cummian. And wee have proved (saith Cum­mianus) that the vertue of God was in the relicks of the holy Martyrs, and the Scriptures which they brought with them. For we saw with our eyes, a mayde altogether blinde opening her eyes at these relickes, and a man sicke of the palsie walking, and many divels cast out. Thus farre he.

The Northren Irish and Albanian Scottish on the o­ther side, made little reckoning of the authority, ei­ther of the Bishop or of the Church of Rome. And [Page 98] therefore Bede, speaking of Oswy king of Northum­berland, saith that Intellex [...]rat enim veraciter Oswi, quamvis educatus à Sco­tis, quia Ro­mana esset Ca­tholica & A­postolica Ec­clesia. Bed. lib. 3. hist. cap. 29. notwithstanding he was brought up by the Scottish, yet he understood that the Roman was the Catholike and Apostolike Church (or, that the Roman Church was Catholike and Apostolike) intimating ther­by, that the Scottish, among whom he received his e­ducation, were of another minde. And long before that, Laurentius, Mellitus and Iustus (who were sent into England by Pope Gregory to assist Austin) in a letter which they sent unto the Scots that did inhabite Ireland (so Bede writeth) complained of the distaste given unto them by their country-men, in this man­ner. Sed cogno­scentes Brito­nes, Sc [...]ttos meliores puta­vimus. Scottos verò per Daga­num Episco­pum in hanc in­sulam, & Co­lumbanum Ab­batem in Gal­liis venientem, nihil discrepare [...] Britonibus in eorum conver­satione didici­ [...]m. Nam Da­ganus episco­pus ad nos ve­niens, non solùm cibum nobiscum, sed nec in eodem hospitio quo vescebamur, sumere voluit, Laurent. epist. apud Bed. lib. 2. cap. 4. Wee knew the Britons, wee thought that the Scots were better than they. But wee learned by Bishop Daga­nus comming into this Iland, and Abbot Columbanus comming into France; that the Scots did differ nothing from the Britons in their conversation. For Daganus the Bishop comming unto us, would not take meate with us, no not so much as in the same lodging wherein we did eate.

And as for miracles, wee finde them as rife among them that were opposite to the Romane tradition, as upon the other side. If you doubt it, reade what Bede hath written of Bishop Aidan ( Qui cuius meriti fuerit, etiam miraculorm signis internus arbiter edocuit. [...]ed. lib. 3. hist. cap. 15. item. 16▪ & 17. who of what merit hee was, the inward Iudge hath taught, even by the tokens of miracles; saith hee) and Adamnanus of the life of S. Colme or Columkille. Whereupon Bishop Colman in the Synod at Strenshal frameth this con­clusion. [Page 99] Nunquid re­verendissimum patrem no­strum Colum­bam, & successo­res ejus, viros Deo dilectos, qui eodem mo­do Pascha fece­runt, divinis paginis contra­ria sapuisse vel egisse creden­dum est? cùm plurimi fuerint in eis, quorum sanctitati coe­lesti signa & virtutem quae fecerunt mira­cula, testimoni­um praebue­runt: quos ut ipse sanctos esse non dubitans semper eorum vitam, mores & disciplinam se­qui non desisto Colman. apud. Bed. lib. 3. hist. cap. 29. Is it to be beleeved, that Colme our most reve­rend father, and his successors, men beloved of God, which observed Easter in the same manner that wee doe, did hold or doe that which was contrary to the holy Scriptures? seeing there were very many among them, to whose heavenly holinesse the signes and miracles which they did, bare testimony: whom nothing doubting to bee Saints, I desist not to follow evermore their life, maners, and discipline. What Wilfride replied to this, may be seene in Bede: that which I much wonder at, among the many wonderfull things related of St. Colme by Adamnanus, is this▪ that where hee saith, that this Saint, during the time of his abode in the abbay of Clone (now called Clonmacnosh) did Revelante Spiritu Sanct [...] prophetavit de illâ quae post dies mult [...]s ob [...]diversitatem Paschalis [...] festi ona est inter Sco [...]iae Eccle­sias discordiâ. Adam [...]nan. Vit. Columb. lib. 1. cap. 3. by the revelation of the holy Ghost prophesie of that discord, which after many dayes arose among the Churches of Scotland (or Ireland) for the diversity of the feast of Easter: yet hee telleth us not, that the holy Ghost revealed unto him, that he himselfe (whose example animated his followers to stand more stiffely herein against the Romane rite) was in the wrong, and ought to con­forme his judgment to the tradition of the Churches abroad. as if the holy Ghost did not much care, whe­ther of both sides should carry the matter away in this controversie: for which (if you please) you shall heare a very pretty tale out of an old Legend, con­cerning this same discord whereof S. Colme is said to have prophesied.

Quodam tempore erat magnum Con­cilium populorum Hiberniae in Campo albo: inter quos erat contentio circa ordinē Paschae. Lasre [...]nus enim abbas monasterii Leighlinne, cui suberant mille quingenti monachi, no­ [...]um ordinem defend [...]at qui nuper de Româ venit: alii verò veterem defendebant. Vit. S. Munna abbatit MS. Vpon a certaine time (saith my Author) there was a [Page 100] great Councell of the people of Ireland in the white field: among whom there was contention about the order of Ea­ster. For Lasreanus, the abbot of the monasterie of Leigh­lin, unto whom there were subject a thousand & five hun­dred monkes, defended the new order that lately came from Rome: but others defended the old. This Lasrea­nus or Lazerianus is the man, who in other Legends (of no other credit than this we now have in hand) is reported to have been the Bishop of Romes Legate in Ireland; and is commonly accounted to have beene the first Bishop of the Church of Leighlin. His prin­cipall antagonist at this meeting was one Munna, founder of the monasterie which from his was cal­led Teach-munna, that is, the house of Munna (in the Bishoprick of Meath:) who would needs bring this question to the same kinde of triall here, that Austin the monke is said to have done in England. In de­fence of the Roman order, Bede telleth us that Austin made this motion to the Brittish Bishops, for a finall conclusion of the businesse. Obsecremus Deum, qui ha­bi [...]ate fecit u­nanimes in do­ [...]o patris sui, [...]t ipse nobis in­ [...]re coele­stib [...]s signis dignetur, quae sequenda tra­ditio, quibus sit vi [...] ad ingres­sum regni illius properandum. Adducatur ali­quis aeger; & per cujus pre­ces fuerit curatus, hujus fides & operatio Deo devota atque omnibus sequenda [...]redatur. [...] [...] lib. 2. hist. cap. 2. Let us beseech God, which maketh men to dwell of one mind together in their fathers house; that hee will vouchsafe by some heavenly signes to make knowne unto us, what tradition is to be followed, and by what way wee may hasten to the entry of his kingdome. Let some sicke man be brought hither; and by whose prayers he shall bee cured, let his faith and working be beleeved to be acceptable unto God, and to bee followed by all men.

Now Munna, who stood in defence of the order formerly used by the British and Irish, maketh a more liberall proffer in this kinde, and leaveth Las­reanus [Page 101] to his choyce. Breviter di­sputemus: sed in nomine Do­mini agamus judicium. Tres optiones dan­tur tibi, Lasrea­ne. Duo libri in ignem mitten­tur, liber veteris ordinis & novi; ut videamus, quis eorum de igne liberabi­tur. Vel duo monachi, unus meus alter tu­us, in unam do­mum recludan­tur, & domus comburatur: & videbimus, quis ex eis evadat intactus igne. Aut eamus ad sepulchrum mortui iusti monachi, & re­suscitemus e­um; & indicet nobis, quo ordi­ne debemus hoc anno Pas­cha celebrare. Vit. S. Munn [...]. Let us dispute briefly ( saith he) but in the name of God let us give judgement. Three things are given to thy choyce, Lasreanus. Two bookes shall be cast into the fire, a booke of the old order and of the new; that we may see whether of them both shall be freed from the fire. Or let two Monkes, one of mine and ano­ther of thine, be shut up into one house: and let the house be burnt, and wee shall see which of them will escape un­touched of the fire. Or let us goe unto the grave of a just Monke that is dead, and raise him up againe: and let him tell us, after what order wee ought to celebrate Easter this yeare. But Lasreanus being wiser than so, refused to put so great a matter to that hazzard: and therefore returned this grave answer unto Munna; if all be true that is in the Legend. Non ibimus ad iudicium tu­um, quoniam scimus quòd, pro magnitu­dine laboris tui & sanctitatis, si diceres ut mons Marge commutaretur in locum Campi albi & Campus albus in locum montis Marge; hoc propter te Deu. statim faceret. Ibid. We will not goe unto thy judge­ment: because we know that, for the greatnesse of thy la­bour and holinesse, if thou shouldest bid that mount Marge should bee changed into the place of the White field, and the White field into the place of mount Marge; God would presently doe this for thy sake. So prodigall doe some make God to be of miracles, and in a man­ner carelesse how they should fall; as if in the dispen­sing of them, he did respect the gracing of persons ra­ther than of causes.

In what yeare this Councel of the White field was held, is not certainely knowne: nor yet whether S. Munna be that whited wall, of whom wee heard Cum­mianus complaine. The Synod of Strenshal (before mentioned) was assembled long after, at Whitby (cal­led by the Saxons Streanesheale) in Yorkeshire, the [Page 102] Bed. lib. 3. hist. cap. 26. yeare of our Lord DCLXIIII. for the decision of the same question. Concerning which, in the life of Wilfrid ( written by one Aeddi an acquaintance of his, surnamed Stephen; at the commandement of Acca, who in the time of Bede was Bishop of Hangustald or Hexham, in Northumberland) we reade thus. Quodam tempore in die­bus Colmanni Eboracae civita­tis episcopi metropolitani, regantibus Oswi & Alh­frido filio eius, Abbates & Presbyteri om­nesque Ecclesi­asticae discipli­nae gradus si­mul in unum convenientes, in coenobio quae Streane­shel dicitur; praesente san­ctimoniale ma­tre piissimâ Hilde, praesen­tibus quoque Regibus & duobus Colmanno & Aegilberhto Episcopis, de Paschali ratione conquirebant, quid esset rectissimum. utrum more Brittonum & Scottorum omnisque Aquilonalis partis à XIIII. Lunâ Dominicâ die veniente us (que) ad XXII. ( leg XX.) Pascha agendum; an melius sit ratione Sedis Apostolicae, à XV. Lunâ usque XXI. Paschalem Dominicam celebrandam. Tempus da­tum est Colman [...]o episcopo primum, ut dignum erat, audientibus cunctis reddere rationem. Ille autem intrepidâ mente responden [...], dixit. Patres nostri & antecessores eorum manifestè Spiritu sancto inspirati, ut erat Columcille, XIIII. Lunâ die Dominicâ Pascha celebrandum sanxerunt: exemplum tenentes Iohannis Apostoli & Evangelistae, qui supra pectus Domini in Coenâ recubuit, & amator Domini dicebatur. Ille XIIII. Lunâ Pascha celebravit; & nos, sicut discipuli eius Polycarpus & alii, celebramus: nec hoc audemus pro patribus ( [...]ort. par­tibus) nostris, nec volumus mutare. Stephanus presbyter (qui & Ae [...]di, apud B [...]dam, lib. 4. hist. cap. 2.) in Vitâ wilfrid. cap. 10. MS. in Bibliothecâ Sarisburiensis Ecclesiae, & D. Roberti Cottoni. Vpon a certaine time in the daies of Colman metropolitan Bi­shop of the citie of Yorke, Oswi and Alhfrid his sonne being Kings; the Abbots and Priests and all the degrees of Ecclesiasticall orders meeting together at the monaste­ry which is called Streaneshel, in the presence of Hilde the most godly mother of that abbey, in presence also of the Kings and the two Bishops Colman and Aegelberht, inquiry was made touching the observation of Easter, what was most right to bee held: whether Easter should bee kept according to the custome of the Brittous and the Scots and all the Northren part, upon the Lords day that came from the XIIII. day of the Moone untill the XX. or whether it were better, that Easter Sunday should bee ce­lebrated from the XV. day of the Moone untill the XXI. after the manner of the See Apostolick. Time was given unto Bishop Colman in the first place, as it was fit, to de­liver [Page 103] his reason in the audience of all. Who with an un­daunted minde made his answer, and said. Our fathers and their predecessors, who were manifestly inspired by the holy Ghost, as Columkille was, did ordaine that Ea­ster should be celebrated upon the Lords day that fell up­on the XIIII. Moone; following the example of Iohn the Apostle and Evangelist, who leaned upon the breast of our Lord at his last Supper, and was called the lover of the Lord. Hee celebrated Easter upon the XIIII. day of the Moone: and wee with the same confidence cele­brate the same, as his Disciples Polycarpus and others did; neyther dare wee for our parts, neyther will wee change this.

