I The Proeme of Tacitus, wherein he professeth simple dealing without partialitie.

THE beginning of my worke shal be at the yeare, The yeare of the City. 822 when Servius Galba was 1 second time Consull with Titus Vinius. For the ancient story of the people of Rome, for Tac. Ann. 1. veteris reip. prospera vel aduer­sa, claris scripto­ribus memorata sunt: tempori­bus (que) Augusti dicendis non de­fuere decora in­genia, donec gliscente adula­tione deterrerē ­tur. seuen hundreth and twen­tie yeares after the Cittie was founded, 2 manie excellent men haue deliuered, with no lesse elo­quence then libertie of speech: but when as after the battaile at Actium, the whole souerainetie, as it was Tac. 1. Ann. p. 220. Non ali­ud discordantis patriae remedi­um fuisse, quàm vt ab vno rege­retur. meete for the peace of the state, was conferred vpon one, those worthy wits were no more to found, and withall the truth of the story was diuersely weakened: partly 3 because hauing no more part in the state they were ignoraunt of publike affaires; and partly beeing led away with a lust to Tiberij, Caij (que) & Claudij ac Neronis res, flo­rentibus ipsi [...], [...]b metum falsae, postquam occiderant, recentibus odijs compositae sunt. Tac. 1. Ann. flatter the Princes, or againe to deface them. So betweene malice of the one side, and awëd partiality of the other, small regarde there was taken by either, howe posteritie shoulde be truly enformed. But that endeuor, to please and winne thankes, in a writer a man shall easily mislike, hauing in it the foule note of seruility: detracting and enuyous carping, carying a counterfeit shew of libertie, oft findeth a good and gracious audience. Now for Galba, Otho, Vitellius, to me they are as vnknowen, for either benefit or wrong I haue found at their handes. My first rising, I will not deny, was vnder Vespasian, my state bettered by Titus, and so further aduanced by Domitian: but they which make profession of the simple trueth, may not say ought of any man for loue, or for hatred. Hereafter, if the gods spare me life, I purpose when I am old, to set downe the story of 4 Prince Nerva of sacred memory, and of the Emperour Traiane, a more plentifull and safe matter to deale in, where a man may thinke what he will, and say what he thinkes: a rare felicity of the time.

II. A generall view of the whole historie following.

A WORKE I take here in hande containing sundry changes, bloudie battailes, violent mutinees, Chiefly re­ferred to Do­mitians time. peace full of cruelty and perill: Galba, Otho, Otho, Vitellius, Do­mitian. foure Emperors slaine with sword, The first be­tween Otho and Vitellius. The second between Vi­tellius & Ves­pasian. The third of L. An­tonius against Domitian. three ciuil warres, for­raine many mo, 5 and oft both at once: good succes in the East, bad in the West: 6 Illyricum troubled; the countries of Gallia wauering: 7 Brittanny al conquered, not al retained: inuasions of the Sarmati­an & Sueuian nation: the Nobilitatus mutuis cladibus Dacus. The words seeme to import ci­vil dissensiōs: or mutuis for alternis. Dacian giuing and taking notable ouer­throwes: the Parthians also almost in armes, 8 abused by a counter­fayt Nero. Now for Italy, it was afflicted with many miseries, some neuer heard of, some not of many yeares before, townes Haustae sc. fla­mu: or general­ly [...], in what sorte soeuer. burnt or ouerwhelmed: the 9 most fruitful tract of Campania, and the city of Rome wasted by fire: the most ancient temples consumed to a­shes: euen the Capitol it selfe set on fire by the citizens own hands: the holy ceremonies prophaned: great adulteries: 10 the ilands re­plenished with banished men: 11 the cliffes stained with bloud: & yet greater rage of cruelty in the citty. [...]: saith Xi­philinus of Nero, whom Domitian did match in all kinde of ty­rannie. to have beene welthy or nobly borne, was a capitall crime; 12 offices of honour likewise ei­ther to beare them, or forbeare them; and vertue the readie broade way to most assured destruction. Neither were the wicked practises of the informers more odious, then was the recompence they obtained, some gained 13 as spoiles, Pontifical dignities and Consuls roomes: some other 14 Procuratorships and 15 inwarde credit, making hauocke of al without any difference. 16 The bond­men, vpon hatred or feare, were allured to betray their owne ma­sters, the freedman his patrone: and where enemies were wanting, one friend ruined another, And yet for al this, was not the age so vtterly void of al good, but that it yeelded some good examples. diuerse wiues were content to take such parte as their banished husbands did: diuerse mothers, as their children: some kinsfolkes hardy: some sonnes in law faithful: some bondmen no racke could remoue from being true to their masters: the death of some hono­rable men, and their last torments manfully borne, and to be mat­ched with those of auncient times. Beside so manifold changes in humane affaires, many prodigious sights were seen in heauen and earth; manie forewarnings by thunders; many presages of thinges to come, some portending good lucke, some bad; some ambiguous and doubtfull, some plaine and euident: such heauie [Page 3] and horrible calamities in the Roman estate, yeelding proofes ne­uer more pregnant, 17 tht the gods are carefull rather to reuenge our wrongs, then prouide for our safety. But before I enter into my purposed matter, I thinke good to rehearse first, what the state of the citty was, how the souldiers were affected, in what termes the prouinces stoode, and what there was any where in the whole Empire sound or complaining: so shall we see 18 the reasons and causes of things, not onely the bare euentes, which are most com­monly gouerned by fortune.

III. The state of Citty and prouinces at the beginning of the yeare, when Galba and Ʋinius entred their office.

THE death of Nero, as it was at the first very ioyfully recea­ued, so wrought it an one very diuerse effectes in the mindes of the Senate at home, the people and 19 Citty-souldier, and of all the Legions, and captaines abroad, perceiuing that 20 secret of state disclosed, that a Prince might bee made elsewhere then at Rome. The Lordes of the Senate were glad, finding their liber­ty straightway put in practise, 21 making indeed very bould with their Prince, as being newe in state, and away: next were the principall Gentlemen as in degree, so in reioycing; of the people the sounder sort, and such as were lincked with great houses, the followers and freedmen of condemned and exiled persons were raysed to hope: the base people noseled vppe in the Circo ac Thea­tris. Race and Theatres, together with the worst sort of bond­men, and those which hauing eaten their owne liued only now vpon Neroes dishonours, hung downe the head, and listened for nouelties. The City-soldiers possessed with the oth of allegeāce so many descents Tac. 14. Ann. Praetorianos to­ti Caesarum do­mui ob [...]trictos. to the house of the Caesars, and to forsake Nero being wrought rather by arte and cunning perswasion of others, then of their owne motion, when they saw the donatiue, which was promised them in Galbaes name, not to be perfourmed, nor the like possibility and meanes of great deserte, and great gaine in peace, as in warre; seeing also their thankes preuented by the Legions, who first proclamed the newe Prince: vpon these and the like respectes being prone to innouation; they were pric­ked forwarde by meanes of Nymphidius Sabinus their captaine, who by treason aspired himselfe to the Empire. And though [Page 4] Nymphidius was in the verie attempt suppressed, and the head cut off thereby of the treason; yet there remained many of the souldi­ers guilty of the facte, and hating him whom they had wronged. Moreouer speeches were giuen out, noting the age and auarice of Galba. His seuerity, which was wont to be highly commended by In this verse reported by Sueteonius: Dis­ce miles milita­re; Galba est, non Gaetulicus. Galbae cap. 6. the common voice of the souldier, was now displeasaunt to them, who were generally weary of the ancient discipline, and so trained vp by Nero fourteene yeares, that now they loued their Emperours no lesse for their vices, then once they reuerenced them for their vertues. And Galba had let fall a speech honorable indeede for the common wealth, but for himselfe dangerous, That souldiers hee tooke vp in the muster, bought not in the mar­ket; for the rest of his doinges were not according. His two fa­uourites, Titus Vinius, and Cornelius Laco, the one of all mor­tal men most vnhonest, the other most vnable, with the hatefulnes of their lewde actions surcharged, and with the contempt of their insufficiencie, vtterly overthrewe the freely olde man. His iourney to Rome 22 was slowe and bloudy. for by his commande­ment Cingonius Varro Consull elect, and Petronius Turpilianus who Anno vrbis conditae. 814. had beene Consull, were both put to death: Cingonius, as an associate of Nymphidius, the other as one of Neroes Against Gal­ba. Zonaras. captaines: who, [...]. Plut. in Galba, as it were transla­ting this place. howesoeuer they deserued it, dying as they did, not called, not hearde, dyed as guiltlesse. His entrie into the citie, when as so many thousandes of vnarmed souldiers were put to the sworde, seemed an vnlucky beginning, and was had in horrour, euen of those which executed the slaughter. The citie was full of extraordinary souldiers: Galba 23 brought in the Spanish Legion, and there remained another, which Nero had ga­thered out of the nauie, beside many companies out of the Legi­ons of Germanie, Britannie, and Illyricum, which Nero had sele­cted, & sent before to the 24 straits of the Caspian mountaines, for the warre intended with the Albanes, and afterwarde called a­gaine to employ against Vindex: matter enough for innouati­on, though not greatly in fauour of any one, yet ready prepared for him that would venture. By chance the newes came together that Clodius Macer, & Fonteius Capito were slaine. Macer with­out question had begun to worke troubles in Africke, and was by Trebonius Garucianus the Procurator dispatched, by command­ment from Galba: Capito in Germanie attempting the like, Cor­nelius [Page 5] Aquinus and Fabius Valens 25 Lieutenants of legions, slew without warrant. Some men were of opinion that Capito (though otherwise for extortion & vicious liuing very infamous) was neuertheles not guilty of treason: but that the Lieutenants ha­uing moued him to vndertake the matter against Galba, & seeing they could not induce him, tooke a new course, Crimen ac do­lum: in ano­ther place, cri­men ac mox in­sidias. p. 43. so that dolum cō ­positum esse seemeth here to be equivalent to [...]. preferring accu­sation against him, & consequently killing him for the crime wher­of themselues were the hatchers: & so Galba either vpon a fickle disposition, or as being loth to search any deeper, did giue allow­ance to that which was done how soeuer, sith it coulde not be vn­done: but surely both the executions were greatly misliked, as in a prince once in obloquie, doe he wel doe he ill, al is ill taken. Now his freedmen being ouer mighty, made open sale of al matters: his bondmen greedy vpon present aduantage, and hasty, as being vn­der a master that was old, and not like long to continue: in summe the faults in the new court being but the same and of the like na­ture, yet were not excused alike. the very age of Galba was mat­ter of scorn and contempt to them that were vsed to Neroes fresh youth, comparing the princes, as the maner is of the common sort, in beauty, and comelinesse of presence. And this was at Rome, as in such a variety, the state of mens minds. Now for the 26 prouinces abroad, 27 of Spaine Cluvius Rufus was President, a person very eloquent, & for seruice in peace able, in war vnexpert. The coun­tries of Gallia, beside the memory of Vindex, were another way assured to Galba, being of late by him made citizens of Rome, and released of part of their tribute for the time to come; only the ci­ties which lay nearest the armies of Germany, hauing not the like honour done, yea and some beside hauing part of their territory taken away, were aggreeued as wel with their fellows benefits, as with their owne wrongs. The souldiers of Germany (a perillous matter in so mighty armies) swelled with pride vpon their late vi­ctory, and again, as hauing supported in some degree the contra­ry side, were perplexed with feare. they were slow in reuolting from Nero: neither did Verginius declare himselfe at the first for Galba: whether he desired the Empire himselfe, or no, was a question: without question his soldiers made him a profer. The death of Fonteius Capito euen they Those hee meaneth, as I thinke, that had giuen out he was a trav­tour, or other­wise consen­ted to [...]i [...] death. stomacked, that could not iustly complaine: only there wanted an head, Verginius being sent for a­way vnder colour of friendship: whom when they sawe not to be [Page 6] sent backe, & moreouer his doings At (que), etiam re­um est: not iu­dicially, that I can find. [...] sayeth Plutar. p. 1505. called in question, they took it all as their owne case. The armie of vpper Germany made light reckening of Hordeonius Flaccus their Lieutenant, a man aged, and gowtie, without resolution, without authority, vnable to rule a quieter company; now being in fury, and finding him weake to gouerne the bridle, they sturred and troubled the more. The legions of lower Germanie were a while without a Lieute­nant generall, til at length Vitellius came, sent by Galba, the sonne of Vitellius which had beene Censor, and thrise Consull: Id satis vide­batur: that is, to Galba to send him Lieutenant, or to the souldiers to haue a li­king to make him their Emperour, being so well borne. that see­med sufficient. The army in Britannie was quiet; and in trueth a­mong all the legions, in all those ciuill troubles, none behaued themselues And yet they ioined themselues with Vitellius. p. 44. vliuncto Britannico exer citu Vitellius. &c. more innocently: whether it was, that they were farre of, and seuered by sea, or that by continuall exploites against the enemie, the malice of their humour was spent otherwise. Illyri­cum also sturred not, although the legions which Nero had cal­led thence, while they lingred in Italie, had sent to Verginius to offer their seruice: but the armies beeing farre asunder (a pointe most holesome to keepe souldiers in due faith and al­legeaunce) coulde not ioyne neither faultes, nor forces to­gether. The East as yet was calme. Licinius Mutianus with foure legions ruled Syria, a man in the course of good and bad fortune famous alike: in his youth he had to his cost wound himselfe into the acquaintaunce of great men; anone wealth wearing awaie, his state decaying, suspecting also the displea­sure of Claudius, hee withdrewe himselfe from Rome into Asia, then as neere to the state of an exiled person, as after hee was to the state of an Emperour: of riot, and industrie; of curtesie and arrogancie; of good and ill partes strangely compounded: pleasures excessiue, when his leasure serued: when the case re­quired, excellent vertues: openly praise worthy, his secrete a­ctions were ill spoken of: but generallie with them vnder him, with them about him, with his companions in office, by diuers allurementes verie gracious; and such a one as coulde more easily deliuer the Empire to another, then obtaine it himselfe. Flauius Vespasianus with three legions gouerned the Iewish. warre, appointed generall by Nero; a manne that wished to Galba but well, and neuer meant to attempte against him; for hee hadde sent his sonne Titus to doe him his duety, as an one in conueniente place shall bee declared. After the euent we [Page 7] surely beleeued, that the Empire was by the secret course of fate, by signes and oracles fore-appointed to Vespasian and his line. 28 AEgypt and the garrisons there the gentlemen of Rome euer since Augustus time haue ruled with [...]. Sarabo. 17. royall authority: for so it was thought expedient to bridle and Domiretinere to keepe them in awe, from gadding and seeking [...]ide from abroade. keepe vnder a prouince of hard accesse, fruitfull of graine, seditious, and va­riable through superstition and wantonnesse, not accustomed to obey any lawe, to agnize any magistrate. Tiberius A­lexander illu­stris eques Ro­manus. Tac. Ann 15. Tiberius A­lexander, a man borne in the countrey, was gouernour there. Africke and the legions there, Clodius Macer beeing slaine, liked well enough of any Prince whatsoeuer, hauing had Post experi­mentum domi­ni minoris: pet­tie Princes belike are hard­dest masters to their sub­iects, and of Macer Plut. reporteth that he was ex­cercised [...]. tri­all of a meaner master. The one Mauretania and Tingitana & Caesaeriensis. the other, Rhoetia, Noricum, Thracia, and the other countries ruled by Procurators, as they lay near to any of the armies, were swayed to like or dislike, as it liked their Tacitus in this booke: fa­cili transitu ad proximos & validiores. p. 51. betters that bordered about them. The prouinces which were vnfurnished of forces, and especi­ally Italy it selfe, lying open to be subdued by any, were to be­come the prize of the warre. And this was the state of the Ro­mane Empire when Seruius Galba second time Consul with Titus Vinius, beganne the year which was last to themselues, and last al­most to the common wealth also.

IIII. The adoption of Piso.

SOME few daies after the beginning of Ianuary, letters came out of Belgica from Pompeius Propinquus Procurator there, that the legions of vpper Germany without respect of oth and du­ty demanded another Emperour; and that this their reuolt might be the lesse hainously taken, had referred the choise thereof to the Senate, and people of Rome. These news hastned the purpose of Galba, who had already a good while before deuised with him­selfe, and with some near about him, concerning the adoption. No speech was for the time more common and curraunt in the whole city, partly vpon a licence and lust to talke of such matters, and partly because Galba was spent and feeble for age: vpon iudge­ment or loue to the commonwealth very few, the most part vpon secret hopes, as they fauored or followed this man or that, offred occasion to bring them in speech for the succession. And now Vi­nius was grown into great hatred; who, as hee waxed daily more [Page 8] mighty, so daily more odious: for Galba with his too much fa­cilitie encreased and nourished the greedy and gaping desires of his friendes neuer satisfied in so greate meanes, and offen­ding, as vnder a Prince weake of body, and light of beleefe, with lesse feare, and greater aduantage. The whole power of the Prince was diuided betweene Titus Vinius the Consul, and Cor­nelius Laco captaine of the garde. Neither was Icelus the freed­man inferiour in fauour with his master, 29 who being priuiledged to weare gold rings, & made a gentleman, was commonly called by the name of Martianus. These three, otherwise disagreeing, and in points of lesse importance drawing euery one a sundry waie, in this consultation of chusing a successour were diuided into two sides. Vinius was for Marcus Otho: Laco and Icelus agreed not so much vpon any one, as vpon any other. Neither did Galba much like of the party, suspecting the counsell of Vinius as partiall, and grounded vpon a mariage pretended betweene Crispina. his daughter be­ing a widowr, and Otho an vnmaried man; a matter wherewith the ears of the prince, by reason oftalecariers in court, were not vnac­quainted. I thinke also that Galba was touched in part with care of the common wealth, which might seeme in vain transferred from Nero, if it were to be left vpon Otho. for Otho had spent his ten­der yeares without Parhici gesta­men Othonis. Ivenal. Sat. 11 regard of his honour, his youth afterward in al dissolute disorder, 30 in grace with Nero Perlibertinam aulicam insinu­atus Neroni fa­cilè summum inter amicos lo­cum tenuit, congruentiâ morū. Suet. Oth. c. 2. through emulation of vice: & therfore Nero had left in his custodie, as with one that was Delapso Nero­ne in amorem Actae, assumpto in conscientiam Othone &c. Ann. 13. priuy to his lusts, 31 Poppaea Sabina his principal minion, til he had dispatched his hands of Octauia his wife: soone after vpon an ap­prehension of ielosy, he sent him At Senecaes intreating: Plutar. p. 1503. Ann. 13. Deijci­tur familiarita­te sueta, post congressu & co­mitatu Otho, & postremò ne in vrbe aemulatus ageres, prouin­ciae [...]usitantae praeficitur: vbi vs (que) ad ciuilia arma non expriore infamia, sed integrè, san­cté (que) egit, pro­ca otij & pote­statis temperan. tior. away into Lusitania, coulorably to be Lieutenant there. Otho hauing gouerned the prouince with al curtesy, & being the first that came in to Galba, & therwith a man of action, & of those which were present during the war of greatest account, readily conceiued hope of adoption, and daily toke him­selfe better of assured, being wel fauoured of most of the soldiers, and greatly beloued of Neroes court, as one like to their late master. But Galba after the newes of the German rebellion, although of Vitellius as yet he vnderstoode noe certainetie, being doubtfull to what issue this violent proceeding of the armies would growe, and reposing no trust in the city-souldier, proceedeth to declare a successour, the onely stay, as he supposed, of his estate. And calling to him beside Vinius and Laco, Marius Celsus consul elect, [Page 9] & Ducenius Geminus Praefectus vr­bis. Prouost of the city, after some speech vsed of his age, Sueton. c. 17. somewhat dif­fering from Tacitus wri­teth, Pisonem repentè è media salutantium turba apprehendit, filiu (que) ap­pellani, in castra perduxit. he commandeth Piso Licinianus to be sent for, either vpon his owne choise, or as some haue reported, at the instance of Laco: who cunningly preferred him as a mere stranger to him­selfe, whereas indeede they had in Rubellius Plautus house, had long acquaintance together, & the good opinion which went ge­nerally of Piso, gaue credit to his counsel. Piso was sonne to Mar­cus Crassus, and Scribonia, nobly borne on both sides; in counte­nance and presence after the ancient sort, rightly to iudge, seuere; but to them which interpreted al to the worst, seeming too sowre. That quality of his, the more it was by some men, carefull in that behalfe, misdoubted and feared, the better it pleased the man, who was to adopt him. So Galba taking Piso by the hand, is saied to haue spoken in this manner.

"If I should as a priuate man only, by an act of the Curiae, and as­sent of the Priestes, as the maner is, adopt you, it woulde bee both an honour for me, to take into my family the progenie of Marcus Crassus and Pompey, and a glory for you, to adioine the honora­ble encrease of the 32 Sulpitian and Lutatian houses to your owne nobility. But now being by the consent of gods and men called to the Empire, I am moued by your rare towardnes, and the loue I beare to my countrey, to offer vnto you, without your trouble, the Princes place, that, for which our auncestors haue contended in armes, which by armes my selfe haue obtained: following herein the example of Augustus, who placed in estate next to himselfe, first Marcellus his sisters son, afterward Agrippa his sonne in lawe, then his daughters sonnes, and lastly his wiues sonne Tiberius Nero. But Augustus, as it seemeth, sought a successour in his fami­ly, and I To this say­ing alluded, as it may seeme, Dagalaiphus master of the horse to Valen­tinian the Em­perour, who beeing demanded in coun­sel by his ma­ster, what par­tener he were best to assume of the Empire, answered brie­fly, Si tu [...] amas habes f [...]airem, si temp alium quaere. Marcel­lin. lib. 26. pag. 1719. in the common wealth. Not that I lacke some 33 neare me in bloud, or companions in armes, whom I could respect: but nei­ther did I by ambition attaine to the Empire, & of my iudgement herein may be proofe, not onely mine owne friendes passed ouer, but yours also. A brother you haue, noble alike, in yeares before you, wel worthy of this honour, were not you the more woorthy. Your yeares are such, as are settled from the affections of youth, and so spent, as no thing past needeth excuse. Hitherto you haue tasted onely of aduerse fortune: prosperity searcheth more deepe­ly the minde; for miseries are borne with patience, felicity corrup­teth. Integritie, friendship, round and free dealing, the principall [Page 10] gifts of the minde, you for your part, no doubt wil retaine as here­tofore; but in others towards you, in respect of your degree, you shall finde it to be otherwise: flattery will breake in, and pleasing speeches, and the most pestilent poison of all true meaning, pri­uate respectes for priuate aduantage. We two this daie com­mon plainely together, others rather talke with our estate, then our persons: for indeede to persuade a Prince that which is meete, is a point of some paine; to flatter any Prince whatsoeuer, needeth small endeuour. If this vast body of the Empire could stande without gouernour, balanced in due proportion and order, the free common wealth might worthilie haue taken beginning from me: but now it is come long agoe to that passe, that neither mine age can benefit the people of Rome any way more, then in find­ing them a good successor, nor your youth, then in yeelding them a good Prince. Vnder Tiberius, Caius, & Claudius, we haue bene as it were, the inheritance of one 34 family: it wil be insteed of liber­ty, that we begin to succeede by election: and now the Iulian and Claudian lines be spent, adoption wil stil find out of the best: for to be descended of Princes, is a matter of meere fortune, and so is e­steemed: in adoptions our iudgement is most incorrupt, and sel­domest abused; and if we will chuse of the fittest, the voice of the most will point vs our man. Set Nero before your eies, whom, being descended of so many Caesars, his owne infamous life, and vntolerable cruelty cast out of state, not Vindex with an vnarmed prouince, nor I with To wit sexta. Tac. 5. Histor. principem Gal­bam sexte legi­onis autoritate factum. p. 210. one Legion: neither was there before a precedent of any Prince by publicke sentence deposed. Wee, that came in, not by descent, but called in by warre and opinion of desert, howe honorablie soeuer we carry our selues, yet shall we be sure to haue our enuyours. And yet bee not dismayed, if in this troubled and shaken estate of the worlde, one Legion or two be not yet settled: I my selfe found not all so sure at the first: and when this adoption shall be heard of abroad, I 35 shal cease to seeme an old man, the onely exception they take nowe against me. Nero shall doubtlesse be missed, and wished alwaies among the lewd sort; you and I must prouide, lest good men also do wish him againe. To admonish you longer is not for this time, and all mine intent is fully performed, if I haue, as I hope, chosen aright. The surest and shortest rule to sorte out good from euill, is to waighe what your selfe woulde vnder [Page 11] another Prince haue allowed or blamed: for you haue not here, as in kingdomes, a certaine race borne to souerainety, and the rest to be slaues; but you are to gouerne a people, which cannot beare, neither bondage, nor liberty meere without mixture.