Bede relateth his speech thus. Pascha hoc quod agere so­leo, à maiori­bus meis acce­pi, qui me huc Episcopum miserunt: quod omnes patres nostri viri Deo dilecti eodem modo celebrâs­se noscuntur. Quod ne cui contemnen­dum & repro­bandum esse videatur: ip­sum est quod beatus Iohan­nes Evangeli­sta, discipulus specialiter Domino dile­ctus, cum omni­bus quibus prae erat Ecclesiis, celebrâsse legitur. Colman. apud Bedam, lib. 3. hist. cap. 23. This Easter which I use to observe, I received from my elders, who did send me Bishop hither: which all our fathers, men beloved of God, are knowne to have celebrated after the same manner. Which that it may not seeme unto any to bee contemned and rejected: it is the same which the blessed Evangelist Iohn, the disciple specially beloved by our Lord, with all the Churches whech he did oversee, is read to have cele­brated. Fridegodus a who wrote the life of Wilfrid at the command of Odo Archbishop of Canterbury) ex­presseth the same Verse, after this manner.

F [...]i­degod. Vit. Wilfrid. MS in Bibliothec. Cottonian.
Nos seriem patriam, non frivola scripta tenemus,
Discipulo
i. Sancti vel Beati.
eusebit Polycarpo dante Iohannis.
Ille etenim bis septenae sub tempore Phoebae
Sanctum praefixit nobis fore Pascha colendum,
Atque nefas dixit, si quis contraria sentit.

On the contrary side Wilfrid objected unto Colman [Page 104] and his Clerkes of Ireland; that they with their complices, the Pictes and the Brittons, Cum quibus de duabus ulti­mi [...] Oceani insulis, his non totis, contra totum Orbem stulto labore pugnant. Wil­frid. apud Bed. lib. 3. cap. 25. out of the two utmost Iles, and those not whole neyther, did with a foolish labour fight against the whole world. Et si sanctus erat aut potens virtutibus [...]lle Columba vester, imo & noster si Christi erat: num praeferri potuit beatissi­mo Apostolo­rum principi? cui Dominus [...]it: Tu es Pe­trus, & super hanc petram aedificabo Ecclesiam meā, & portae inferi non praevale­bunt adversus eam; Et tibi dabo claves [...]egni coelorum. Ibid. And if that Co­lumb of yours ( saith he) yea and ours also if hee were Christs, was holy and powerfull in vertues: could hee bee preferred before the most blessed Prince of the Apostles? unto whom the Lord said: Thou art Peter, and upon this rocke will I build my Church, and the gates of hell shall not prevaile against it; and I will give unto thee the keyes of the kingdome of heaven. Which last words wrought much upon the simplicitie of King Oswy; who fea­red, that Nefortè me adveni [...]nte ad fores regni coelorum, non sit qui re­seret, averso illo qui claves tenere probatur. Ibid. when hee should come to the doores of the kingdome of heaven, there would bee none to open, if hee were displeased who was proved to keepe the keyes: but prevailed nothing with Bishop Colman; who Tonsuram & Paschae rationem pro­pter timorem patriae suae contempsit. Steph. presbyter, in Vit. Wilfrid. cap. 10. for the feare of his countrey ( as Stephen in the life of Wil­frid writeth) contemned the tonsure and the observation of Easter used by the Romanes; and Colman vi­dens spretam suam doctrinam, sectamque esse despectam; assumptis his qui se sequi volue­runt, id est, qui Pascha catholicum & tonsuram coronae (nam & de hoc quaestio non minima erat) recipere nolebant, in Scotiam regressus est. Bed. lib. 3. hist. cap. 26. Vide etiam lib. 4. cap. 4. taking with him such as would follow him, that is to say, such as would not receive the Catholike Easter and the tonsure of the crown (for of that also there was then no small question) retur­ned back againe into Scotland.

CHAP. X.

Of the height that the opposition betwixt the Romane party and that of the Brittish and Scottish grew unto; and the abatement thereof in time: and how the Do­ctors of the Scottish and Irish side have beene ever ac­counted most eminent men in the Catholike Church, notwithstanding their dis-union from the Bishop of Rome.

IN Colmans roome Wilfrid was chosen Archbishop of Yorke: who had learned at Rome from Arch­deacon Boniface, Paschalem rationem, quam schisma­tici Britanniae & Hiberniae non [...]cognove­runt; & alias multas Eccle­siasticae disci­plinae regulas Bonifacius archidiaconus quasi proprio filio suo dili­genter dictavit. Step▪ Presb. vit. Wilfrid. cap. 5. See also Bede, lib. 5. cap. 20. the course of Easter, which the schis­maticks of Brittaine and Ireland did not know ( so goe the words of Stephen, the ancient writer of his life:) and afterward did brag, Se primum fuisse, qui verum Pascha in Northanimbriâ Scotis eiectis docuerit, qui cantus Ecclesiasticos antiphonatim institue­rit, qui sanctissimi Bendicti regulam à monachis observari jusserit. Gulielm. Malmesbur. lib. 3. de gest. Pontific. Angl. that hee was the first which did teach the true Easter in Northumberland (having cast out the Scots) which did ordaine the Ecclesiasticall songs to bee parted on sides, and which did command S. Benets rule to be observed by Monkes. But when he was named to the Archbishopricke, Sed perstitit ille negare; ne ab Episcopis Scottis, vel ab iis quos Scotti ordinaverant, consecrationem susciperet, quorum communionem sedes asperna­retur Apostolica. Id. ibid. he refused it at the first (as William of Malmesbury relateth) lest he should receive his consecration from the Scottish Bishops, or from such as the Scots had ordained, whose communion the Apostolike See had rejected. The speech which he used to this purpose, unto the Kings that had chosen him, is thus laid downe by Stephen the writer of his [Page 106] life. O Domini venerabiles Reges; omni­bus modis nobis necessa­rium est provi­dè considerare, quomodo cum electione vestrâ, sine accusatione catholicorum vitorum, ad granum Epi­scopalem cum Dei adiutorio venire valeam. Sunt enim hîc in Brytannia multi episcopi, quorū nullum meum est accu­sare, quamvis veraciter sciam, quòd aut qua­tuordecim anni sunt, ut Bryto­nes & Scotti ab illis sunt ordi­nati, quos nec Apostolica se­des in commu­nionem rece­pit, neque eos qui schismaticis consentiunt, Et ideò in meâ humilitate à vobis posco, ut me mittatis cum vestro praefidio trans mare ad Galliarum regionem, ubi catholici episcopi multi habentur: ut sine controversiâ Apostolicae sedis, licèt indignus, gradum Episcopalem merear accipere. Steph. Presb. Vit. Wilfrid. cap. 12. O my honourable Lords the Kings; it is necessary for us by all meanes providently to consider, how with your election I may (by the helpe of God) come to the degree of a Bishop, without the accusation of catholike men. For there be many Bishops here in Brittaine, none of whom it is my part to accuse, ordained within these foure­teene yeares by the Brittons and Scots, whom neyther the See Apostolicke hath received into her communion, nor yet such as consent with the sch [...]smaticks. And there­fore in my humility I request of you, that you would send me with your warrant beyond the Sea, into the countrey of France, where many Catholike Bishops are to be had; that without any controversie of the Apostolike See I may be counted meet, though unworthy, to receive the degree of a Bishop.

While Quo ultra mare moras nectente, Oswius Rex, prae­ventus consiliis Quartadecimanorum (qui vocabantur ita, quia Pascha in quartadecima Lunâ cum Iudaeis celebrabant) Ceddam virum sanctissimum, tamen contra regulas, in­trusit tribunali Eborac [...]nsi. Gulielm. Malmesb. lib. 3. de gest. Pontif. Angl. Wilfrid protracted time beyond the Seas, King Oswy ledde by the advice of the Quartadeci­mans (so they injuriously nicknamed the Brittish and Irish, that did celebrate Easter from the fourteenth to the twentieth day of the moone) appointed Ordinantes servum Dei religiosissimum & admirabilem Doctorem, de Hiberniâ insulâ venientem no­mine Coeodda, adhuc eo ignorante, in sedem Episcopalem Euroicae civitatis indoctè contra canones constituerunt. Steph. presb. Vit. Wilfrid▪ cap. 14. a most religious servant of God and an admirable Doctor that came from Ireland, named Ceadda, to be ordained Bi­shop of Yorke in his roome.

Constituunt etenim perverso canone Coeddam,
[Page 107] Moribus acclinem, doctrinae robore fortem,
Praesulis eximij servare cubilia: sicque
Audacter vivo sponsam rapuere marito,

saith Fridegodus. This Ceadda, being the scholler of Bishop Aidan, was far otherwise affected to the Brit­tish and Irish than Wilfrid was: and therefore was content to receive his ordination from Ab illo est consecratus antistes, as­sumptis in soci­etatem ordina­tionis duobus de Britonum gente Episco­pis, qui Domi­nicum Paschae diem secus mo­rem canonicum à XIIII. usque ad XXI. Lunam celebrant. Non enim erat tunc ullus, excepto illo Wini, in totâ Brittan­niâ canonicè ordinatus epi­scopus. Bed. lib. 3. hist. ca. 28. Wini Bi­shop of the West-Saxons, and tow other Brittish Bi­shops that were of the Quartadeciman partie. For at that time (as Bede noteth) there was not in all Brittaine any Bishop canonically ordained (that is to say, by such as were of the communion of the Church of Rome) except that Wini only.