These words and the like Galba vsed as That is, Gal­ba by way of instruction: the rest flatte­ring and fawning. creating a Prince, but the rest that were present, spake as to a Prince alreadie created. Piso is saide to haue vttered no motion, as of a minde either trou­bled or excessiue in ioye, neither then nor afterwarde when euery mans eies were fixed vpon him. His speech to his father, and so­ueraine was respectiue, and reuerent; concerning himselfe verie modest: in countenance and gesture not changed, shewing him­selfe rather Tac. 3. Hist. p. 127. de Iunio Blaeso. Nullius repentini hono­ris, adeò non principatus ap­petens, vs pa­rum effugeret, quin dignus crederetur. able to furnishe the place, then desirous. Then consultation was had, where the adoption shoulde bee pro­nounced; Pro [...]ostris, that is, vnto the people assembled inconcione. before the people, in the Senate, or in the campe. the campe was preferred, to honor the souldier thereby, whose good will and fauour, as it was by money and crowching not to bee bought, so got by good meanes would not be contemned. In the meane season Publicke expectation, which suffereth not any great secrete long to be secrete, had, as it were, beset the Palace about: and the fame finding an issue, was afterwarde by suppressing en­creased. The tenth of Ianuary fel out to be stormy, with great thū ­der, lightnings, & extraordinary weather. 36 That being of ancient time obserued as cause to breake vp assemblies, staied not Galba from going to the campe, contemning such things as casual, or be­cause that which by fate is allotted, though somtime foreshewed, is neuer auoided. There in full assembly of the souldiers with bre­uity princelike he pronounceth, that he adopteth Piso, following the example of Augustus of sacred memory, and according to that militare fashion, where 37 ech man maketh choise of his fel­lowe. And least the Germane rebellion should, if it were concea­led, be deemed the greater, he sheweth them purposely, that the fourth and eighteenth legion misse-led by a fewe mutinous per­sons had erred in words only, and termes, & shortly would be re­claimed: and so concluded his speech, bestowing vpon them nei­ther eloquence nor money. The Tribunes notwithstanding, and Centurions, and souldiers which stood neare about him, returned a plausible aunswere: the rest of the companie were silent, and sad, as hauing lost nowe their donatiue in warre, which they had vsed 38 of duety in peace to receaue. It is very certaine, their heartes [...] [Page 14] in mind as in body, and his freedmen and seruants, the nea­rest about him, being brought vp in more licence then vsually in a priuate mans house, layed before him, who greedily gaped after such baites, the court of Nero and riotous liuing, wiues at will of his own, and of other mens, with such like pleasures of Princes, as his owne proper good, if he durst seaze vpon them; if not, vp­braiding them to him, as left vnto others. 40 The Astrologers also vrged him forward, assuring by their star-learning great chaunges at hand, and a yeare of aduancement for Otho: a kind of people to Princes vnfaithfull, to hopers deceitful, that in our commonwelth shal be alwaies forbidden, and alwaies retained. Many of that pro­fession were employed by Poppaea in her secret affaires, the bad­dest instruments a Principale matrimonium, i. vxor principis as Tacitus speaketh also, 11. Annal. At Claudius, matri­monij sui igna­rus, lasciviam populi severis edictis increpu­it: that is, ignorant of his wiues behavi­our at home. Princes wife can vse: of which number Ptole­maeus, who followed Otho into Spaine, promised he should ouer­liue Nero: and so by the euent hauing won credit, perswaded him further, by coniecture alone, & speech of people comparing the yeares of Galba and Otho, that he should be assumed to the Em­pire: but Otho embraced it as foretold by art, and by the forewar­ning of fate; as the humour is of most men to beleeue that soonest, which they least vnderstād, or know what it meaneth. Neither was Ptolemaeus behinde for his part, persuading him now to the point, in that kind of fact, which in a mind so desirous is soone apprehen­ded. But whether it came in his mind on the sodain or no, to com­mit this foule act, that is not certainly known: certain it is, that long before that, he had by al possible meanes practised the fauour and goodwill of the souldier, either vpon the hope of succession, or as preparing the way to his treasō: in iourneying, in marching, in warding, calling by name such as were of greatest continuaunce, and tearming them mates, vpon the remembrance of liuing together in Neroes traine; with some renewing acquaintance; some calling for, & releeuing their needs with his purse, & his countenance; in­serting withal now & then complaints, & glauncing at Galba with speeches of doubtful construction, or what otherway hee coulde bethinke him to, stur vp, and alter the vulgar sort. The trauailes in iourneying, the straytnesse of prouision, the harde hande held o­uer them were much mislikt of the souldiers: for whereas before they were wont to visite the 41 lakes of Campania, and townes of Achaia at their ease vpon shipborde, now it seemed sore to trot al a foote ouer the Pyrenees & Alpes, and huge long viages at smal [Page 15] ease in their armour. The soldiers mindes being thus alreadie in­censed, Meuius Pudens an acquaintance of Tigellinus, ministred matter to inflame them further; who alluring some vnstaied heads, or such as were needy of money, & desperate vpon new desires, by litle and litle proceeded so farre, that so oft as Galba was feasted at Othoes, vnder pretence of a banquet-beneuolence, he distributed to ech man of the cohorte which waited, Aureum vnū saith Plutarch, and Suetoni­us, that is, 15. [...] 7. ^d ob. Nowe this cohort or band cōsisted of a thousand souldiers; so that his whole liberalitie that way cost him at one dinner 781. ^li. 5. ^s. an hundreth sesterces. which, as being a Publicam, [...], or rather [...]. publicke larges, Otho strengthened with secret rewardes to particulare persons: so confident a corrupter, that whereas Cocceius Proculus a Spiculator. bilman of the Garde had a suite with his neighbour about a small parcell of grounde, which laye doubtfull betweene them, Otho with his owne money bought the neighbours whole grounde, and freelye bestowed it vpon him: such was the insufficiency of Laco the captaine, grossely to ouersee not onely close practises, but euen those dealinges, which all the whole world espied beside. But at that time Otho ap­pointed Onomastus one of his freedmen for master woorke­man to contriue the treason, who bringing Barbius Proculus the watch-worde-carier of the bilmen, and Veturius a Centurions lieutenaunt anone to his master, after that Otho by sundry spee­ches, and much priuate conference, perceaued them to be craf­ty, and bould, fit for his purpose, he lades them with rewardes in hande, but much more with promises to come; giuing them mo­ney to assay the minds of moe of their fellowes: and so two com­mon souldiers tooke vpon them to transferre the Empire of the people of Rome, and accordingly perfourmed it indeed. Few were by them made priuy to the principall purpose, and they by diuerse deuises incited the houering mindes of the rest; drawing into the association the chiefe of the souldiers preferred by Nym­phidius, as being suspect to the present estate; the meaner sort, and the rest, by meanes of the anger and displeasure conceaued vpon despaire of their donatiue so often differred: some also there were, whom the memory of Nero, and desire of former licence did mooue: in generall all were afraide they shoulde finde a chaunge in the seruice. This contagion infected also the Legions, and Aydes, whose faith was weakened already, when as they heard their fellows of Germany had left their allegeance. And so ready were the bad to rebell, yea the good to dissemble, that vpon the fourteenth of Ianuary, they had determined, as [Page 16] Otho returned from supper to haue taken him vp by the way, Suet. Oth. c. 6 yeeldeth ano­ther reason: obstitit respe­ctus cohortis quae tunc excu­babat, ne onera­retur invidia, quòd eiusdem statione & Cai­us fuerat occi­sus, & desertus Nero. Medium quo (que) tempus religio, & Ma­thematici exemerunt. had they not feared such casuall chances, as night might haue bred; and by reason the soldiers were lodged scatteringly throughout the whole towne; and that drunken men would a great deal more hardly agree; not for any care of common wealth, which they pur­posed, when they were sober, to pollute with the bloud of their Prince; but least in the darcke by errour it might chaunce, that in steede of Otho some other man should be offred to the For before be had said, that multiè Germania & Illyrico electi remained in Rome. Pannoni­an and German souldiers, and so be accepted for Emperour, the most part of thē not knowing Otho by sight. Many signes of trea­son euen now as it were discouering it selfe, were suppressed by the conspiratours: some other in Galbaes hearing Laco the captaine put away with a iest; a man little seene in souldiers affections, and of anye aduise, were it neuer so excellent, whereof himselfe was not auctour, an enemy, and against the skilfull obstinate­ly contentious. The fifteenth of Ianuary as Galba was sacri­ficing before Apolloes temple, Vmbricius the Priest, by viewe of vnprosperous entrailes, foresheweth daungers at hande, and a home enemy in Othoes audience (for hee was the next man) who contrarily construed it as good lucke on his side, and hap­py successe in his affaires. Anone after Onomastus bringeth in woorde, that the master carpenter, and those which had vn­dertaken the woorke at a price, stayed for his comming: for that was the watchwoorde agreed betweene them, to signifie that nowe the souldiours were drawing together, and the con­spiracy ripe. Otho faining an aunswere to such as demaunded the cause of his departure, that he had certaine ould tenements to buy, which hee suspected were ruinous, and therefore would haue them viewed before, innixus liberto following his seruaunts direction, went through Tiberius house into the Velabrum, and thence to the 42 golden Milliarium vnder the temple of Saturnus. There three and twenty Spiculatores bilmen attending his comming salute him Em­peroure: and as hee stoode amazed, trembling for feare at their fewenesse, they snatch him vppe hastily into a chayre, and with their swordes drawen cary him away. As they went forwarde to­ward the campe, about so many mo souldiers ioyned themselues, some acquainted indeede with the cause, but most for the wonder and strangenes: part with showts, and drawn swords, part holding their peace, meaning so to proceed, as the euent should direct [Page 17] them. Iulius Martialis warded as Tribune that day in the campe: who being either terrefied with the greatnes of so sodaine a trea­son, or else fearing the campe was further corrupted, & death, if he should make shew of resistance, gaue most men to misdeeme by his dealing, that he was somewhat of counsel with the case. The rest likewise of the Tribunes and Centurions preferred present secu­rity before duety with danger: and generally after that manner were their mindes and affections inclined, that into so horrible a treason few only durst enter, more wished it so, and all were con­tented to suffer it to passe. Galba in the meane while ignorant of al which had passed, was busily occupied about his deuotion, impor­tuning the gods now of another mans Empire, when as sodainely worde was brought, that a Senatour, they wist not well who, was caried to the campe; and straightwaies that it was Otho. Anon flocked thither out of all quarters, Vt quis (que) ob­vus fuerat, sc. Othoni, or O­thonianis, as I thinke. as they happened to meete him, some making the fear more then it was, some lesse, not forget­ting euen then to fal to their flattering biace. The matter being consulted vpon, it was thought conuenient, to sounde the minde of the cohorte, which warded in the Palace, not by Galba him­selfe, whose autority was to be reserued intier for greater ex­ploites, but by Piso: who calling them before the stayres of the house, vsed this speech. "It is now, fellow-souldiers, six daies, since that I was, not knowing what might after befall, and whether this name were to be wished, or feared, adopted Caesar: with what successe to our house, or to the common wealth, that lyes in your hands▪ not that I am, for mine own particular, afraid of any heauy chaunce that can happen: froward fortune I haue proued with the most; and the good I doe take to bring no lesse daunger: but my fathers case, the Senates, and the whole Empires I lament, if this day of force we must either kil or be killed; a harde choise for any good man. In the last troubles these comforts we had: the city was kept clean without any bloudshed; the state passed ouer with­out any discord; order was taken as it seemed, sufficient, by decla­ring a successour, that hereafter alto there should be no newe oc­casion of warre. I will not extoll and magnifie here mine anci­ent house, or modest behauiour; neither in the comparison with Otho, neede we to recken vp vertues: his vices wherein alone he triumphs, haue ruined the state euen then, when he was but a frend of the Emperours. By his gesture and gate should he deserue [Page 18] to be Prince, or by that womanish attire he weareth? they are fowly deceiued, whom riot deceaues with shew of liberality. to cast away & consume well may he be learned; to giue in good order he hath not the skil: bodily pleasures & banqueting, wanton daliance with womē, these be the points which now he proposeth himselfe; these he accounteth the prerogatiues of Princes; wherof the lust & plea­sure shal be only his own, the shame & ignominy redoundeth to al: for neuer any mā yet vsed the Empire wel, which he got by il means. The consent of the world made Galba Emperor, & Galba by your consent made me. If the weale publicke, the Senate, the people, be friuolous names, & no substāce; yet for your own interest prouide, fellow-soldiers, that the raskallest sort be no Emperour-makers. The legions abroad haue somtime mutined against their generals; that hath bin heard of: your truth & good name bath remained as yet to this day vntouched: & Nero also forsook you, not you Nero. Shall lesse thē thirty renegats & traitors, whō none would permit to chuse their Centurion, or Tribune, dispose of the Empire? do you a­low the exāple? do you wink at their crime, & so make it your own? the prouinces wil vsurpe the like licēce, & the end of these treasōs wil fal to our share, the end of those wars vnto yours. Nether is ther more gotten by murthering your Prince, then by keeping your hands innocent & cleane: as wel shal you receaue of vs a donatiue for truth, as of others for treason. The Spiculatores bilmē being slipped away, the rest of the cohort seeming to be moued with his words, more of feare, as it hapneth in tumults, & yet with some reason, make rea­dy their ensignes, which afterward men supposed was done for a color & fraude. Marius Celsus also was sent to the selected soldi­ers of the Illyrian army, encamped in Vipsanius cloyster: & com­mandment was giuen to Amulius Serenus, & Domitius Sabinus, which had bin Primipilares. leaders of the principal ensigne, to fetch forth the German soldiers è Libertatis [...]trio. out of the court of Liberty. The legion of mari­ners Galba distrusted, as being incensed against him for the slaughter of their fellows at his first entry. Cerius Seuerus, Subrius Dex­ter, and Pompeius Longinus Tribunes were sent to the Praetorian camp, to try whether the sedition might now at the beginning, and before it were grown to a ripenes, by better aduise be assuaged. Subrius & Cerius with threats, & manacing were put by the soldiers to silence: vpon Longinus they lay violent hands, and disarm him, because he had come to that place not by order of seruice, but by [Page 19] extraordinary fauor of Galba; a man faithful to his Prince, & ther­fore of rebels worse liked. The legiō of mariners without any stay ioined thēselues to thē of the gard: the selected of the Illy riā army, with darts bent vpon him, driue Celsus away: the German ensignes Surtonius somewhat o­therwise, c. 20. omnes qui accer serentur, spreve re nuntium, ex­cepta Germani­corum vexilla­tione Hi ob re­cens meritum, quò se aegros & in validos magnopere so­visset, in auxili um advolauere: sed seriùs, itine­re devio per ig­norantiam loco­rum retardati. were long in suspence, beeing as yet feeble in body, but in minde wel affected, for that being sent by Nero before to Alexandria, at their return tired & sick with so long a cut they were by Galba carefully cherished. Now was al the cōmon people, & bondmē withal as­sēbled into the Palace, requiring with tumultuous cries, as if they were to demand in the stage or Race a pastime, that Otho might be pulled in peeces, & those other traitors exiled; not vpon 43 iudge­ment or any true meaning; for the selfsame day with as vehemēt in­stāce they would be as ready to demād the otherway: but only vpō a receaued custom to flatter the Prince whatsoeuer he be, framing 44 acclamations at pleasure, and vainely endeuoring to shew their good wils. In the mean seasō Galba was distracted with two diuers opinions. Titus Vinius thought best to stay within dores, to oppose the bondmen against thē, to fortifie the passages, & not to go forth to men in their fury: that he should giue a space for the bad to repēt for the good to consent: that treasons preuaile on the sodain, good coūsels gather forces by leasure: & lastly if he would, or reason re­quired it, then might he wel go, as now, to anone: but to come in a­gain, if he chanced to repent him, were likely to ly in the wil of ano­ther. The rest were all of a contrary mind: that it was the much bet­ter way, to cut of delaies with al possible speed, before the conspira­cy of few, as yet with out force, took furder encrease: that euē Otho himselfe would trēble for feare, who being conueied priuily away, & brought in amōg those which knew not the matter, through slothful delaying, & trifling the time, learns now at his leasure to coūter fait the Prince. what? would they expect til Otho hauing composed the campe, & set al in order, should inuade the Place of publicke assembly, & as Galba peeped but of a hole, vnder his nose enter the Capitol; whilest he, like a goodly trim captain, with his couragious friends, so they may be in couert, kept close within dores, & shut vp the gates, meaning belike to attende the siege there? much helpe might one hope for at bondmens handes, if the agreement of so greate a multitude, and their first indignation, which is alwaies the hoatest, were suffered to coole. that therefore the partie di­shonorable was also more dangerous: or if needes they must die, [Page 20] then better to meete and encounter the danger: that woulde at least breede Otho more enuy, and were withall most for their ho­nour. As Vinius replied against the opinion, Laco, at the instiga­tion of Icelus, persisting in priuate displeasures to the ouerthrowe of the publicke estate, beginneth to charge him with manacing and threats: and Galba without any longer delay gaue himselfe wholly to followe their counsell, which had the fairer shewe in ap­parence. yet first was Piso sent to the campe, as beeing a young­man of great name and gracious, fresh in mens fauour, and enemy to Vinius, either because he was so, or that Vinius ilwillers did wish it to be so; and it is thought rather he was so indeede. Piso was scant gone abroade, when firsl a flying rumour without autor was spred, that Otho was slaine in the campe: anone, as in great lies it falles out, some affirmed they were present, and saw it; a report which men partly reioycing, & partly not curious, 45 easily belee­ued. Many supposed this rumour was framed, and increased by some of Othoes men, being now shuffled in with the rest, & giuing out vntruly good news of purpose to allure Galba out of his hold. But vpon the report howsoeuer, not onely the people and simpler sort clap handes, and declare immoderatly their affections. but most of the gentlemen, and Senators without temporizing, as be­ing now freed of feare, breake open the gates, rush into the Palace, presse forward to Galba, protesting howe sory they were, the re­uenge of his quarrell was thus preuented by others; the greatest cowards, & such as in danger dared the lest, as trial made proofe, being most excessiue in words, and hardy of tongue. Thus whi­lest al affirmed, and no body knewe, Galba yeelding to an vntruth so generally soothed, Purposing onely, as Plu­tarch repor­teth, to shewe himselfe a­broad to the people, and do his sacri­fice to the gods for his deliueraunce, as making no doubt but that Otho was dead. [...]: but in the end he found himselfe bid­den to ano­ther banquet. puts on Thoracem. Sueton. Loricā linteam. a brestplate, & being not able for body nor age to sustaine the presse which came in vpon him, was lifted vp in a chayre. In the Palace Iulius Atticus met him, one of the Spiculatores bilmen, holding out a bloudy sworde in his hand, with which he cried alowde, he had slaine Otho. My friend, quoth Galba, who bad thee? a man of rare vertue to keepe in awe a licentious soldi­er, whom neither threats could terrefie, nor flattering speeches corrupt and abuse.

By this time the soldiers were whollie agreed, with so greate feruency fauouring Otho, that not content to assist him in com­panies with their bodies, they cast a ring about him with banners, as he stoode Medium inter signa. i. medium inter milites subsignanos. in the midst of the ensignes in the Tribunal, in which [Page 21] a litle before the image of Galba was planted in gould, not suffring the Tribunes or Centurions to approch, yea and further the com­mon soldier bidding beware of officers. All the whole campe re­sounded with clamours, with tumult, with mutual encouragement: none of those different chantings of dull flattery practised among the popular: but as they espied any soldier comming, they would take him by the hande, embrace him in their armour, set him fast by them, begin him the othe, recommending sometime their Em­perour to the soldiers, and sometime the souldiers to their Empe­rour. Neither was Otho slacke for his parte to stretch forth his handes, to bow himselfe to euery meane person, jacere oscula. [...]. Xiphilinus. to throwe kisses abroad, and what seruile crowching els not for an Empire! When the whole legion of mariners had sworne allegeance, trusting now to his strength, and supposing it requisite to incense them in com­mon, whom as yet he had only incited in seueral, standing vpon the rampier of the camp, he begins in this manner. "I am come here, as you see, to your presence, my loving companions: but what I am, that cannot I tel. A priuate man I wil not be tearmed, being named Prince by you; nor Prince wel I cannot, whilest yet another possesseth the place: your name also, whether traytors, or true sub­iectes, shalbe likewise in doubt, till it bee decided what manner of man you haue in your campe, an Emperor of the people of Rome, or an enemy. Doe you not heare how my death, and your punish­ment are both For so Taci­tus sayeth a litle before: dissonus clamor plebis & servi­tiorum, caedem Othonis & con­iuratorum exi­lium poscentiū. required at once? so euident it is, that we can nei­ther perish nor be safe, but iointly together: & perhaps Galba, ac­cording to the measure of his discretion, hath promised it already, as one that could finde in his heart, vnaskt, vnrequired, to murther so many thousands of most innocent citizens. A horrour perceth my hart, as oft as I call to remembrance the dismall entry, and that only conquest of his, when he did in sight of the city commande to be slaine the tenth person of those, which vpon their humble re­quest he had receaued into his protection. Such was his vnpros;pe­rous entry: and what glorious fact brought he beside to commend him withall to the Princes place, sauing the slaughter of Obultro­nius Sabinus and Cornelius Marcellus in Spaine, of Betuus Chilo in France, of Fonteius Capito in Germanie, of Clodius Macer in Africke, of Cingonius in the way, Turpilianus in the city, Nymphi­dius in the campe? nay, what prouince is there, what campe any where, that he hath not, as he pretendes, amended and corrected, [Page 22] but in truth with cruelty misused & stained with blud? Those things which other men accoūt haynous faults, he tearms them gentle re­medies: cruelty he clokes with the name of seuerity; and wretched couetousnes he tearmeth prouident sparing; your stripes & indig­nities ancient discipline. Since the death of Nero it is scarce seuen months, & yet hath one Icelus alreadie raked more together, then al that rable, Polycletus, Vatinius, Elius was left by Nero, at his pilgri­mage into A­chaia, as his vicegerent in Rome with absolute autori­tie; and with him Polycle­tus: which two as Xiphilinus witnesseth, p. 191. [...]. Of Vatinius TAcitus maketh mention. 15. Ann. p. 523. Va­tinius inter fae­dissima eius au­dae ostenta fuit, Sutrinae taber­nae alumnus, corpore detorto, facetijs scurrili­bus primò in contumelias as­sumptus, deinde optimi cuius (que) ariminatione [...]ò vs (que) valuit, vt gratia, pecu­nia, vi nocendi etiam malis prae mineret. Elius, and their fellowes haue done in so many yeares. And certainly with lesse couetousnes, and more respect would Titus Vinius haue raged, if himselfe had bene Emperor: now he oppresseth vs as vassals, & holdeth vs vile as strā ­gers: the onely wealth of that man were enough for the donatiue, which daiely is cast in your teeth, but neuer paied to your purses. And lest we might hope to better our estate, at the lest when Galba were gone, he hath fetched out of exile one, that in cruelty & coue­tousnes he iudged likest himselfe. you saw, fellow-soldiers, by that notable storme, that euen the gods much abhorred that vntoward adoptiō. The Senat, the people are of the same mind: your part now only remaineth: your valour and vertue is looked for: you are the men who ad strength to good causes: without you, be the attempt neuer so worthy, it shal neuer take any worthy effect. I desire you not to a warre, I call you not to any dangerous exploit: the soldi­ers be all of our side, and that one vnarmed cohort, which waits vppon Galba, endeuours not nowe to defende him against vs, but rather detaines him from scaping out from vs: when you shall come in their view, when they shall see my enseigne, this wil be their onely contention who shall in my behalfe doe greatest seruice. No delay in that enterprise is to be vsed, which neuer is commended, before it be Suetonius c. 6. addeth: Ad cō ­ciliandor polli­citationibus militum animos nihil magis proconcione testa­tus est, quàm id demùm se habitururm, quod sibi illi reliquis­sens. ended. Then commaunded the armory to be opened: armes by and by were taken contra­ry to custome, and order of seruice, where the Praetorian and Le­gionarie man is seuered by his different cognisance: with helmets and targets they mingle themselues among the Aide-soldiers: no Centurion nor Tribune encouraging them, they become captain and encourager, ech man to himselfe; and that which cheefely en­couraged the bad, the good were discouraged, & quite out of hart. Now Piso being scared awaie with the noise, as the sedition grew fuller and hoater, with showtes resounding euen into the citie, by this time hadde ioyned himselfe to Galba againe, who was in the meane season issued out of the Palace, and come neere to the [Page 23] Place of publicke assembly. Marius Celsus likewise had brought an heauy aunswere againe: whereupon some thought it expedi­ent to retire into the Palace againe, some rather to possesse them­selues of the Capitoll, some other to take the Rostra: but the most did only impugne the opinions of others; and as often it chanceth in counsels crossed with euil successe, that way was commonly iud­ged the best, whereof the time was forepassed. It is reported that Laco, vnwitting to Galba, had a meaning to haue slaine Titus Vi­nius, hoping belike by his death to mitigate the soldiers, or mistru­sting he was confederate with Otho, or els vpon priuate displea­sure: the time & the place bred scruple in the matter: for when men are set in a killing, it is not so easy to stoppe when you list; and many other accidentes stayed the purpose; fearefull messages, the slippings away of his friendes, their courages being all quay­led, euen of those which cheerefully at first made most oftentati­on of loyaltie and stoutnesse. Galba was driuen to and fro with the crowde of the companie, as it waued vp and downe. The stan­ding in Basilicae at templa: [...]. Plut. temples and churches on euery side were taken to view this lugubri pros­pectu, for pros­pectui. Tacitus 2. Hist. 93. Lu­xu & saginae mancipatus. Plutarch tur­neth this place [...]. sorowful sight: the people al mute, with countenances ama­zed, & listening eares; no tumult, no quietnes; such a silence as ar­gued great feare, and great anger: notwithstanding it was caried to Otho, that the common people were a putting in armes: where­upon he For he him­selfe remai­ned still in the campe. Suet. Oth. c. 6, while this tragedie was a playing; a circumstāce which in rea­son Tacitus should not haue toched so lightly. commaunded his men to marche in all speede, and pre­uent the danger. So the Roman soldiers, 46 as if they had gone to pul Vologeses or Pacorus out of the throne anciētly possessed by Arsaces line, and not to murdre their owne Emperour vnarmed, & aged, dispersing the people, trampling the Senate vnder foote, Equites. [...]iso p [...]ccul Galba, [...] Sue [...]. [...]. 19. set spurres to their horses, & fiercely in armes rush into the Place of assembly: neither did the sight of the Capitoll, nor reuerence of the temples about, nor the Princes past and to come, terrefy them from committing that abhominable act; whereof the next succes­sour is the reuenger. The enseigne-bearer of Galbaes cohort, Ati­lius Vergilio by report, assoone as he sawe a far of the armed men, marching in array, pluckt downe the image of Galba, & dashed it against the pauement. by that it did plainely appeare, that all the souldiers were wholly for Otho. The people vnbidden make away in al hast, leauing the Place of assembly voide, or if any see­med to linger they were drawn vpon by the soldiers. At Lacus Curtius Galba was tumbled out of his chayre to the grounde, through [Page 24] the fearefulnes of them which bare it. His last words are diuersely by diuerse reported, as they admired or hated the man: some say, he humbly demanded, what ill he had euer deserued, requesting onely a fewe daies respit to pay their donatiue. The most doe a­gree, that he offered stoutly his necke, to doe their pleasure, and strike, if it seemed so good to the common wealth: it mattered not much to the murderers what he did say. The very man that slew him is not certainly knowen: some say Terentius Euocatus; others Lecanius: the more receaued opinion is, that Camurius, a soldier of the fifteenth legion, pearced his throate with a sword: his armes and legges ( Thorace, or Loricae lintea: suprà. for his brest was armed) others did miserably man­gle and hewe: many stabbes, vpon a sauage and beastly cruelty, were bestowed vpon the headlesse carcase. Next after Galba, they assayled Vinius, of whome likewise there is question, whether the present feare wasted his speech, or els that he cried aloude, They had no commandement from Otho to kill him: which, whether he fained for feare, or confessed as associate of the conspiracie, the same of his lewd life doth make it more probable he was guilty of the treason, wherof he was Tacitus su­pra. Galbam, Titus Vinius de­terrimus morta lium, odio flagi­tiorum onera­bat. cause. At the first wound in his hamme he tumbled downe before the temple of Diuus Iulius, and after by Iulius Carus, a legionarie souldier, was thrust through the sides. A worthy man that day our age did aforde, Both Plutarch and Xi­philinus write that not Piso, but Galba was protected by Densus. Sempronius Denfus a centurion of the cohort which garded Galba, & by him appointed to wait vpon Piso, who Plut. noteth that he first feared them with the vine rodde. [...]. with his rapier drawn encountring the ar­med men, & vpbrayding to them their disloyalty, partly by deeds, and partly by words turning the blowes vpon his own head, gaue Piso, although he were wounded, time and space to escape away. Piso recouering the temple of Vesta, & being receiued by the sex­tens compassion, & hid in his cabin, not by the reuerence of san­ctuarie, or sacred ceremonies of the holy goddesse, but onely by hiding himselfe, differred imminent death, when as straight there came thither, by Othoes expresse commandement, hoatly bent by name for his bloud, Sulpicius Florus, one of the Brittish cohortes, lately by Galba made citizen of Rome, and Statius Murcus a Spiculator. bil­man: of these two was Piso drawen out, and slaine in the gates of the temple. No mans death did Otho so ioifully take; no heade did he view and reuiew so infatiably: whether it was that then first of all his minde was at ease, and free to reioice, lightened of al ma­ner burden and care; or that the remembrance of maiesty in Gal­ba, [Page 25] of acquaintaunce in Vinius, had strooke a kind of horrour into his vnmercifull mind: mary for Piso, his enemy and concur­rent, he thought he might iustly with al reason reioyce at his ruine. Their heades were planted vppon speares, and caryed among the enseignes of the cohortes, neare the Standerd Of what Le­gion? of the mariners as I thinke: for o­ther legion I finde none in this action: & they received Aquilam & signa at Othoes hād, as it may seeme by Ta­citus p. 57. l vlt. of Galba they demanded it indeede at his entry, but they were paied with other money for their paines. of the Legion, striuing to shew their bloudy hands, they which had slaine them, they which were present, some truely, some falsely, all making their vaunt, as of a goodly and memorable act. More then a hun­dreth and twenty supplications, put vp for some good seruice that day, were afterward found by Vitellius, who caused the men to be al sought out, and slaine, not in honour of Galba, but vpon a tradition receiued among Princes as an assurance of their pre­sent estate, and a meane of reuenge afterwarde. Now the Se­nate and people were no more the same men: they runne all by heapes to the campe, contending and shouldring who should get formost, defacing Galba, extolling the souldiers iudge­ment, kissing Othoes hande, and the lesse they ment it in hart, doing so much the more in outwarde apparence. Neither did Otho reiect any one though comming single, moderating with speeches and countenaunce the greedy, and manacing disposi­tion of the souldiers; who demaunded to the slaughter Marius Celsus Consull elect, and to the last faithfull to Galba, offended with his sufficiency and innocency as capitall crimes. A quar­rell was sought apparently to sacke, and massacre, and to ouer­throwe personages of honour: but Plutarch p. 1511. [...] Othoes authority was not sufficientlie grounded as yet to prohibite a mischiefe, well might he commaunde one: so making semblaunce of anger, he willes them to put him in prison; that hee would shewe at leysure exemplary iustice vpon him, and so deliuered him from present destruction. All thinges beside were ordered according as the souldiers appointed. They elected captaines of the Gard Plo­tius Firmus in time past a common souldier, and then captaine of the watch, and in Galbaes life a fauourer of Otho: to him they adioyne Licinius Proculus, a neare and inwarde acquain­tance of Otho, and therefore suspected to haue been a furtherer of his proceedings. Flauius Sabinus they ordeyned Prouost of the citty, following therein the iudgement of Nero, vnder whom he had obtained before the saied charge, most men in so doing respecting Vespasian his brother. With great instance was it [Page 26] demanded that the fees 47 of vacations vsually giuen to the Cen­turions might be remitted: for the common souldier payed them as an annual pension; whereby some in companies, parte wandring by licence abroade, or in the campe made noe dain­ty to beare any burden, nor tooke any care how they gained, till they had wherewith to pay the Centurion, by robbing and spoyling, or seruile ministeries redeeming their ease. Further the souldier which had anye wealth was sure to bee tired with trauaile and stripes till hee bought out his immunity; and when the poore wretch had consumed his substaunce, and wa­sted his body with slouth, hee returned to his bande vnlustie, and beggerly, whereas hee was actiue and welthy before: and so likewise another and another corrupted with like licence, and brought to like beggery, were caried to mutinees, dis­sensions, and ciuill warres in the ende. But Otho lest by grati­fying the souldier he should aliene the Centurions mindes, pro­mised to pay out of his 48 owne cofers the yearely vacations; a thing no doubt very profitable, and by good Princes succeeding established for a perpetuall order. Laco confined in shewe in­to an ilande, was murdred by Euocatus, whome Otho had sent before for the purpose. Vpon Martianus Icelus, as 49 be­ing a freedman, open execution was done. The day beeing thus consumed in mischiefes, the last of all illes was the reioycing. 50 The citty-Praetor calleth the Senate to counsaile: the rest of the magistrates contende to exceede in flatterie: the lordes of the Senate runne thither in hast: By Suet c. 7. it appeareth that Otho was present in Senate. Vergen te iam die in­gressut enatum (Otho) posita­ (que) breui ratione, quasi raptus de publico, & susci pere imperium vicoactus, gestu rus (que) cmmuni ōnium arbitrio, Palatiū petiit. to Otho is awarded Tri­bunitiall autority, and the name of Augustus, 51 with all other Princely prerogatiues, and titles, ech man endeuouring to a­bolish the opprobrious speeches, and reuiling tearmes which they had indifferently vsed against him, which neuerthelesse he seemed not much to remember; whether he purposed to pardon the offences, or differe the punishment, by reason of the shorte time he ruled, could not be seene. Otho, the Place of assembly be­ing yet embrued with bloud, was caried thorow the dead bodies, as they laye slaine, first to the Capitoll, and thence to the Pa­lace, giuing permission to bury, and burne the carcases. Piso was by his wife Verania, and Scribonianus his brother; Titus Vinius by his daughter Crispina, composed and layed in graue; ha­uing first sought out Crispina paied for hir fathers ten thousand ses­terces: that is, 78. ^li 2 ^c 6. ^d Plutarch. 1511 and redeemed their heads, which the mur­derers [Page 27] had kept to be solde. Piso was when he died one and thir­ty yeares olde, of better fame then fortune: his brother Magnus was slaine by Claudius, and Crassus by Nero: himselfe liued a great while in exile, and foure daies a Prince, adopted in hast be­fore his elder brother, with this onely aduantage, that he was thereby the first made away. Titus Vinius liued fortie se­uen yeares, not all after one sorte: his father was of a Praetori­an house; his mothers father one of the è proscriptis. s [...] ab Octavio, An­tonio, Leido, triumuiris reip. perdendae. proscriptes. At his first seruice in warre hee became infamous: his Lieutenaunt generall Caluisius Sabinus wife, caryed with an vnwomanly de­sire to viewe the site of the campe; and hauing in souldiers attire wantonly perused the watch, and other campe-offices, in the very Principia the place in the campe where the standerde and enseignes are pitched. Principia forfeyted hir honour; and the man accused of the fact was Titus Vinius: whereupon by commaundement of Caius the Emperor he was emprisoned, and anone through chaunge of times being enlarged he passed thorow offices of honour without touch; first Praetor, then Lieutenaunt of a Legion with good com­mendation: afterward hee stayned himselfe with a seruile crime, conueying away a golden cup from Claudius borde; wherupon the day following Claudius made him alone of all his guestes to bee serued in fictilibus. earthen: notwithstanding being Proconsull of Gallia Narbonensis hee gouerned the countrey with great seue­rity and sincerenesse: anone by reason of credit with Galba be­ing drawen to the place of dangerous downe-fall, he was bold, crafty, actiue, and as he listed to bende his minde, mischieuous or industruous in equall degree. The testament of Titus Vi­nius his wealth made voide; Pisoes, his pouerty ratified. Gal­baes body long neglected, and in the darke despitefully intrea­ted, Argius his stewarde, one 52 of his principall bondmen, [...] Plutarch. p. 1511. bu­ried with small ceremony in his priuate gardens. His heade by the lixae, qui ex­tra ordinem & sine armis exor­citum sequūtur questus gratia. Polybius, Festus followers and calones, miliū. servi; so called, because they caried clubs after their masters, which the Graecians call [...]. Ser­vius. Festus. rascalles of the campe, mangled and stab­bed was founde the day after before Patrobius toombe, a freed­man of Nero, whom Galba had executed, and so was put with his body burned before. This ende had Seruius Galba, hauing liued 53 seuenty three yeares, and out-liued fiue Princes in greate prosperity; happier vnder the Empire of others then in his owne: his house of ancient nobility, and great wealth: him­selfe a man of a midle disposition, rather vicelesse, then greatly vertuous; neither neglecting his fame, nor yet ambitiously carefull [Page 28] of it: of other mens money not greedy, sparing of his owne, of the common a niggard: bearing with his fauorites and freedmen, without reprehension, when they were good; if they were bad, to his owne shame ignoraunt of their ill doings: but his honorable birth, and the dangerous times couered the matter, entitling that wisedome, which in truth was but slouth: in his flourishing age greatly renowned for seruice in Dio lib. 60. p. 460. [...] (which was the first yeare of Claudius Empire) [...]. Germanie: Africke he ruled as Pruconsull with great moderation: and growing in yeares, the nearer Spaine vprightly & well: seeming more than a private man, whilest he was private, and by Ausonius. Spem frustrate senex, privatus ssptra mereri Visus er imperio proditus inferi­or. Fama tibi me lior inveni sed iuctior ordo est, Complacuisse de hinc, displicuisse priùs. all mens opinions capable of the Empire, had he neuer bene Emperour.

VIII. After the death of Galba, the newes growing hoater of Vi­tellius and the German reuolt, how the Cittie stoode. affected betweene him and Otho.