But shortly after, the opposition betwixt these two sides grew to be so great, that our Cuthbert ( Bi­shop of Lindisfarne) upon his death-bed required his followers; that they should Cum illis autem qui ab unitate catho­licae pacis, vel Pascha non suo tempore cele­brando, vel per­versè vivendo aberrant, vobis sit nulla communio, &c. Id. in Vit. Cuthbert. cap. 39. hold no communion with them which did swerve from the unity of the Catho­licke peace, eyther by not celebrating Easter in his due time, or by living perversly: and that they should ra­ther take up his bones and remove their place of ha­bitation, than any way condescend to submit their neckes unto the yoke of schismatickes. For the further maintaining of which breach also, there were cer­taine decrees made both by the Romanes, and by the Saxons that were guided by their institution. One of the instructions that the Romans gave them, was this: J [...]stitutio dicit Rom. Cavendum est ne ad alias provincias aut ecclesias referantur causae, quae alio more & aliâ religione utantur: sive ad Iudaeos, qui umbrae legis magis quàm veritati deserviunt; aut Britones, qui omnibus contratii sunt, & à Romano more & ab unitate Ecclesiae se absciderunt; aut Haereticos, quamvis sint in Ecclesiasticis causis docti, & studiosi fuerint, Ex Codice Canonum Cottoniano, titulorum 66. You must beware, that causes bee not referred to other [Page 108] Provinces or Churches, which use another manner and another religion: whether to the Iewes, which doe serve the shadow of the Law rather than the truth▪ or to the Britons, who are contrary unto all men, and have cut themselves off from the Romane manner, and the unitie of the Church; or to Heretickes, although they should bee learned in Ecclesiasticall causes, and well studied. And among the decrees made by some of the Saxon Bishops (which were to bee seene in the Library of Sir Thomas Knevet in Northfolke, and are still, I sup­pose, preserved there by his heire) this is laid downe for one. Qui ordina­ti sunt à Scot­torum vel Brit­tannorum Epi­scopis, qui in Paschâ vel Tonsurâ Ca­tholicae non sunt adunati Ecclesiae; ite­rùm à Catho­lico Episcopo manus imposi­tione confir­mentur Simi­liter & Ecclesiae quae ab illis Episcopis ordi­nantur, aquâ exorcizatâ aspergantur, & aliquâ collecti­one confirmen­tur. Licentiam quoque non habemus eis poscentibus Chrismam vel Eucharistiam dare, ni antè confessi fuerint velle se nobiscum esse in unitate Ecclesiae. Et qui ex horum similiter gente, vel quacunque, de baptismo suo dubitaverint, baptizentur. Decret Pontific. MS. cap. 9. De communicatione Scottorum & Brittonum, qui in Paschâ & Tonsurâ catholici non sunt. Such as have received ordination from the Bishops of the Scots or Brittaines, who in the matter of Easter and Tonsure are not united unto the Catholicke Church, let them bee againe by imposition of hands con­firmed by a Catholicke Bishop. In like manner also let the Churches that have beene ordered by those Bishops, be sprinkled with exorcized water, and confirmed with some service. Wee have no licence also to give unto them Chrisme or the Eucharist, when they require it; unlesse they doe first professe, that they will remaine with us in the unity of the Church. And such likewise as eyther of their nation, or of any other, shall doubt of their baptism, let them be baptized. Thus did they.

On the other side, how averse the Brittish and the Irish were from having any communion with those of the Romane party; the Bed. lib. 2. hist. cap. 4. complaint of Laurentius, Mellitus, and Iustus before specified, doth sufficient­ly manifest. And the answer is well knowne, which [Page 109] Septem Bri­tonum Episco­pi, & plures viri doctissimi, maximè de nobilissimo eo­rum monaste­rio, quod vo­catur linguâ Anglorum Bancornaburg, cui Dinoot abbas praefuisse narratur. Bed. lib. 2. hist. cap. 2. the seven Brittish Bishops, and many other most learned men of the same nation, did return unto the proposi­tions made unto them by Austin the Monk (who was sent unto their parts with authority from Rome:) that Illi nihil ho­rum se facturos, ne (que) illum pro Archiepiscopo habituros e [...]se respondebant. Id [...]bid. Tam ipsum quàm ejus statuta, statim reversi spreverunt: nec ipsum pro Ar­chiepiscopo se habituros pub­licè proclama­bant. Girald. Cambrens. [...]tine­rar. Cambriae, lib. 2. cap. 1. they would perform none of them, nor at all adneit him for their Archbishop. The Welsh Chroniclers do further relate, that Dinot the Abbot of Bangor pro­duced diverse arguments at that time, to shew that they did owe him no subjection: and this among o­thers. In a Welsh Manuscript, sometime be­longing unto P. Mostein Gentleman. Wee are under the government of the Bishop of Kaer-leon upon Vske, who under God is to oversee us, and cause us to keepe the way spirituall. and Gotcelinus Ber­tinianus in the life of Austin: A [...]ctorizabant suas ceremonias non solùm à sancto Eleu­therio Papâ primo institutore suo ab ipsâ penè infantiâ Ecclesiae dicatas, ve [...]ùm à sanctis patribus suis Dei amicis & Apostolorum sequacibus hactenùs observatas; quas non debe­rent mutare propter novos dogmatistas. Gotcel [...]. monachus, in vitâ Augustini, cap. 32. MS. in Bibliothecâ Cottonianâ. that for the authority of their ceremonies they did alledge, that they were not onely delivered unto them by Saint Eleutherius the Pope their first instructer at the first infancie almost of the Church, but also hitherto observed by their holy fathers who were the friends of God and followers of the Apo­stles: and therefore they ought not to change them for any new dogmatists. But above all others, the Brittish Priests that dwelt in West-wales abhorred the com­munion of these new dogmatists above all measure: as Aldhelme Abbot of Malmesbury declareth at large in his Epistle sent to Geruntius King of Cornwall. where among many other particulars hee sheweth, that Si quilibet de nostris, id est, Catholicis ad eos habi [...]andi gratiâ perrexerint; non priùs ad consortium sodalitatis suae adsciscere dignantur, quàm qua­draginta dierum spatia in poenitendo peragere compellantur. Aldhelm. epist. ad Domnonios. if any of the Catholickes (for so he calleth those [Page 110] of his owne side) did goe to dwell among them; they would not vouchsafe to admit them unto their company and society, before they first put them to forty dayes pe­nance. Yea, Quippe cùm usque hodie moris sit Britonum, fidē religionem (que) Anglorum pro nihilo habere, neque in ali­quo eis magis communicare quàm paganis. Bed. lib. 2. hist. cap. 20. even to this day ( saith Bede, who wrote his history in the yeere DCCXXXI.) it is the manner of the Brittons, to hold the faith and the religion of the English in no account at all, nor to communicate with them in any thing more than with Pagans.

Whereunto those Verses of Taliessyn (honoured by the Britons with the title of Ben Beirdh, that is, the chiefe of the Bardes or Wisemen) may bee added: (which shew, that hee wrote after the comming of Austin into England, and not 50. or 60. yeeres be­fore, as others have imagined.)

Chronicle of Wales, pag. 254.
Gwae'r offeiriad byd
Nys engreifftia gwyd
Ac ny phregetha:
Gwae ny cheidw ey gail
Ac ef yn vigail,
Ac nys areilia:
Gwae ny cheidw ey dheuaid
Rhac bleidhie, Rhufeniaid
A'iffon gnwppa.
Wo be to that Priest yborne,
That will not cleanly weed his corne
And preach his charge among:
Wo be to that shepheard (I say)
That will not watch his fold alway,
As to his office doth belong:
[Page 111] Wo be to him that doth not keepe
From Romish wolves his sheepe
With staffe and weapon strong.

As also those others of Mantuan; which shew that some tooke the boldnesse to taxe the Romans of fol­ly, impudencie, and stolidity, for standing so much upon matters of humane institution, that for the not admitting of them they would breake peace there, where the Law of God and the Doctrine first delive­red by Christ and his Apostles was safely kept and maintained.

Baptist. Man­tuan. Fastor. lib. 1.
Adde quod & patres ausi taxare Latinos;
Causabantur eos stultè, imprudenter, & aequo
Duriùs, ad ritum Romae voluisse Britannos
Cogere, & antiquum tam praecipitanter amorem
Tam stolido temerâsse ausu. Concedere Roma
Debuit, aiebant, potiùs quàm rumpere pacem
Humani quae juris erant; modò salva maneret
Lex divina, fides, Christi doctrina, Senatus
Quam primus tulit ore suo; quia tradita ab ipso
Christo erat, humanae doctore & lumine vitae.

By all that hath been said, the vanity of Osullevan may be seene, who feigneth the Northren Irish, toge­ther with the Picts and the Britons, to have beene so obsequious unto the Bishop of Rome; that they re­formed the celebration of Easter by them formerly used, as soone as they understood what the rite of the Romane Church was. Whereas it is knowne, that after the declaration thereof made by Pope Honori­us and the Clergie of Rome; the Northren Irish were nothing moved therewith, but continued still their [Page 112] owne tradition. And therfore Bede findeth no other excuse for Bishop Aidan herein; but that Quòd autem Pascha non suo tempore obser­vabat, vel cano­nicum ejus tempus igno­rans, vel suae gentis auctori­tate, ne agni­tum sequere­tur, devictus; non approbo nec laudo. Bed. lib. 3. hist. cap. 17. eyther hee was ignorant of the canonicall time, or if he knew it, that he was so overcome with the authority of his owne nation, that he did not follow it: that he did it, More suae gentis. Ibid. cap. 3. after the man­ner of his owne nation; and that Pascha con­tra morem eo­rum qui ipsum miserant, facere non potuit. Ibid. cap. 25. hee could not keepe Easter contrary to the custome of them which had sent him. His successor Finan Id. ibid. contended more fiercely in the businesse with Ronan his countryman; and de­clared himselfe an open adversary to the Romane rite. Colman that succeeded him, did tread just in his steps: so farre, that being put downe in the Synod of Streanshal, yet for feare of his country (as before we have heard out of Stephen, the writer of the life of Wilfrid) he refused to conforme himselfe; and chose rather to forgoe his Bishoprick, than to submit him­selfe unto the Romane lawes,

Colmanusque suas inglorius abjicit arces,
Malens Ausonias victus dissolvere leges:

saith Fridegodus. Neither did hee goe away alone: but Colmanus qui de Scotiâ erat Episcopus, relinquens Bri­tanniam, tulit secum omnes quos in Lindis­farorum insulâ congregaverat Scotos. Bede lib. 4. cap. 4. tooke with him all his countrymen that he had gathered together in Lindisfarne or Holy Iland: the Scottish monks also that were at Rippon (in Yorkshire) Optione da­tâ, maluerunt loco cedere, quàm Pascha catholicum, caeterosque ritus canonicos juxta Romanae & Apostolicae Eccle­siae consuetudinem recipere. Id. lib. 5. cap. 20. See also lib. 3. cap. 25. where Humpum is [...]sprin­ted for Hripum. making choice rather to quit their place, than to admit the observation of Easter and the rest of the rites according to the custome of the Church of Rome. And so did the matter rest among the Irish about forty yeeres after that: untill their own coun­tryman Ibid cap. 16. & 22. Adamnanus perswaded most of them to [Page 113] yeeld to the custome received herein by all the Churches abroad.

The Picts did the like not long after, under King Naitan: who Nec mora, quae dixerat, regiâ autori­tate perfecit. Statim nam (que) jussu publico mittebantur ad transcriben­dum, discen­dum, observan­dum per uni­versus Picto­rum provincias circuli Paschae decennovenna­les; obliteratis per omnia er­roneis octogin­ta & quatuor annorum cir­culis. Attonde­hantur omnes in coronam mi­nistri altaris ac monachi. &c. Ibid. ca. 22. by his regall authority commanded Ea­ster to be observed throughout all his provinces according to the cycle of XIX. yeeres (abolishing the erroneous pe­riod of LXXXIIII. yeeres which before they used) and caused all Priests and Monkes to bee shorne croune-wise, after the Romane manner. The monkes also of the Iland of Hy or Y-Columkille, Id. lib. 3. ca. 4. & lib. 5. cap. 23. by the perswasion of Ecgbert (an English Priest, that had been bred in Ire­land) in the yeere of our Lord DCCXVI. forsooke the observation of Easter and the Tonsure which they had received from Columkille a hundred and fiftie yeeres before, and followed the Romane rite; about LXXX. yeeres after the time of Pope Honorius, and the sending of Bishop Aidan from thence into Eng­land. The Britons in the time of Id. lib. 5. cap. 23. & 24. Bede retained still their old usage: untill See the Chro­nicle of Wales, pag. 17. 18. and Humfr. I. buyd. fragment. Bri­tan. Descript. fol. 55. b. Elbodus (who was the chiefe Bishop of Northwales, and dyed in the yeere of our Lord DCCCIX. as Caradoc of Lhancarvan recordeth) brought in the Romane observation of Easter. which is the cause, why Ego Nennius sancti Elbodi discipulus, aliqua excerpta scribere curavi. Nem. MS. in publicá Cantabrig. academ. Bibliothecá, ubi alia exemplaria habent: Ego Nennius ( vel Ninnius) Elvodugi discipulus. his disciple Nennius, designeth the time wherein he wrote his history, by the character of the Ab adventu Patricii in jam dictam insulam ( Hiberniam sc.) usque ad cyclum decennovennalem in quo sumu [...], 22. sunt cycli, id est, 421. & sunt duo anni in Ogdoade usque in hunc annum. Id. XIX. yeeres cycle, and not of the other of LXXXIV. But howsoever North-wales did; it is very probable that West-wales (which of all other parts [Page 114] was most eagerly bent against the traditions of the Romane Church) stood out yet longer. For we finde in the Greeke writers of the life of Chrysostome, that certaine Clergie men which dwelt in the Iles of the Oce­an, repaired from the utmost borders of the habitable world unto Constantinople, in the dayes of Methodius (who was Patriarch there, from the yeer DCCCXLII. to the yeere DCCCXLVII.) to enquire of [...] Tom. 8. Chrysost. edit. Henr. Savil. pag. 321. 60 & in Noels. col. [...]66. 5. certaine Ecclesiasticall traditions, and the perfect and exact com­putation of Easter. Whereby it appeareth, that these questions were kept still a foot in these Ilands; and that the resolution of the Bishop of Constantinople was sought for from hence, as well as the determi­nation of the Bishop of Rome, who is now made the only Oracle of the world.

Neither is it here to be omitted, that whatsoever broyles did passe betwixt our Irish that were not sub­ject to the See of Rome, and those others that were of the Romane communion: in the succeeding ages, they of the one side were esteemed to be Saints, as well as they of the other; Aidan for example and Fi­nan, who were counted ringleaders of the Quarta­deeiman party, as well as Wilfrid and Cuthbert, who were so violent against it. Yet now adayes men are made to beleeve, that out of the communion of the Church of Rome nothing but Hell can bee looked for; and that subjection to the Bishop of Rome, as to the visible Head of the Universall Church, is requi­red as a matter necessary to salvation. Which if it may goe currant for good Divinity: the case is like to goe hard, not onely, with the [...] lib. 2. hist. cap. [...]. twelve hundred [Page 115] British Monkes of Bangor, who were martyred in one day by Edelfride king of Northumberland (whom our Annals style by the name of Ann. Dom. 612. ( vel 613.) Bellum Caire­legion, ubi Sancti occisi sunt. Amlt. Vlton. MS. the Saints;) but al­so with St. Aidan and St. Finan, who deserve to bee honoured by the English nation with as venerable a remembrance, as (I doe not say, Wilfrid and Cuth­bert; but) Austin the Monke and his followers. For by the ministery of Bed. lib. 3. hist. cap. 3. & 6. Aidan was the kingdome of Northumberland recovered from paganisme: (where­unto belonged then, beside the shire of Northumber­land and the lands beyond it unto Edenborrow, Frith, Cumberland also and Westmorland, Lancashire, York­shire, and the Bishopricke of Durham:) and by the meanes of Ibid. cap. 21. 22. 24. Finan, not onely the Kingdome of the East-Saxons (which contained Essex, Middlesex, and halfe of Hertfordshire) regained, but also the large Kingdome of Mercia converted first unto Christia­nity; which comprehended underit, Glocestershire, Herefordshire, Worcestershire, Warwickshire, Leicester­shire, Rutlandshire, Northamptonshire, Lincolneshire, Huntingtonshire, Bedfordshire, Buckinghamshire, Ox­fordshire, Staffordshire, Darbyshire, Shropshire, Not­tinghamshire, Chesshire, and the other halfe of Hert­fordshire.

The Scottish that professed no subjection to the Church of Rome, were they, that sent preachers for the conversion of these countries; and ordained Bi­shops to governe them: namely, Ibid. cap. 3. 5. 17. 25. 26. Aidan, Finan and Colman successively for the kingdome of Northum­berland; Ibid. cap. 22. 25. for the East-Saxons, Cedd brother to Ce­adda the Bishop of Yorke before mentioned, Ibid cap. 21. 24. for [Page 116] the Middle-Angles (which inhabited Leicestershire) and the Mercians, Diuma (for Paucitas e­nim Sacerdo­tum cogebat unum antisti­tem duobus po­pulis praefici. Ibid. cap. 21. the paucity of Priests, saith Bede, constrained one Bishop to bee appointed over two people) and after him Cellach and Trumhere. And these with their followers, notwithstanding their di­vision from the See of Rome, were for Ibid. cap. 3. 4. 5. 17. 26. their extra­ordinary sanctity of life and painfulnesse in prea­ching the Gospel (wherein they went farre beyond those of the other side, that afterward thrust them out and entred in upon their labours) exceedingly reverenced by all that knew them: Aidan especially, who Etsi Pascha contra morem eorum qui ip­sum miserant, facere non po­tuit; opera ta­men fidei, pie­tatis & dilecti­onis, juxta mo­rem omnibus sanctis consue­tum diligenter exequi curavit. Vnde ab omni­bus etiam his qui de Pascha aliter sentie­bant, meritò di­ligebatur: nec solùm à medio­cribus, verùm, ab ipsis quo (que) episcopis, Ho­norio Cantua­ [...]orum & Feli­ce Orientalium Anglorum, venerationi habitus est. Ibid. cap. 25. although hee could not keepe Easter (saith Bede) contrary to the manner of them which had sent him; yet he was carefull diligently to performe the workes of faith and godlinesse, and love, according to the manner used by all holy men. Whereupon hee was worthily beloved of all, even of them also who thought otherwise of Easter than he did: and was had in reverence not only by them that were of meaner ranke, but also by the Bishops them­selves, Honorius of Canterbury, and Felix of the East-Angles. Neither did Honorius and Felix any other way carry themselves herein, than their predecessors Laurentius, Mellitus & Iustus had done before them: who writing unto the Bishops of Ireland, that dis­sented from the Church of Rome in the celebration of Easter and many other things; made no scruple to prefixe this loving and respectfull superscription to their letters. Dominis charissimis fratribus, Episcopis vel Abbatious per universam Scotiam; Laurentius, Mellitus, & Iustus Episcopi, servi servorum Dei Id lib. 2 cap. 4. To our Lords and most deare brethren, [Page 117] the Bishops or Abbots throughout all Scotland; Lauren­tius, Mellitus and Iustus Bishops, the servants of the servants of God. For howsoever Ireland at that time Gens quan­quam absque reliquatum gentium legi­bus; tamen in Christiani vi­goris dogmate florens, omnium vicinarum gentium fidem praepollet. Ion. Vit. Columban. cap. 1. received not the same lawes wherewith other nations were governed: yet it so flourished in the vigour of Christian doctrine, (as Abbot Ionas testifieth) that it exceeded the faith of all the neighbour nations; and in that respect was generally had in honour by them.

CHAP. XI

Of the temporall power, which the Popes followers would directly intitle him unto over the Kingdome of Ire­land: together with the indirect power which he chal­lengeth in absolving subjects from the obedience which they owe to their temporall Governours.

IT now remaineth that in the last place wee should consider the Popes power in disposing the tempo­rall state of this Kingdome: which eyther directly or indirectly, by hooke or by crooke, this grand Usur­per would draw unto himselfe. First therefore Car­dinall Allen would have us to know, that Allen. An­swer to the Exe­cution of Iustice in England. pag. 140. the Sea A­postolike hath an old claime unto the soveraigntie of the countrey of Ireland; and that before the Covenants pas­sed betweene King Iohn and the same Sea. Which chal­lenges (saith he) Princes commonly yeeld not up, by what ground soever they come. What Princes use to yeeld or not yeeld, I leave to the scanning of those, unto whom Princes matters doe belong: for the Cardi­nals [Page 118] Prince I dare be bold to say, that if it bee not his use to play fast and loose with other Princes, the matter is not now to doe; whatsoever right he could pretend to the temporall state of Ireland, hee hath transferred it (more than once) unto the Kings of England. and when the ground of his claime shall be looked into; it will bee found so frivolous and so ridiculous, that we need not care three chippes, whe­ther he yeeld it up or keep it to himselfe. For what­soever become of his idle challenges: the Crowne of England hath otherwise obtained an undoubted right unto the soveraigntie of this countrey; partly by Conquest, prosecuted at first upon occasion of a Sociall warre, partly by the severall submissions of the chiefetaines of the land made afterwards. For Cum juri suo renuntiare liberum fit cui­libet (quan­quam subjecti­onis cujuslibet hactenus im­munes) his ta­men hodiè no­stris diebus, Anglorum Re­gi Henrico se­cundo omnes Hiberniae prin­cipes firmis fidei sacramen­tique vinculis se sponte sub­miserunt. Gi­rald. Cambrens. Hibern expug­ [...]at. lib. 3. cap. 7. wher­as it is it free for all men, although they have been formerly quitt from all subjection, to renounce their owne right: yet now in these our daies (saith Giraldus Cambrensis, in his historie of the Conquest of Ireland) all the Princes of Ireland did voluntarily submitt, and binde them­selves with firme bonds of faith and oath, unto Henry the second King of England. The like might be said of the generall submissions made in the dayes of King Ri­chard the second and King Henry the eighth: to speake nothing of the prescription of divers hundreds of yeares possession; which was the plea that Iudg. 11. 26. Iephte u­sed to the Ammonites, and is indeed the best evidence that the Bishop of Romes own Genebrard. Chr [...]graph. lib. 3. in Sylvest. 1. Bellarmin. de Roman. Pontif. lib. 5. cap. 9. in fine. Proctors do produce for their Masters right to Rome it selfe.

[Page 119] For the Popes direct dominion over Ireland, two titles are brought forth; beside those covenants of King Iohn (mentioned by Allen) which hee that hath any understanding in our state, knoweth to be clear­ly voide and worth nothing. The one is taken from a speciall grant supposed to bee made by the inhabi­tants of the countrey, at the time of their first con­version unto Christianitie: the other from a right which Insulas om­nes sibi speciall quodam iure vendicat. Girald. Cambr. Hibern. expug­nat. lib. [...]. cap. 3. the Pope challengeth unto himselfe over all Ilands in generall. The former of these was devised of late by an Italian, in the reigne of King Henry the eighth; the later was found out in the daies of King Henry the second: before whose time not one foote­step doth appeare in all antiquitie of any claime that the Bishop of Rome should make to the dominion of Ireland; no not in the Popes owne records, which have beene curiously searched by Nicolaus Arrago­nius, and other ministers of his, who have purpose­ly written of the particulars of his temporall estate. The Italian of whom I spake, is Polydore Vergil; he that composed the booke De inventoribus rerum, of the first Inventers of things: among whom hee him­selfe may challenge a place for this invention; if the Inventers of lyes bee admitted to have any roome in that companie. This man being sent over by the Pope into England Nos hanc a­lim quaesturam aliquot per a [...] ­not gessimus; eiusque mune­ris obeundi caussâ, primùm in Angliam ve­nitnus. Poly [...] Vergil. Anglic. bis [...]. lib. 4. for the collecting of his Peter­pence, undertooke the writing of the historie of that nation, wherein he forgat not by the way to doe the best service hee could to his Lord that had imployed him thither. There hee telleth an idle tale; how the Irish being moved to accept Henry the second for [Page 120] their King, Id Hiberni posse fieri, nisi autoritate Ro­mani Pontifi­cis negabant; quòd iam indè ab initio, post Christianam religionem ac­ceptam, sese ac omnia sua in eius ditionem dedidissent: atque constan­ter affirma­bant, non alium habere se Do­minum, praeter ipsum Pontifi­cem: id quod etiam nunc ia­ctitant, Id. lib. 13. eiusa. histor. did deny that this could be done otherwise than by the Bishop of Romes anthoritie: because (for­sooth) that from the very beginning, after they had ac­cepted Christian Religion, they had yeelded themselves and all that they had into his power. and they did con­stantly affirme (saith this fabler) that they had no other Lord, beside the Pope: of which also they yet doe bragge.