THE citty thus terrefied, and hauing in horrour both the hay­nousnesse of the late fact, and the olde conditions of Otho, was put in a further feare, by the newes of Vitellius reuolt, which were in Galbaes time suppressed, that men shoulde beleeue no more had rebelled, saue the armie of vpper Germanie alone. But then seeing 54 two of all mortall men the most detestable creatures, in slouthfulnesse, incontinencie, and wastfull life, fa­tally elect, as it were, to ruine the Empire, not onely the Sena­tours and Gentlemen, who had some part and care of the state, but the Tac. p. 58. Vulgus, & magni­tudine nimia curarum expers populus: and yet expers not in al circum­stances, as here may b [...] seene, not of all common cares: Plebscui vnica ex rep. annonae cura. saieth Tacitus elsewhere. commons also openly beganne to waile and lament. Their talke was no more of the fresh and bleeding examples of the late murdering peace: but of ciuill warres recorded in anci­ent story, of the citty so oft surprized by her owne citizens, Italy wasted, the prouinces spoyled; of Pharsalia, Phillippi, Perusia, Mutina, At Phatfalia Caesar ouer­threw Pom­pey: an. vr. con­ditae 7 [...]6. at Phillippi Octavius and Antonius overcāe Brutus and Cassiu [...]: an. v. c 712. in the Perusin warre Octavius took armes against L. Antonius and Fulvia. Anno 713. at Mutina the Consuls Hirti­us & Pa [...]sa fought with M Antoniꝰ. an. 710 famous names of common calamities. The worlde was subuerted almost, euen when good men stroue for the state: notwithstanding there remained when Caius Iulius, there remai­ned when Caesar Augustus was conqueror, the form of an Empire. 55 If Pompey had preuailed; if Brutus, the populare state woulde haue stoode: now whether for Otho, or for Vitellius shoulde they goe to the temples! that both prayers were impious alike, both vowes alike detestable, between two, in the warre of whom this alone you might know, that he which should win, would be For admit­ting them be­fore equall in vices, the victory it selfe would corrupt the winner: vi [...]toria etiam egregios duces insolescere, sai­eth Tacitus elsewhere. worse then before. Some secretly wished Vespasian with the Easterne ar­mies; [Page 29] and as he was more liked then either of the other, so did they greatly mislike to multiply warres and calamities: and againe Ves­pasian was not altogether without exception; the 56 onely Prince before his time, which changed to the better.

IX. The reuolt of the armies of both Germanies, and rising of Ʋitellius.

NOW wil I set downe the beginning & causes of Vitellius com­motion. After that Iulius Vindex with al his host was slaine, the 57 army growing insolent with spoile & glory, as hauing obtained, without paine and danger, a most rich conquest, loued much bet­ter exploytes and fighting, praemia: as the sacke or spoile of a cit­ty or couet [...]ie. donatiues, or any other ex­traordinary librality. rewardes and booties, then ordinary pay they had passed before a long, fruitles, and hard seruice there, partly through the ingenio loci coeliq. 2. Hist. p. 97. Germanicae hiberna coelo, ac laboribus [...]dura. qualitie of the soyle, and clymate, and partly through the straitnesse of discipline, which in time of peace being rigorously obserued, by ciuill warres is vtterly dissolued; cor­rupters being ready at hande on both sides, and fugitiues sca­ping as then without punishment. Men, armour, horses they had sufficient for vse, and ornament too: but before the Against Vindex. warre they had no further acquaintaunce together, but with the men of their owne troupes, and companies: the armies lay seuered And so re­mained, for ought I know, in the warre a­gainst Vindex, where onelie the vpper ar­my was pre­sent, by the te­stimonie of all writers, and Tacitus him­selfe in many places. in seuerall prouinces, then against Vindex the Legions being assembled in one, and hauing proued themselues and the for­ces of Gallia, sought nowe a fresh occasion of warres, and new troubles, not terming To wit, them of Gallia, with whom they had sought. them as they were wont, friendes and allies, but enemies and conquered persons. The tract of Gal­lia, which lyes vpon Rhene, hauing followed before the souldiers side, auanced them selues then with the foremost to instigate the armies against the Galbians: for so now they called them, disday­ning the name of Vindex as stale. Thus being incensed against the Sequani and Hedui, and so further, as the townes were in wealth, they conceiued in hope sacking of citties, wasting of countries, rifling of houses, irritated next after couetousnesse and pre­sumption, principall vices of them which be stronger, by the peruersenesse of them of Gallia foolishly bragging, that Galba had released a fourth part of their tribute, and publicè. i. [...], for the primores of Gallia had ob­tained the priueledge before Claudius time. 1. Ann p. a 11. priuores Galli [...] fa [...]d [...]ra & [...] secu [...]. generally made them cittizens of Rome in despite of the army. Moreouer it was giuen out craftily, and rashly beleeued, 58 that in the Legions eue­ry tenth man was alotted to dye, and the ablest men of the Centu­rions should be cassed: from euery quarter hainous rumours, si­nister [Page 30] reports from Rome, the 59 colony of Lions discontented, and as it were a nurcery of tales by reason of their constant affe­ction to Nero: but greatest matter to forge out a lye, and winne it credit, the camp it selfe did yeeld vpon hatred, feare, security also, when they had measured their own ability. Aulus Vitellius ente­ring the yeare before about the first of December into lower Ger­many, with great care and diligence had visited and surueyed the standing camps of the Legions: many he restored to their roomes, to their fame, & honor, most part to winne fauour, and some vpon iudgemēt; vndoing that with integrity, which Fonteius Capito vp­on bribery & lucre had done displacing, or placing for money in degrees of seruice: nether were his doings accepted after the measure of an ordinary Lieutenant general, but in a far higher degree. And as amōg the seuerer sort Vitellius was thought base & demisse, so his fauourers termed it curtesy and goodnesse, because without measure or judgement he gaue out his own, lasht out other mens, construing vices for vertues auiditate im­perandi. vpon an extreme desire of the Em­pire. Many in both armies there were, as modest and quiet men, so likewise bad & valiant; by name among other Alienus Caecina and Fabius Valens Valens in lower Germanie where Vitelli­us: and Caeci­na in high­er, where Hordeonius Flaccus was Lieutenant generall. Lieutenants of Legions, in appetites immoderat, & singularly rash, Valens offēded with Galba, as being not recōpensed according to his deserts for discouering Verginius doubtful pro­ceeding, & the oppressing of Capitoes conspiracy, ceased not to vrge & incite Vitellius; laying open before him the soldiers feruēt good wil; the honorable report that wēt euerywher of his doings: as for Hordeonius Flaccus that seely man could hinder but little, that Britanny would ioin, the German Aids folow him, that the prouinces were nor assured; in fine that the old man was Emperour of curtesy and quickly would lose it; let Vitellius only but opē his bo­some, make towards, & receaue in good fortune, as she offred her selfe: that Verginius indeede had good cause to be doubtful, being only of a Gentlemans house, his father hauing not borne office; the place was aboue his capacity, if he had vndertaken it, & then refu­sing it, he was out of danger: that contrariwise Vitellius father had bin thrise Consull, Censor, collegium Cae­saris. Suceon. Vitellio. c. 2. l., Vitellius impe­ratoris pater. cum Claudio principe duos or dinarios consu­latus censuram­que gessis. collegue with the Emperor: that these qualities in the father took long ago from the son the security of a priuat person, & put vpō him the dignity of a Prince. His dul spirits were moued with these speeches rather to desire thē to hope. But in vpper Germanie Caecina a comply young man, of body big, & mind [Page 31] insatiable, quicke of speech, of gate stately, had maruelously won the goodwill of the souldier. This youngman Galba promoted to gouern a legion, for that being Questor in Baetica, he came with out stay to his side: by and by being conuicted to haue dealt false with the common treasure, he was by Galbaes commaundement endited of purloyning: Caecina taking heauily the disgrace, deter­mined to trouble the state, & with the calamities of the common welth to couer and close vp his own priuate woundes. Neither in the army wanted there seedes of sedition: for they al had bene pre­sent in field against Vindex, and could not be brought to swear vn­to Galba, before they did know that Nero was slaine; & were also in taking the othe preuented by the enseignes of lowe Germanie. againe the Treueri, Lingones, and those other citties, which Gal­ba had pinched with heauy edicts, or with losse of territorie, lay neare to the standing campes of the Legions: whereupon grewe seditious conferences, and the souldier by conuersation with the 60 countrey-man more corrupted, and by [...]. Xi­philinus. 202. a reason of the good will borne to Verginius to be employed for any other man. The Lingones according to their accustomed maner had sent giftes to the Legions 2. Hist. p. 63. Centurionem Sisennam dex­tras, concodiae insignia, Syriaci exercitus nomi­ne, ad Praetori­anos ferentem, varijs artibus aggressus est. Right-hands in token of mutual loue and hospitality. their messengers purposely with sad cheere and heauy counte­nance, in the Principia, in the souldiers cabins, lament and be­wayle, sometime the wrong done to themselues, sometime the ho­nour done to their neighbours, and perceiuing their talke had so ready an audience, they passed on further, incensing their mindes, and bewayling the hard happe euen of the army it selfe, their dan­gers, & contumelies. The matter thus growing toward a sedition, Hordeonius Flaccus commandeth the messengers to get them a­way; and that their departure might be the more secrete, he com­mandes them to auoide the campe in the night season. Thereupon a suspicion and grieuous rumour arose, the most parte affirming they were made away: and that without doubt, vnlesse they pro­uide for themselues the more surely, it woulde come to passe that those of the souldiers which were of most courage, and most mis­liked the present estate, shoulde likewise by night, vnawares to the rest, be secretely murdred. Vpon this the Legions priuily con­spire, & couenant together: the Ayde-soldier was made also of the party, whom at first they suspected, as though with his cohortes & wings enuironing them he ment them a mischiefe; but a none he [Page 32] appeared more earned then any, as the bad agree better to broach a newe warre, then in peace to keepe concorde one with another. Notwithstanding the Legions of lower Germanie, the first day of Ianuarie, sware their solemne alleageance to Galba, with much a­doe, & slowe comming forward, some sew in the first ranckes yeel­ding a weak applause; the rest stāding mute, ech looking his neigh­bour should dare, as it is the nature of men, to follow with speede that, which they are otherwise of themselues loath to begin: but e­uen the Legions were diuersely minded, the first and the fift rebel­liously affected, so that some cast stones at Galbaes images: the fif­teenth and sixteenth murmuring and threatening, and daring no further, stoode wayting for others to shew them the way. In higher army the fourth Legion and the eighteenth, wintering both in one At Magnoia­own. place, 61 the very first day of Ianuary brake the images of Galba in pieces; the fourth very resolutely, the eighteenth after some li­tle stay, anone by common consent: and lest they might seeme to haue shaken of the obedience of the Empire, they sware Statim (que) (say­eth Suet. c. 16.) legationem ad Praetorianos cum mandatis destinauerunt; displicere impe­ratorem in His­pania factum, eligerem ipsi, quem cuncti ex ercitus compro­barent. But the embassage, as it may seeme, vpō the revolt to Vitellius was revoked. To the Senate and people of Rome, a stile long ago ouerworne; no Lieu­tenant, no Tribune labouring for Galba, yea some, as in tumultes it happeneth, troubling more: neuertheles no mā presumed to make any solemne oration assembly-wise, or out of Tribunal; for as yet they had none to bestow their benefite vpon. Hordeonius Flaccus Lieutenant generall stood by Yet was hee left by Vitelli­us Lieutenant of both Ger­manies. 2. Hist. afterward hee fauoured Ves­pasians side, and lastly was slaine by his owne soldiers. 4. Tistoriarum. and lookt on, while this pageant was playing, not daring nether to restraine the rebellious, nor stay the doubtfull, nor encourage the good; a timorous slugge, and in­nocēt, as being a coward. Fower Centurions of the eighteenth Le­gion, Nonius Receptus, Donatius Valens, Romilius Marcellus, and Calpurnius Repentinus, endeuoring to saue and protect the images of Galba, with the souldiers violence were caried away, bound and layed vp: neither did there romaine any more in any of them al any sparke of faith, or allegeance, no memory of the Which they had sworne to Galba, pressed thereto by Verginius af­ter Neroes decease. othe before giuen; but as in seditions it happeneth, as the most part went so did they all go. The same day at night the Aquilifer. Standerd-bea­rer of the fourth Legion brings word to Vitellius, as he sate at ban­quet in 62 Coleyn, that the fourth & eighteenth Legion had broken downe the images of Galba, & sworne to the Senate and people of Rome. That othe seemed friuolous and voide: wherefore it was thought Good occupare mutā ­tem fortunam, is peraduenture properlye to catch first hold, or put you selfe in sure possession of fortune wauering, and nowe standing in doubt, where she might best bestow herselfe. to vse the opportunity, and profer them a Prince. [Page 33] Thereupon Vitellius dispatcheth in post to the Legions, & Lieute­nants of his owne prouince, aduertising them that the higher army was reuolted from Galba: wherefore either fight they must against the reuolters, or if they liked better of peace, and concorde, set vp an Emperour: and with lesse danger they might take a Prince, then seeke one. The first Legion lay nearest, and Fabius Valens Lieute­nant, of al the rest the forwardest man: who, the very day after, with the horse-men of his Legion, and of the Aydes, entring Coleyn, Sueron Vitel. c. 8. somewhat otherwise: vix dum mense wis acto, ne (que) dici, ne (que) temporis habita ratione, ac iam vispere, subitò à militib. è cubiculo rap­tus, ita vs erat in veste dome­stica Imperator est consalulatus, circumlatus (que) per celeberrimos vitos. Plutarch saieth it was at mid-day. p. 1506. solemnely saluted Vitellius Emperour. The rest of the Legions of the same prouince stroue who should bee formost to follow the example: and the higher army, laying aside those glorious titles, and goodly to shew, of the Senate and people of Rome, the third of Ianuary roundly come ouer to Vitellius side: a man might easi­ly perceaue that the other two daies they ment nothing lesse, then a free commonwealth. They of Coleyn, the Treueri, and Lingo­nes, were not inferiour to the souldiers in forwardnesse, offering aydes, horses, armour, money, as they were able in body, welth, or wit. and not only the 63 principall men of the colonies and camps, which presently had welth at will, and vpon the victory hoped for great matters; but also the manipuli; i. manipulares, in opposition to primores castro­rum. bands and common souldier, vpon an instinct and heat of affection, and couetous humor, gaue vp their money, & in steed of money their balteos. Varro lib. 4 de ling. Lat. Balteum, cingulum è co­rio bullatum, v­sually trim­med with sil­uer or gold. Spartianus Ha­driano. p. 804. vestem humilli­mam frequen­ter, & sine auro balteum sume­bat. belts, their trappings, the siluer trimming of their harnish. Vitellius hauing greatly commended their cheerful willingnes, cōmitteth the offices of court, common­ly supplied by freedmen, to Gentlemen of Rome; and paies the va­cations to the Centuriōs out of his cofers. The soldiers cruelty demanding many to death he doth oft cōde scend vnto: sometimes he deceiues them with shew of emprisoning. He that wrot the first news to Galba of the German rebellion su­pra. Pompeius Propinquus, Procurator of Belgica, was straight put to death: Iulius Burdo ad­mirall of the German nauy he saued by sleight. the whole army was incensed against him, as first an entiser of Fonteius Capito to rebell, and then a great helper to make him away: well beloued was Capito, and gladly remembred; and in that raging and bloud-thirsty company a man might openly kill whom he list, mary par­don or saue but by pollicy he could not: so Burdo was presently had into prison, and after the victory, the souldiers malice being appeased, enlarged againe. In the meane time Crispinus the Cen­turion was yeelded vnto them, as an vt piaculum [...]. expiatory sacrifice, who had embrued his hands with Capitoes bloud, and therefore more in [Page 34] the eye of the soldier, & of lesse account For it might be his owne case. with Vitellius. Next after was 64 Iulius Ciuilis, a man of great might, & credit among the Ba­tauians, deliuered from danger; lest by his death that fierce nation should become foes. Moreouer in the state of the Lingones there lay 65 of Batauians eight cohorts, the Aides of the fourteenth Legi­on, but then by means of the troublesōe times they were departed away, of no smal moment to sway the whole cause as they hapned to fauor the one or the other. The foure centurions before menti­oned, Nonius, Donatius, Romilius & Calpurnius, Vitellius cōmanded to be executed, being attainted of truth; a most hainous crime among rebels. Then came to the side Valerius Asiaticus Lieutenāt of Belgica, to whom anone after Vitellius maried his daughter; & Iunius Bloesus Gouernour of Gallia Lugdunensis with the Italian Legion, and Taurin wing encamped at Lions. The Rhoetian soldier without any stay ioined himselfe. In Britannie also the matter went cleare. 2 Hist. p. 90. vita Agric. pag. 591. Trebellius Maximus was Lieutenant general there, con­temned & hated of the army for his niggardly sparing & polling: and Roscius Coelius Lieutenant of the twentieth legion inflamed them further against him, his ancient enemy, but now by occasion of ciuil dissensions they were fallen out further, & brake into more hainous terms: Trebellius obiecting to Coelius and charging him with factious behauiour, & dissoluing of discipline: Coelius againe that Trebellius had spoiled & beggered the legiōs: but in the mean time, the lieutenants thus iarring, the modesty of the army was marred; the discord at length growing so great, that Trebellius being railed away by the Aydes also, in cohorts and wings sorting them­selues to Coelius side, was glad to giue place being forsaken, & flee to Vitellius. The prouince although the lieutenant general was absent, remained in quiet, the Lieutenants of the Legions supplying the charge, in right of equal autority; but Coelius indeed bare the most stroake, because he was of most boldnesse. 66 Now that the Brittish host was adioyned, Vitellius growing strong in men and money, ordaines for the warre two sundry Generals, and two sun­dry waies for the Generals to passe. Fabius Valens was willed to allure by faire meanes, or if they refused, to wast and destroie the countreyes of Gallia, and so by the Cottian Alpes to enter by force into Italie. Caecina was commanded a shorter passage, by the Penine Alpes to make his descēt. Valens had vnder his conduct the choise men of the lower army, and the fift Legion with cohorts [Page 35] & wings, This number of fortie thou­sand far excee­ding the num­ber of a Legi­on in any age was made vp by gelding the other Legions of that pro­uince, yet lea­uing vnto thē their standerd and their name, and by Auxiliaries of the Germans: as it appeareth by the wordes of Tacitus. forty thousand armed men. Out of higher Germany Cae­cina led thirty thousand, the flower and strength whereof consisted in the one & twentieth Legion. Moreouer they had both assigned vnto them Not onely of the French side, but [...] Trans rhenanis; and such, I thinke, were princi­pally ment in this place. Aides of the Germans; out of whom Vitellius, who was to folow with the maine weight of the warre, furnished vp his army also. Strange was the difference between the army and their Emperour▪ the soldier was instant, demanding armes whilest they of Gal­lia stood in a feare, whilest Spaine in a doubt: as for the winter, that was no let, nor such like excuses receueable, only in idle & peacea­ble times: that Italy must out of hād be inuaded, the city surprized; that nought is more safe then speede in ciuill dissension, where dis­patch is more needful then long consultation: on the other side Vi­tellius, a man of nothing, playing the Prince before hand in rioting and prodigal banquets, drunck at noone-day, & heauy with surfet; but the soldiers forwardnes & feruency fully supplied the place of the leader, as if he were presēt in person, encouraging, or terrifiyng the valiāt or dastard. Whē al was in order ready to march, they cal to soūd the remoue, increasing Vitellius stile with the 67 name of Germanicus: for Caesar, euen after the victory, In perpetuum saith Suet. Vi­tel. c. 8. but Ta­cit. 3. Hist. tea­cheth vs otherwise. Quin & Caesarem dici se voluit asperna­tus antea. he refused to be called.

X How Fabius Valens guided his charge of forty thousand fighting men from Coleyn to the Cottian Alpes.

THE very day of remouing there appeared a 68 lucky signe to Fabius Valens, & the army which he led to the warre, an eagle softly flying before, as the army marched, as it were to note out the way; & for a great space the soldiers so shouted for ioy, and the bird passed on without fear so assuredly, that is was reputed an vn­doubted tokē of great & prosperous successe. The state of Triers, as frends, they passed thorow with al security. At Diuodurū a town of the Mediomatrici, although they were with al kind of curtesy receiued, a sodain feare came vpon them, & the alarme was giuen to sacke the pore innocent citty, not for the pray, or desire of spoile, but vpon a fury, and rage, and causes not knowen, and therefore the remedyes harder to finde: till at length, being pacified by Va­lens entreating, they held their handes from razing the citty: not­withstanding about four thousand men were slaine. This accident strooke such a terror into them of Gallia, that alwaies after, as the camp was a comming, whole citties with their officers and hum­ble supplications went out for to meet them, with women & chil­dren down on their knees along the way side; & generally al means [Page 36] by the which men asswage their enemies anger; though warre they had none, yet then were they forced to purchase their peace. Valens in the Sueton. Vitel­lio c. 9. saieth that Vitellius hard the news of Galbaes death before Valens depar­ted. citty of the Leuci receiued the newes, that Galba was slaine, and Otho in place: the souldier was neither gladder, nor sadder, hauing nothing but warre in his minde: the French thereby were For as long as Galbatheir benefactour liued, they were loth any way, but enforced to aide Vitellius but now hating a like Otho, and Vitellius, and fearing but the one, it was great reasō to make the most countenance thither, whēce they feared most pre­sent danger. resolued; Otho and Vitellius they hated alike, and Vitellius they feared beside. The next city, was that of the Lingo­nes, sure to the side: being intertained there curteously, they requi­ted it with modest behauiour: but the ioy lasted not long through the disorder of those cohorts, which being departed, as before I haue sayed, from the fourteenth legion, Fabius Valens had ioined to his army▪ hard woordes grewe at the first, then quarrelling be­tweene the Batauians, and Legionaries: and as the rest of the soul­diers suted on sides, it had welny come to a hoat fray, had not Va­lens in time, by punishing a fewe, reclaymed the Batauians, who had now forgotten their duty. Against the Hedui was sought, but in vaine, some occasion of warre: being willed to bring in both mo­ney and armour, they brought also vittailes for nothing. That which the Hedui did vpon feare, the same did the Lugdunenses for ioy, neuerthelesse the Italian Legion and Taurin wing were taken away. The eighteenth cohort it was thought conuenient to leaue there at Lions in the accustomed standing campe. Manlius Valens Lieutenant of the Italian Legion, although he had wel deserued of the side, was not in any credit with Vitellius: Fabius by secrete sini­ster reports had defaced him vnwitting, in outward speech com­mending him, that he might be at more vnawares circumuented. The ancient hart-burning The discord, as it may seme was founded vppon this ground. The first inhabi­ters of Lions, had beene driuen by force out of Vienna, and therfore were iustly to hate them, as iniust vsur­pers of that which was theirs. betweene them of Lions, and them of Vienna, was by the late warre freshly reuiued: much hurt was done on both sides, Municipalem aemulationem bellis civilibus miscentes, as Tacitus wri­teth 3. Hist. of Capua and Putcoli. so often and in so cruel sort, that a man might easily see, they fought not alone for Nero and Galba: and Galba by oc­casion of displeasure had confiscated the reuenews of the Lugdu­nenses; contrariwise much honoured them of Vienna: whereupon grewe emulation and enuy, and inseparable hatred betweene them, whom one riuer separated. Vpon these causes, the Lug­dunenses incited the soldiers seuerally to the subuersion of the Vi­ennenses; shewing vnto them howe they had besieged Lions, fur­thered Vindex attempts, mustered of late Legions for Galba: and hauing so placed in the first shewe the causes why iustly they were to be hated; then they suggest to the souldiers minde, what a rich [Page 37] and welthy pray they might get: & so frō secret exhorting procee­ding to publicke requests, they besought them to go and reuenge so many wrongs, to raze the seat-towne of the French warre: that there was 69 nothing els but straungers and enemies: contrariwise themselues a Roman colony, and part of the army, their compani­ons in welth and in wo: and if fortune should chaunce to disfauour, they praied not to leaue, & abandon their frendes, to the mercy of their mortal and mercilesse enemies. With these speeches & many such like they had wrought and incensed the souldier so, that euen the Lieutenantes, and Captaines of the the side did scantly thinke it a possible matter to quench their choler; when they of Vienna in very good season, foreseeing their danger, with 70 sacred veles and infules afore them, as the army marched, embracing their armor, their knees, their feete, mollified the soldiers minds: beside, Valens bestowed vpon thē That is, 46. [...]. 10. ^d ob. and so for 40000. (for so many he had beside the eight cohorts of Batauians, the legio Itali­ca, and ala Taurina) 93750. ^li. three hundreth sesterces a man. Then was the antiquity & dignity of the colony respected: then were the wordes of Fabius, commēding vnto them the liues, & welfare of the Vien­nenses, patiently heard: being fined notwithstāding to forfait their publicke munition, ech man according to his abilitie with priuate prouisiō helped the soldier. But the report went constantly that Fa­bius fauor was bought with a large summe of mony: the mā, a great while needy & poore, becōming now rich on the sodaine, cloaked not wel the change of his fortune; exercising excessiuely the lusts & desires which long pouerty had kindled; & of a beggerly yongmā a prodigal olde. Afterward the army marched on slowly thorow the territory of the Allobroges, & the Vocontij, the General setting to sale the lēgth of his iournies, & places of lodging; bargaining shame lesly with the owners of the groūds, & magistrats of the cities, & that in such threatning maner, that he offred to set 71 Lucus, a free towne of the Vocontij, on fire, til he was appeased with money: where mat­ter of money was wanting, there payment was made with women and such like pleasures. And so at the last they came to the Alpes.

XI The iourney of Caecina from Coleyn with thirty thousand men thorow the Penine Alpes into Italie.

CAECINA gained more spoile, & shed more bloud. The Helueti­ans (a Liuy, lib. 21. fol. 131. see­meth to call them Semiger­manos. Quae ad Peninum fe­runt itinera ob­septa gentibus Semigermanis fuerunt. of Gallia anciently in name for warlike men, and after for the memory of their renowne) hauing not heard of Gal­baes death, & refusing to be at Vitellius deuotion, had exasperated his froward & troublesome disposition. The warre was cōmenced [...] [Page 40] from the soldiers rage by a coulorable casting in prison, to be sent for into the Capitoll: his meaning was, by pardoning so noble a man, so odious to the side, to purchase a name of mercifull dea­ling. Celsus being called, constantly confessed the whole accusati­on of faithfulnesse vnto Galba, affirming that Princes were not to 74 mislike such examples: and Otho, not as remitting a fault, but admitting the defence as iust and vertuous, streight way put him in place nearest about him, and anone in the warre appointed him one of his principal leaders; lest lying aloofe as a pardoned ene­my, hee might peraduenture suspect the breach were but badly made vp: and Celsus, fatally fauouring the losing side, persisted vnfortunately faithfull for Otho also. The sauing of Celsus, an acte which reioyced the chiefe of the citty, and was to the com­mon sort plausible, euen of the souldier was not misliked, admi­ring that vertue, with which they were displeased erewhile.

XIII. Tigellinus put to death. Crispinilla escapeth.

LIKE ioy was conceyued vpon causes vnlike, when Tigellinus death was obtained. 75 Sophonius Tigellinus was a mā by birth obscure, a beastly boy, & a vicious old man: who hauing atteyned the captains place of the watch, & the Gard, & other rewards due vnto vertue by vices (because it was the more expedite way) exer­cised in those places cruelty, and auarice, & other lewde qualities incident to virilia secle­ra, in oppositi­on to foela pue­ritia. for all vi­ces are not incident to all ages. riper years, corrupting Nero to al kind of mischiefe; some things attēpting vnwitting to him, & at last a traitor, & back­slider from him: whereupon both the il & wel willers of Nero, vpon The il willers hating him as Neroes chiefe instrument of al wickednes; the wel-wil­lers as one that had left, and betraied his master. diuers respects, cried out importunatly to make him away. In Gal­baes time the credit, & might of Titus Vinius did protect him, who pretēded that Tigellinus before had saued his daughter, as indeed he had done, not vpon any merciful mind, as hauing murdered so many, but onely proiecting for time to come a plot to escape: for the lewdest men misdoubting the present, & fearing a change, pre­pare before hand priuat friends to set and oppose against publick hatred: whereupon it groweth that no care is taken of innocent life, but only a care to passe without punishmēt. But now for Vinius sake he fared the worse, to his owne ancient hatefulnes the others late enuy being adioyned: insomuch that the people running by heapes to the Palace, and Places of common assembly, and where the commons are most in their kingdom, to the Race & Theatres, ceased not seditiously to molest, til such time as message of death Plutarch. O­thone p. 1514. [...]. [Page 41] was sent to Tigellinus being at the bathes of A place of ordinary re­paire for plea­sure & health. Tac. 12. Ann. p. 446. Jn tanta mole curarum Claudius vale­tudine adversa corripitur, refo­uendis (que) viri­bus mollitie coe­li & salubrita­te aquarum Si­nuessam pergit. Sinuessa, where, wallowing among his concubines, dallying and kissing, and vsing vnhonest delayes, he cut his owne throate at length with a razour, fouling his infamous life a slow and dishonest departing. A­bout the same time Galuia Crispinilla was likewise required to the slaughter; but the Prince, although with some obloquie, shifting it off, saued her life: one which had bin in her time schoolemistresse of Neroes lusts; and after his death had sayled into Africke to incite Clodius Macer to warre, and euidently endeuoured to 76 famish the citty of Rome: afterward the maried a Consull, and had the goodwill, and good word of al the whole citty, vnhurt and vntou­ched whilest Galba, Otho, and Vitellius liued; and after their times 77 mighty in money, and because the was childlesse; good helpes in all worlds both good and bad.

XIIII. Of the letters, messages, and practises that passed betweene the sides.

IN the meane time Otho sent to Vitellius many Suet Othone. c 8. Otho per in­ternuncios & literas consortem imperij gene­rum (que) se Vtellie obtulit. letters spiced with womanish perswasions, and The like con­ditions offred by Flavius Sa­binus in Ves­pasians name were accepted by Vitellius as much as in him lay, had not his friends distur­bed the bar­gaine. 3. Hist. p. 139. offring him money and coun­tenance, and what place of rest he would chuse to passe therein his prodigall life: Vitellius quit him againe with the like; at the first in mild termes, with fonde and vncomely dissembling on both sides: afterwarde in scolding maner, obiecting ech to the other vicious life, and villanous actes: neither amisse. Otho reuoking the Em­bassage which Galba had sent, sendeth a new in the name of the Se­nate to both the German armies, the Italian Legion, and compa­nies which remained at Lions. The Embassadours that went staied with Vitellius, being as it seemed quickly intreated, and willingly with-holden. Those of the Gard, which Otho had assigned For in truth they were sēt to practise the legians. in shew to attend vpon the Embassadors, were turned home again, not suf­fered to haue conference with the Legions: Fabius Valens sendeth withal a packet in the name of the German army to the Praetorian, and Vrban cohorts, extolling the strength of the side, and offring amity; blaming them beside, in that they did conuert vpon Otho the title of the Empire, whereof Vitellius had so For Vitellius was greeted Emperour the second of In­nuary, and O­thothe fif­teenth. long before the rightfull possession. So were they with threats and promises dou­bly assayed, as being in warre not able to stand, in peace not likelie to loose: notwithstanding the Praetorians persisted for Otho. Plots also were laied for priuy attempts: Otho sent some into Germanie, [Page 42] to practise against Vitellius person, and Vitellius to Rome against Othoes. both missed of their purpose: the Vitellianists missed the punishment, scaping vnspyed, as in so greate a multitude of men, where no body knoweth nor marketh another: but Othoes men, a­mong such as knew ech other, were quickly bewrayed, as straun­gers. Moreouer Vitellius wrote letters to Titianus Othoes bro­ther, threatening the death of him and his sonne, is his mother and children tooke any harme: and so To wit, of Vi­tellius & Titia­nus. both the houses continued en­tier; for feare peraduenture in Othoes time, but Vitellius beeing conquerour, and without such a bridle, caried away the vndoub­ted commendation of clemency.

XV How the provinces declared themselues in fauour or disfavour of the sides.

THE first aduertisement which put Otho in courage was out of Illyricum, that the Legions of Dalmatia, Pannonia and Moe­sia had sworne vnto him: the like was reported of Spaine, and Clu­uius Rufus by publicke edict solemnely praysed; and by and by it was certified that Spaine had reuolted to Vitellius. Aquitania like­wise, though hauing receyued the oth to Otho tendered by Iulius Cordus, remained not long in obedience: fidelity or loue bare no where sway: by feare and force they changed to and fro. The same feare brought to Vitellius the prouince of Narbō, a gētle passage, and easily made, vnto the nearer & stronger. The prouinces which were far of, & al the armies seuered by sea, remained at Othoes de­uotion, not for loue to the side, but the name of the city, & shew of the Senate did greatly coūtenance, & credit the cause: and he had first possessed their minder, as being the former in speech. In Iury Vespasian sware his army to Otho, & Mucianus the Legiōs in Syria: Aegypt likewise and Eastward the prouinces were al possessed in his name: Africke also in his obedience, they of Carthage beeing most forward; not expecting the Procōsul Vipsianius Apronianus authoritie Crescens a freedman of Nero (for he was in those bad times become a part of publick affaires) had feasted the people for ioy of the new Emperor, and the people hastened many things dis­orderly. The rest of the citties followed the example of Carthage.

XVI Otho bestoweth offices: restoreth the banished: relieveth the provinces, and erecteth the images of Poppaea his olde loue.

THE armies and prouinces being thus distracted, for Vitellius it was needful, if he would be Prince, to winne it in field. Otho [Page 43] as in time of great peace disposed the affaires of the Empire, some according to the dignity of the state, & most otherwise, hasting and shuffling vp as present necessity forced. And first hee declareth 78 himselfe & Titianus his brother, Consuls til the kalends of March: the next two monethes were assigned to Verginius, to please in some part the German army: with Verginius he ioyneth Poppaeus Vopiscus, vnder the colour of old acquaintance, most thought it was done to honor the Viennenses: the rest of the Consuls, as they were by Nero or Galba appointed, remayned vnchanged; Coelius Sabinus and Flauius Sabinus til Iuly; Arius Antoninus, and Marius Celsus til September: whose offices Vitellius also after the victorie confirmed vnto them. The Pontifical dignities & Augurs roomes Otho bestowed vpon ancient men, such as had borne alreadye great office, completely to perfit all pointes of their honour: and young noblemen, lately returned from exile, he friendly remem­bred with their fathers, & grandfather places among the Priestes. Cadius Rufus, Pedius Bloesus and Seuinus Promptinus, in Claudi­us and Neroes time condemned for 79 polling the prouinces, were restored againe to their places in Senate. It pleased them which granted the pardon to change the true name, & terme that, which indeed was extortion and bribery, crime of 80 Maiesty and treason; an accusation so hatefull, that in respect of it euen good laws were not obserued. By the same way of bounty he sought to winne the citties & prouinces; granting 81 to the Hispalienses and Emeriten­ses a new supply of families; making It is indeede somewhat hart to be­leeue, that Otho should confer such a benefite vpon the Lingones in France (for other I knowe not) the chie­fest) fauourers of Vitellius cause, his only concurrent in the matter of the Empire. all the Lingones citizens of Rome; vpon the prouince of Baetica bestowing in pure gifte the townes of the Moores; new liberties vpon Cappadocia, and newe vpon Africke, more for a shewe then for to continue. Among these things which the necessity of the present affayres, and cares at hande made passable good, Otho euen then not vnminde­full of his oulde loues, by an order of Senate, caused the ima­ges of Poppaea to bee erected againe. It was also supposed hee had a purpose to celebrate the memory of Nero, in hope to al­lure the heartes of the commons: and some there were which set out the images of Nero; yea and certaine daies the people and souldier, in their acclamations to Otho, as though they merit to enable and honor him more, cried TO NERO OTHO: he notwith­standing helde it in suspense, ashamed to acknowledge, or afraide to forbid it.

XVII. The Rhoxolani a people of Sarmatia vanquished, and slaine by the soldiers of Moesia.

MENS mindes being set vpon ciuill warres, externall matters were lightly regarded: by reason whereof the Rhoxolani a people of Sarmatia, hauing the winter before slaine two cohorts, ventured more boldlye to inuade Moesia. Their former ex­ploite, and conceit of themselues had assembled nine thousande horse, more minding the spoile, then prouided to fight: whereup­on the tertia legio: peradventure it was written by Tacitus, tres legiones: for so many Legions were at this present in Moesia and the Lieutenants of al the three Legions were honored with Cōsular orna­ments, and therfore pre­sent in the a­ction; and in al likelyhood with the Legi­ons vnder their charge. third Legion with the Aydes assayled them sodainely as they were straggled and carelesse. The Romans had all thinges fit­ted for fight: the Sarmatians being scattered, or through greedi­nes of spoile heauily charged, their horses being tired by reason of their burdens and slippery waies, as if their hands had bin tied be­hind them, were hewed in peeces. It is wonder to see how all the Sarmatians valure is as it were out of themselues: to fight afoote no nation so cowardly, on horsebacke by troupes they are hard­ly resisted: but then the weather being wet, and the frost somewhat thawed, neither their staues, nor long two-handed swordes serued in steede, through the sliding of their horses, and great waight of their cataphracts; a kind of harnish, that Princes and noble-men vse, composed of iron plates or stiffe bend-lether, which as a­gainst blowes is sure and of proofe, so if one bee borne downe by the force of the enemy it maketh him vnable to rise vp againe: beside they suncke into the snowe beeing deepe, and not able to beare: contrarily the Romane soldier in his easie lorica. corselet nim­ble and light, a far of with a missili pilo. dart, or with launce charging vppon them, and with a light sword neare at hande, the case so requiring, gored so long the vnarmed Sarmatian (for it is not their manner to warde with their buckler) till at length a fewe which remay­ned fled to the marishes: in the one place the mortalnesse, in the other the misery of their woundes wasted them all. When this was by certaine aduise vnderstood at Rome, Marcus Aponius Lieute­nant generall of Moesia was honored with a triumphal image, Ful­uius Aurelius, In the 2. and 4. booke he is stil named Tertius Julianus. Titius Iulianus, and Numisius Lupus Lieutenants of the Legions with Consular ornaments; Otho reioycing, & drawing the glory to himselfe, as if he also were fortunate in warre; and had by his leaders and armies enlarged the Empire.

XVIII A mutinee of the Gard-souldiers.

ABOVT the same time vpon a small sparckle a flame of sedition arose, from whence no danger was feared, to the destruction almost of the citty. Otho had commanded the seuenteenth cohort to be called from Ostia to Rome, and charge was committed to Varius Crispinus, one of the Praetorian Tribunes, to furnish it with armour. Which that he might doe at more ease, and without in­terruption, the campe being quiet, at the shutting of the euening he opened the armory, and commanded the cartes of the cohorts to be laden. The time wrought suspition, 83 the cause bred a crime; the affecting of quietnesse proued to a tumult; Odyss. [...]. [...] &c. and weapons seene among drunken persons stirred vp a desire in them to be doing. The soldiers mutin and charge the Centurions and Tribunes with treason, affirming they purposed to put in armes the Senate, and Senatours men against Otho; some vpon ignoraunce, and ouer­come with drincke, the worst seeking occasion to spoile, the com­mon sort (as it is commonly seene) desirous of nouelty howsoeuer: and as for the better and sounder part, the darkenes did not permit them to shew their obedience. And first they murder Crispinus the Tribune, & the [...]. Plut. seuerest of the Centurions repugning to their seditious attempts: then taking armes, and drawing their swordes, on horsebacke they make Suet. Othone. c. 8. cum arma in castris sub noctō promerentur, in­sidias quidam suspicati tumul tum excitaue­runt, ac repentè omnes nullo cer to duce in pala­tium cucurre­runt, caedem se­natus flagitan­te [...]. repulsis (que) tribunorum, qui inhibere tenta­bant, nonnullis, & occisi [...], sicut erāt cruenti v­binam Jmpera­tor esset requi­rentes perrupe­runt in triclini­um vsque, nec nisi viso destite­runt. towarde the towne, and the Palace. Otho that night had the [...]. Plu principall men and women of the citty at banquet: who standing amazed and misdoubting what it might be, a casual rage of the soldiers, or a practise of the Emperour; whe­ther were more danger to stay and bee taken, or to flee and dis­perse; sometime make shewe of stoutnesse, sometime bewrayed their feare, still casting an eye vpon Othoes countenance, who, as it falles out where mindes yeelde to suspicion, did feare, and was feared. And fearing no lesse for the Senatours sakes then for his owne person, he both sent by and by the captaines of the Garde to appease in some sort the souldiers anger, and [...]. Plut. willed his guests to get them away in all possible speede. Then might one haue seen magistrates euery where cast downe the markes of their of­fice, eschewing the multitude of followers and seruantes, ould men and women in darke without torch creepe this way and that, few to their owne houses, most to their friendes, and meanest clientes where they least would be lookt for. The souldiers furi­ously [Page 46] breake open the gates of the Palace, and thrust into the ban­quetting place, rudely requiring a sight of Otho, hauing woun­ded a Tribune Iulius Martialis, and Vitellius Saturninus Praefectus le­gionis: a kinde of speech which I doe not remem­ber in Tacitus elsewhere. Lieute­nant of a Legion, as they endeuored to withstande their violence. On euerie side armes and threats, sometime against the Centuri­ons, and Tribunes, sometime against the whole Senate, franticke vpon a blind feare, and because they coulde not name any one to the slaughter, demaunding licence indifferently against all the Se­nate; till such time as Otho standing vpon his dining bed, contrary to the maiesty of an Emperour, with teares and humble requests, at last, though hardly, refrained their rage: & so they returned to the campe vnwilling, though after so much harme done. The next day, as if the towne had beene taken, the houses were shut, small stirring in streetes, the people all sad, the souldiers hanging their heads, with many heauy lookes and litle repentance. Licinius Pro­culus and Plotius Firmus the captaines dealt with the souldiers by bandes, in gentle or rough sort, ech after his nature: the conclusion was this, that they should receiue That is, 39. ^li. 1. ^s 3. ^d. fiue thousand sesterces a man. Then Otho boldly entred the campe: the Centurions & Tribunes come round about him, and 84 casting away the marks of their de­grees, desire dimissiō from so vnsafe a seruice. The soldiers percei­ued the meaning, & framing themselues to obedience, require vn­bidden the authors of the sedition to death. Otho, although things were in such a cōfusion, & the soldiers so diuersly minded (the best requiring a remedy for the present disorder; the common sort, and more part, who liked seditions, and corrupt gouernement, beeing more easily brought by troubles and spoiling to make ciuil warre) and withal remembring that a state gotten by lewde meanes can­not bee retayned at first with sodaine modesty, and ancient graui­ty; neuerthelesse carefully considering the danger of the citty and Senate, at last he spake in this wise. "My fellow-souldiers, I am not come hither to incite you to loue me, and lesse to exhorte you to vertue & valure; for of both you haue great store & too much: but I come to request a moderation of your valure, and a meane in your loue toward me. No hatred it was, no desire to haue (which thinges haue set many armies at discord) no daunger you feared and ment to avoyde, but a tender care, and excessiue affection it was towarde mee, more zealous then considerate, which bred and excited the yeasternights trouble: for oft the causes of things be­ing [Page 47] good, yet where iudgement is wanting, pernicious endes doe often ensue. We are going to warre. what? is it expedient that all messengers haue open audience, that all matters be handled in presence of all? the nature of warring will not endure it, the swifte sliding away of occasions permitteth it not. I tell you it is as be­hooueful that the souldiers shoulde be ignoraunt of some things, as knowe other some. The autority of Captaines, the rigour of discipline is of that nature, that many things must be onely com­manded and simply bidden by the Centurions and Tribunes. If when things are bidden euery one may demaunde, and question the matter, obedience fayling, gouernement withal wil fall to the ground: or shall there at midnight likewise the alarme be giuen? shall a lost and druncken companion or two (for I cannot beleeue they were mo which madded in the last vprore) shall they dare to embrue their hands in a Tribunes & Centurions bloud? rush into their Emperours pauilion? you did indeede the same for my sake: but yet in the darke, in such a confusion, occasion might also haue serued against me. If Vitellius & his adherēts had choise to dispose our minds as they listed, what else would they wish but sedition & discord? that the soldier should not obey his Centuriō, the Cēturi­on his Tribune, footemen and horse confusedly shoulde runne to their ruine. Surely fellow-soldiers by duly obeying, not curiously scanning the captaines commandements, is al good soldiery & mi­litare matters maintained: & that army in danger is alwaies most, valiant, which before the danger is most quiet of al. Be you onely wel armed, and valiantly minded, to aduise and direct your valure leaue that to me. The fault was of few: the punishment shal be only of two: contend you the rest, to abolish & raze out of memory that dismal nights worke: such bloudy wordes against the Senate, audeas. let neuer any army once dare for to speake. The heade of the Empire, the ornament of al prouinces, no not the very Germans thēselues, whom Vitellius specially raiseth against vs, durst euer haue de­manded to death: & shal the children of Italie then, & the true Ro­man race require to murder that honorable order, through whose glorious brightnesse we dimme and disgrace the obscure basenes of Vitellius faction? Vitellius hath indeed some countreys at com­mandement, he hath a certaine counterfaite of an armye: but the Senate is of our side; and therefore the state is of our side, tray­tours of theirs. What? doe you thinke this goodly faire citty [Page 48] consisteth in houses and stones put together? these are dumbe and dead things, they may decay, they may be repayred againe, as it chaunceth: the eternity of the state, the peace of the world, your weldoing and mine, is founded vpon the safety of the Senate. The father and builder of our city did [...]spicato. first by 85 the gods approbation ordein and institute this woorthy assembly; from the kings to the Princes neuer discontinued: then as wee haue taken it from our progenitours, so let vs deliuer it to our successours. The Senate is the seminary of Princes, and you of the Senate. The oration thus framed to bite and to please the soldiers mindes, and the moderate seuerity vsed withall (for onelye on two iustice was done) were gratefully accepted; and they for the present composed, which hardly could haue beene duely corrected. Yet was not the cittie thorowly quiet: weapons clashed, and to shew it seemed a season of warre; the soldiers in common ceasing to trouble, but dispersed in houses in disguised apparel, maligning al those whom nobility, or welth, or some other special excellēcy had made the matter of talk.

XIX Rome full of ielosies: the difficultie that was to carie a mans selfe evenlie in the Citie and Senate.

IT was also supposed by many that some of Vitellius men were come to the citty to spye out and learne how the sides were affe­cted: whereupon all grew full of ielosies, and scarce were the secret closets free from feare: and abroade worst of all, where according to the occurrentes which came they turned, and shaped courage and countenance, fearing to seeme, when matters went doubtful, distrustful; or when they went wel, not enough to reioice: special­ly in Senate, there was the hardnesse indeede to beare a mans selfe euenly in so nice and ticklish a case: silence woulde bee construed for contumacy; free speech had quickly in ielosie; and flattering Otho woulde soone smell out, hauing passed from priuate estate, and vsed the trade so lately himselfe. Wherefore they were forced to tosse and turne in & out their sentences, to wrest them this way and that, calling Vitellius parricide and traitour; the wiser sorte spending vpon him some fewe ordinary rayling termes, some tou­ching him nearer with viler matters, and matters of truth; but then aboue al times, when for the great noise they least could be heard, or when otherwise the most spake at once, or else by tumultuous heaping of words confounding their owne disorderly tale.

XX Certaine prodigious things which happened in Italie and Rome before the warre.

MOREOVER diuerse miracles vowched by sundry persons terrifyed the mindes of men. In the entry of the Capitoll the raynes of the coche whereon the image of Victory stoode were let slippe: out of Iunoes cell started vppe a ghost taller then any man: the image of Iulius of sacred memory in the Ilande of Tiber turned it selfe from the West to the East in a daye which was cleare and without any earthquake: in Tuscany an oxe spake: ougly monsters were borne of beastes, and many other like prodigious things were reported, by the old world obserued e­uen in peace, but now not talkt on, but in times of daunger. But the principall terrour for the time to come ioyned with present damage was Plutarch. [...]. Plinius. lib. 3. c. 5. Quinimo vates intelligi­tur (Tiberinus amnis) potiùs ac monitor, auctu semper religio­sus veriùs, quā saeu [...]s. the sodaine swelling of Tiber, which waxing hugely brake downe the Sublician bridge, and by the ruines of it beeing dammed, reculing againe, ouerflowed not onely the lowe and plaine places of Rome, but those also which seemed safe from such casualties. Many were caryed away as they walkt in the streets, mo intercepted in shoppes and lodgings: Which penu­ry grew by reason of the ri­sing of the ri­uer. Plutarch. p. 1516. [...]. dearth of vit­tayles, and no waies of winning, bredde a famin among the poore people: the foundations of the Insulae dicun­tur propriè, quae non iungun [...]ur communib. pa­rietibus cū vi­cinis; circuitu (que) publico aut pri­uato cinguntur; a similitudine viz. earum ter­rarum, quae flu­minib. ac mari eminent, sunt (que) in salo positae. Festus. iles, which the water by washing against them had weakned, after the riuer returned became rui­nous: and assoone as that perill was ouer past, the Primo egressu inundationib. Tiberis retarda­tus (Otho) ad vicesimum eti­am lapidem ru­ina aedificiorum praeclusam viā offendit. Sueto­nius Otho­ne. cap 8. stopping by casual, or naturall causes, of Campus Martius and the Flaminian way, by which the army should passe, at that time when Otho pre­pared to march, was construed for an ominous signe of calami­ties to ensue.

XXI The provision of Otho for the warre.

OTHO hauing lustratâ vrbe. hallowed the citty, consulting how to manage the warre, and seeing the Penine & Cottian Alpes, and the o­ther passages of France stopt by Vitellius armies, determined to inuade Gallia Narbonensis with a strong nauye and partibus fida, not because the new made Legionaries went with the nauy (for surely the most remained with Otho p 65, 18. 68, 10. 70, 24.) but rather for that the other classiarij, which were kept stil in the galleyes, conceiued good hope of prefer­ment by the fauour which Otho bestowed on their fellowes. sure to his side: for he had enrolled for Legionary souldiers the remnaunt of those which were slayne at the Miluian bridge, whom Galba had cruelly yet were they lose at his death to doe him a mischiefe, and made a Legion, as appeareth before, so that the benefit of enrolling them was not Othoes, as it might seem by this place, but Galbaes. layed in prison; and the Scilices, they that remained still at sea-seruice. rest of their fellowes conceiued [Page 50] thereby good hope of honourabler seruice hereafter. With the nauy hee shipped Citty-cohortes, and many Garde-souldiers, for a strength and support to the army, and for a counsell and garde to the generalles. The generall charge of this vyage was com­mitted to Antonius Nouellius, and Suedius Clemens ( Primipilarib. i. qui primos pi­los duxissent: as Consularis, qui Cōsul extitisses. which had been chiefe Centurions) and AEmilius Pacensis, to whom Otho had restored his Tribuneshippe, which Galba had taken away: Oscus his freedman was Admirall of the vyage, being willed to watch how loyally honester men behaued themselues. Of the footemen and horse Othoes cap­taines in this warre were six or seuen: Paul­linus, Celsus, Gallus, Procu­lus, named here by Taci­tus, Spurinna, & Macer in the story p. 65. and Titianus his brother sent for after­ward. p. 71. Suetonius Paullinus, Marius Celsus, and Annius Gallus were appointed gouernours: but his speciall affi­ance Profecto Brix­ellum Othone, honor imperij penes Titianū fratrem, vis ac potesta [...] penes Proculum prae­fectum. Celsus & Paullinus cum prudentia eorum nemo vteretur, inani nomine ducum alienae culpae praetendebātur. Tac. 2. Hist. p. 78. was in Licinius Proculus captaine of the Garde, who being a man seruiceable enough in citty-soldiery, but raw in the fielde, cauilling and carping at the graue authority of Paullinus, the cou­ragious quicknesse of Celsus, the considerate discretenesse of Gallus, as ech was in vertue, by lewdenesse and craft (a matter not vneasy) bare it away from good men, and modest. About the same time Slaine after­warde by Vi­tellius com­mandement. 2. Hist. p. 86. Cornelius Dolabella was confined to Aquinum, with­out either strait or close keeping, for no matter of crime, but only as an eie-sore for his ancient house and kindred with Galba. Then Otho commaunded many of the magistrates, and a great part of those which had been Consuls, to be in a readinesse for the viage, not as to employ them in any charge in the warre, but to accom­pany him only: among other Lucius Vitellius also in like sort with the rest, neither as brother of an Emperour, nor as brother of an enemy. Hereupon the cares of the city reuiued: no state was voide of feare or of danger: the chiefe of the Senate weake for age, and with long rest vnlusty; the nobility slothfull, and hauing for­gotten the warres; the gentlemen ignorant in seruice: the more they all sought to couer & hide it, the more they in sight bewraied their feare. On the other side some vpō a foolish vain glory bought them braue armour and goodly great horses; some riotous pro­uision for banquets and 86 allurements of lusts, as instruments of warre. The wiser sort were woe to see the quietnesse of the weale-publicke perturbed: the witlesse, and not able to see into sequels, were puft vp with vaine hope: and many a good man, bankerupt in peace, now in the troubles shewed most gallant, then being safest, when the state was vnsafest. The common people, who for their huge greatnes taketh no care of publicke affaires, beganne now [Page 51] to feele by little and little the smartes of the warre, perceiuing the money was turned all to the souldiers vse, and vittailes to growe more deare in the market; which euils in Vindex com­motion had nothing worne the commons so bare: the citty was then out of danger, and the warre in the prouince, which beeing fought betweene the Legions and them of France might seeme in a sort externall and forrayne. For since the time that D. Augustus ordered the Empire, the people of Rome fought a farre off; the care and the credite belonged to one: vnder Tiberius and Caius men feared alone the miseries of peace: Lieuetenant of Dalmatia. Dio. lib. 60. pag. 463. Scribonianus attemptes against Claudius were begunne and dasht in a moment: Nero was rather by newes, and by rumours, then by force of armes cast out of state: but now the Legions, the nauies, and that which seldome else hath beene seene, the Garde and citty-souldier were brought to the fielde; the East, and the West, and whatsoeuer was on both sides behind; matter for a long warre, Tac. 2. Histor. p. 78. Quod sin­gulis velut icti­bus transacta sunt bella, igna­via principum factum est. if other captaines had war­red. Some perswaded Otho, as he was now ready to march, to stay yet a while, making a scruple that the 87 holy shields called Ancilia were as yet not layed vp againe: but he could not abide to heare of delayes, which had bene, he said, Neroes destruction; and Cae­cina hauing already passed the Alpes called him forwarde. The fourteenth of March recommending the commonwealth to the Lordes in Senate, hee granted to the persons restored from exile the residue of Neroes confiscations, such as were not as yet come to his cofers: a gift most reasonable and in shew very great, but in effecte fruitlesse by reason of the hasty exaction. By and by assem­bling the people he magnifieth the maiesty of the citty, the con­sent of the Senate and people of Rome in fauour of his side, mo­destly touching the contrary faction, and blaming the Legions rather for ignoraunce, then rashnesse, without anie mention at all of Vitellius; whether it was of his owne temperatenesse, or that els hee which penned the oration fearing the worst, did of purpose forbeare to reuile: for as in militare matters hee followed the aduise of Suetonius Paullinus and Marius Celsus, so in ciuill he was thought to vse Galerius Trachalus wisedome: and some there were, which would seeme to knowe the manner of phrase, notorious by reason of his often pleading, large and soun­ding, and framed to fill the eares of the people. The commons after their flattering fashion receyued the speech with cryes [Page 52] and acclamations without either measure or trueth, contending to passe one another in applause and wishes, as if it had beene to Caesar the Dictator, or the Emperour Augustus; neither for feare nor for loue, but onely vpon a delight in seruility ( vt in familijs, i. inter servitia; in opposition to plebs inge­nua. 4. Ann. p. 344. lin. 14. as in priuate families) euery man prouoked by some priuate cause, no man regarding the publicke dishonour. Otho depar­ted from Rome, saith Suetonius, die quo cultores deûm matris lamentari & plangere incipiunt, that is, the seuen and twentieth of March according to Marcellinus. Otho departing awaye commended the quiet estate of the citty, and cares of the Empire to Saluius Titianus his brother.

I Titus Ʋespasianus sayling towarde Rome, hearing of Galbaes death at Corinth, returneth into Syria. The disposition of the Easterne armies.

NOW fortune in a contrary coast of the worlde prepared cause, and layed the foundation for a new For the Em­pire of the Fla­uian familye. Empire: which put vp in sundry regions, and according to the different gouernment, be­came Acceptable & prosperous in the persons of Vespasian & Titus: hatefull & pernicious in the person of Domitian. acceptable or hatefull to the state, and to the Princes themselues prosperous, or pernici­ous. Titus Vespasianus beeing sent by his father from Iewry, be­fore Galba was slaine, gaue forth as Iosephus [...]. 4. c. 29. addeth further, that Titus was sent to vnderstand Galbaes plea­sure concer­ning the Iew­ish matters, [...]. cause of his voyage the do­ing of duety to the new Prince, and suing for office, whereunto hee was now by his yeares enabled & ripe; but the common sort, rea­dy to make and deuise, had cast abroad, that he was sent for to bee Suet. Tito. c. 5. Galba mox tenente remp. missus ad gra­tulandum (Ti­tus) quaqua i­ret cōuertit ho­mines, quasi a­doptionis gratia arcesseretur. declared successour. The age of Galba and lacke of issue, and that intemperate humour of the citty, to name many til one be appoin­ted, gaue occasion & ministred matter to the speech: the toward­linesse of Titus increast the report, as being a person capable of a­ny dignitie were it neuer so great: the comlinesse also of his coun­tenance with a certayne maiesty, the prosperous proceedings of his father in Iewry, prophecies and oracles; and lastly, whenas the minds of men were once inclined to beleeue, euen common acci­dents were reputed loco ominum etiam fortuna. ominous, and helped to further the same. At Corinth a citty of Achaia he receiued certaine advertisement, that Galba was slaine, and some also were there, who assured that Vitel­lius was in armes, and doubtlesse would proceede to make warre. Whereupon beeing perplexed in minde, calling some fewe of his friendes, he weigheth the reasons on both sides in counsell: if hee should proceed in his iourney to Rome it were but a thanckelesse office, being first vndertaken to honor another: & beside he should remaine as an hostage to Vitellius or Otho: if returne backe again, the winner without question would bee offended, but yet in some tolerable sort, seeing the victory as yet rested vncertayne, and [Page 54] the father afterwarde applying himselfe to the side, the sonne would finde an easy excuse: or if his father tooke vpon him the state, then care not to offend were to be forgotten, where open ho­stilitie must bee proclamed. With these and the like discourses was Titus distracted betweene feare and hope, till hope at the length preuailed. Some men supposed the vehement loue hee bare to Berenice the Queene did alter his course: and in trueth his youthly affections were settled somewhat that way, notwith­standing in no such degree, that it was any hinderaunce to his ho­nourable actions: his youthfull yeares hee passed in pleasures licentiously, of better behauiour Emperour then Suet. Tito, c. 1. Privatus, at (que) [...]tiam sub patre principe, ne odio quidem, nedum vituperatione publica caruit. Emperours sonne. So coasting along by Achaia and Asia thorow the seas laeva maris, for laevas ma­ris partes, or lae­va maris litto­ra; those parts or coastes of the Mediter­ran sea which are on the left hande in say­ling from Co­rinth to Syria. on the left hand, he sailed to Rhodes and Cypres, and thence 1 by the maine sea into Syria. Touching at Cypres he had a desire to go visite 2 the temple of Venus at Paphos, so much spoken of both there and abroad. It shall not be long summarily to set downe the beginning of that deuotion, 3 the site of the temple, and shape of the goddesse: for she is not elswhere purtraited so. The ancient tradition is, that the temple was founded by This opiniō Tacitus him­selfe seemeth to followe. 3. Ann. p. 324 Ex­in Cyprij tribus delubris (ius A­s [...]li petebant) quorū v [...]tustis­simum Paphiae Veneri auctor Aerias posuisset king Aerias, which some affirme is the name of the goddesse: a later opinion holdeth, that king Father to Cyprus, of whom some say the Ilande tooke denominatiō. Eustathius in Dionys. [...]. Cinaras did consecrate the temple, and that the god­desse, beeing conceyued of the sea, arriued there: but the skill and arte of Haruspicine was borrowed abroade, brought in by Thamyras the Of the Cili­cians skil that way read Tully de Divinatio­ne, and others. Cilician; and so it was accorded betweene them, that the gouernement of the ceremonies should belong e­qually to the posteritie of both families: anone it seemed ab­surd, that the bloud royall should not haue any prerogatiue a­boue the forrayne; whereupon the straungers gaue place in the science, which they themselues had induced; and so the Priesthoode remayned alone in Cinaras line. Beastes for sa­crifice, as euery man liked to vow, onelye of the male kinde were chosen: the fibres of kiddes are esteemed of certainest credit: to powre bloud on the altare is not permitted: 4 prayers and pure fire are the incense for the altares, which are not within Eustathius in Odyss. Θ. spea­king of the al­tare of Venus in Paphos: [...]. any co­uerte, and yet neuer wet The like is reported by Polybius lib. 16. p. 268. and beleeued by others: [...]. with the weather. The image of the god­desse is not of humane shape, but a 5 figure rising cōtinually round, from a larger bottom to a smal top, in or spire fashion. conicall fashion: the reason thereof is not knowen. When Titus had viewed the riches of the [Page 55] place, the offrings & liberalities of Princes, & what else soeuer the Greekish nation, delighting in antiquities, fabulously fathereth vp on times out of mind, he proposed demaund first as touching his vyage by sea: & when it was answered, that the way was opē & pas­sage prosperous, then causing many beasts to be sacrificed, he en­quired couertly cōcerning himselfe. Sostratus (for so was the name of the priest) seing the entrailes fortunat & agreeing, & perceiuing the Goddesse to giue assent to his great deseignes, at that present time made a short & ordinary answer; & anōe requiring a secreter cōferēce he opened to him his whole fortune to come. Thus Titus encreased in courage, returned again remaining then in Caesa­rea the heade towne of Ju­daea. Joseph. 4. [...]. cap. 29. to his father, bringing great cōfort to the minds of the armies, & prouinces that were suspēsed & doubtful. Vespasiā had vanquished the Iewes, & made in a maner an end of the warre, it only remained to oppugne Ierusalē; an en­terprise of difficulty and hardnesse, more through the nature of the people, & the obstinate persisting in their superstition, then for any strēgth or ability they had to beare out the seege. Vespasian, as be­fore we haue said, had three Legions trained in warre, & Mutianus fower gouerned in peace, frō whom notwithstanding emulatiō, & the glory of the army adioining, draue away sloth; & as the one thorow labour with dāger grew stronger & more able of body, so the other became more lusty & fresh by rest vndisturbed, & peaceable labour: both had Auxiliary cohorts & wings, both fleets & kings at commandement; both renowned alike vpon causes vnlike: Ves­pasian a vigilant warrior, marching the formost, chusing place for commodious encāping, night & day giuing out direction & order where it was needful, & the case so requiring māfully fighting with hand; of diet not dainty, apparelled as the common soldier, or not much otherwise; in al respects, set auarice aside, comparable to the commaunders of auncient times: Mutianus contrariwise exces­siue in wealth and expenses, in all thinges exceeding the mea­sure of priuate estate; in speech the abler man, verye experte in the direction and foresight of ciuill affayres: a well sorted medleye of princely qualities, if taking awaye the vices of both, the vertues alone were laied together. But the one being Lieutenant of Iewry, the other of Syria, countreyes confining, through emulation and enuy certaine ielosies were betweene them: notwithstanding vpon Neroes decease, they layed grud­ges aside, and conferred counsels in common, first by friendes in­terposed, [Page 56] then by mediation of Titus, the principall assurance of true reconcilement; who being a person by nature and arte framed to winde in with Mucianus also, induced them both to surcease from such hurtfull contentions, with consideration of their com­mon vtility: the Tribunes, Centurions, and common soldier, by la­bour or licence, by vertues or pleasures, according to their seue­ral inclinations, were drawen to the party. Before Titus comming both the armies had sworne allegeance to Otho, the newes of his beeing in state, as the custome is in such greate matters, beeing brought in great post, and ciuill warres ripening by leasure, into which the East, that had a long time bene quiet and peaceable, then first of all beganne for to enter, for in time past the most mightie and puissant ciuil warres, beginning in Italie and Gallia, were vn­dertaken with the power and strength of the West; and they which maintained them in the East, as Pompey, Cassius, Brutus, Antoni­us, ended alwaies vnfortunately, and Syria and Iewrie more often heard tel of then saw any Caesars: the Legions had neuer mutined, onely sometimes were led out to braue the Parthian, speeding not alwaies alike: and during the last ciuil warre, when the worlde was shaken elswhere, among them was assured tranquillitie; then faith toward Galba. But after it was publikely knowen, that Otho and Vitellius went about with impious armes to pray vpō the Roman estate, the soldiers began to storme, that others 6 receaued the fa­uours of Princes, & they serued continually as slaues▪ from thence they grewe to consideration of their owne forces: seuen Legions they sawe at hand, and two prouinces, Syria & Iewry, with a huge multitude of Ayde-soldiers: then AEgypt adioyning with two Le­gions, & on the other side Cappadocia & Pontus, & the strength which lay encamped against the Armenians: Asia and the rest of the prouinces, plentiful of money, and of men not vnfurnished: all the ilands of that sea, and the sea it selfe Or lying out of the way from Vitellius and Othoes strength. se­clusum. shut vp and yeelding se­curity in the meane season to prepare for the warre. The forward­nesse of the soldiers was not vnknowen to the Generals: neuerthe­lesse it was thought expedient to attende the issue of the other warre then being on foote, sith doubtlesse mutual ielousies, be­tweene the conquering and conquered party, would neuer suffer any sound and perfect intelligence betweene them: neither mat­tered it much whom fortune should fauour, Vitellius or Otho: e­uen singular commanders by prosperity would growe insolent, [Page 57] much lesse might good proofe be expected of these, whom dis­cord, sluggishnesse and riot would ruine; whereof the warre would ouerthrow the one, & the victory the other, both of them through their owne vices and faults. So till occasion should serue, the open taking of armes was differred by Vespasian and Mucianus, hauing entred but lately into these communications, whereas the rest had conferred thereof long before; the better sorte vpon loue to the common wealth, the rest, some allured with the sweetnes of spoile, some pricked thereto by reason of their doubtful and decayed e­state at home: so the good and the bad, vpon causes vnlike, with like affection ardently all desired the warre.