The Italian is followed herein by two Englishmen, that wished the Popes advancement as much as hee; Edmund Campian and Nicholas Sanders. the one whereof writeth, that Camp. History of Ireland. lib. 2. cap. 1. immediately after Christiani­tie planted here, the whole Iland with one consent gave themselves not onely into the spirituall, but also into the temporall Iurisdiction of the See of Rome. the other in Polydores owne words (though hee name him not) that Hiberni ini­tio statim post Christianam religionem ac­ceptam, sesua (que) omni [...] in Pon­tificis Romani ditionem dede­rant; nec quenquam ali­um supremum Hiberniae Principem ad illud usque tempus praeter unum Roma­num pontificem agnoverunt, Sander de schism. Anglican. lib. 1. ad ann. 1542. the Irish from the beginning, presently after they had received Christian Religion, gave up themselves and all that they had into the power of the Bishop of Rome; and that untill the time of King Henry the se­cond, they did acknowledge no other supreme Prince of Ireland, beside of the Bishop of Rome alone. For confuta­tion of which dreame, we need not have recourse to our owne Chronicles: the Bull of Adrian the fourth, wherein hee giveth libertie of King Henry the second to enter upon Ireland, sufficiently discovereth the va­nitie thereof. For, hee there shewing what right the Church of Rome pretended unto Ireland, maketh no mention at all of this (which had beene the fairest and clearest title that could bee alledged, if any such had been then existent in rerum naturâ) but is faine to [Page 121] flie unto a farre-fetcht interest which hee saith the Church of Rome hath unto all Christian Ilands. Sanè omnes Insulas, quibus Sol iustitiae Christus illu­xit, & quae do­cumenta fidei Christianae su­sceperunt, ad ius S. Petri & sacrosanctae Romanae Ec­clesiae (quod tua etiam No­bilitas recog­noscit) non est dubium perti­nete. Bull-Adri­an. IV. ad Henr. II. Angl. reg. Truly (saith he to the King) there is no doubt, but that all Ilands unto which Christ the Sunne of Righteousnesse hath shined, and which have received the instructions of the Christian faith, doe pertaine to the right of Saint Pe­ter and the holy Church of Rome: which your Noblenesse also doth acknowledge.

If you would further understand the ground of this strange claime, whereby all Christian Ilands at a clap are challenged to bee parcell of St. Peters patri­monie: you shall have it from Iohannes Sarisburien­sis, who was most inward with Pope Adrian, and ob­tained from him this very grant whereof now wee are speaking. Ad preces meas illustri Regi Anglo­rum Henrico secundo conces­sit & dedit Hi­berniam iure haereditario possidendam: sicut literae ip­sius testantur in hodiernum diem. Nam om­nes insulae, de iure antiquo, ex donatione Constantini, qui eam fun­davit & dotavit, dicuntur ad Romanam Ecclesiam pertinere. Iohan. Sarisburiens. Metalogie. lib. 4. cap. 42. At my request (saith he) he granted Ire­land to the illustrious King of England Henry the se­cond, and gave it to bee possessed by right of inheritance: as his owne letters doe testifie unto this day. For all I­lands, of ancient right, are said to belong to the Church of Rome, by the donation of Constantine, who founded & endowed the same. But will you see, what a goodly title here is, in the meane time? First, the Donation of Constantine hath been long since discovered to be a notorious forgerie, and is rejected by all men of judgement as a senslesse fiction. Secondly, in the whole context of this forged Donation I find mention made of Ilands in one place only: Per nostram Imperialem iussionem sacram, tam in Oriente quàm in Oc­cidente, vel etiam septentrionali & meridianâ plagâ, videlicèt in Iudaeâ, Graeciâ, Asiâ, Thraciâ, Aphricâ & Italiâ, vel diversis Insulis nostrâ largitate eis libertatem concessimus: eâ prorsus ratione, ut per manus beatissimi patris nostri Sylvestri Pontificis successorumque eius omnia disponantur. Edict. Constantin. where no more power [Page 122] is given to the Church of Rome over them, than in generall over the whole Continent (by East and by West, by North and by South) and in particular over Iudaea, Graecia, Asia, Thracia, and Aphrica; which use not to passe in the account of St. Peters temporall pa­trimonie. Thirdly, it doth not appeare, that Constan­tine himselfe had any interest in the Kingdome of Ireland: how then could hee conferre it upon ano­ther? Some words there be in an oration of Vltra Occa­num verò quid erat praeter Britanniam? Quae à vobis ita recuperata est; ut illae quoque na­tiones ter­minis eiusdem insulae cohae­rentes vestris nutibus obse­quantur. Eu­men. Panegyric. ad Constant. Eume­nius the Rhetorician, by which peradventure it may bee collected, that his father Constantius bare some stroke here: but that the Iland was ever possessed by the Romanes, or accounted a parcell of the Empire, cannot be proved by any sufficient testimonie of an­tiquitie. Fourthly, the late writers that are of ano­ther mind, as Pomponius Laetus, Cuspinian, and others, doe yet affirme withall, Pomp. Laet. in Roman. histor. Compend. Io. Cu­spian. in Caesarib. Seb. Mu [...]ster. in lib. 2. Cos­mograph. that in the division of the Empire after Constantines death, Ireland was assigned unto Constantinus the eldest sonne: which will hard­ly stand with this donation of the Ilands supposed to bee formerly made unto the Bishop of Rome and his successors. Pope Adrian therefore, and Iohn of Salisbury his sollicitor, had need seeke some better warrant for the title of Ireland, than the Donation of Constantine.

Iohn Harding in his Chronicle saith, that the Kings of England have right

Harding. Clhro­nic. cap. 241.
To Ireland also, by King Henry (le fitz
Of Maude, daughter of first King Henry)
That conquered it, for their great heresie.

which in another place he expresseth more at large, in this manner: [Page 123]

Ibid. cap. 132▪
The King Henry then, conquered all Ireland
By Papall dome, there of his royaltee
The profits and revenues of the land
The domination, and the soveraigntee
For errour which agayn the spiritualtee
They held full long, and would not been correct
Of heresies, with which they were infect.

Philip Osullevan on the other side, doth not only de­ny Osullevan. Hi­stor. Catholic. Iberniae, tom. 2. lib. 1. cap. 7. that Ireland was infected with any heresie: but would also have us beleeve, Ibid. cap. 4. 5. 9. & lib. 2. cap. 3. that the Pope never in­tended to conferre the Lordship of Ireland upon the Kings of England. For where it is said in Pope Adri­ans Bull; Illius terrae populus te re­cipiat, & sicut Dominum ve­neretur. Bull. A­drian. IV. Let the people of that land receive thee, and reverence thee as a Lord: the meaning thereof is, saith this Glozer, Sicut Domi­num veneretur, id est, ut Prin­cipem dignum magno honore; non Dominum Iberniae, sed praefectum caussâ colli­gendi tributi Ecclesiastici. Osullevan. Hist. Ib­ern. fol. 59. b. in margine. Let them reverence thee, as a Prince worthy of great honour; not as Lord of Ireland, but as a Deputie appointed for the collecting of the Ecclesiasticall tribute. It is true indeed that King Henry the second, to the end hee might the more easily obtaine the Popes good wil for his entring upon Ireland, did vo­luntarily offer unto him the payment of a yearely pen­sion of one penny out of every house in the countrey: which (for ought that I can learne) was the first Ec­clesiasticall tribute that ever came unto the Popes cof­fers out of Ireland. But that King Henry got nothing else by the bargaine but the bare office of collecting the Popes Smoke-silver (for so wee called it here, when wee payed it) is so dull a conceit; that I doe somewhat wonder how Osullevan himselfe could be such a blocke-head, as not to discerne the senseles­nesse of it.

What the King sought for and obtained, is suffici­ently [Page 124] declared by them that writ the historie of his reigne. Robert. de Monte. Roger. de Wendover. Matth. Paris. & Nicol. Tri­vett in Chronic. an. 1155. In the yeare of our Lord MCLV. the first Bull was sent unto him by Pope Adrian: the summe whereof is thus laid down in a second Bull, directed unto him by Alexander the third, the immediate suc­cessor of the other. Venerabilis Adriani Papae vestigiis inhae­rentes, vestri­que desiderii fructum atten­dentes; con­cessionem eius­dem super Hi­bernici regni dominio vobis indulto (salvâ Beato Petro & sacrosanctae Ecclesiae Ro­manae, sicut in Angliâ Sic in Hiberniâ de singulis do­mibus annuâ unius denarii pensione) ra­tam habemus & confirma­mus. Bul. Alex­andri III. apud Grialdum Cam­brens. lib. 2. Histor. Hibern. expugnat. cap. 6. in codicibus MS. (in edito enim caput hoc mancum est) & Io. Rossum Warvicensem, in tract. De terris Coronae Angliae annexis. Following the stepps of reve­rend Pope Adrian, and attending the fruit of your desire; we ratifie and confirme his grant concerning the domini­on of the KINGDOME of Ireland conferred upon you: reserving unto St. Peter and the holy Church of Rome, as in England so in Ireland, the yearely pension of one penny out of every house. In this sort did Pope A­drian, as much as lay in him, give Ireland unto King Henry, haereditario jure possidendam, to bee possessed by right of inheritance; & withall Annulum quo (que) per me transmisit aureum, smaragdo optimo decoratum, quo fieret investitura iuris in gerenda Hibernia: idemque adhuc annulus in curiali archîo publico custodiri jussus est. Io. Sarisbur. Metalogic. lib. 4. cap. 42. de quo consulendus etiam est Giraldus Cambrens. lib. 2. Hibern. expugnat. cap. 6. sent unto him a ring of gold, set with a faire Emerauld, for his investiture in the right thereof: as Iohannes Sarisburiensis, who was the principall agent betwixt them both in this businesse, doth expresly testifie. After this, in the year MCLXXI. the King himselfe came hither in person: where the Archbishops and Bishops of Ireland In Regem & Dominum receperunt. Roger. Wendover, & Matth. Paris. in Historiâ maiori, an. 1171. Roger. Hoveden, in posteriore parte Annalium. Iohan. Brampton in Historiâ Io­ralanensi, & Bartholomaeus de Cotton, in Histor. Anglor. MS. received him for their KING and Lord. The King (saith Iohn Bram­pton) Recepit ab unoquoque Archiepiscopo & Episcopo literas, cum sigillis suis in modum Char [...]ae pendentibus; regnum Hiberniae sibi & haeredibus suis confirmantes, & testimonium perhibentes ipsos in Hiberniâ cum & haeredes suos sibi in Reges & Dominos in perpetuum constituisse. Io. Brampton. ibid. received letters from every Archbishop and Bi­shop, with their seales hanging upon them in the manner [Page 125] of an Indenture; confirming the KINGDOME of Ire­land unto him and his heyres, and bearing witnesse that they in Ireland had ordained him and his heyres to bee their KINGS and Lords for ever. At Waterford ( saith Roger Hoveden) Venerunt ibidem ad re­gem Angliae omnes Archie­piscopi, Episco­pi, Abbates to­tius Hiberniae, & receperunt cum in Regem & Dominum Hiberniae; ju­rantes ei & hae­redibus suis fi­delitatem, & regnandi super [...]os potestatē in perpetuum: & inde dederunt ei chartas suas. Exemplo au­tem clerico­rum, praedicti Reges & Prin­cipes Hiber­niae, receperunt simili modo Henricum re­gem Angliae in Dominum & Regem Hiber­niae; & homines sui devenerunt, & ei & haeredibus suis fidelitatem juraverunt contra omnes homines. Rog. Hoveden. ad ann. 1171. all the Archbishops, Bishops, and Abbots of Ireland came unto the King of England, and received him for KING and Lord of Ireland; swearing fealty to him and to his heyres, and power to reigne over them for ever: and hereof they gave him their Instruments. The Kings also and Princes of Ire­land, by the example of the Clergie, did in like man­ner receive Henry King of England for Lord and KING of Ireland; and became his men ( or, did him homage) and swore fealty to him and his heyres against all men.