II A counterfaite Nero oppressed in the ile of Cythnus.

ABOVT the same time a false alarme was giuen to Achaia and Asia, as if Nero were approching: for the report going diuerse­ly concerning his death, many gaue out vntruly that he was aliue, and many beleeued it. The aduentures and attempts of the rest of those counterfaits we shal hereafter declare, in the processe of this worke. Now at that time a bondman of Pontus, or, as others haue written, a libertinus. libertine of Italie, skilful in instrument and voice, and thereupon, beside some resemblance in countenance, being more fit to deceiue, adioining vnto him certaine fugitiue and beggerly vacabond persons induced by great promises, taketh the sea: and being by violence of weather driuen into the ile of Cythnus, he as­sociated to him certaine soldiers which passed that way out of the East, commanding the rest to be slaine which refused; and spoiling the marchants armed those of the slaues which seemed most puis­sāt of body. Moreouer he assayed by sundry deuises to practise the Centurion Sisenna, who caried in the name of the Syrian army to the souldiers of the Garde, Right-Handes in token of concord: vn­til such time as Sisenna for feare, and suspecting violence, left the i­land and fled secretly away. Thereupon the terrour was dispersed abroad, and the matter growing famous many lent their eares wil­lingly thereto, vpon desire of chaunge, and dislike of the present. Thus reputation dayly growing to the cause, it was by a matter of meere chance wholly ouerthrowen. Galba had granted the go­uernment of the prouinces of Galatia and Pamphylia to Calpur­nius Asprenas: to waft him were allotted two galleyes out of the nauy at Misenum, with the which hee arriued at the ile of Cyth­nus. [Page 58] Vpon his arriuall the masters of the galleyes were summoned to come vnto Nero: who at their comming composing himselfe to heauinesse, and requiring, as their late master at his soldiers hands, their faithful assistance and seruice, prayed them to set him aland in Syria or AEgypt. The masters, partly persuaded or els fraudu­lently, answered that first they would talke with the souldiers, and so hauing prepared their mindes would returne: but the whole was truely reported to Asprenas, by whose perswasion his shippe was forced and taken, and hee, whatsoeuer he were, slaine. His body was caryed into Asia, and thence brought to Rome, wondred at for the eyes, and haire, and sternnesse of countenance.

III Annius Faustus, after much adoe and some sturre in the Senate, condemned of promoting.

IN a dissentious state, and through the often changings of Prin­ces, wauing betweene licence and liberty, euen small matters were not shut vp, without great adoe. Vibius Crispus, a man for money, might, and witte, accounted rather among the greate men then the good, called to his aunswere in Senate An­nius Faustus a Gentleman, who had made profession in Nero­es time of accusing: for immediately vpon the election of Gal­ba the Senatours had ordered, that the causes of the accusers should be heard and examined; an order diuersely construed and drawen, and as against a weake defendant in force, soe a­gainst a mighty too weake. Beside Crispus employed the ter­rour of his greatnes, and the vttermost of his might, particular­ly to ouerthrowe him, as the accuser of his brother, and had drawen a great part of the Senate into that opinion, to require him to bee executed, beeing neyther defended nor hearde: contrarilie others fauouring the defendant, so much the more because the plaintife seemed too mightie, were of opinion, that a time should bee graunted, the crimes specified, and the man, though culpable and odious, should notwithstan­ding not bee excluded from common right of beeing hearde in his iustifications. Which opinion preuailed at the first, and soe the hearing of the matter was some fewe dayes put ouer: but in the ende Faustus was condemned, albeit not with that ge­nerall assent of all partes that his lewde conditions deserued: [Page 59] some men disliking, not that the crime was so punished, but that it was done at his suite, Tac 4. Hist. p. 175. in oratione Curtij Montani, and the page following, where you shal finde him sorted with Eprius Marcel­lus. whom they well remembred to haue ex­ercised himselfe the same profession with gaine.

IIII The power of Otho by land.

THE 7 beginning of the warre was prosperous on Othoes side. for at his commaundement the Legions marched And so out of Moesia like­wise the Legi­ons marched, but came noe further then Aquileia. Tacit. pag. 99. out of Dalmatia and Pannonia, being in number fower, out of which two thousande men were sent before, the Legions followed af­ter with competent iourneyes; the seuenth lately gathered by Galba, the rest ancient, the eleuenth and thirteenth, and the four­teenth greatly renowned for their seruice in repressing The story is at large in Ta­citus 14. Ann. p. 494. and in the life of Agrico­la. p. 591. the Brit­tish rebellion; and Nero had encreased their glory, For his intended expeditiō ad portas Caspi­as, as I thinke, and vpon the reuolt of Vin­dex retaining them stil in I­talie. chusing them out as the most special men: whereupon they remained long faith­full to Nero, and were great fauourers of Othoes proceedings. But these Legions the more strength and forces they caried with them, the more confident they were, and consequently the slow­er in comming forward: the Perchaunce meaning of the two thou­sand mentio­ned before, perchance & rather of o­ther beside. Auxiliary cohorts and wings came before, the corps of the Legions followed after. Moreouer the ci­ty it selfe furnished good store of soldiers: fiue Paetorian cohortes, and certaine cornets of horesemen, the first Legion, & beside two thousand Gladiatores. fencers; 8 a base supply, but in Pompey in the ciuil warre against Caesar intended the like: but being aduised by his friends, v­sed them not, Caesar de bello ciuili, lib. 3. ca. 4 ciuill warres vsed euen by seuere commanders. Annius Gallus with Of Vestricius Spurinna see Pliny. li. 4. ep. 1. & 10. & 2. ep. 7. Vestricius Spurinna were appointed to leade this power, and sent before hand to put themselues in possession of the Howsoeuer it was in the determinatiō, in the execution, we finde none garding the riuer, but the gladiatores banckes of the Po: because their first determination had failed, seing Caecina had already passed the Alpes, whom they hoped might haue been kept within Gallia. Vpō Othoes person a choice company of Spiculatores spearmen attēded, accōpa­nied with the rest of the Praetorian cohorts, and the old soldiers of the Garde, beside an excessiue number of those which had serued at sea. His vyage was with diligence and speed as appertained, not wastfully spent in riot and pleasures: himselfe with his iron brigandine, marching before the enseignes on foote, not decked, not trimmed, but soldier like, & vnlike the name that went of him.

V The actions of Othoes fleete.

NOW fortune seemed to smile vpon Otho and fauour his pro­ceedings; for the greater part of Italie, by reason of his nauy at sea, was possessed in his name, euē to the entry of the Alpes mari­timae. sea-Alpes. [...] [Page 62] of the Tungrian cohorts, hauing long maintained the skirmish, were forced at length to yeeld vp their liues: euen to Othoes men the victory cost bloud, of whome diuerse vnaduisedly following were intercepted by the horsemen turning vpon them. And so, as if a mutuall suspension of armes had beene concluded vpon, with couenant on the one side that the fleet, on the other that the horse­men should not attempt any sodaine inuasion, the Vitellianists re­tired to Antipolis a freetowne of Gallia Narbonensis, the Otho­nians to Albingaunum a colonie of Liguria interior.

VII. The estate of Corsica and Sardinia, and the rest of the ilandes thereabout.

THE reputation of Othoes victorious fleete easily held Corsi­ca, Sardinia, and the rest of the ilandes thereabout in Othoes obedience. But Corsica almost was ruined by the rashnes of De­cimus Pacarius the Procurator; who entred into an action, which in so great a preparation for warre, could nothing auaile to effect­ing the principall purpose, & yet serued well inough to worke his destruction. For vpon hatred against Otho, he determined with the strength of the ilande, to aide Vitellius; an aide vaine and to no purpose euen if it had succeeded. Whereupō calling the principal men of the ilande, hee declareth his meaning, and commaundeth Claudius Phirrhicus master of the galleyes there, and Quinctius Certus a gentleman of Rome, to bee slaine, who opposed them­selues against his proceedings: by the death of whome the rest that were present beeing terrefied sware allegeaunce to Vitellius, and consequently the inferiour sorte partly vppon ignoraunce, and partly to beare them company which did it for feare. But whenas Pacarius began to take muster, to tire those rude people in training and other militare duties, they waxing weary of that vnwonted labour fell to recount their own weakenesse: that it was but an ilande, which they inhabited: that Germanie and the Legionary power was far of: and that euen they were wasted and spoiled by the fleete, whom both cohorts and winges did protect. whereupon their minds sodainly fel away, and so they conspired a­gainst him, not by way of open rebelliō, but by priuy attēpt against his person. for which purpose chusing out a fit opportunity, as hee was in the bath naked & without helpe, the multitude that follow­ed him being departed away, they slew him and his company, and caried the heads of them, as of traitours, to Otho: by whō notwith­standing [Page 63] they were not rewarded, as also not punished by Vitelli­us, in so great confusion and disorder of the state, passing among greater crimes; and shadowed with other more hainous offences.

VIII. Certaine small actions of the Syllan wing in Italie before Caecinaes entrie.

NOw the Syllan wing, as before we haue shewed, had opened the passage into Italie, and drawen the warre ouer the moun­taines, the countrey fauouring not Otho, neither yet vpon any speciall fancy to Vitellius; but as men whom long peace had broken to all kind of slauery, they were easily possessed by the first cōmer, and not curious to side with the better. The whole countrey and cities 10 lying betweene the Po and the Alpes, the most florishing part of al Italie, was helde by Vitellius soldiers: for the 1. Hist. p. 48. quia praesidio a­lae vnius latissi­ma pars Italiae defendi nequi­bat, praemissae Gallorum, Lusi­tanorum, Bri­tannorum (que) co­hortes, & Ger­manorum vex­illa. cohorts which Caecina had sent before him were now already come in. At Cremona a cohort of Pannonians was taken, & betweene Placen­tia and Ticinum an hundreth horse intercepted, and a thousand sea-souldiers: by which successe Vitellius men beeing animated could now not be stopped by bancke nor by riuer. Moreouer the inhabitants of Batauia & beyonde the Rhene were enflamed the more euen by the verie Disdayning that the Po should stay them who were accusto­med to swimme, horse and man, ouer the great ri­uer of Rhene, and others at home in their countrey. Tac. 4. Hist. p. 158. Batavi praeci­puo nandi stu­dio arma equos­ue retinentes integris turmis Rhenum per­rumpere. sight of the Po; which they passed ouer against Placentia, and taking some of the enemies spyes so ter­refied the rest, that beeing afraide they falsely reported Caecina was come with his whole armie. Spurinna, who then was with­in Placentia, certainely knewe that Caecina was not yet come, and if he did come, was certainly resolued to keepe his men with­in their defences, and not to hazard three Praetorian cohortes, and a thousand Vexillaries, with a few horse, against an army of olde and approued warriers: but Plutarch wri­teth, that the souldiers had almost slaine Spurinna: but spared no ma­ner of rayling and contume­lious speech, calling him traytour, and a manifest marrer of his Princes affai­res. some also being drunke went in the night to his pauilion, de­māding to furnish thē with money for their iourney, which they mēt to vnder­take to the Prince at Brix­ellum to pre­ferie accusati­on against him for his trayterous dealing. the vnruly soldiers and vnskil­ful of seruice snatching vp their enseignes & banners rushed for­ward, and as the captaine endeuoured to stay them they bent their weapons vpon him, not respecting their Centurions & Tribunes, who commended the captaines circumspectnes, but the souldiers cried FOR OTHO, & stucke not more ouer to affirme that Caecina was sent for vnder hande. Spurinna yeelded to followe their fol­lie, by force at the first, afterward making shew as if he were willing that his counsailes might cary more credit, if it happened hereaf­ter the sedition to coole. When they were in the sight of the Po, & the night approched, order was giuen, that the camp should be entrenched and staked. That labour strange and vnusuall to the [Page 64] city-souldier abated their fiercenesse. Then they of the elder sort began to see their owne errour, and correct their credulity; to lay-open the feare, & the danger, if in those champion countries Cae­cina should with his army enuiron thē being as it were but an hand ful: & now they began throughout al the whole campe to vse mo­dest & dutifull speeches, and by meanes of the Centurions & Tri­bunes, who insinuated themselues into their companies, to com­mend the wisedome of the captaine, in that he had chosen out, for the strength and seate of the warre, a colonie of that power & that wealth; & lastly Spurinna himselfe, not by vntimely exprobrating their fault, but by reason convincing it, wanne them to his opini­on, and leauing some behinde for scouts brought backe the rest into Placentia lesse mutinous then before, and more at comman­demēt. The walles were made stronger, the number of bulwarkes & towers encreased, and prouision made not only of armour, but of subiection and loue of obeying; the onely point which lacked in that side, whenas otherwise they had of valour sufficient.

IX. Caecina commeth into Jtalie, and lyeth before Placentia in vaine.

BVT Caecina, as if he had left on the other side of the mountaines cruelty and licentiousnes behinde him, marched thorow Italie with al modesty, he & his companies. His kinde of attire the free cities and colonies construed as a signe of pride, because he gaue audience to men which came gowned himselfe being in his short souldiers cote of changeable coulour, and wearing withall bree­ches after the French barbarous fashion: and as though they had beene interessed thereby, they were greeued also to see his wife Salonina riding vppon a goodly palfray with a rich furniture of purple, albeit no man were wronged therein: such is the nature of man, and so deepely is the quality rooted in vs, straitly to looke into the late prosperity of others with an enuious eye, and to require a moderation of fortune, no where so much, as in those wee haue seene in an equall degree with our selues. Caecina ha­uing passed the Po, and assayed by parlees, and promises to wea­ken the loialty of Othoes men, being quit with the like on their part, seeing that the plausible names of peace and concord had of­ten beene spent betweene them in vaine, conuerted his coun­sailes and cares to the besieging of Placentia in most terrible ma­ner; knowing right well, that as the beginning of the warre should [Page 65] succeede, so for the rest reputation woulde follow. But the first daies worke was conducted rather by fury, then according to skill meete for men of so long experience in seruice: without couer or defence they vētured rashly vnder the walles, their bodies surcharged with meate and with wine. In that assault the Amphitheatre, a piece of most curious workmanship standing without the walles, was burned, set on fire either by the besiegers as they hurledbrāds and balles of wildefire against the besieged: or by the besieged as they hurled againe. The townesmen being ielous, & prone to sus­picions, beleeued that matter was ministred to the fire vppon ma­lice, by certaine neighbour colonies, vpon emulation & enuy, be­cause no piece of worke in all Italie was of that capacity beside: by what chance soeuer it happened, whilest further daunger was fea­red, it passed not greatly regarded; when all perill was past, as if no greater misfortune could haue befallen, then it was much sorrow­ed for & lamented: but in the end Caecina was repulsed with losse of many of his mē, & the night following was spent on both sides in new preparations. The Vitellianists make prouision of 11 plutei, crates, & vineae, instruments to vndermine the walles, & protect those which were to giue the assault: the Othonians of timber logges & great waightes ofstones, and lead, and brasse, to breake thorowe the workes and ouerwhelme the aduersaries. Both parties were pricked With shame to be ouer­come, & glo­ry of ouercō ­ming. with shame, and with glory, and seueral encouragements were vsed; the one side exalting the Legions and strength of the German army, the other magnifiyng the honour of the cittie-ser­uice, & of the Praetorian cohorts: the one reuiling the soldier with­in as sluggish, and resty, and effeminated in the Race & Threatres, & the other rebuking the enemy without as a forrainer and stran­ger: assuming withall into part of the praise and dispraise the per­sons of Otho and Vitellius, afoording indeede more plentifully matter of reproch then of iust commendation. The day was scarcely yet sprung, when as the walles were replenished with men at de­fēce, the fieldes did glister with armour & soldiers; the Legionary densum legi­onum agmen: and yet Caecina had but one Legion, namely vnacivice­sima Rapax, as I take it. with their thicke and close ranckes, the Auxiliary loose and dis­persed, they attempt with arrowes and stones a farre of to disfur­nish the highest parts of the walles, if any place were neglected or decayed by age thither they make nearer approches: Othoes men from aboue, with more peyze and certainty, hurle darts vpon the German cohortes, which rashly came vnder with a hideous [Page 66] note, & according to their cuntrey maner, with bodies naked, sha­king their targets ouer their shoulders. The Legionary soldier, co­uered with plutei and crates, vndermineth the walles, raiseth vp mounts, & endeuoreth to wrest open the gates: of the contrary side the Praetorian soldiers hauing milstones of huge waight pla­ced for the purpose, with fearefull noyse rowle them downe vpon the enemy: part which came vnder were ouerwhelmed, part woun­ded with dartes, and slaine or mangled: and so as in a confusion & feare, the slaughter encreasing below, & consequently their fierce­nes aboue, the Vitellianists retired with decay of reputation to the side; and Caecina vpon the infamy and shame of this siege so rash­ly attempted, lest hee shoulde seeme to sit still in the same ground skorned and to no purpose, passeth the Po backe againe with pur­pose to go to Cremona. As he departed away Turullius For the sul­let satisfactiō of the reader, it had bene conuenient to haue declared whether they fled from Spu­rinna, or Gal­lus, or some o­ther, and by what occasion they were then in that place. Cerealis with many of the mariners reuolted vnto him, and Iulius For the sul­let satisfactiō of the reader, it had bene conuenient to haue declared whether they fled from Spu­rinna, or Gal­lus, or some o­ther, and by what occasion they were then in that place. Brigan­ticus with a few horse: Iulius was by birth a Batauian and captaine of a wing, the other, hauing serued as a principal Centurion in Germanie, was easily wunne to Caecinaes side. Spurinna, vpon know­ledge had what way the enemy tooke, certifieth Annius Gallus by letters, that Placentia was defended, what had passed, & what Cae­cina intended to doe. Gallus, mistrusting lest those fewe cohortes within coulde not endure a long siege, and the force of the Ger­man army, was bringing the first Legion to succour the towne: but when he receiued aduise, that Caecina was repulsed, and go­ing to Cremona, he staieth the Legion Perhaps to receiue the Legions cōming out of Dalma­tia, and Panno­nia, which, if a­ny where at all, came and ioined them­selues with Gallus, condu­cted perchāce by Paullinus and Celsus. at Bebriacum being hard­ly withholden from mutining, because he woulde not leade them to fight. Bebryacum (saith the scholiast vpon Juvenal: for so he writeth it) vicus est a Cremona vicesi­mo lapide. Bebriacum is a village betweene Verona and Cremona 12 notorious and infortunate for two Roman calamities.

X. Macer skirmisheth with the Ʋitellianists. Otho, suspecting the rest of his captaines, committeth the conduct of the warre to Titianus his brother.

ABOVT the same time, not farre from Cremona, Martius Ma­cer had a luckly day against the Vitellianists. For Macer being a man of courage & forwarde put the Gladiatores fencers in boates & landed them sodainely on the other side of the Po. There the Auxiliaries of the Vitellianists were distressed, and the rest fleeing to Cremo­na, those which remained behinde slaine: but the winners were nor permitted further to follow the chace, lest the enemies streng­thened with newe supply should turne head against them, & alter [Page 67] the fortune of the battaile. That fact bred ielosy in Othoes men misinterpreting al that was done howsoeuer sinisterly, who egerly as ech was in courage most dastard, most lauish in tongue, so sought they by diuers misconstruing criminations to put in disgrace An­nius Gallus, & Suetonius Paullinus, & Marius Celsus, for them al­so had Otho made Commanders. The principal firebrands of sedition & discord were the murderers of Galba, who being transpor­ted by feare, & the guiltines of their owne conscience, disturbed & troubled all good course of proceeding; sometimes breaking o­penly out into mutinous speeches, & sometimes by secret aduer­tisements to Otho: who giuing credit lightly to euery base person, and standing in feare of the good, trembled and quaked, a man in prosperity vncertainly caryed, and gouerning himselfe in aduer­sity better. 13 So he sent for Titianus his brother, and made him his Lieutenant generall in the warre.

XI. Paullinus and Celsus giue Caecina an ouerthrowe.

IN the meane season vnder the conduct of Paullinus and Celsus a notable ouerthrow was giuen. Caecinaes attempts all falling to nothing, and the reputation of his army now waning, much greeued his minde: he had bene repulsed from Placentia; his Auxi­liaries lately slaine; and when as the discouerers met one another, in those ordinary bickerings rather then materiall he commonly went to the worse: whereupon when Fabius Valens approched, lest the whole honor of the warre should fall vpon him, he hasted with greater speede then good counsell, to recouer his glory. About 14 twelue miles frō Cremona, at a place called Castores, he placeth secretly in the woods, ioyning vpon the hye way, of his best Auxili­ary soldiers, commanding the horsemen to goe out further, & so hauing begun the skirmish to giue backe & retire, drawing on the enemy to follow in the heate of the chace, vntil the ambush should rise: that purpose was bewraied to Othoes commaunders. Paulli­nus was General of the foote, & Celsus of the horse. The Vexilla­ries of the thirteenth Legion, fower Auxiliary cohorts, & fiue hun­dreth horse were placed in the left battell; in the middle 15 three Praetorian cohorts, rancked straitly together, kept their standing vpon the hye way: in the right battel the first Legion marched, ac­companied with two Vexillary cohorts, & fiue hundreth horse: & out of the Praetorian & Auxiliaries were led a thousand horse, for an ouer measure if fortune hapned to go on their side, or otherwise [Page 68] a supply, if they should be distressed. Before the ioining the Vitelli­anists turned their backs, & Celsus, vnderstāding the fraud, repres­sed his men. The ambush rising vp rashly, as Celsus gaue groūd, fo­lowed so far til they were circūuented themselues: for on the sides were the cohorts, & the Legion to meete them in face, & the horse­men sodainly ranging out had enclosed their backes. Suetonius Paullinus at the first delaied some time to giue to his foote-mē the signe of the battaile: for being a person naturally slow, & one who liked much better wary courses with reason, then happy by chace, he commanded the ditches first to be filled, the fielde to be made open and easy of passage, the battalions to be displaied, suppo­sing it seasonable enough to begin then to ouercome others, when as order was takē they could not be ouercome themselues. By meanes of that delay space was giuen to Vitellius men to flee into the vines, where, by reason of the branches wrapped and knit one in another, it was troublesome to follow: and a little wood adioyned which couered thē; out of which they issued eftsones & slew the formost of the Praetorian horsemen. there King of what countrey? and how came he thither? and what became of him after­ward? great persons in a story require, in my opinion, a more exact and particu­lare descripti­on. king Epipha­nes, fighting valiantly on Othoes side, was wounded. By that time Othoes footmen pressed forward, and bare downe by maine force the enemies host, turning to flight euen those also which came for to succour. for Caecina sent not for his cohortes together, but one after another: which thing in the fight augmented the terrour: for the feare of them that fled carried away the succours, which came dispersedly, and neuer so many at once, as to restore the battell. In the campe also a mutinee arose, because they were fetched so scat­teringly, and Iulius Gratus the Camp-master was put in prison, as though in fauour of his brother, who serued vnder Otho, hee in­tended some treason; whereas the Othonians had, on the other side, committed to ward Iulius Fronto his brother, a Tribune, vp­on colour of the same crime. But in trueth euery where the feare was so great, in those which fled, in those which met them, in the field and at the campe, that vnlesse Suetonius Paullinus had soun­ded the retrayt, not suffering his men to follow the victory, it was commonly talked on both sides, that Caecina might haue beene destroied with his whole army. Paullinus pretended that hee was afeard, lest, beside so much trauaile and so great a iourney, the Vi­tellian souldier should haue issued foorth of their campe fresh a­gainst his men being tired, no supply remaining behind, if it fortu­ned [Page 69] them to haue bene defeated. Some few approued that reason of the Generall, but most men condemned the fact, and blamed him for it.

XII. The description of a mutinee which happened in Valens campe. Valens commeth into Jtalie and ioyneth his power with Caecinaes.

THIS ouerthrowe did not so much daunt the Vitellianists, as it reduced them to a more modest behauiour, not onely in Cae­cinaes campe, who cast the fault on the souldier more ready to mutin then fight; but the army of Fabius Valens also (for now he was come to Ticinum) laying aside contempt of the enemy, and desirous to recouer their glory, began to shew to their Generall a more reuerent and orderly obedience. For before a great and hoate mutinee had happened out, which I will now set downe from the beginning, albeit not in his proper time, because it was not conuenient to interrupt the course of Caecinaes actions. The cohortes of Batauians, which in the warre of Nero were departed from the fourteenth Legion, and in their returne towarde Britan­nie, hearing of Vitellius attempt in the countrey of Lingones, had ioyned themselues, 1. Hist. p. 43. and 45. as before we haue shewed, to Fabius Valens, began to waxe proud and insolent, vanting and brauing as they came to the tentes of any of the Legions, that they were the men which had ouerruled the fourteenth Legion, bereaued Nero of Italy: that in their handes alone lay all the fortune and whole suc­cesse of this warre. That seemed contumelious to the souldier, and highly displeased the Generall, the discipline being by their wranglings and brawlings corrupted. At the last Valens, by their insolent behauiour suspecting perfidiousnesse also, receiuing aduise, that the wing of the Treueri and Tungrians were beaten by Othoes fleete, and that the prouince of Narbon was in some danger of inuasion, partly vpon a care to defend his friendes and allies, and partly vpon militare pollicy to disperse these Bataui­ans so mutinously affected, and of so great strength if they remai­ned together, commaunded part of the cohorts to goe and re­lieue them. Which thing when it was heard and noysed abroad, the Auxiliaries mourned, the It seemeth strange, that the Legions should be dis­pleased with the departure of those, whose insolent and contumelious behauiour they could not abide, if Tacitus say true not past six lines be­fore. Legions stomacked, lamenting they should be depriued in such a time of so maine an assistaunce of such valiant men: what? should those so experienced, and con­querours [Page 70] in so many warres, whenas the enemies were within viewe, bee sent away, as it were, out of the field? if the prouince were a matter of more consequence then the citty of Rome and safety of the state, why did they not all followe thither? but if the accomplishment of the victory, the strength and stay of the cause consisted in Italie, what reason then to breake off, as it were, the soundest and strongest limmes from the bo­die? vpon these and the like presumpteous speeches, whenas Valens by sending his sergeauntes among them, went about to correct their seditious behauiour, they offred violence to him­selfe, threwe stones, and forcing him to flee, followed after; and crying, that the spoile of France, the golde of Vienna, and the price of their labours was by him embezeled, and hid, they spoiled his cariage, they pearced and searched his pauilions, and the very grounde it selfe with their lances and dartes: for Valens himselfe in a bondemans apparell lay vnknowen in the tent of an vnder-captaine of horsemen. Then Alphenus Va­rus the Campe-master, perceauing the heate of the mutinee past, and the souldiers by little and little to growe colder, adioyneth a pollicie thereunto: 16 forbidding the Centurions to meddle with searching and perusing the watch, and omitting to sound the trumpet, by which the souldier is called to his charge. Whereupon they stoode all amazed, looking one on another, astonished and dismayed to see themselues thus without head, or direction: and so with silence and patience, and lastly with teares and intreatie besought pardon of their offence. But whenas Valens came foorth aboue all expectation aliue, wee­ping and badly attired, then was there ioy and compassion, and a generall fauouring of the man: and chaunging their former affections into gladnesse, as the common sort is in both with­out measure, they caried him in the middest of the Standerds and enseignes, with praises and gratulations, to the Tribunall. Va­lens, vsing a profitable and discreete moderation, required not any one to bee executed for this transgression; onely in wordes reproued some fewe, lest if he dissembled the whole, he should be suspected the more: knowing right well that in ciuill warres the souldiers haue a vantage ouer the Generall, and are more bolde to commit disorders, then the Generall may be to correct them. As they were entrenching at Ticinum, woorde was [Page 71] brought of Caecinaes ouerthrowe, and the sedition was almost renewed againe, as though by fraud and delayes of Valens they had bene kept backe, and come short of the battell. Whereupon refusing to rest any longer, without staying for their Generall they marche forwarde, running before their enseignes, and hastening the enseigne-bearers: and so in all speede ioyne with Caecina. Valens was also disliked and generally blamed in the armie of Caecina: who pretended themselues to bee ag­greeued, that they were left, being so farre inferiour in num­ber, as a pray to the whole power of the enemies; highly ex­tolling withall the strength of the other army, partly to excuse themselues, and partly to flatter their fellowes, lest as conque­red and cowardly persons they shoulde bee despised of them: and albeit Valens had more forces, almost double number of Le­gions and Aides to the other, yet were the goodwilles of the soul­diers more inclining to Caecina, beside curtesie, wherein he excel­led the other, by reason also of his florishing age, and talnesse of stature, and vppon a certaine vaine fauour of men. Hereupon there grew emulation betweene the two generalles. Caecina con­temned the other, as a lewde person of life and criminally no­ted: Valens scoffed at him as being proude and vaineglorious: but reseruing their hatred in secrete they ioyned openly both in the common cause, by many letters, without respect of pardon, obiecting to Otho his infamous life; whereas the Generalles of Othoes side, notwithstanding the argument yeelded that way most plentifull matter, abstained from all reuiling speeches a­gainst Vitellius: and in trueth before their endes, which on O­thoes side was most commendable, of Vitellius most ignomini­ous, the drowsy pleasures of Vitellius were feared lesse, then the hoat burning lustes of Otho: and beside, the death of Galba had made Otho more terrible, and more odious: contrarily no man charged Vitellius with beginning the warre. Vitellius in excesse & bellicheere was an enemy to himselfe: Otho in riot, cruelty, au­daciousnesse, reputed more dangerous to the state.