These things were presently after confirmed in the Nationall Synod held at Casshell: the Acts whereof in Giraldus Cambrensis are thus concluded. Dignum etenim & justissimum est, ut sicut Dominum & Regem ex Angliâ sortita est divinitùs Hibernia; sic etiam exinde vivendi formam accipiant meliorem. Girald. Cambrens. Hibern. Expugnat. lib. 1. cap. 34. For it is fit and most meet, that as Ireland by Gods ap­pointment hath gotten a Lord and a KING from Eng­land; so also they should from thence receive a better forme of living. King Henry also at the same time Rex Angliae misst transcriptum Chartarum universorum Archiepiscoporum & Episcoporum Hiberniae, ad Alexandrum Papam: & ipse authoritate Apostolicâ confirmavit illi & haere­dibus suis regnum Hiberniae, secundùm formam Chartarum Archiepiscoporum & Episco­porum Hiberniae. Rog. Hoveden. sent a transcript of the Instruments of all the Archbi­shops and Bishops of Ireland, unto Pope Alexander: who by his Apostolicall authority ( for so was it in those [Page 126] dayes of darknesse esteemed to bee) did confirme the KINGDOME of Ireland unto him and his heyres, (according to the forme of the Instruments of the Arch­bishops & Bishops of Ireland) Nam sum­mus Pontifex regnum illud sibi & haeredi­bus suis aucto­ritate Aposto­licâ confirma­vit; & in per­petuum eos constituit inde Reges. Io. Brampton. and made them KINGS thereof for ever. The King also Perquisierat ab Alexandro summo Ponti­fice, quòd lice­ret ei filium su­um quem vellet Regem Hiber­niae facere, & fimiliter coro­nare; ac Reges & potentes ejusdem terrae, qui subjectio­nem ei facere [...]ollent, debel­lare. Id. ad. [...]. 1177. obtained fur­ther from Pope Alexander, that it might bee lawfull for him to make which of his sonnes hee pleased, KING of Ireland, and to crowne him accordingly; and to sub­due the Kings and great ones of that land, which would not subject themselves unto him. Whereupon, in a grand Councell held at Oxford in the yeere of our Lord MCLXXVII. Iohannem filium suum coram Episcopis & regni sui principibus Regem Hiberniae constituit. Id. ibid. & Gualterus Co­ventrensis, inejusdem anni historiâ. before the Bishops and Peeres of the Kingdome hee constituted his sonne Iohn KING of Ire­land; Constituit Iohannem filium suum Regem in Hiber­niâ, concessione & confirmatione Alexandri summ [...] Pontificis. Rog. Hoveden. Annal. part. 2. ad an. 1177. according to that grant and confirmation of Pope Alexander. And to make the matter yet more sure, in the yeere MCLXXXVI. hee obtained a new licence from Pope Vrban the third; Ab eo impetravit; quòd unus quem vellet de filiis suis coronaretur de regne Hiberniae. & hoc confirmavit ei Dominus Papa Bullâ suâ: & in argumentum voluntatis & confirmationis suae, misit ei coronam de pennâ pavonis auro contextam. Id. ad an. 1185. that one of his sonnes, whom hee himselfe would, should bee crowned for the KINGDOME of Ireland. And this the Pope did not onely confirme by his Bull: but also the yeere fol­lowing purposely sent over Cardinall Octavian and Hugo de Nunant ( or Novant) Quibus ipse commisit legatiam in Hiberniam, ad ceronandum ibi Iohannem filium Re­gis. Sed Dominus Rex coronationem illam distulit. Jd. ad an. 1187. his Legates into Ire­land, to crowne Iohn the Kings sonne there.

By all this wee may see, how farre King Henry the second proceeded in this businesse: which I doe not [Page 127] so much note, to convince the stolidity of Osullevan, who would faine perswade fooles, that he was pre­ferred onely to bee collector of the Popes Peter­pence: as to shew, that Ireland at that time was e­steemed a Kingdome, and the Kings of England ac­counted no lesse than Kings thereof. And therefore Paulus IIII nostris tempo­ribus Hiberni­am insulam in regni titulum ac dignitatem erexit. Gabutius in vitā PijV. Paul the fourth needed not make all that noyse, and trouble Ad omnipo­tentis Dei lau­dem & glori­am, ac glorio­sissimae ejus genitricis Vir­ginis Mariae, totius (que) Curiae coelestis hono­rem, & fidei Catholicae ex­altationem, Philippo Rege & Mariâ Reginâ nobis super hoc humiliter supplicantibus, de fratrum nostrorum consilio & Apostolicae potestatis plenitudine, Apostolicâ authoritate Insulam Hiberniae in Regnum perpetuò erigimus; ac titulo, dignitate, honore, facultatibus, juribus, insigniis, praerogati­vis, antelationibus, praeeminentiis regiis, ac quibus alia Christi fidelium Regna utuntur, potiuntur, & gaudent, ac uti, potiri, & gaudere poterunt quomodo libet, in futurum insig­nimus & decoramus. Bulla Pauli IV. in Rotulo Patentium, ann. 2. & 3. Philippi & Mariae, in Cancellariâ Hiberniae. the whole Court of heaven with the matter: when in the yeere MDLV. he tooke upon him by his Apostolicall authority (such I am sure, as none of the Apostles of Christ did ever assume unto themselves) to erect Ireland unto the title and dignity of a King­dome. Whereas hee might have found, even in his owne Provinciale ex archivis Cancellariae Apostolicae. edit. tomo 2. Tractat. Doctor. fol. 344. (impres. Venet. an. 1548.) Romane Provinciall, that Ireland was recko­ned among the Kingdomes of Christendome, be­fore hee was borne. Insomuch, that in the yeere MCCCCXVII. when the Legates of the King of England and the French Kings Ambassadours fell at variance in the Councell of Constance for preceden­cie; the English Orators, among other arguments, alledged this also for themselves. Satis constat, secundum Albertum Magnum & Bartholomaeum de proprietatibus rerum, quòd toto Mundo in tres partes di­viso (videlicèt Asiam, Africam, & Europam) Europa in quatuor dividitur regna: primum videlicèt Romanum, secundum Constantinopolitanum, tertium regnum Hiberniae quod jam translatum est in Anglicos, & quartum regnum Hispaniae. Ex quo patet, quòd rex An­gliae & regnum suum sunt de eminentioribus antiquioribus Regibus & Regnis totius Euro­pae: quam praerogativam regnum Franciae non fertur obtinere. Act. Concil. Constant. Sess. 28. MS. in Bibliothecâ Regiâ. It is well knowne, [Page 128] that according to Albertus Magnus and Bartholomaeus in his booke De proprietatibus rerum, the whole world being divided into three parts (to wit, Asia, Africk and Europe) Europe is divided into foure Kingdomes: name­ly, the Romane for the first, the Constantinopolitane for the second, the third the Kingdome of Ireland which is now translated unto the English, and the fourth the Kingdome of Spain. Whereby it appeareth, that the King of England and his Kingdome are of the more eminent ancient Kings and Kingdomes of all Europe: which pre­rogative the Kingdome of France is not said to obtaine. And this have I here inserted the more willingly, because it maketh something for the honour of my Country (to which, I confesse, I am very much de­voted) and in the printed Acts of the Councell it is not commonly to be had.

But now commeth forth Osullevan againe, and like a little furie flyeth upon Cujus mali maxima culpa in aliquot Angloibernos Sacerdotes jure transferenda est; qui tarta­reum dogma ab Orco in Catholicorum perniciem e­missum non negabant, lice­re Catholicis contra Catho­licos & suam patriam pro Haereticis ge­tere arma & di­micare. Philip. Osullevan. Hist. Cathosic. Iber­niae, tous. 4. lib. 3. cap. 5. fol. 263. edit. Vlissipon. an. 1621. the English-Irish Priests of his owne religion, which in the late rebellion of the Earle of Tirone did not deny that Hellish doctrine, fetcht out of Hell for the destruction of Catholickes, that it is lawfull for Catholickes to beare armes and fight for Heretickes against Catholickes and their country. or ra­ther (if you will have it in plainer termes) that it is lawfull for them of the Romish Religion, to beare armes and fight for their Soveraigne and fellow-subjects that are of another profession, against those of their own religion that trayterously rebell against their Prince and Country. and to shew, Haec est A­cademiarum censura; quâ liquidò con­stat, quantâ ignoratione & caligine erraverint illi Iberni, qui in hoc bello Protestantibus opem tulerunt, & Catholicos oppugnârunt: quamque insanam & venenosam doctrinam attulerint nonnulli doctiores vulgò habiti, qui saeculares homines ad Reginae partes sequen­das exhortati, à fide tuendâ averterunt. Id. tom. 3. lib. 8. cap. 7. fol. 204. how madde [Page 129] and how venemous a doctrine they did bring (these bee the caitiffes owne termes) that exhorted the laitie to follow the Queens side: he setteth downe the censure of the Doctors of the University of Salamanca and Vallodilid, published in the yeere MDCIII. for the justification of that Rebellion, and the declaration of Pope Clement the eights letters touching the same; wherein he signifieth that Cùm enim Pontifex dica [...] Anglos adver­sus Catholicam Religionem pugnare, eos­que non minut ac Turcas op­pugnari de­bere; eisdem­que gratiis eos oppugnan­tes prosequa­tur, quibus contra Turcas pugnantes prosequitur: quis dubitet, bellum ab An­glis adversus exercitum Ca­tholicum om­ninò iniquum geri? Censur. Doct. Salmanti [...]. & Vallisolet. de Hibermiae bello. the English ought to be set upon no lesse than the Turkes, and imparteth the same fa­vours unto such as set upon them, that hee doth unto such as fight against the Turkes. Such wholesome directi­ons doth the Bishop of Rome give vnto those that will be ruled by him: far different (I wisse) from that holy doctrine, wherewith the Church of Rome was at first seasoned by the Apostles. Rom. 13. 1. Let every soule bee subject unto the higher powers; for there is no power but of God: was the lesson that S. Paul taught to the anci­ent Romanes. Where if it bee demanded; Quid, & illa potesta [...], quae servos Dei persequitur, fidem impugnat, religionem subvertit, à Deo est? Ad quod respon­dendum, quòd etiam talis potestas à Deo data est, ad vindictam quidem malorum, laudem verò bonorum. Sedul in Rom. 13. whether that power also, which persecuteth the servants of God, impugneth the faith, and subverteth religion, be of God? our countryman Sedulius will teach us to answer with Origen; that even such a power as that, is given of God, for the revenge of the evill, and the praise of the good. although he were as wicked, as eyther Nero a­mong the Romans, or Herod among the Iewes: the one whereof most cruelly persecuted the Christians, the other Christ himselfe.

And yet when the one of them swayed the scep­ter, [Page 130] Saint Paul told the Christian Romanes; that they Rom. 13. 5. must needes be subject, not only for wrath, but also for conscience sake: and of the causelesse feare of the o­ther, these Verses of Sedulius are solemnly sung in the Church of Rome, even unto this day.

Sedul. in Hymno acro­stich. de Vit [...] Christi.
Herodes hostis impie,
Christum venire quid times?
Non eripit mortalia,
Qui regna dat coelestia.
Why, wicked Herod, dost thou feare
And at Christs comming frowne?
The mortall he takes not away,
That gives the heavenly crowne.

a better paraphrase whereof you cannot have, than this which Claudius hath inserted into his Collecti­ons upon St. Matthew. Rex iste qui natus est, non venit Reges pugnando su­perare, sed mo­riendo mirabi­liter subjugare: neque ideò na­tus est ut tibi succedat, sed ut in eum mundus fideliter credat. Venit enim, non ut regnet vivu [...], sed ut triumphet occisus: nec sibi de aliis gentibus auro exercitum quaerat; sed ut pro salvandis gentibus pretiosum sanguinem fundat. Inaniter invidendo timuisti successorem, quem credendo debuisti quae­rere salvatorem; quia si in eum crederes, cum eo regnares; & sicut ab illo accepisti tera­porale regnum, accipe [...]es etiam sempiternum. Hujus enim pueri regnum non est de hoc mundo; sed per ipsum regnatur in hoc mundo. Ipse est etiam Sapientia Dei, quae dicit in Proverbiis: Per me Reges regnant. Puer iste Verbum Dei est, Puer iste Virtus & Sapientia Dei est. Si potes, contra Dei sapientiam cogita: in tuam perniciem versaris, & nescia. Tu enim regnum nullatenus habuisses, nisi ab isto Puero qui nunc natus est accepisses. Claud. lib. I. in Matth. That King which is borne, doth not come to overcome Kings by fighting, but to sub­due them after a wonderfull manner by dying: neither is he borne to the end that hee may succeed thee, but that the world may faithfully beleeve in him. For he is come, not that hee may fight being alive, but that hee may tri­umph being slaine: nor that he may with gold get an ar­mie [Page 131] unto himselfe out of other nations, but that hee may shed his precious bloud for the saving of the nations. Vainly didst thou by envying feare him to be [...] thy succes­sor, whom by beleeving thou oughtest to seeke as thy Savi­our: because if thou diddest beleeve in him, thou shouldest reigne with him; and as thou hast received a temporall kingdome from him, thou shouldest also receive from him an everlasting. For the kingdome of this Childe is not of this world; but by him it is that men do reign in this world. He is the Wisedome of God, which saith in the Proverbs: By mee Kings reigne. This Childe is the Word of God: this Childe is the Power and Wisedome of God: If thou canst, thinke against the Wisedome of God: thou workest thine owne destruction, and dost not know it. For thou by no meanes shouldest have had thy kingdome, unlesse thou hadst received it from that Childe which now is borne.

As for the Censure of the Doctors of Salamanca and Vallodilid: our Nobility and Gentry, by the faithfull service which at that time they performed unto the Crowne of England, did make a reall con­futation of it. Of whose fidelity in this kinde I am so well perswaded, that I doe assure my selfe, that neither the names of Franciscus Zumel and Alphonsus Curiel (how great Schoole-men soever they were) nor of the Fathers of the Society (Iohannes de Ziguen­za, Emanuel de Roias, and Gaspar de Mena) nor of the Pope himselfe, upon whose sentence they wholly ground their Resolution; eyther then was or here­after will be of any force, to remove them one whit from the allegeance and duty which they doe owe [Page 132] unto their King and Country. Nay I am in good hope, that their loyall mindes will so farre distaste that evill lesson, which those great Rabbies of theirs would have them learne; that it will teach them to unlearne another bad lesson, wherewith they have beene most miserably deluded. For whereas here­tofore Veritas sapi­enti nitet, cu­juscunque ore prolata fuerit. Gildas, in Codice Ca [...]num Cotto­niano tit. De veritate cre­dendâ, quo­cunque ore prolata fuerit. Similiter Nen­nius, praefat. in in Historiam Brittonum (Ms. in publicâ Can­tabrigiensis aca­demiae Biblio­thecâ:) Non quis dicat, aut qualiter dica­tur, sed quid dictum sit, ve­ritatis testimo­nio magis at­tendendum esse probanae. wise men did learne to give credence to the truth, by whosoevers mouth it should be delivered: now men are made such fooles, that they are taught In doctrinâ religionis non quid dicatur, sed quis loquatur attendendum esse. Thom. Stapleton. Defens. Ecclesiastic. authoritat. lib. 3. cap. 57. & Demonstrat. Principior. Doctrinal. lib. 10. cap. 5. to attend in the doctrine of Religion, not what the thing is that is said, but what the person is that spea­keth it.

But how dangerous a thing it is, to have the faith of our Lord Iesus Christ in respect of persons; and to give entertainment to the truth, not so much for it selfe as for the regard that is had to the deliverer of it: I wish men would learne otherwise, than by wofull experience in themselves. Veritas propter seipsam dili­genda est, non propter Hominem, aut propter Angelum, per quem adnunciatur. Qui enim propter adnunciatores eam diligit, potest & mandacia diligere, siqua fortè ipsi sus protulerint. Claud. in Galat. 1. The truth (saith Claudius) is to bee loved for it selfe, not for the Man, or for the Angell, by whom it is prea­ched. For he that doth love it in respect of the prea­chers of it, may love lyes also, if they peradventure shall deliver any. as here without all peradventure, the Pope and his Doctors have done: unlesse the teaching of flat Rebellion and high Treason may passe in the account of Catholicke verities. The Lord of his mercie open their eyes, that they [Page 133] may see the light; and give them grace to receive the love of the truth, that they may be saved. The Lord likewise grant (if it bee his blessed will) that Truth and Peace may meet together in our dayes, that we may bee all gathered into Iohn 10. 16. one fold under one shepheard, and that Psal. 72. 19. the whole earth may be filled with his glory. Amen, Amen.

FINIS.

Faults in some Copies.

IN the Iesuites Challenge, pag. 3. lin. 2. read, contrary. pag. 4. lin. 9. for should, read shall.

In the Answer, pag. 4. l. 26. likewise. p. 5. l. 21. satisfie. p. 12. l. 7. continued. p. 16. l. 22. Penitentiall. p. 26. l. 6. knew. p. 27. l. 26. Augustin. p. 50. l. 23. ( saith n Fulgentius) p. 51. l. 6. when he [...]s found to be that. p. 62. l. 3. An­toninus. p. 64. l. 12. after Christ. p. 72. l. 4. for [...] put [...]. p. 75. l. 6. cresse out, of Mets first and afterwards. p. 76. l. 3. Carisiacum or Cressy. p. 96. l. 9. secretly. p. 123. l. 26. commanded. p. 124. l. 5. sinnes. p. 126. l. 17. intercession. ibid. l. 19. for the comma put a full point; and in the next line for the full po [...]nt put a comma. p. 136. l. 1. A­nastasius. p. 139. l. 4. Scriptures. ibid. l. 7. Levite. 146. l. 31. instrumentally. p. 147. l. 22. death. pag. 154. l. 25. Augustine. p. 156. l. 2. and p. 162. l. 19. medicine. p. 171. l. 16. the p. 172. l. 14. for these, read their. p. 285. l. 2. Clympiodorus. p. 188. l. 10. (about 243. p. 190. l. 4. who very. p. 194 l. 16. (with. ibid. l. 18. for pid read paide. p. 195. l. 6. intended. p. 205. l. 15. Halleluia. p. 206. l. 8. for drive, read not drive. p. 221. l. 1. write, p. 226. l. 19. in the Romane Pontificall. p. 228. l. 17. apocryphal. p. 234. l. 7. entring againe into. p. 253. l. 8. forme. p. 264. l. 5. kindes. p. 270. l. 18. for ceasing, read casing. p. 277. l. 26. ascension. p. 281. l. 23. [...] p. 284 l. 5. expounding that place in. p. 291. l. 1. entring again into. p. 307. l. 14. apocryphall; p. 310 l. 1. crosse out, Vs. p. 323. l. 17. Steuchus. p. 328. l. 20, 21. with that which Olympiodorus writeth upon the same chapt er. p. 330. l. 3. divisiun. p. 343. l. 5. crosse out the last comma. l. 22. palace. p. 359. l. 28. of it. p. 361. l.. 27. iudgment. p. 368. l. 6. for giveth, read goeth. p. 376. l. 25. sister. p. 379. l. 12. comming. p. 391. l. 26. [...] p. 395. l. 26. for depravation, r. depriva­tion. p. 398. l. 2. [...]. l. 18. [...] p. 427. l. 9. for excepting r. accepting. l. 15. invocation. l. 16. salvation. l. 18. noted. l. 20. call. p. 428. l. 19. in stead of for, r. of. p. 437. l. 6. Anastasius. p. 439. l. 6. were in. p. 441. l. 16. lli­ads. p. 443. l. 4. tryed. p. 449. l. 11. congruitie. p. 453. l. 14. here a. p. 454. l. 25. there of. p. 461. l. 26. descend. p. 469. l. 17. of Ang. p. 471. l. 30. Collections. p. 472. l. 5. Colossians. l. 22. Phrygia. p. 473. l. 6. for mad, r. made. l. 18. the word. p. 476. l. 17. (saith. l. 28. speake.) p. 491. l. 4. m Blessed. p. 492. l. 10. despise. p. 497, 500, 501. and 504. in the title, r. Of Images. p. 497 l. 21. for confirme, rs. conforme. p. 503. l. 12. Origen. p. 505. l. 8. deaes and di­vers. p. 506 l. 13. prevaile. p. 508. l. 9. a whoring. p. 516. l. 15. destitute. p. 518. l. 3. pu [...]e. pag. 521. l. 19. to bew, p. 525. l. 15. observeth. p. 535. l. 12. pray. p. 538. l. 6. iuvet. p. 539. l. 30. hortatu (que) p. 540. l. 2. ex fracto. p. 541. l. 17. inspiration. p. 547. l. 27. hereby. p. 548. l. 10. therefore. p. 556. l. 7. in the. p. 557. l. 6. freely. p. 561. l. 10. receiving. p. 569. l. 24. substantiall.