XIII. Otho determineth to commit the matter to the hazarde of a battel, and retireth himselfe to Brixellum.

THE forces of Caecina and Valens being ioyned together, the Vitellianists refused not any longer to end the cause in a maine [Page 72] battell. Otho proposed the matter in councell, whether way were more expedient, to prolong the warre, or els to put it by and by to the fortune of a fielde. Then Suetonius Paullinus, estee­med the most experte man of that age in militare affayres, suppo­sing it agreeable to his fame & renowne, to discourse of the whole maner of proceeding in this warre, stoode vp, & declared his opi­nion to bee; that making of haste was profitable for the enemy, and delaying for them. that al the host of Vitellius was come, cer­taine small forces remaining behinde, which could not conueni­ently be remoued from the banke of the Rhene, for feare of inua­sion of those fierce nations: especially Fraunce standing also in some tearmes of rebellion: the souldier in Britannie had his hands full of the enemy there, and was also stopped by the sea: that Spaine had no great store of souldiers: the prouince of Narbon was frighted, by reason of the late inuasion by sea, and the ouer­throw which they receiued; and that portion of Italie beyonde the Po, now in the possession of the enemy, was wasted with the passage of their army, and hauing no helpe by sea, and by lande shut in with the Alpes, could not be relieued from abroad: so that they could no-where haue corne for their men, and an host with­out prouision could not bee entertained. Nowe the Germans, which of all the enemies were most terrible, hauing foggy and waterish bodies, would not, if the warre were prolonged to the sommer, be able to endure the change of the soile, and the avre. that many armies whose fury at the first rush could not be resisted, by delayes & wearying out were brought vnto nothing. Contra­riwise they had all thinges themselues, well stoared and well assu­red vnto them: Pannonia, Moesia, Dalmatia, the Easte, with their armies, whole and vntouched; Italie, and Rome the queene of the world, the Senate and people, titles neuer darkened, though some­times ouershadowed: wealth priuate and publicke, and infinite masses of money, which in ciuill dissensions is of greater force then the sworde: the bodies of their souldiers were accustomed to Italie, or to other hoat countreys: the riuer of Po lay Not at Bebri­acum, where the consulta­tion was hol­den, but he meaneth if they should, as he wished, retire with their power in Cispadanam, and there stand vpon their defence. before them as a defence: their cities were safely manned & walled: & by the holding out of Placentia it was cleere to be seene, that none through distresse or despaire woulde yeelde to the enemy: and therefore in his opinion he was to protract the warre. That within fewe daies the fourteenth Legion would bee come, a Legion of [Page 73] great reputation, with the forces of Moesia: then might he de­liberate againe, and, if it were liked to hazarde the battell, fight with more power and greater aduantage. Marius Celsus appro­ued the opinion of Paullinus, and certaine which were sent to Annius Gallus (who was hurte with a fall of his horse a few daies before) to demaunde his aduise, brought woorde that hee also was of the same iudgement. But Otho was willing to bring it to a battell: his brother Titianus and Proculus captaine of the Gard, hastening vpon ignoraunce and lacke of skill, protested, that for­tune and all the gods, with the godhead of Otho, fauoured the counsailes, and woulde without question prosper the enterprise: descending to this grosse kinde of flattery, lest any shoulde dare to crosse their opinion. After they had concluded to fight, a new doubt arose, whether it were better, that the Emperour shoulde withdrawe himselfe, or else be present in the fielde in person: the selfesame men taking also herein a wrong course, without any more opposition of Paullinus and Celsus, lest they should seeme to hazard their Prince too venturously, persuaded him to retire to Brixellum; and so being exempt from the doubtful euentes of the field, to reserue himselfe for the maine chance of the state. That day was the beginning of ruine to Othoes side. For with him a valiant companie of Praetorian cohorts, of Spiculatores spearemen and horse depar­ted away: and the rest which remained behinde were quite out of harte, as hauing no confidence in their Generals: and Otho, whom only the souldiers trusted, because he trusted none els but the souldiers, had not perfitely setled the Generals in their char­ges, but left their autorities at large and vncertaine.

XIIII. A skirmish betweene the Vitellianists and Macer with his fencers vpon the Po.

ALL that was saide or done was caried by & by to the Vitellian side, fugitiues swarming as in ciuill warres, and the spyes, vp­on desire to search out & discouer other mens counsailes, disclo­sing their own. Caecina and Valens lay still, quietly attending while the enemy should by his own rashnesse miscary, meaning in liew of wisedome to vse the vātage of other mens folly. And so beginning a bridge, lest their soldiers should be made worse with too much idlenesse and ease, as if they had ment to haue passed the Po, and [Page 74] forced a bande of Gladiatores. fencers encāped on the other side, they com­manded boats to be placed crosse the riuer, with their heads vp the streame, in equall and conuenient distances, and ioined them strongly together with plancks, casting anckers also to make the bridge steady & firme: but the cable ropes were not tied short, but plaied at length, that when the riuer should rise, the whole frame likewise might rise without hurting. Vpon the end of the bridge a tower was planted, reaching to the vttermost boate, that out of it they might with their engines and shot displace, and driue away the enemies: the Othonians also vpon the bancke had builded a tower, and did hurle stones and fire. In the middle of the riuer there was an iland, into possession whereof the fencers sought to put themselues by boate, but the Germans by swimming preuen­ted them; and when Macer saw a competent number of them arri­ued there, embarking of his best fencers, he putteth ouer to assaile them: but neither were the fencers of the like courage in fight to the souldiers, neither could they, tottering out of their boats, ayme so certaine a blow, as the other steadily standing did from the lande: and whenas through sundry steppings aside vpon feare the rowers and souldiers, which stoode at defence, were confused­ly mingled together and put in disorder, the German souldiers leaping couragiously into the shallow, and hanging at the tailes of the boats, either clambered vp to the hatches, or by maine strēgth ouerturned the boats into the water. All which things passing af­ter this sort in the view The one lay at Bebriacum, and the other by all conie­cture at Cremona, twenty miles asūder. of both the armies, as they were matter of great ioy to the Vitellianists, so to the contrary side they gaue oc­casion to hate & detest him, who was author and cause of the losse. And the skirmish was ended indeede by flight and the breaking a­way of the boats which remained; but Macer was required to the slaughter: & when they had wounded him with a darte a farre of, they ranne in with their swords drawn to dispatch him, had not the Tribunes and Centurions come in to protect him. A little afterwarde Vestricius Spurinna by Othoes commaundement, leauing a small garrison at Placentia, with his cohortes came to succour them: and anone Otho sent Flauius Sabinus Con­sull elect to commaunde Macers companies, the souldiers be­ing glad at the change of captaines, and the captaines, by reason of so many mutinees, vnwilling to enter into so dange­rous a seruice.

XV. That it is nothing probable, that in so corrupt an age, the soldier. would of their own accord haue surceased from ciuill warre, and by common consent, and aduise of the Senat, deposing these two bad, haue chosen a third good Prince.

IN some writers I finde it recorded, that the armies, either ha­uing in horrour the warre, or loathing both Princes, whose shames and dishonours were daily divulged more notoriously abroade, consulted among themselues to surcease the conten­tion, and that either they by common consent should chuse a newe Prince, or referre it ouer to the Senats appointment: and that therefore the Generals of Othoes side, Plutarch p. 1523. attribu­teth it to Cel­sus not so pro­bably. namely Paullinus, had counsailed to delay and protract, hoping it would fall vp­on him, as beeing the most auncient Consulare, a famous Com­mander, and one that in the warres of Britanny had wonne great glory and name. For my part, although I could bee induced to grant that some fewe peraduenture secretely wished quietnesse in steede of discorde, and for two most lewde and wicked, one good and innocent Prince; so I cannot be brought to beleeue, that Paullinus beeing so wise a man woulde euer hope in a most cor­rupt age for such moderation in the common sorte, that when­as for desire of warre they had troubled the peace of the state, nowe for loue of peace they woulde abandon the warre: or that armies in tongue and conditions so different, coulde conde­scende to so great an agreement: or that the Lieutenantes and Generals, which for the most part were persons drowned in riot, beggerly and guilty of most hainous crimes, would euer haue suffered any Prince but one polluted with the like vices, and of their owne creation, and therefore wholly obnoxious to them. That ancient desire of dominion and rule engraffed now long agoe in mens hartes, grewe vp and shotte out with the greatnesse of the Empire. For whilest our dominions were strayt, an equality was easily maintained: but after wee had subdued the world, destroied all cities, or kings which stoode in our light, or might worke our annoiance; whenas we had leisure to seeke af­ter wealth voide of perill, there arose first hoat contentions be­tweene the nobility and commons: sometimes factious Tribunes caried it away: sometimes the Consuls held a hard hand & preuai­led: [Page 76] and in the city and Place of assembly, some litle skirmishes, & commencements as it were of ciuill warres, were attempted. A­none after Caius Marius one of the meanest of the comminalty, and Lucius Sulla the cruellest of all the nobility, by force of armes ouerthrowing the free estate, induced an absolute gouernement. After whom Cneius Pompeius succeeded, somewhat Salustius a­pud Suetonium lib. de claris Grammaticis. Pompeius oris probi, animi (que) inuerecundi. secreter, but nothing better: and after that time neuer was other question deba­ted by armes, but who should bee soueraigne Prince of the state. The Legions in Pharsalia and Philippi, consisting of citizens, were not so moderately minded: much lesse may wee thinke the armies of Otho and Vitellius would, of their owne accorde, haue layed downe their weapons. The gods were no lesse incensed against vs: men were no lesse mad and furiously minded: the same vices raigning amonst vs haue induced the like dissensions & discords. That the warres were decided, and ended as it were ech at one stroke, we are to attribute it to the cowardlinesse and faint-hartednesse of the Princes, and not to the peaceablenesse of the armies. But the recounting of the dispositions and manners, of present & auncient times, hath caried me out of the way. Now I returne to the order of the story.

XVI. The great battell at Bebriacum: wherein Othoes side was overthrowen.

WHen 17 Otho was gone to Brixellum, Titianus his brother caried the countenance and title of General; Proculus cap­taine of the Garde the power and authority: Paullinus and Celsus, whenas no man employed their wisedome & skill, were captaines only for namesake and to be entitled to other mens faults: the Tribunes and Centurions, seeing the better contemned, & the worst sort in credit, were doubtfull of the euent: the souldier notwith­ding was full of courage and heart, yet such as had rather con­strue then execute his Generals commaundementes. It was re­solued, that the campe should remoue forward, and sit downe in a place fower miles of from Bebriacum, so without reason and skill, that although it was spring time of the yeare, and so many riuers about them, yet were they distressed for water. There it was disputed whether the battell were to bee giuen or not. For Otho by letters required to hasten the matter: the soul­diers desired their Princes presence in fielde: many were of opini­on [Page 77] to sende for the companies which lay on the other side of the Po. Neither can it so easily be discerned what had beene best to haue done, as that it was the worst which they did: vnderta­king to goe to the confluence of the riuers of Po and Olium full sixteene miles from that place (a competent iourney for an army to marche, and much too great for them which went to a battell) directly against the aduise of Paullinus and Celsus; who helde it vnsafe to hazard the souldier, tired with the iourney, and hea­uy laden with cariage, against an enemy, that woulde not faile, beeing lightly appointed, and hauing come scarce fower miles, to charge vppon them either as they marched in disarray, or else at their sitting downe as they dispersed themselues to fortifie the campe. But Titianus and Proculus, whenas they were ouer­come by reason fled to autority, by vertue of their office com­manding the contrary: and indeed there was come a Great perso­nages in those daies had vsu­ally certaine African or Numidian horse­men to leade their traine, or for other sodaine dis­patches. Sene­ca in epistolis. Numidian horseman in post from Otho with a sharpe message, in the which, as one that coulde not abide delayes, and impatient to linger in hope, he checked the Generals for their slacknesse, comman­ding them forthwith to put it to a field. The same day as Caecina was busily occupied about making the bridge, two Tribunes of Praetorian cohorts came thither, demanding to speake with him: and being vpon the point to giue audience, & make answere vn­to them, the skowts came rūning in hast, signifying the enemy was at hand: whereupon the parlee brake of, & so it remained vncer­taine what they intended, whether to lay a trayne for Caecina, or to betray their owne fellowes, or els some other honest de­uise. Caecina hauing dismissed the Tribunes, riding backe to the campe, founde the signe of the battell already giuen by Valens commaundement, and the souldiers in armes. Whi­lest the Legions cast lots concerning their order in marching to the field, the horsemen issuing out charged, & were beaten backe very strangely, by Othoes men being fewer in number, euen into the trenches, had not the Italian Legion manfully drawen their swords, and by feare forced them to returne and make head vpon the enemy againe. The Vitellian Legions were ordered and put in array without tumult or feare: for the bushes and thickets tooke a way the sight of the enemy, albeit he were neare. Contrarily in O­thoes army the Generals with feare were put out of their skill; the souldiers neither loued nor trusted their Generals; the wagons [Page 78] and idle followers of the camp troubled the works of the soldiers, being confusedly mingled amongst them; & the hye way deepely ditched on both sides was too narrow for an army, though march­ing without feare of the enemy: some stoode about, some sought their enseignes, on euery side there was a confused noise of mē rū ­ning & crying: and as ech was guided by boldnes or feare, so pres­sed he forward into the first ranckes, or retired into the last. Their mindes being in this sorte striken with a sodaine terrour, a false­ly surmised ioy abated their fiercenesse: for some there were which vntruly gaue out, that the army was reuolted from Vitellius. That rumour whether it was dispersed abroade by Vitellius spyes, or rose otherwise among Othoes men, whether by frawd or chance, it is not certainly knowen: but howsoeuer, thereupon the Othoni­ans laying aside all edge to fight, in steede thereof profered after a friendly sort to salute them, but were with vnfriendly murmure intertained againe: which salutation gaue cause to many of their owne side, that were ignorant of the rumour, to feare treason. Then the host of the enemies in good array, superiour both in number & strength, charged vpon them: the Othonians, although in disarray, fewer and weary, yet valiantly receaued the charge. And as in places troubled with trees and vines the fight was not euery where after one maner: but here neare at hand, and there a farre of: sometime in squadron, sometime in triangle figure: vpon the height of the way ioining foote to foote, and bearing downe with body to body, and buckler to buckler: omitting the vse of the dart, and with swordes and hatchets vnbuckeling and breaking helmets and corcelets: and the sides knowing one another, and beeing seene of their companions, ech contended to shewe ver­tue and valure, as if vppon their manhood had depended the e­uent of the whole warre. It fortuned, that in open field betweene the Po & the high way, two Legions met and fought together; for Vitellius the one and twentieth surnamed Rapax, a Legion aunci­ently renowned, of Othoes part the first called Adiutrix, one neuer before brought to the battel, but presuming greatly of hir selfe, & greedy, as in hir first service, of honour. They of the first Legi­on, beating to groūd the stratis vnaet­nicesimanorum principijs. Plutarch in this place ta­keth principia for the fore­ward, p. 1523. [...]. enseignes of the one & twentieth, tooke away the standerd by force: whereupon the Legion incensed with griefe both put them of the first in branle slaying Orphidius Benignus the Lieutenant, & also tooke many enseignes & banners from [Page 79] them. On the other side the thirteenth Legion was forced by them of the fifth: and certaine of the fourteenth hemmed in with multi­tudes of enemies that came in vpon them. And whereas the Ge­nerals of Othoes side had left the field and were fled already away, Caecina and Valens yet strengthened their side with fresh supply: and beside a new succour came in of Camp-ma­ster in Valens host, p. 73. and now vpon Cae­cinaes calling away lest to keepe play with the gladi­atores of Othoes side, as it see­meth. Alphenus Varus with his Ba­tauians, after he had discomfited the band of the fencers, who pas­sing the water by boates were slaine by the aduersary cohorts in the very riuer it selfe. So being victorious they inuaded the flanck of the enemies: and when once the midle battell was forced, the Othonians brake and fled Being twen­ty miles of by our reckning, or according to Plutarch 150 stadia, which is about 19 miles. toward Bebriacum. The way was long and almost stopped vp with dead carcases, the slaughter being the greater for that in ciuil warres there is no profit to be made of the prisoners. Suetonius Paullinus and Licinius Proculus tooke sun­dry waies & shunned the campe: Vedius Aquila Lieutenant of the thirteenth Legion, supposing al other waies vnsafe, through vnad­uised feare put himselfe into the danger of the furious soldier. For entring into the campe a It is very questionable how in one day an army could goe 16. miles, ioyne battell, break, and fleeing a­way 20. miles of could come thither a great while before night about mid-Aprill. great while before it was night, he was exclaimed vpon & railed at on euery side, with clamors of the most seditious and cowardly persons: who forbearing to vse neither tongues nor hands, reuiled him as a fugitiue and traitour, not vp­on any specialty they could charge him withall, but after the ma­ner of the common sort, ech man laying his owne shames vpon others. Titianus and Celsus returned not before night, which serued them to good purpose. for the watch was now set, and the soldiers fury appeased by the help of 28 Annius Gallus: who partly by intreaty and aduise, partly by his credit and authority, per­swaded them not to heape misery vpon miserie, and beside the losse of the battell to seeke the spoile one of another: that whether the warre were now at an ende, or els it would please them to re­sume it, the onely meanes to releeue the conquered side consisted in their agreeing together. And indeede the rest were out of cou­rage and comfort: onely the Garde-souldiers stormed, affirming they were ouercome not by manhood but treason: and that the Vi­tellian side had bought the victory dearly with their bloud, their horsemen being repulsed, & the standerd of a Legion taken away, that there yet remained in store many souldiers beyond the Po at­tending on Otho: the Legions of Moesia were comming at hand, & that a great part of the army had staied behinde at Bebriacum and [Page 80] neuer presented themselues to the battell: that surely these at the lest had not beene ouercome: and if so needes it must bee, they should with more honour dye in the fielde. Vpon these and the like cogitations sometimes growing desperate, and sometimes yeelding to feare, through consideration of their owne forlorne estate, they were incited more often to rage then to relent. The Vitellian army lodged fiue miles from Bebriacum, the Generalles not daring that day to attempt the enemies campe: and beside a voluntary yeelding was hoped for: where albeit they coulde not entrench, as men that went out lightly appointed and onely to fight, yet their weapons in hande, and the victory they lately ob­tained, was a sufficient defence. The day following those of O­thoes men which had made shew of most courage, repenting and yeelding, the whole army with one accorde sent an Embassage to the Vitellianists. The Vitellian Generals without any questi­on graunted them peace: onely the Embassadours were staied there for a season, which bred a scruple in the minds of the other, not knowing whether they had obtayned as yet or not their re­quest: but anone the Embassage returning, the campe was set o­pen. Then both the conquered and conquerers, breaking out into weeping, with a wofull ioyfulnesse, detested the misery of ciuill dissensions: and meeting in the same tentes, some comforted their brethren, some their friendes which were wounded. Hopes and rewardes were doubtfull and in expectation alone: burials and mournings were certaine and sure before hand: neither was there any so voide of mischaunce, that had not to mourne for some bo­dies death. The body of Orphidius the Lieutenant was sought out, and buried with accustomed solemnity, & some few beside by their friends: the rest of the common sort were left on the ground.

XVII. Otho vnderstanding of the ouerthrow at Bebriacum killeth himselfe. The souldiers about him, when they could not induce Ʋerginius to vndertake the place, yeelde themselues to the Ʋitellianists.

IN the meane while Otho at Brixellum waited for the newes of the battell without all passion of feare, and certainely resolued what he would doe. And first an vncertaine report of ill tidings was muttered without head or aduow; then they which fled out of the battell came and declared that all was certainely lost. The [Page 81] souldiers ardent affection was such, that they staied not for any comfort or encouragement from their Emperour, but contrari­wise they comforted him, bidding him to be of good cheere: that there was yet new forces remaining, and that they would hazard all perils and suffer all extremities for his sake: neither was it flattery; but in vnfained good meaning, vpon a certaine instinct and fury, they mightily desired to goe to the fielde, to set vp the side and recouer their losses againe. They which stoode a farre off helde vp their handes and besought him: the nearest embra­ced his knees, especially Plotius Firmus captaine of the Garde, who besought him often and instantly not to forsake his so well deseruing souldiers, so louing and faithfull an army; auerring that it was greater magnanimity to endure then to relinquish when for­tune doth crosse: that stout men and valiant euen against fortune do relye vpon hope, whereas the cowardly dastardes are hastily drawen by feare to despaire. As Otho seemed by his counte­nance to yeelde to these speeches, or els to reiect them, so were there diuersely showtinges for ioy, or [...], saieth Plu. p. 1526. [...]. gronings for sorrow. And not onely the Praetorians, the most addicted and partiall souldi­ers to Otho, but those also which were sent before out of Moesia affirmed, that the army which was expected would alike obstinat­ly maintaine the quarrell: and that the Legions already were come to Aquileia; so that without all question a cruell and bloudy warre might haue beene renewed of doubtfull euent to the one side and to the other. But Otho altogether aliene from any purpose of warre, "To hazard, quoth he, this vertue and valure of yours to needlesse dangers, I account it too deare a price of my life. The more hope you doe shew, if I listed to liue, the more commenda­tion will bee of my death, as being voluntary and not by con­straint. Fortune & I haue had good experiēce the one of the other: & nothing the lesse for that my time hath beene short: I tel you, it is harder to moderate a mans selfe in felicity, the which he looketh not long to enioy. The ciuill warre beganne on Vitellius party, and thence grew the first occasion to contend with armes for the Empire: but to contend no oftener but once, I for my part am purposed to giue the example. And hereby let posterity iudge and esteeme of Otho. Through my benefit Vitellius shall enioy his brother, his wife, and his children: I seeke no reuenge, I haue no neede of such comforts. others haue kept longer the Empire, [Page 82] but let it be said, that none hath euer so valiantly left it. Shal I suffer so much Roman bloud againe to be spilt, and the common welth depriued of so worthy armies? Let this minde accompany me to my graue, and so surely it shal, that you for your parts would haue died for my sake: but tary you and liue, and let not me be any lon­ger a hinderance to your obtaining of pardon, nor you to my de­termination and purpose. To speake more of dying, or to vse ma­ny words in that argument, I take to proceede of a cowardely courage. This take for a principall proofe of my resolutenesse, that I complaine not of any. For to blame gods or men is their property that gladly would liue. After these words and the like, in courteous language, according to their age or degree, he required the young men, and desired the oulde to get them quickly away and goe to the winner; lest by slacking the time they prouoked his further displeasure: rebuking eftsoones the vnseasonable weepinges of those about him, without any shewe of alteration in countenaunce, or signe of feare in his speech. Then hee commaunded those which departed to bee furnished of wagons and barges; burned all bookes and letters containing any matter notably in fauour of himselfe or disfauour of Vitellius, and distributed money sparingly, and not as one that shoulde dye. Then he called vnto him Saluius Cocceianus his brothers sonne, being in the prime of his youth, and seeing him sore afraide & weeping, he comforted him, notwithstanding the case touched nearer himselfe, commending his kindnesse and naturall affection, and reprehending his timorousnesse. What? were it possible, that Vitellius should be so hard hearted, and cruelly minded, as not to doe him that one pleasure, whereas he had preserued for him his whole house without harme? that at least by this hasty dispatch of himselfe he deserued that some curtesie should be shewed his kin­red: especially hauing forborne, for the loue of his countrey, to seeke his last and vttermost remedy; not vppon extreme despaire, but then, whenas his army with instance demanded to bring it to a battell againe. but, he said, for his part he had gotten renowne e­nough for himselfe, and nobility for his posterity, after the Iulian, Claudian, and Seruian families, hauing first of al men brought into a house of no great continuance the honor of hauing an Emperor: and therefore he willed him with good courage to liue and go on, neither forgetting at any time that Otho was his vnkle, nor yet too [Page 83] much remembring the same. After these things he willed all to de­part and giue place, and gaue himselfe a while to his rest: but a so­daine tumult interrupted the course of his last cares, word being brought in of the disordered & outragious behauiour of the sol­diers; who threatned to kill all those which went away, but were most egerly bent against Verginius, whose house being shut they beset round about. Whereupon Otho went out, & hauing rebuked the principal mutins, returning againe spent the time in talking & comforting them which departed, vntil they were al safely conuei­ed away. When it grew toward night, he quenched his thirst with a cup of cold water, then two rapiers were brought in: and after hee had tried their points he put the one vnder his pillow: and hauing certaine knowledge that his friends were already gone, he passed the night in good rest, and as it is said not without sleep: assoone as it was day he ranne himselfe through the brest with the rapier. vp­on his groning, as he was dying his freed and bondmen, with Plo­tius Firmus captaine of the Garde, entred in, and found but onely one wound. The funerals were hastened with all speede, for he had most earnestly besought and intreated to dispatch them, least his head peraduenture should haue beene cut off, and contumeliou­sly vsed: the Praetorian cohorts caried the biere, with praises and teares, kissing his wound and his hands. At the funeral-fire some of the souldiers slew themselues, not vpon crime, nor for feare, but for the great loue they bare to their Prince, and to imitate so ho­norable an example: and afterwards at Bebriacum, Placentia, and in other campes many did the like: a tumbe also they At Brixellum, Plut. 1529. erected for Otho with little cost and solemnity, and therfore the liker to stand. In this maner Otho ended his daies in the 19 seuen and thirtieth yeare of his age. He was But borne at Rome. originally descended from Ferrentium: his father was Consul, his grandfather Praetor: his mothers bloud Suetonius c. 1. calleth hir solendidissima faemina. somewhat disparaging, but yet not base: in his tender age and youth such as wee haue shewed: one, that by two actes, the one most detestable, the other most praisewoorthy, deserued with posterity good fame, in as great measure as hee did ill. As to heape together fabulous matter, and delite the readers mindes with tales deuised at pleasure, I would account a thing little a­greeable to the grauity of my purposed worke, so on the other side I dare not to detract all credit, from thinges which are commonly spoken, and deliuered. The same day that the armies [Page 84] fought at Bebriacum, the inhabitantes of Regium Lepidi report, that a strange birde was seene sitting in a groue much frequented: and that she could not be feared or driuen away, by the resorting of men to the place, or of birdes flying about hir, vntill such time as Otho slewe himselfe: then she vanished out of sight; and that conferring the times, they found the beginning and ende of the miracle to agree precisely with Othoes decease. At his funerals the souldiers through sorrow and griefe raised a new tumult, nei­ther was there now any to stay them. And setting vpon Vergini­us manacingly they besought him, sometime to take the Empire himselfe, sometime to be their spokesman to Caecina and Valens: [...], saieth Plut. p 1529. [...]. but Verginius, as they were breaking into the house, deceiued them, slipping out priuily at the backe gate. So Rubrius Gallus caried the supplication of the cohorts, which were at Brixellum, and straightwaies obtained their pardon. Flauius Sabinus also came, with the of Gladiato­res. companies which he commaunded, and yeelded himselfe to the winner.

XVIII. The perill wherein the Senatours stoode which were left at Mutina, vpon the newes of the ouer­throw at Bebriacum.

WHEN the warre was euerywhere at an ende, a great part of the Senate, which accompanied Otho from Rome, and af­terward staied by order at Mutina, incurred extreme danger. For when word was brought thither of the ouerthrow, the souldiers reiected the newes as false: and supposing the Senate to be enemy to Otho, they obserued their speeches, interpreting their counte­naunces, and externall behauiour to the worst; not abstaining at the last from reuiling, and contumelious termes, and apparently seeking an occasion to begin a massacre: whereas the Senatours had beside to stande in feare another way, lest they should seeme not forward enough to like of Vitellius victory, with whome now all the world was gone. Thus trembling, and betweene both be­ing doubtfull how to cary themselues, they meete together, none daring to followe any priuate direction, but associating himselfe with the multitude, presuming thereby of greater security. As they were in this perplexity, the Ordo Mutinē ­si [...]i. Decuriones Mutinensium, as it were the common coū ­cel of the towne. councell of Mutina increased their cares, offering them armour and money, and stiling them at euery word, very vnseasonably, Lords of the Senate. In that assembly [Page 85] arose a hoat contention. Licinius Caecina inueyed against Epri­us Marcellus, for that he seemed to speake ambiguously concer­ning the present estate, whereas in trueth neither did the other Se­natours plainly open their minds: but Caecina picked out Marcel­lus among the rest, as a man exposed to enuy, and odious for his late trade of accusing, to the end that himselfe being lately risen, and newly come into the Senate, might become renowned and knowen, by entering into enmity with great persons. But by the moderation of the better sort interposing themselues the matter was pacified: & so they went all backe to Bononia, there to delibe­rate anew, hoping withall in the meane season to receiue more ad­uertisements. At Bononia they set in seuerall waies seuerall per­sōs to enquire newes of the passengers which latelyest came from those quarters: by whom a freedman of Othoes being demanded the cause of his comming away, he answered, that he had brought with him his masters After he had dismissed al the senatours, (saieth Sueto­nius c. 10.) se­creto captato binos codicillos exarauit ad so­rorem consola­torios: sed & ad Messalinam Neronis, quam matrimonio de­stinauerat, com­mendans reli­quias suas & memoriam: and some thing to Vitellius al­so, saieth Zono­ras, in fauor of his friends. last charge: that indeede he had left him a­liue, but without any care, saue onely of posterity, and hauing renounced all delites of this present life: hereupon they grewe into admiration of him, and were ashamed to aske any further: and now all wholly declared themselues for Vitellius. His brother L. Vitellius was present at their consultations, and al­ready offered himselfe to be fawned vppon, when sodainly Ce­nus, a freedeman of Neroes, with a lowde and desperate lye ama­zed them all, affirming that vpon the arriuall of the fourteenth Legion, the forces which were at Brixellum being ioyned there­to, the fortune of the sides was changed, and the conquerours were ouerthrowen. The cause of deuising the rumour was, that the commissions of Otho for posts, which beganne not to bee regarded, might through so gladsome a message be reuiued a­gaine. And so Cenus passed indeede in post to the citie, but with­in few daies after by Vitellius commandement was executed. but the perill of the Senatours was augmented thereby. for Othoes soldiers beleeued the newes to be true: and that which made their cause worse was, that they were departed from Mutina, and so the side seemed discountenanced & forsaken, as it were, by the coun­cell of state. Neither did they after that time consult any more in common: euery man sought to prouide for himselfe, vntill such time as letters sent from Fabius Valens, and the death of Otho, the more praise worthy the sooner heard of, put them out of feare.