In the Margent. Pag. 17. after the letter i, lin. 3. read Monasterii. p. 29. g. l. 10. praescientiam. p. 31. n. l. 1. in 2. 2. p. 42. k. l. 8. [...]. l. lin. 5. [...]. p. 43. 0. l. 8. presbyter. p. 45. b. l. 2. videtis. l. 8. apud Fulgentium in fine li­belli de Baptismo AEthiopis; Bedam, &c. p. 46. l. ult. Psalmum. p. 49. l. 14. [...]. p. 50. n. l. 6. invenitur. Fulgentius (in fine libelli de Baptismo AEthiopis) Augustini nomine citatus apud Bed. &c. p. 54. a. l. 1 [...]. [...]. p. 66. r. l. 5. divinâ autem illum. p. 72. p. l. 1. Removeantur. p. 73. t. l. 4. [...]. p. 74. c. l. 7. [...] p. 76. i. l. 2. effiei­tur. ibid. k. Suprà. p. 77. r. l. 1. mysterium. p. 82. h. l. 8. Colleg. p. 87. l. lin. 16 for 162. read 262. p. 88. o. l. 2. [...]. ibid. q. l. 4. [...]. p. 94. l. l. 25. [...] ibid. l. 30 [...]. p. 104. l. lin. ult. inter. p. 111. o. l. 10. quod. p. 116. g. l. 3 non p. 119 s. l. 2. [...] p. 121. g. l. 3. [...]. p. 123 a l. 3. Sacerdotio. p. 124. g. l. 6. Theophyl act in Ioh. 8. p. 126. u. l. 11. Vossio. p. 128. f. l. 14. inedit. ibid. k. l. 3. misericordiam. p. 129. * l. 1. for [...], r. [...]. p. 143. i. l. 4. [...]. p. 152. t. l. 2. ignoret. p. 156. l. lin. ult. Aquisgran. sub Ludovico Pio, cap. 37. p. 157. m. l. 1. illum. ibid. l. 27. Iidem. p. 167. c. l. 13 quaest. p. 171. o. l. 33. ostendendi. p. 177. x. l. 4. [...]. ibid. y. l. 2. [...]. p. 180. h. l. 18. for [...]. p. 182. s. l. 10. [...]. p. 187. m. l. 17. [...] p. 188. o. l. 27. corripimur. p. 189. p. l. 23. after con­versat. insert this parenthesis (cuius author Eligius Noviomensis) p. 192. d. l. 2. [...]. p. 196. d. l. 4. offe­rimus. ibid. l. 13. crosse out, & 178. ibid. g. l. 8. [...]. p. 197. i. l. 15. blot out the point after [...]. ibid. k. l. 2. A­postolis. p. 198. n. l. 5. [...]p. 199. s. l. 3; fruntur. ibid. l. 5. contextione. p. 202. h. l. 25. refern. p. 205. o. l. 2. [...] p. 206. u. l. 2. [...]. p. 208. c. l. 6. quos. p. 209. g. l. 4. Gra. câ. p. 210. n. l. 4. Beneventani) p. 211. r. l. 10. for in r. ex. p. 213. y. l. 6. Menesi [...]. p. 214. § l. 1. [...]. p. 215. * l. 19. pareret. p. 218. i. l. 9. [...]l. 13. [...] p. 222. l. 6. consequuntur. ibid. y. l. ult. col. 228. e. p. 228. q. l. 2. Apocrypha. p. 231. a. l. 14. invenire. p. 232. c. l. 10. [...]. p. 235. q. l. 10. praecesserunt videantur usque ad iudiciidiem, per plurimum scilicet temporis, debitâ sibi remuneratione, &c. p. 236. x. l. 29. for 206. r. 220. p. 237. a. l. 3. [...]. ibid. c. l. 22. Ephesius. p. 238. * l. 3. [...] l. 8. [...]. ibid. [...]. l. 14. [...]. & l. 17. [...]. p. 241. k. l. 6. [...]. p. 245. a. l. 2. [...]. p. 246. f. l. 6. Euchologio, p. 247. m. l. 1. [...]. p. 248. n. l. 6. [...]. p. 253. h. l. 1. Volaterran. ibid. l. 6. Rupe. p. 254. o. l. 1. [...]. p. 255. r. l. 12. [...] p. 260. e. l. 10. [...]. p. 262. d. l. 29. [...]. p. 263. el. 16. [...]. p. 264. h. l. 3, 4. [...]. p. 265. l. lin 8. [...]. ibid. l 9. [...]. ibid. l. 13. [...]. ibid. l. ult 138. p. 269. l. 3, 4. [...]. p. 272. s. l. 22. [...]. ibid. l. 37. [...] p. 273. t. l. 5. [...]. ibid. l. 9. [...]. p. 275. h. l. 6. for aufe [...]e, r. offerre. p. 278. m. l. 2. for [...], r. [...]. p. 282. g. l. 24. donec. p. 284. p. l. 2. [...]. p. 286. al. 10. [...]. p. 287. h. l. 9. [...]. ibid. l. 11. Asterius. p. 290. s. l. 4. [...]. p. 291. z, l. 11. crosse out in. ibid. l. 14. Lugd. p. 292. l. lin. 3. [...]. p. 293. n. l. 9. [...]. ibid. r. l. ult. intravit. p. 294. u. l. 6. crosse out, in fine. p. 295. z. l. 6. paupertatis. p. 297. h. l. 10. infernum. p. 299. q. l. 3. infernum ibid. s. l. 1. [...]. ibid. u. l. 1. [...]. l. 2. [...]. p. 300. x. l. 3. [...]; Ira. ibid. z. l. 11. [...]. [Page] l. 18. [...]. p. 301. g. l. 3. [...]. ibid. m. l. 3. [...]. ibid. n. l. 4. laudantes. p. 303. z. l. 1. 2. [...]. p. 308. y. l. 4. [...]. p. 313. y. l. 1. for mortuorum, r. mortuum. p. 318. l. [...]. ibid. *. l. 3. [...]. ibid. m. l. 1. [...]. p. 319. p. l. 12. uruntur. ibid. l. 14. m. Annaeus Seneca, lib. 8. ibid. r. l. 10. [...]. p. 323. o. l. 19. falso. p. 325. c. l. 1. Ibidem in. p. 327. s. l. 9. [...]. p. 328. u. l. 8. recidant. ibid. x. l. 4, 5. [...]. ibid. z. in stead of the Latin, put the Greek. [...]; Olympiod. Caten. Graec. in Iob 17. p. 333. h. l. 1. [...]. p. 342. * l. 13, 14. phasada for corruption. p. 343. s. l. 1. [...]. p. 346. u. l. 4. [...]. ibid. v. l. 2. [...]. p. 347. b. l. 2, 3. [...]. p. 348. d. s. 9. [...]. p. 349. h. l. 3. [...]. p. 350. m. l. 10. cr [...]sse out the comma. p. 351. s. [...]. p. 352. a. l. 3. [...]. ibid. [...]. ibid. l. 4. [...]. p. 353. b. l. 2. [...]. ibl. 6. [...]. p. 357. n. l. 25. Num. 16. 30, 33. ib. o. l. 10. [...]. p. 361. dil. 10. [...]. ib. l. 18, [...]. ib. l. 24. [...]. p. 362. h. l. 2. [...]. ib. l. 3. [...]. p. 363. s. l. ult. for 238. put 237. p. 364. t. l. 6. [...]. ib. x. l. i. [...]. p. 366. l. 1. c. Au­tholog. ib. e. l. 8, 9. [...]. p. 367. a. apud. p. 3 [...]9. r. put the comma before, not after [...]. p. 370. b. l. 2. [...]. p. 371. k. l. 1. [...]. ib. l. lin. 1. [...]. ib. o. l. 1. [...]. p. 376. k. l. 4. positam p. 377. l. lin. 18. [...]. ibm. [...]. ib. l. 18. [...]. ib. n. l. ult. [...]; p. 378. o. l. 12. [...]. p. 379. u. l. 31. Nu­mer. p. 383. k. l. 2. cresse out, 294. &. p. 384. r. l. 2. [...]. p. 386. * l. 16. for 349. r. 939. ibid. l. 13. Ad. p. 387. a. l. 17 [...]. ib. l. 19. [...]. p. 391. a. l. 2. [...]. p. 394. c. l. 10. Spoletinus. p. 401. z. l. 6. [...]. ib. l. 9. [...]. p. 401. l. lin. 1. [...]. p. 404. r. l. 18. for 308. put 309. p. 407. i. l. 3. [...]. ib. l. 4. [...]. ib. k. l. 4. [...]. p. 422. 0. l. 4. [...]. ib. l. 19. [...], ib. l. 20. [...]. p. 423. r. l. 2. [...]. ib. s. l. [...]. p. 425, x. l. [...]. p. 428. b. l. 11, 12. [...]. p. 43. n. l. ult. for 142. put 241. p. 432. o. for contr. put conc. p. 436. [...]. l. 9, supplicia. ib. g. l. 5. for [...], put [...], p. 4. [...]7. h. l. 25. [...], p. 43. 8. l. 1. k. Sic, p. 440. q. l. 8. [...]. ib. l. 29 [...]. p. 44. u. l. 4. [...]. ib. z. l. 2. [...]. ib. l. 7. [...]. p. 44, 2. a. l. 15. [...]. ib. 22. [...], p. 444. d. l. 3. [...]. p. 446. l. lin. 4, 5. for initio pag. 392. put pag. 435. ad. y. literam. p. 452. * l. 16. quaestiones, ib. l. 18. for, auctorum, r. sanctorum. p. 453. m. l. 16. Vi, p. 457. u. l. 6. for, audiens, r. audens, p. 458. g. l. ult. [...]. p. 60. k. l. 44. [...]. ib. l. 14. [...]. ib. l. 16. [...]. ib. l. 27. [...], ib. l. 29. [...]. ib. l. 12. in. Matth. and, in Eclogis. ib. l. lin. 5. [...]. p. 461. m. l. 7. [...]. ib. n. l. 2, [...]. [...], ib. o. l. 4. [...]. p. 462. q. l. 20. [...]. ib. r. l. ult. [...]. p. 463. l. 5, 6. [...]. ib. l. 26. [...], p. 46 [...]. y. l. 7. [...], p. 46. *. l. 2. Feirand, p. 469. t. l. 1. [...]. ib. u. l. 9. [...]. ib. l. [...]0. [...], p. 473. 1. l. 4. Origin ib. l. l. 2. [...]. p. 474. o. l. 5. quirogae. ib. p. l. 4. [...]. p. 475. [...]. p. 476. u. l. 8. honorari, p. 477. a. l. 7. [...], ib. d. l. 1. [...], lin. 3. [...], ib. e. l. ult. [...], p. 485. h. l. 18. AEneid, p. 490. d. l. 2. tribulationis [...]p. 491. q. l. 1. Miserere, p. 502. x. l. 5. [...], ib. z. l. 3. [...]. p. 506. u. l. 1. [...], l. 6. [...]. p. 507. z. l. 3. [...], p. 508. b. l. 2. [...], p. 509. l. 17. for, [...], r. [...]. p. 514. l. 1. a. [...]. p. [...]16. l. 1. f. Quis. à nostrūm p. 518. x. l. 3. istis, r. estis, p. 519. v. l. 5. ut sit. p. 523. l. in. 22. aliqua, l. 27. aequitatem, inesse, p. 526. a. appetere, p. 537. i. Prosper, p. 538. k. l. 11. cùm, p. 540. * l. 25. Baron, p. 542. x. l. 2. viribus, p. 543. a. l. ult. Augustini, p. 548. c. l. 2. quam, p. 553. *. l. 5. merue. p. 554. * l. 7. [...], p. 555. g. l. 10. [...]. [...]. ib. l, 17. [...]. ib. l, 21. [...]. p. 556. m. lin. 5. Proaemium. ib. n. l. 4, 5. [...], ib. p. l. 2. [...]. p 557. q. l. [...]. ib. s. l. 5. [...]. ib. t. l. 1. [...], ib. u. l. 2. [...], p. 5 [...]8. x. l. 10. [...]. ib. a. l. [...]. l. 2. [...]. l. [...]. l. 4. [...]. l. 6. [...], 18. after [...]. put a full point; and after [...], in lin 9. [...]. l. 11. [...]. p. 562. k. l. 2. [...], p. 563. n. l. 18. resecat, ib. p. 3. comparari, p. 564. q. l. 6. blot out. the point. after [...]. ibid. r. l. 4, 5. read the place thus; quippiam iustum, non respondebo, sed meum iudicem deprecabor. Veiut si apertiùs fa [...]catur, dicens: Etsi ad opus vir­tutis excrevero, &c. p. 565. t. l 2. Beda, p. 573. a. l. 3. bona, p. 576. q. Enchirid, p. 580. p. 1. 10. condignae, p. 58. 1. q. l. 8. quidam, p. 582. v. l. 4. Origin, ib. z. l. 15. Ca [...]sidor, ib. a. l. 2. [...]

In the Catalogue of the Authors at the end; referre Tatianus to they yeare 170. at the yeare 290. put Pamphilus, for Pamphylus. at the yeare 475. Faustus Regensis, for Repensis. referre Concilium Aquis­g [...]anense sub Pipino, to the yeare 836. at the yeare [...]3. [...] Asser Menevensis be placed.

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