XIX. The estate of affaires at Rome: and the insolencies committed by the Ʋitellian souldiers after the victorie.

BVT at Rome all was quiet, without any trouble or feare. the Cerealia be­ganne the 12. of April, and ended the 19. so that after the death of Otho at Brixel­lum heard of at Rome Cere­ales ludi ex mo­respectabantur, the day of his death, albeit the newes came in post could hardlie be so late as the 18. of A­pril, & not possibly so late as the 19. plaies of Ceres were solēnely kept according to the custome: & when certaine word was brought into the Theatre that Otho was dead, and that Flauius Sabinus Prouost of the city had sworne all the soldiers in the citty to Vitellius, in signe of ioy the people clap­ped their hands & gaue applause vnto Vitellius. Then they caried the images of Galba with boughes of lawrell & flowers about the temples, heaping vp together in maner of a tumbe garlands and coronets about Lacus Curtius, which place Galba at his death had embrued with his bloud. In the Senate al titles & honours vsu­ally conferred vpon other Princes by occasions, & after they had raigned many yeares, were straightwaies decreed to Vitellius: and withall praises concluded vpon for the German armies, with solemne thankes for their good seruice; and an Embassage sent to congratulate. Letters also were read; writen by Fabius Valens to the Consuls, in a stile humble inough: yet Caecinaes modesty was better accepted in that he wrote not at all. But Italy was now more grieuously vexed, and cruelly handled then during the warre. The Vitellian soldiers dispersed in the free townes and colonies pilled and spoyled, polluted & rauished without any difference of right or wrong, holy or profane; but only following their rauenous and insolent humor, or els by money bought out to forbeare: & some there were that counterfaiting themselues to be soldiers slew their particulare enemies. The soldiers also themselues were skilled in the countrey, and designed out the well stoared groundes, & well moneyed masters to pray vpon, or if resistance were made, to de­stroy them; the Generals being obnoxious & not daring to prohi­bit it: Caecina was lesse couetous & more possessed with vainglo­rie: Valens was for bribery and polling infamous, and therefore a winker also at other mens faultes. so many footemen and horse, so great violences, dāmages and iniuries, especially the state of Italy being already greatly empouerished before, were hardly abiddē.

XX. Ʋitellius viage from Germanie to Lions, and his actions there.

IN the meane season Vitellius, ignoraunt of his owne victorie, made preparation as for a warre new to begin, and caried with [Page 87] him beside eight thousand soldiers of Britanny, the strength which remained of the German army: fewe olde soldiers were left in the standing campes, but new men leuyed in hast out of France to vp­holde the names of the Legions remayning behinde: and the charge of the militare affaires there was committed to Hordeo­nius Flaccus. Whē Vitellius had marched some few daies iourney, he vnderstood of the good successe at Bebriacum; then that Otho was dead & the warre finished: whereupon calling an assembly he highly extolleth the valiantnesse of the soldiers. Primo imperij die, saieth Sue­tonius. c. 12. cō ­trary to the circumstan­ces of this place. After the speech, his army instantly requested him to create Asiaticus his freedman a Gentleman of Rome: which shamefull flatterie he then rebuked; and soone after vpon a ficklenesse of wit, that which he had open­ly refused, he priuily bestowed in banquet, and honoured with rings Asiaticus, a base abiect slaue, and one seeking to rise by ill meanes. About the same time message was brought that Albi­nus Procuratour of both Mauretanies was slaine, and the coun­treyes had sided themselues with Vitellius. Lucceius Albinus was by Nero set ouer Mauretania Caesariensis, and Galba annex­ed the administration of Tingitana; so that he had forces of good moment vnder his charge: 18. cohorts, fiue wings, and an infinite number of Moores not vnfit for the warre, as men that vsually li­ued of stealing & harrowing their neighbours. When Galba was slaine he followed the party of Otho, and not contenting him­selfe with Africke, had a purpose for Spaine, being disioyned from it by a narrow strayte. Hereupon Cluvius Rufus was afraide, and cōmanded the tenth Legion to aproach to the shoare, as if he ment to haue shipped ouer: sending before certaine Centurions to in­duce the mindes of the Moores to fauour Vitellius: neither was it harde to effect. For the fame of the German army was great throughout all the prouinces, and beside a reporte was spredde, that Albinus contemning the name of a Procurator, had vsurped a royal diademe, & the name of The last king of Mau­retania, subdu­ed by Caesar. anno vrb. cond. 708. Iuba. So their mindes being chan­ged, thereupon they went and slewe Asinius Pollio captaine of a wing, one of Albinus faithfullest friends, & Festus and Scipio two captaines of cohorts: Albinus himselfe as he went by sea from Tin­gitana to Mauretania Caesariensis was slaine as he landed, and his wife withal, who voluntarily offred hir selfe to the slaughter. These thinges and all els that was done Vitellius passed ouer without due examination, as his maner was with a short audience to turne [...] [Page 90] ech striuing to excell other, induced some vnthrifty young men to the like dishonour. Nowe Vitellius vpon the comming of his brother, & certaine schoolemasters of tyranny creeping into the court, waxing prowder & fiercer, commanded Dolabella, whom, as before we remembred, Otho had confined to Aquinum, vpon this occasion to be slaine. Dolabella, hearing that Otho was dead, was returned to Rome: whereof Plautius Varus once Praetor, one of Dolabellaes most inward friendes, accused him before Flauius Sabinus the Prouost of the city, as if he had brokē prison, to the end to make offer of himselfe for a head to the conquered faction: ad­ding moreouer, that to that purpose he had felt the cohort, which was in garrison at Ostia: but hauing no one proofe of any of these so great crimes, he began to repent of his wicked deede, & sought pardon, but too late, after the facte. As Flauius Sabinus was in doubt how to proceede, in a matter of that wayght, Triaria the wife of Lucius Vitellius, fierce and cruell aboue the ordinary of that sexe, terrified him; warning him not to affect the commenda­tion of clemency by the perill of his Prince. Sabinus a man of his owne nature of a milde disposition, but when hee was put in a feare easie to be changed, and fearing to make another mans danger his owne, lest he shoulde seeme to haue helped him vp, as hee was falling pushed him forwarde. So Vitellius, partly vppon feare, and partly vpon an olde grudge, because Dolabella had taken Petronia to wife straight vpon hir deuorce from him, called him by letters to him: and commanding to auoide the bea­ten Flaminian way, and carry him by Interamna, he gaue commis­sion to murther him there. that seemed too long to him who had the commission: & therefore in an inne by the way, as Dolabella rested himselfe on the grounde, he cut his throat, to the great infa­mie of the new gouernment, wherof this was the first proofe. This kinde of behauiour of Triaria was the more odious, by setting a­gainst it the modesty of hir next neighbour Galeria the Emperors wife, heaping not sorrowes vpon the sorrowfull, and the rare ver­tue of Sextilia his mother, a woman of the ancient sort: who is also reported to haue saied at the reading of hir sonnes first letters, that a Vitellius was borne by hir & not a Germanicus: neither did shee afterwardes through any allurements of fortune, or courting of the city, participate any thing els of hir sonnes estate, saue onely the smarts of hir house when it fell.

XXI. Ʋitellius viage from Lions into Jtalie by Turin, Pauia, Cre­mona, Bebriacum, and so to Bononia, and the actions which happened in the meane waie.

AS Vitellius was departed from Lions, Marcus Cluvius Rufus leauing his charge in Spaine ouertaketh him, carying ioy and gratulation in countenance, but heauinesse in heart, knowing that he had beene shot at, and matter put vp against him. Hilarius the Emperours freedman had articled against him, that hearing of Vitellius and Othoes contention for the Empire, he had en­deuoured to erect a souerainty of his owne, and assure to himselfe the possession of Spaine: and therefore had named in the begin­ning of his Diplomata; which al­though gran­ted and sealed by the gouer­nours of the prouinces, yet the stile was, as from the Prince, and in the Princes name were the commissi­ons directed. commissions no Prince: certaine pointes also of his orations he picked out, and construed as tending to the defacing of Vitellius, and making himselfe populare. But the credit of Clu­vius preuailed so farre, that Vitellius contrarily commaunded his man to be punished, and assumed Cluvius into his traine; suffering him withall to enioy Spaine, which he gouerned still notwithstan­ding his absence, according to the precedent of Tac. 4. Ann. p, 387. Lucius Arrun­tius, whom Tiberius Caesar retained for feare, but Vitellius kept Cluvius vpon no such ielousie. Trebellius Maximus had not the like fauour: he fled out of Britannie, because the souldiers were incensed against him; and Vectius Bolanus was sent in his place.

Of all matters present that vexed Vitellius most, to see the vanquished Legions retaine their stomackes vnuanquisht: being dispersed thorow Italie together with the winners, in all speeches they shewed themselues affected as enemies, and namely the fourteenth Legion; who caried the greatest stomacke of them all, denying that euer they were ouercome: that in the battell at Bebriacum the Vexillaries onely were put to flight, the strength of the Legion being not present. Wherefore it was thought expedient to sende them backe into Britannie, from whence they were called by Nero; and in the meane time, that they and the co­horts of Batauians should quarter together, by reason of the an­cient iarring between them. Neither could they, hauing both wea­pons in hande and hating ech other so deadly, agree long toge­ther. At Turin as one of the Batauians quarreled with an artificer, as hauing coozened him, and a Legionary soldier tooke his part, and defended him as beeing his host, their companions sorting themselues ech to their felow, from bitter words passed to blowes: [Page 92] and a bloudy battaile had beene fought, had not two Praetorian cohorts taken the Legionaries part, and so much increased their strength, that the Batauians were forced for feare to giue ouer. Vpon which accident Vitellius commanded to vnite to his traine the Batauians, as wellwillers to the cause, and to send the Legion away and conduct it ouer the Graian Alpes, by the way that mis­sed Vienna; for they of Vienna also were had in a ielousie. That night the Legion remoued, fires being left here and there negli­gently vnput out, part of Turin was burnt: which dammage, as many other bad effectes of that warre, greater calamities of other cities did vtterly blot and put out of remembrance. The Legion hauing passed the Alpes, some of the most seditious among them caried their enseignes toward Vienna: but by the consent of the better sort they were staied; and so the Legion was transported in­to Britanny. The next feare that Vitellius had, was of the Suetonius Vi­tellio c. 10. re­porteth the same and no more: quicquid Praetoriarum cohortium fuit, vno exauctora­uit edicto. but by the new enrolment des­cribed in Ta­citus. p. 104. it may seeme that vrbanae cohortes were al­so dismissed. Prae­torian cohorts. And first they were separated: then in good sort & Missio alia honesta, alia igno­miniosa, honesta ex valetudine, ex stipendijs cō ­fectis, and in the free state, as I thinke, pro haereditate ade­unda, pro hono­ribus petendis, &c. courteously cassed, with commandement to deliuer vp their armour to their Tribunes; and so they remained vntill such time as the warre was begunne by Vespasian: then they resumed armes and were the strength of the Flauian side. Of the other Legions the first surnamed Classica was sent into Spaine, that by peace and rest it might waxe tractable: the eleuenth and seuenth were re­turned to their standing campes: the thirteenth set For some short time, & so sent home againe into Pannonia: for there we find it againe in the beginning of the reuolt of Illyricum from Vitellius, p. 100. a worke to builde Amphytheatres: for Caecina at Cremona, and Valens at Bononia made preparation to set forth a shew of fencers; Vitel­lius being neuer so intentiuely addicted to serious affaires, that he would forget his pastimes and pleasures. And thus with good moderation he set them asunder. In the winning side a mutinee arose upon a sporting beginning, but that the number of them which were slaine made it a matter of earnest, and the whole warre more odious. Vitellius was in Ticinum at banquet, and with him Verginius. The Lieutenants and Tribunes are frugal Tempestiui [...] conuiuijs dele­ctantur. convi­via tempestina those, which to make the worke the lō ­ger, are be­gunne before the ordinary houre. or riotous, according to the Princes dispositions: in like sort the souldier se­uere or dissolute: in Vitellius traine all was disorderly and full of drunkennesse, more like to 21 wakes and the feasts of Bacchus, Read Suet. Vitellio c. 10. then to a campe where discipline should be. It happened that two souldiers, one of the fift Legion, another a French Auxiliary, vpon a iolity challenged one another to wrestle: and whenas the Legionary was throwen, the French man insulting ouer him, and [Page 93] they which lookt on diuiding themselues into sides, the Legio­nary souldiers taking themselues to their weapons made ha­uocke of the Auxiliaries, and slew two cohorts of them. The remedy of this tumult was another tumult. dust and glistering of armour was seene a farre off: and sodainely it was noised in the ar­my, that the fourteenth Legion was returned with intention to fight: but it was their own riereward; which being perceiued, that care was ended. In the meane season, as one of Verginius ser­uants by chaunce came by, the souldiers charge and accuse him, that he was set to kil Vitellius, & rush thereupon into the banquet­ting place requiring the death of Verginius. No man doubted of Verginius innocēcy, no not Vitellius himselfe, although otherwise very suspicious and fearefull: and notwithstanding they demaun­ded the death of so honourable a personage, and one which had once beene their Generall, yet were they hardly appeased. Nei­ther was there any man so oft shot at as Verginius in all seditions and mutinous assemblies: the admiration and fame of the man re­mained amongst them; but they hated him deadly, because he had contemned their offer. The day following Vitellius gaue audi­ence to the Senates Embassage, which hee willed there to attende him; & going from thence to the campe, he spake to the soldiers, commending their dutifull disposition, and tender carefulnesse o­uer his person: but the Auxiliaries fretted and fumed to see the Le­gionaries growen to that height of insolency, and no punishment inflicted vpon them. Whereupon the cohorts of Batauians, lest they should attempt some desperate act, were sent backe againe into Germany, the course of affaires fatally tending to minister matter, as wel Raised by Ciuilis & the Batauians, and continued by the rebellion of the French, Tac. Hist. 4. & 5 to a forraine warre, as to a ciuill. The French Auxi­liaries also were turned home to their countreys; an excessiue number, and straight at the first reuoult assumed by Vitellius into the cause, for an idle complement of the warre. Now to the end that the treasure and reuenues of the Empire, though minished and wasted, might suffice for his excessiue and prodigall donati­ons, he commandeth to lessen the number of souldiers in the Legi­ons and Aydes, forbidding supplies to be made, and offering dis­missions indifferently: which action of his proued pernicious to the state, and vnpleasant to the souldiers. For fewer nowe bare the same burthens; and perils and labors came thicker about; and their strength was wasted with riotous life by reason of such abun­dance, [Page 94] contrary to the ancient discipline and vsage of our forefa­thers, vnder whom the Roman estate was gouerned and stood, by vertue better then money. From thence Vitellius turned to Cre­mona: and when he had seene Caecinaes plaies, he was desirous to go to Bebriacum and view the place with his eies of the late victo­ry. The spectacle was ougly and grisly to behold: within forty daies after the battel, bodies Xiphilinus. p. 205 writeth that in the battels about Cre­mona on both sides 40000. mē were slain. Tacitus, following the pre­cept of Salust, neuer [...]. most seldome set­teth downe the number. torne a pieces, mangled limmes, fi­gures of horses and men putrified, the ground imbrued with cor­ruption and bloud, the countrey miserably wasted, the trees and corne troden downe and spoiled: that also was a point of inhuma­nity that they of Cremona had strowed the way 22 with roses and bay, erected altars, and sacrificed thereon And not new in the Roman Princes, if Sue­tonius deceiue not in Gal­ba c. 18. per om­ne iter dextrâ sinistrâ (que) oppi­datim victimae caedebantur. as the maner is to kings passing by: which thinges, albeit they pleased them presentlie, turned afterwardes to their ruine. Caecina and Valens were by, and shewed the places of the conflict: from this place the Legions went out and charged: from hence the horsemen a­rose: from thence the Auxiliaries closed about. Nowe the Tri­bunes and captaines extolling ech his owne prowesse, with ma­ny a lye mingled some truethes, or made of the trueth more then it was. The common souldiers also with clamour and ioy step out of the way, call to remembraunce the ground they had tra­uersed, beholde and woonder at the heapes of armour, and bo­dies: and some there were whom the changeable fortune of hu­mane affaires moued to pitty and teares. But Vitellius as a man without all compassion turned not away his eies, nor had Suetonius Vi­tellio. c. 10. ad­deth further, vt campos in quib. pugnatū est adijs, abhor­rentes quosdam cadaverum ta­bem, detestabili voce confirmare cusus est, opti­mèolere occisum hostem, & meli­ùs ciuem. not in horror to see so many thousands of vnburied citizens: but contra­riwise iocunde, and ignoraunt of his owne lot which followed so nearely, he maketh a solemne sacrifice 23 to the gods of the place. After these things Fabius Valens at Bononia maketh a shew of fen­cers: to the setting out whereof, furniture was fetched from Rome: and the nearer Vitellius came to the city, the more dissolute & corrupt was he & his company, stage plaiers associating them­selues to the traine, 3. Hist. p. 727. of Fabius Va­lens, multo, ac molli concubi­narum spado­num (que) agmine. and droues of eunuches, and the rest of the buffons of Neroes court. For Vitellius was an admirer also of Nero himselfe, and was wont to attend Read Suet. c. 4 and follow him as he did sing, not by compulsion as many a good man, but selling his ho­nour to nourish his riot and feed his belly, to which he had wholly enthralled himselfe. Now that Valens & Caecina might obtaine some voide monethes that yeare to be Consuls in, certaine others [Page 95] coarctati alia­rum consulatus some indeed were stricken out: but euery one, as it may seeme, accomplished his or­dinary time of two moneths. see the anno­tation vpon the first book. were abridged of their time: M. Macer was passed ouer because he had beene a captaine of Othoes side: Valerius Marinus whom Galba appointed was put ouer to another time, not vpon any dis­like, but because he was of a soft nature, and would gently put vp a wrong. Pedanius Costa was omitted being dislikt of the Prince, because he had attempted against Nero, and pricked Verginius forward: but Vitellius aledged other causes; and according to the seruile custome of that time great thanks were giuen him beside.

XXII. One Geta a bondman counterfaiting himselfe to be Scribonianus Camerinus, and associating others vnto him, was taken, brought to Vitellius and hanged.

ABOVT the same time a certain fable, beleeued at first, and run­ning without controlement at the beginning, ended within a few daies. A certaine man counterfaited himselfe to be Scribonia­nus Camerinus, and that he had lyen in Neroes time for feare se­cret in Histria, because there the vassals and possessions of the old Crassi, and the affection toward the name did remaine. so certaine lewd persons being assumed to furnish the play, the credulous cō ­mon people, & some of the soldiers, vpon ignorance of the truth, or els desirous of troubles, began to associat themselues vnto him apace: but their captain was entrapped anone and brought before Vitellius, and being examined what maner of man he was, whenas they founde no truth in his answers, and that he was owned by his master by name and quality Geta a fugitiue bondman, he was exe­cuted after the maner of slaues.

XXIII. Vespasian sweareth to Ʋitellius: then taketh vpon him­selfe the Empire in Jewrie.

IT is scarcely credible, how greatly Vitellius grewe in pride and slothfulnesse, whenas the soldiers sent for that purpose brought worde out of Syria and Iewry, that the East had sworne allegeance vnto him. For Vespasian, albeit only vpon a flying report without any certaine autor, was in euery mans mouth, and commonly spo­ken of, and oftentimes as hee was named Vitellius would startle. Then he & his army, as being without any concurrent in cruelty, in lust, in oppression, brake out into barbarous and forraine beha­uiour. But Vespasian in the meane season laying his plot for the warre, entred into consideration of the forces both neare and far of. His owne soldiers were so ready in his behalfe, that when he beganne them the othe and wished all prosperity to Vitellius, the [Page 96] soldiers answered with silence, without either good wish or good worde. Mutianus was not aliene from Vespasian, and toward Titus very well affected. Alexander the gouernour of Aegypt had en­tred into the confederacy. The third Legion, because it was trans­ferred out of Syria into Moesia, Vespasian reckened as his owne: and the rest of the Illyrian Legions it was hoped would folow. For the insolent behauiour of the souldiers which came from Vi­tellius, with their proud gestures and lookes, and rude speeches, despising all others as base and inferiours, had wonderfully offen­ded all the armies beside. But to enter into so weighty a warre was a point not so quickly resolued vpon: and Vespasian albeit he ho­ped the best, forecast sometimes the worst in his minde: what a day would that be for him, in the which he should commit to the mercy of the warre himselfe of threescore yeares of age, and his two sonnes in the flower of their youth? that in priuate attempts a man might proceede & stop where he listed; but to them which desired the Empire there was no midle course, betweene the estate of a Prince and the death of a traitour. Furthermore he laied before him the puissance of the German army; a matter well knowen vn­to him Viro militari. for Vespasian before he was sent into Iew­ry had beene Lieutenant of a Legion in Germanie, thē in Britannie, where he fought 30. battels, tooke a­boue 20. townes, and adioyned the ile of Wight to the obedi­ence of the Roman Em­pire, whereup­on he recei­ued triumpha­lia ornamenta. Suet. Vesp. c. 4. being a martial man: that his Legions had neuer made tri­al al of thēselues in a ciuil warre, whereas they of Vitellius had beene conquerours therein: and the conquered party abounded more in complaints then in forces and strength. Moreouer that in ciuill dissensions the faith of the soldier was fleeting: and that there was perill to be feared from euery particular man. For what would co­horts and wings auaile, if one or two, to attaine the rewarde pro­posed by the otherside, would desperately venture to kill him? so Scribonianus was slaine vnder Claudius, and so his murderer Volaginius of a common soldier was preferred to the highest pla­ces of seruice. that it was a more easie matter to incite all in gene­ral, thē to beware of eueryone in particular. As he semed to wauer moued with these feares, both the other Lieutenants with the rest of his friendes sought to confirme him, and Mutianus after many and secret conferences, now also in open councell spake to him in this wise. "All men, which are to enter into great and impor­tant actions, ought to weigh with themselues, whether that which is vndertaken be profitable to the common wealth, honourable for themselues, and easie to be effected, or at least not greatly dif­ficult: withall the party that perswadeth vnto it is to be considered, [Page 97] whether beside bare wordes and aduise hee adioine his owne pe­rill thereto, yea or no: and if fortune doe fauour the attempt to whom the principall glorie accreweth. I call you Vespasian to the taking of the Empire, a matter as much for the safegarde of the common wealth, as for your owne honour. Next after the gods it is in your hande to attaine it: and feare not as though I sayde it to flatter: it is more neare a disgrace then a prayse to be chosen after Vitellius. We rise not against Augustus, a man of that deepe insight, not against the wary olde age of Tiberius, nor against the house of Caius, or Claudius, or Nero rooted by so many descents in the Empire: you gaue place also to the ancientnes of Galbaes house: to sleepe any longer and abandon the state to be in this sort polluted & ruined, were a sloth & cowardise, yea although to liue in that slauery were as safe for you, as it is dishonourable; which indeede is not so. The time is already Abijs iam & transuectum est tempus quo pos­ses videri con­cupisse. confu­geindum est ad imperium. gone and forepast when you might seeme to haue for ambition desired the Empire: the Empire must now be your sanctuary & re­fuge. Haue you forgotten how Corbulo was murdred? a man of greater lignage then we are, I grant: & so was Nero likewise then Vitellius. He that is feared is alwaies noble enough in his conceit that doth feare: and that a Prince may be made by the souldiers a­broad, Vitellius himselfe hath shewed the way; a man otherwise which neuer serued in field, neuer attained to any militare renown but preferred onely vpon a dislike of Galba, and now so disliked himselfe, that Otho, whom hee ouercame, not by strategeme or strength, but by his own hasty casting away of himselfe, is become a notable Prince & much wished for: wheras Vitellius in the mean time disperseth the Legions, disarmeth the cohorts, and ministreth daily new matter of warre. His own souldier if he had any cou­rage or edge, it is dulled and worne away, in tipling and brothe­ling houses, and following the Princes example. You haue out of Iewry, Syria and Aegypt nine complete Legions in readinesse, not wasted by warre, nor corrupted with mutinees; but a soul­dier confirmed with practise and vse, and hartened with hap­py exployts against forrayne enemies. We haue nauies, wings and cohortes to strengthen our cause, and kings beside most faithfull unto vs: and that which is aboue all, your owne experi­ence and skill. Of my selfe I will not say much: this only that I am not inferiour to Caecina and Valens: disdaine not Mutianus for [Page 98] a helper, because you haue him not a competitour: I preferre my selfe before Vitellius, and you before me. Your house is beautifi­ed with triumphall ornaments, and adorned with two goodly youngmen, the one already About twen­ty seuē yeares olde. capable of the Empire, and in his first seruice renowned among the armies of Germanie also: it were absurd for me not to yeelde vp the Empire to him, whose sonne I would surely adopt if my selfe were Emperour. Now as con­cerning the rewarde and the perill, they shall not be equally par­ted betweene vs. For if we doe ouercome, I shall haue that ho­nour which you wil affoorde me: the danger and peril shalbe alike to vs both; or as it is better, rule you these armies here, and com­mit ouer to mee the warre and vncertaine euents of the field. The conquered side liueth this day vnder better discipline, then the conquerours; anger and hatred, and desire of reuenge inflaming them to valure, whereas the other through pride & breach of dis­cipline waxe dullish & blunt: whose secret & swelling wounds the warre of it selfe will open and disclose. neither do I repose my selfe more vpon your vigilant, frugall and discreete dealing, then vpon the sluggish, doltish, and cruell proceeding of Vitellius. And be­side all this our cause is more iustifiable in warre then in peace: for they which deliberate to rebell, haue rebelled. After the oration of Mutianus the rest came more boldly about him, ex­horting and perswading him, and laying before him the oracles and prophecies, and the fauorable aspects of the heauens: neither was Vespasian voyde of that kinde of superstition. For afterward when he was Emperour, he had openly about him one Seleucus an Astrologer, to foretell and direct his affaires. Moreouer cer­taine olde and ominous presages came to his remembrance. A notable Suet. Vespasi­ano. c. 5. tall cypres tree was in his grounde, which sodainly fell downs, & the day following rose vp againe vpon the same roote and flourished, growing higher and better spredde then before. That thing by the consent of the Haruspices foreshewed greate and prosperous matters: who assured him, when hee was very young, of most high and honourable preferment. But at the first the Quem gessit, saieth Suetoni­us, per duos no­vissimos annimenses, about the later end of Claudius time. Consulshippe, and triumphall ornamentes, and the glory of the Iewish victory seemed to haue fulfilled the prophecy: when he had attained to them, he beleeued then the Empire was portended therehy. Between Iewry & Syria lyeth the mount Car­melus, and so the god also is called, to whom according to the [Page 99] custome anciently receyued an altare is erected, and all deuout­nesse and reuerence shewed, but without either image of tem­ple. As Vespasian sacrificed there, fraught with secrete hopes in his head, Basilides the preest often viewing and marking the en­trailes, Suet. Vesp. c. 5. apud Judaeam Carmeli dei ora­culum consulen­tem (Vespasia­num) ita confir­mauere sortes, vt quicquid co­gitaret volue­ret (que) animo, quamtumlibet magnum, id esse peruenturum pollicerentur. Whatsoeuer it is, quoth he, ô Vespasian which thou inten­dest, whether it be to build a house, or to enlarge thy possessions, or to increase the number of seruantes, it shall bee effected: the gods doe grant thee a great roome, large limits, and many men. These darke speeches were straightwaies noted and published, & now by the common voice of the people applyed and construed: neither was there any thing more vulgare in euery mans mouth, and especially in his owne audience; as to them which depende vppon hopes, such kindes of speeches are most vsed. From this conference they departed with full resolution, Mutianus to An­tiochia, and Vespasian to Caesarea, the one beeing the heade towne of Syria, the other of Iudaea. Suet. Vesp. c. 6. saieth the matter was first broched and begun by the Jllyrian army. The matter was first pub­lished, and Vespasian named Emperour at Alexandria by Tibe­rius Alexander, who made the most hast, and ministred the souldi­ers their othe vpon the first day of Iulie, which day afterward was reputed and celebrated as the first day of his raigne, although his owne army of Iewry beganne not before the 5 ^to. Nonas. Suet. 5 ^to. Jdus, which is the eleuenth day. third of the same moneth: and then in his presence they sware with such affection & heate, that they did not attende the comming of Titus his sonne out of Syria, who was a messenger of all matters betweene Mutia­nus & his father. The The soldiers affection to­ward Vespasiā, and the ma­ner and circū ­stances of his assuming the Empire are wel set downe by Iosephus [...]. 4. c. 36. (who was pre­sent at the a­ction) with some particu­larities not touched by Tacitus here, noted by E­gesippus also li. 4. c. 27. if it bee the ancient Egesippus, and not rather an extract of Jo­sephus. violence of the soldier ouerruled the whole action: for no assembly being called; the Legions not met toge­ther; the time and place not agreed of, nor the man determined vpon, a point in that case of most difficulty, that should speake the first worde: hope and feare, reason and chance, diuersly distracted their mindes. Matters standing in these termes, as Vespasian came out of his chamber, a few souldiers after the wonted maner stoode on a rowe, as to salute their Generall, but they saluted him Emperour: then the rest ranne to, & heaped vpon him the names of Caesar and Augustus, & al titles of soueraine powerd. His conceites rose from apprehensiō of feare to the consideration of his fortune, notwithstanding there appeared in him no token of pride or arro­gancie, nor change in so great a change; but being amazed at the sodaine sight of so great a multitude, assoone as he had recoue­red his spirits he spake vnto them soldier like: and being receiued [Page 100] with a ioyfull applause, hee sent worde to Mutianus of the suc­cesse. Mutianus at Antiochia receiuing the message which he loo­ked for, called the souldiers to the othe for Vespasian, which they most willingly accepted. Then he went to 24 the Theatre, where the maner of that towne is to meete and consult: and made a speech vnto them, as they flocked and fawned about him, in their owne language, as he was a man competently eloquent in the Greeke tongue also; and one that had the arte to make the most shew of whatsoeuer he spake or did. But aboue all, that in­censed principally both the prouince and the army, which Mu­tianus affirmed, that Vitellius had determined to transferre the German Legions into Syria, a rich and quiet seruice; and of the contrary side to remoue the Syrian Legions into Germany, a hard and cold countrey, and a place of great paines: for both they of the prouince liked well of the souldiers company, to whom they were enured, & with whom many of them were linked in affinitie & kinred, and the soldiers likewise loued the place of their setled campes, as their owne homes, being growen familiare with them, by reason of their long seruice there. Before the fifteenth of Iuly all Syria had receyued the same othe. Moreouer Sohemus with his kingdome adioyned himselfe to the cause, a man of good forces; and Antiochus of wealth of long gathering, and of all the subiect kings the richest. Agrippa also, vpon secrete ad­uertisements from his frendes, departed He came out of Iewry with Titus when he was sent by his father to Galba: and when Titus vpon the mes­sage of Galba­ [...]s death returned backe a­gain from Co­rinth, Agrippa notwithstan­ding, saieth Io­sephus li. 4. c. 29 [...], vt apud novum princi­pem locaret gratiam, saieth our common Hegesippus. lib. 4. c. 21. from Rome vnawares to Vitellius, and sayled hastily home: and likewise the queene Be­renice with all her might furthered the side, a queene in the flower of her beauty and youth, and well beloued of the olde Vespa­sian also, in respect of the great and rich gifts which she gaue. All the prouinces which bordered on the sea, as farre as Asia and A­chaia, and al the inlandes to Pontus & Armenia, receiued the oth: but the Lieutenants thereof were without armies, for as yet 25 Cappadocia had no Legions assigned.

XXIIII. The preparation of Vespasian and his side for the warre.

BERYTVS 26 was elected for the place of their principal consulta­tions. Thither Mutianus with the Lieutenants & Tribunes re­payred, & the chiefest of the Centurions and soldiers, & certaine choise persons out of the Iewish army. So many footmen & horse­men together, & so great preparations of kings striuing to exceed [Page 101] one another made shewe of a Princes estate. The first proui­sion for warre was to leuy more men, and reuoke the olde souldiers which were discharged: certaine strong cities were appointed out to make armour therein: at Antioche gold and siluer was coyned: and in all these seuerall workes great speede and diligence vsed by the meanes of good ouerseers. Vespasi­an also woulde goe in his owne person and encourage them, in­citing the good by praise, the slowe by example rather then cor­rection, more ready to conceale the vices of his friendes then the vertues: many he rewarded with captaines and Procuratours places, many he aduanced to be Senatours, excellent men and of great vertue, and which afterwardes attained to highest degrees, although in some fortune supplied the want of good qualities. As for donatiues to the souldier, neither did Mutianus in his first oration make any mention but sparingly thereof, nor Vespasian make any offer of greater in ciuill warre, then others were won­ted in peace; a man notable and firme against these lauishings to souldiers, and therefore hauing his army better in order. More­ouer Embassadours were sent to the kings of Parthia and Arme­nia to conclude a surceance of armes, lest whilest the Legions were intentiue vpon the ciuill warre, those nations should assault the frontiers behinde. It was agreed that Titus should prose­cute the Iewish warre, and Vespasian should put himselfe in pos­session of the Claustra Ae­gypti. Iosephus, [...]. lib. 4. c. 37. openeth this matter at large of the necessity of the countrey to the vittai­ling of Italie, of the strēgth on euery side, and hardnesse of accesse ei­ther by land or by sea, and especially of the dāgerous­nesse of the hauen at A­lexandria a very particu­lare descripti­on. neuerthe­lesse Vespasian, after this con­sultation at Berytus, accor­ding to Jose­phus c. 4, went to Antiochia before he went into Ae­gypt. strength of Aegypt. Against Vitellius it was thought sufficient to sende a part of the host, and Mutianus to leade them, and the name of Vespasian, and the fauour of fate, which findeth or maketh a way through all lets. Then letters were writen to all the Lieutenants and armies, and order giuen out to inuite the Praetorian souldiers, which hated Vitellius, vpon promise of restitution to their places. Mutianus with an army not encombred with cariage, bearing himselfe rather as the Em­perours fellowe then as a seruant 27 marched forward, not very slowly, lest he should seeme for feare to delay, nor yet very ha­stily, but gaue time for the fame of the action to grow; knowing that his strength was not much, and that men beleeue alwaies greater matters of thinges which are absent: but there follow­ed a great troupe, the sixth Legion, and thirteene thousande Vexillaries. The fleete hee commaunded to passe out of Pon­tus and meete him at Byzantium, beeing halfe in a minde to [Page 102] leaue Moesia, 28 and with his horsemen and footemen directly to goe to Dyrrhachium, and withall with his shippes of warre to shut vp the sea toward Italie, leauing Achaia and Asia behinde him in safety; which, vnlesse they were garded with sufficient power, be­ing without armies would lie open to Vitellius, and that by that meanes Vitellius himselfe woulde stand in doubt what parte of Italie to protect, if at one instant Brundusium and Tarentum, and the coasts of Lucania and Calabria should be infested by ene­my fleets. Thus the Having set forward Mu­tianus in his way, here he returneth a­gaine to talke of the prepa­ration some­what disorder­ly, and perad­uenture to draw in that saying of Mu­tianus, Pecu­nias esse belli civilis nervo [...]. prouinces were busily occupied in pro­uision of shippes, men, and armour; but the greatest difficulty was to get money: which Mutianus affirming to be the sinewes of ci­uill warre, respected not lawe or equity in iudgements, but on­ly what way to procure masses of money. Crimes were day­lie deuised, against men of most wealth, and they spoyled: which maner of dealing beeing of it selfe greeuous and intolle­rable, but in some sorte excusable by the necessity of the warre, remayned also in peace afterward. For Vespasian himselfe, al­beit at the beginning of his Empire hee was not so obstinately bent to obtaine vnreasonable matters, yet vppon his continu­all prosperitie, and taught by ill masters, hee tooke foorth a bad lesson, and vsed it boldly. With his owne purse also Mu­tianus furthered the warre, conferring priuately that, which he would in more ample measure repay himselfe out of the com­mon. The rest following his example in contributing of mo­ney, fewe or none had the grace to receiue it againe with the like vantage.

XXV. The armies in Moesia, Pannonia and Dalmatia adhere to Vespasian.

THE affayres of Vespasian were in the meane season haste­ned forward by the 29 Illyrian armies affection towarde the side. The third Legion gaue example to the other two Legi­ons of Moesia: the seuenth surnamed Claudiana, and the eighth, being welwillers of Otho, albeit they were not present at the battell, but only come forward Suet. Vesp. c. 6 writeth that not the 3. Le­giōs, but 2000 out of the 3. Legions cāe for­ward to Aqui­leiat no doubt erroniously. to Aquileia; at which place misusing the messengers that brought worde of Othoes ouer­throwe, and tearing the banners wherein Vitellius name was in­scribed, and lastly taking a summe of money by violence and par­ting it amongst them, they shewed themselues open enemies to [Page 103] the cause. Whereupon they feared displeasure, and vpon feare de­uised, that this kinde of dealing, which to Vitellius must haue nee­ded a long and solemne excuse, might to Vespasian be set vp and reckened as a fauour and benefit. So the three Moesian Legions, thus concurring in one, by letters inuited the Pannonian armie to the cause, or if they refused, prepared to force them. In that tumult Aponius Saturninus Lieutenant general of Moesia endeuoured to commit a most wicked act, sending a Centurion to murder Terti­us Iulianus Lieutenant of the seuenth Legion, vpon priuate grud­ges, pretending the publicke cause of the sides. Iulianus vnderstan­ding of the danger, & taking guides skilful in the countrey, fled by the deserts of Moesia, beyonde the mount Hemus, and afterward was not present in the ciuill warre of the one side or other: protra­cting the iourney he tooke to Vespasian by diuerse delaies, and as the occurrences were, making lesse speede or more. But in Panno­nia the thirteenth Legion, and seuenth surnamed Galbiana, retai­ning the anger and griefe of the loste at Bebriacum, without any stay ioined themselues to Vespasian, at the incitement principally of Antonius Primus, a man attainted in law, & in Neroes time Tacitus 14. Ann. p. 497. conuicted of forgery, but among other miseries of warre and a trou­bled state he recouered his place in the Senate, and by Galba was made Lieutenant of the seuenth Legion. He was supposed to haue written diuerse letters to Otho, offering his seruice for a captaine to the side; of whom being not regarded, he was not that warre in a­ny employment: but when as Vitellius state beganne to decay, fol­lowing Vespasian he added great waight to the cause, being a man valiant of his hands, of a ready vtterance, a cunning craftesmaster to make others odious, in dissensions & mutinees powerable, a vi­olent spoyler, a wastful spender, in time of peace & quiet gouerne­ment insupportable, in warre not to be contemned. The Moesian and Pannonian armies, being thus ioyned together, drew anone the Dalmatian soldier, albeit the Lieutenaunts generall sturred nothing at al. Titus Flauianus was general of Pannonia, and Pom­peius Sullanus of Dalmatia, two wealthy old men: but there was in the countrey Cornelius Fuscus the Procurator, a man in the prin­cipal strength of his age, and of noble birth; who in his first yeares vpon desire of ease, had renounced his place in Senate, and after­warde being captaine of his colony in fauour of Galba, by that meanes attained a Procuratorship. This man, entring into the [Page 104] cause for Vespasian, became a principall firebrande of the warre, seeming to delite not so much in the rewards of perils, as in the pe­rils themselues, and in steede of certainties, wherewith he was an­ciently indued, chusing new and doubtfull vncertainties. So he assaieth to shake and sturre vp whatsoeuer there was any where discontented, writing into Britanny to the fourteenth Legion, into Spaine to the first, because they both had stoode against Vitellius for Otho: letters also were sent abroad into France: and so in one moment there brake a great and mighty warre out, the Illyrian armies thus plainely reuolting, and the rest inclining to followe, where fortune should fauour.

XXVI. Vitellius maketh his entry into Rome.

WHILEST these things were a working in the prouinces, by Vespasian and his adherents, Vitellius growing euery day more contemptible and slothfull, staying vpon euery place of pleasure in towne and country, with his troublesome traine mar­ched toward the citty. 30 Threescore thousand armed men were in the company licentiously giuen, of lackeyes and horsekeepers a greater number; with infinite vittailers and followers of the campe, the most dissolute of all others: beside the traines of so ma­ny Lieutenants and so many friendes, out of all compasse of obe­dience, yea although the gouernours had beene men of great au­sterity and strictnesse. Moreouer the Senatours and gentlemen charged the traine, who came out of the citty to meete him, some for feare, some for flattery, the rest and so all one after another for company, lest they should seeme to stay behinde when o­thers did goe. Thither resorted also of the baser sort certaine well knowen to Vitellius by meanes of vnhonest seruices, which in time past they had done him, as buffons, stage players and cha­ret driuers; with which kinde of reprochfull acquaintance he was delited wonderfully. Neither were the colonies onely or free townes impouerished by purueying of vittailes for so huge a company; but the husbandmen themselues, & fieldes, the corne being now ripe, were spoiled and wasted as an enemie countrey. Many and cruell murders were committed by the souldiers a­mong themselues, by reason of the iarring which continued be­tweene the Legions and Aydes, euer since the sturre at Ticinum: against the pezantes, or any third party they agreed but too well: [Page 105] but the greatest slaughter was seuen miles from the citty. At that place Vitellius distributed to his souldiers, according to the fa­shion of 31 fencers diet, to euery of them meate already dressed: and the common people, that came out of the citty to see it, had dispersed themselues throughout the whole campe. As the soldi­ers gaue no heede to such matters, certaine pleasants, after a kind of homely iesting, cut away secretly their belts, and spoiled them thereof; asking in jybing maner, whether they were girded or no. The soldiers stomacke, not vsed to beare words of disgrace, could not disgest that scorne: but with their swordes reuenged them­selues vpon the people which was without weapon: among others the father of one of the souldiers was slaine as hee accompanied his sonne: vpon which accident perceiued and noised abroad they refrained from shedding of innocent bloud. Notwithstanding in Rome the terrour was great, by reason of the souldiers running and gadding thither before. The Place of common assembly they repaired specially to, coueting to behold the place where Galba was slaine: whenas they themselues were a spectacle no lesse hor­rible, with hides of wilde beasts about their backes, & huge massy iauelins in their handes, falling to quarrelling, and from quarrel­ling to blowes and their weapon, whenas thorough their owne lacke of skill they did not auoide the presse of the people, or chan­ced to fall by meanes of the slippery stones, or iustling of others. The Tribunes also and other captaines in terrible sort, with multi­tudes of armed men, went squaring and ietting the streetes. Vitel­lius himselfe riding from the Miluian bridge vpon a goodly cour­ser with his coate armour on backe, and girded souldier like, put­ting the Senate and people before him, had welny made his entry Suetonius c. 11 saieth plaine­ly he did so: vrbem ad clas­sicum introiit, paludatus fer­ro (que) succinctus inter signa at (que) vexilla, sagula­tis comitibus, ac detectis commi­litonum armis. for this see­meth to haue bene the ma­ner of entring a towne taken by force. Jose­phus. 4. [...]. c. 35 describeth also this entry. as into a towne taken by foce; but beeing aduised otherwise by his frendes he laied aside his militare attire, and taking his robes marched with his men in peaceable maner. The 32 Standerds of fower Legions were marshalled in front, and so many banners a­bout them out of other Legions: then the enseignes of twelue wings: next to whom were the ranckes of footemen, and behinde them the horse, and lastly fower and thirty cohorts distinguished according to the names of the nations they were of, or kindes of weapons they vsed. Before the Standerde marched the Campe-masters & Tribunes and principal Centurions in white garments, the other Centurions ech with his own bande glistering all in ar­mour, [...] [Page 108] liuing: and lastly without any care at all of their owne health ma­ny quartered in the pestilent places of the Vatican, whereupon the death of many common persons ensued: and the Germans & Frenchmen lying by the Tiber, and being otherwise subiecte to diseases, vtterly ouerthrew the state of their body, with too much swimming in the riuer, and impatience of heate. Moreouer the citty-souldiery was through vndiscreetnesse or ambition corrup­ted. Sixteene Praetorian cohorts and foure vrban were enrol­led, containing a thousand men a piece. In preferring to those roomes Valens presumed to beare greater stroake, as being the worthier man, and hauing redeemed Caecina himselfe out of pe­rill: and in trueth by his comming the side was reuiued, and with so happy a battell he cancelled the hard opinion of his slow com­ming forward: and all the souldiers of lowe Germanie followed Valens and depended wholly vpon him: vpon which causes it is supposed that Caecinaes faith beganne first to be fleeting. Not­withstanding Vitellius yeelded not so much to the captaines, but that he yeelded much more to the souldiers pleasures: euery one chose his owne place of seruice: were he neuer so vnworthy, if he liked it better hee was deputed to the citty seruice: againe those which were fit were suffered, if they listed to remaine in their for­mer estate among the Legionary or Auxiliary soldiers: which di­uerse were willing to doe being molested with sicknesses, and not able to endure the heat of the countrey. Notwithstanding the Le­gions and Aydes were drawen of their principall strength, and the beauty of the Praetorian campe blemished, by this confusion rather then choise of twenty thousand out of the whole army. As Vitellius was making a solemne speech, the souldiers required Asiaticus, and Flauius, and Rufinus, captaines of France to be ex­ecuted, because they had taken armes in Vindex behalfe: neither did Vitellius restraine such speeches, besides that he was a man of weake resistance by nature, knowing also that the day of his do­natiue was at hand, and the money wanting. Wherefore he granted liberally all other requests to the souldier: and to supply that defect the freedmen of the former Princes were commanded to contribute, according to the number of their bondmen: where­as Vitellius without other care, saue onely to wast and consume, builded vp stables for charet driuers, filled the Race with specta­cles of fencers and wilde beastes, and as in greatest abundaunce [Page 109] cast money most idlely away. Furthermore Caecina and Valens with great preparation, and such as before that time was neuer seene, celebrated the birth day of Vitellius, with shewes Gladiatores of fen­cers in euery streete throughout the whole citty. One thing much greeued the good, as it cheered the bad, that Vitellius erected altars in Campus Martius, & there celebrated solemnely the Suet. c. 11 & ne cui dubium foret quod ex­emplar regendae reip. elige [...]et, me dio campo Mar­tio, adhibita publicorum sa­cerdorum f [...] ­quentia, inferias Neronidedit. ex­equies of Nero. the beasts for the sacrifice were publickly slaine and burnt: 37 the Augustales put to the fire: which order of priests Tiberius Caesar consecrated to the Iulian family, as Romulus did another the like to king Tatius. It was not yet fully foure moneths since the victory, and Read Suet. Vitellio. c. 12. Asiaticus Vitellius freedeman had fully done as much harme, as euer had any Polycletus, or Patrobius, or whatsoeuer most odious name in former courts. No man in that court sought to rise by vertue or ablenesse: the onely way to credit was with prodigall banquets, and sumptuous cheere to satiate the vnsatiable appetites of Vitellius; who con­tenting himselfe to enioy the present, and caring not any further, is thought in so fewe moneths to haue wasted That is, ac­cording to our positions, se­uen millions thirty one thousand two hundreth and fifty pound sterling. nine hundreth mil­lions of sesterces: a greate and a miserable citty, which in the same yeare supported an Otho and a Vitellius; and that which is more insupportable, a Vinius, a Fabius, an Icelus, and an Asiati­cus, in great variety of most ignominious sortes, vntil such time as Mutianus and Eprlut Mar­cellus, a great oratour, an in­strument of Nero against Thrasea and o­thers, and ge­nerally in fa­uour with all the Princes, vnder whom he liued, as a smoother of their actions. read Tac. 16. Ann. 2. & 4. Hist. &c. Marcellus, and rather other men then other man­ners succeeded in place.

XXVIII. The preparation of Vitellius against Vespasian.

THE reuolt of the third Legion was first of all other certefi­ed to Vitellius by letters, written by Aponius Saturninus, before that he also associated himselfe to Vespasians side. But neither did Aponius write all, as a man afrighted with the sodainnesse thereof, and beside the frendes of Vitellius flatte­ringly sought to extenuate and lessen the matter: that it was but a mutince of one Legion alone; a matter of noe moment, seeing all other armies remained in obedience. After the same stile Vitellius also spake to the soldiers, inueying against the lately cassed Praetorians, by whome hee affirmed false rumours were spred, and that there was no danger of ciuill warre, suppressing the name of Vespasian, and setting vnderhand souldiers abroad [Page 110] in the towne to restraine the speeches of the common people: which thing was a principall meanes to nourish the fame. Ne­uerthelesse he sent for Aydes out of Germanie and Britannie, and the Spaines, coldly and dissembling the necessity: the Lieu­tenants and prouinces on their partes vsed the like coldnesse againe. Hordeonius Flaccus Lieutenant of Germanie suspe­cting already the reuolt of Batauia, had a warre of his own to care and prouide for. Vectius Bolanus gouerned in Britannie, a cun­trey neuer so in quiet, that hee could conueniently spare any number of souldiers: and beside neither of them were greatly fast to the side. Out of the Spaines also small hast was made: at that time there was no Lieutenant generall there, but onely the Lieutenants of three Legions, of equall autoritie; who as in Vi­tellius prosperity they would haue contended who should haue bene formost, so now in his declining estate they equally drew backe. In Africke the Legion and cohorts leuyed by Clodius Ma­cer, and straightwaies dismissed by Galba, beganne by Vitel­lius commaundement to resume their seruice againe: and with­all the whole youth of the prouince voluntarily gaue in their names to be souldiers: for 38 Vitellius had gouerned as Pro­consull there with good integrity and liking, Vespasian with as much infamie and hatred of the cuntrey; and accordingly our allies presumed, they would cary themselues in the Empire: but the triall was otherwise. And at the beginning Valerius Fe­stus the Lieutenant furthered faithfully the endeuours of those of the prouince: but anone he faultred, in letters and edicts o­penly pretending Vitellius, and with secrete messages intertay­ning Vespasian; meaning to defende the one side, or the other, according as they should happen to prosper. Some Centuri­ons and souldiers were taken in Rhoetia and France with letters and edicts of Vespasian about them, and being sent to Vitelli­us were slaine: but more escaped passing vndiscouered by the secretnesse of frendes, or by their owne shifting. So the prepa­rations of Vitellius were knowen abroade: Vespasians purpo­ses were for the most part vnknowen, partly through the negli­gence of Vitellius, and partly because the Pannonian Alpes were kept with garrison, which stayed all messengers: and at sea the 39 Etesians blew, a good wind to saile eastward, and contrary from thence.

XXIX. The setting forth of Caecina against the Jlly­rian armies, and the beginnings of his treason.

AT length Vitellius terrified with the breaking in of the ene­mies vpon the frontiers of Italie, and feareful messages from euery quarter, commandeth Caecina and Valens to make ready for the warre. Caecina was sent before, but Valens stayed be­hinde by reason of his weaknesse in body, being lately recouered of a dangerous sicknesse. Nowe the German army going out of the citty made a farre other shew then it did at the entry. No quicknesse appeared in their bodies, no courage in their mindes; marching slowly and thinnely: the armour decayed, the horses vnlusty: the souldier impatient of the sunne, the dust, and the wea­ther; and the more dull to sustaine trauell, the apter to mutin. And beside, the qualities of Caecina wrought no small preiudice to the cause: his ambitious and populare proceeding, an old fault of his: a sluggish and dull disposition, lately sprung vp: whether it were that too much fauour of fortune turned his edge & caused him to degenerat to riotous life, or that intending euen then treason in his minde, he thought it good pollicy by that meanes to weaken the valure and force of the army. Many haue beleeued that Caeci­naes minde was shaken and altered first by a practise of Brother to Vespasian and Prouost of Rome. Flauius Sabinus, Rubrius Gallus carying the message between them, and promising that Vespasian should ratify all couenants made and a­greed in case of reuolt: and withall he was put in remembrance of the hatred and emulation betweene Valens and him, and that seeing he had not like part in Vitellius, he should doe wisely to purchase credit and might with the new Prince. Caecina taking his leaue of Vitellius, and dismissed from his presence with great honour, sent part of his horsemen before to put themselues in Cremona. Straight after the Vexillaries followed of the Reade fif­teenth, one of the foure Legions of lowe Germany. for the 14 was sent away in­to Britanny p. 90. as enemy to Vitellius cause. four­teenth and of the sixteenth Legion: then the fifth Legion and the eighteenth Legion: and lastly the one and twentieth surnamed Rapax, and the first called Italica with the Vexillaries of the three Brittish Legions, and the choice of the Aides. When Caecina was gone, Fabius Valens wrote to the army, which before belonged to his charge, to stay for him in the way: that so it was agreed betweene him and Caecina: who being present, and therefore of [Page 112] greater autority, falsely alledged, that vpon later aduise that pur­pose was changed, to the end that resistance might be made with the whole forces vnited against the enemies comming. So the Le­gions were commanded to make speede to Cremona, and part to go to Hostilia. Caecina himselfe turned out of the way to Rauenna, vpon pretence to giue direction to the nauy: and so to Padoua, where secretly the treason was contriued betweene Lucilius Bassus and him. For Lucilius Bassus after the captaineshippe of a wing, being made Admirall of both the fleets at Rauenna and Misenum, because he was not by and by created captaine of the Garde, reuenged his vniust anger with wicked disloyalty: neither can it be certainly knowen, whether he drew Caecina into the acti­on, or the same vile minde induced them both, as it happeneth often lewde persons to be of like conditions. The histories writ­ten of this warre, vnder Vespasian and his children, haue deli­uered false and flattering causes, as that desire of peace and loue of the common wealth moued them thereto. To me it seemeth, beside the inconstant disposition of the men, and the small ac­count of their faith, which once being falsed to Galba, afterward they neuer respected; that vpon emulation and enuy that others should goe before them in the Princes fauour, they compassed the destruction of the Prince himselfe. When Caecina had ouertaken the Legions, hee sought by sundry suttle practises to weaken the good wils of the Centurions, and of the soldiers which were ob­stinately bent for Vitellius: Bassus attempting the like founde not the like opposition, the nauy being easily induced to change their loialty, vpon the memory of their late seruice for Otho.

I. The consultation of the Flauian captaines, at Petouio in Panno­nia, concerning the maner of proceeding in the warre. Sextilius Felix sent into Noricum.

WITH better fortune and faith the Flauian cap­taines conducted their warlicke affayres, assem­bling in councell at Petouio, the standing campe of the thirteenth Legion. There was it debated, whether it were safer to stande vppon their de­fence, and fortifie themselues by It seemeth they were stopped be­fore. li. 2. p. 106 Deinde Panno­nicae Alpes prae­sidijs insessae nū ­tios retinebant [...] but perhaps it was but onely so farre as to stay the posts from passing that way, not to garde it a­gainst an ar­my of men. stopping the passage of the Pannonian Alpes, vntill their whole forces be­hinde were come forward; or els were it more manfull and reso­lutely done, to march on and fight for the winning of Italie. They which perswaded to stay for more succour, & protract the warre, amplifyed the same and force of the German Legions, & further, that Vitellius had also brought with him the flower and strength of the armie of Britannie: that their own Legions were both fewer in number, & lately beaten; & though they spake biggely, yet the party ouercome retained the lesse courage. But in the meane while if the Alpes were possessed Mutianus would shortly come on with the power of the East: and Vespasian beside had at will sea and na­uies, and the goodwill of the prouinces, sufficient furniture for a new warre if need were: so by staying a litle this aduantage would grow, that new forces would come, and the olde not diminish. To this Lieutenant of the seuenth Legion surna­med Galbia­na. Antonius Primus (who was the chiefest inciter of the warre) replied; That speede was the thing that might most helpe them, & most hinder Vitellius. As for the victory they lately obtained, they were growen more in careles slouth, then courage thereby: not keeping in campes as men of warre, alwaies ready to fight, but ly­ing in the good townes of Italy, loytering and disporting them­selues, feared of none saue only their hostes: and the hardlier kept and fiercer they were before, nowe giuing themselues the more greedily ouer to enioy their vnaccustomed pleasures. Moreouer [Page 114] the theatrum & circus. theatres & places of sports, & other delights of the city, had effeminated their mindes, or diseases vtterly wasted their bodies: but if respite were giuen, through warlicke exercises they would recouer their strength: & besides, Germanie was not farre of, from whence they might be supplied with new forces, and Britannie but a small steppe beyonde: France and Spaine were harde at hand to furnish them of men, horses, and money: beside Italy it selfe, & the wealth of the world in Rome, all wholly at their disposition. And if they list to begin & assaile vs, they haue (quoth he) at commande­ment two nauies, & the whole Illyrian sea free: what wil it then pro­fit vs to keep the straytes of the mountaines? or what can it availe vs to differre the warre til another sommer? & whēce shal we haue money and vittailes in the meane time? nay rather why take we not this opportunity present, since the Pannonian Legions, thin­king themselues rather beguiled then beaten, are so instant & ear­nest to haue their reuenge, & the armies of Moesia are yet entier & vnfoiled? if the nūber of soldiers be reckened rather thē the names of Legions, our side hath more strength & much lesse disorder; & the very shame of the late ouerthrowe hath greatly amended our discipline: & yet our horsemen euen then were not defeated, but contrarily scattered Vitellius troupes, albeit the maine battaile went against vs. Two wings of Pannonia and Moesia were able at that time to breake thorow the enemy: nowe the enseignes of six­teen wings vnited together, with their stāping & sound, & the very dust of their feete, wil doubtles be able to couer and ouerwhelme both the horses and horsemen of our enemies, who haue now al­most forgotten to fight. For my part (if I may be permitted) as I am the first to giue the aduise, so I will be the first to execute the same. You, whose condition giues you free choice of either, lye stil & keepe your Legions at home: some few Expeditae co­ [...]ortes, that is, without caria­ges, abs (que) impe­dimentis. light cohorts shal serue my turne: assoone as the warre is begun, you shall heare that Vitel­lius state will decline, & then you will take pleasure to follow and treade in the steppes of my victory. This and more to the like pur­pose Antonius vttered with burning eies & fierce shrill voice, that he might be heard further (for some of the Centurions, and of the soldiers also had intruded thēselues into the coūcel:) & the speech moued greatly euen the wariest amongst them & doubtfullest to enter into danger. But the common soldier and the rest magnified him, as the only man of courage, & the only captain; despising the [Page 115] colde and sluggish proceedings of the other. This good opinion he first wan through a speech he made in the assembly, when Ves­pasians letters were first openly red, in the which he did not (as the most of the rest) deliuer his mind in doubtful & ambiguous termes with a meaning to interprete them afterward as he should see best for his purpose, but seemed directly & resolutely to enter into the cause, & therefore was a great deale better liked of the soldiers, as one that made his fortune common with theirs both in the danger & honor of the attempt. Next after him Cornelius Fuscus the Pro­curator was of chiefe autority amongst them. For he likewise was wont to inuey bitterly against Vitellius, & thereby had left to him­selfe no hope of pardon if the enterprise failed. Titus Lieutenant generall of Pannonia. Ampius Fla­uianus, both by nature and by reason of his age being slow in pro­ceeding, gaue occasion to the soldiers of suspicion, as if he had re­spected his affinity with Vitellius: and because he had withdrawen himselfe out of the campe when the Legions began first to reuolt, & afterward came again of his owne accord, it was thought he did it to seeke some opportunity of treason. For indeed Flauianus had once relinquished his prouince of Pannonia, and retired himselfe out of danger into Italie; and afterward by desire of noueltie was brought to take vpon him his gouernement againe, and become a medler in ciuil warres, through the perswasion principally of Cor­nelius Fuscus; not that there was any great neede of Flauianus a­bilities, but that the name and countenance of a Lieutenant ge­neral might giue reputation to the side, that was then but in rising. Then letters were written to Aponius Saturninus Lieutenant ge­nerall of Moesia, to make haste, and backe their passage into Italie with his army. 1 And lest the prouinces, by this remouing away of the Legions, might lie open to the spoile of the barbarous nations confining, the principall men of the Sarmatae Iazyges, and heades of the countrey were assumed into the seruice, who made offer also of the common sort, and great troupes of horsemen, which is their sole strength, but the offer was not accepted, lest amidst our dissensions they should attempte anie thing preiudiciall to the state of the Empire, or els vpon better wages, without respect of honour or faith, passe to the enemie. Sido and Italicus ancient­ly deuoted to the Romane name, kinges of the Sueuians, a nati­on both more faithfull and more obedient, were drawen to the partie. Garrisons also were laied on the side against Rhoetia [Page 116] which held for Vitellius, being gouerned by Porcius Septinius the Procuratour, a most faithfull seruant vnto him. So Sextilius Fe­lix was sent with the Aurian wing, and eight cohortes, and the youth of the countrey of Noricum, to plant himselfe against him along the bancke of the riuer Enus which diuideth Rhoetia and Noricum asunder: where they remained skirmishing one with another, whilest in the meane time the maine matter was decided elsewhere.

II. Antonius Primus marcheth forwarde, and hauing taken Aquileia, Opitergium, Altinum, Padoua, Este, settleth his maine campe at Ʋerona.

NOW 2 Antonius taking with him certaine Vexillaries out of the cohorts, and part of the horsemen, marched on towarde Italie, accompanied with Arrius Varus a valiant warrier rather then a vertuous man: which glory hee gained by his seruice and good successe in Armenia vnder Corbulo: whom notwithstan­ding hee was supposed secretly to haue discredited with Nero. Whereupon by such sinister meanes growing in fauour he attay­ned a principall Centurions place: which though ill gotten was at the present to his great contentation, but afterward turned to his ruine. Antonius and Varus in passing tooke Aquileia, and the countrey thereabouts, and proceeding forward were at Opiter­gium and Altinum ioyfully receiued. At Altinum a garrison was left against the fleete of Rauenna, of the reuolt whereof they had not as yet receiued any intelligence: and marching forward they adioyned Padoua and Este to the side. Where aduertisement was giuen that three Vitellian cohortes and the Scribonian wing lay at Forum Alieni, hauing there made a bridge ouer the riuer. It was concluded to take the occasion, and to set vpon them as they lay negligently and carelesly; for that circumstance also was certified: and so accordingly they came vpon them at the dawning of the day, and surprized them being for the most part vnarmed. They were willed before hande, that after some slaughter at the begin­ning, they shoulde seeke to induce the rest with feare to chaunge their allegeance; and some there were which yeelded themselues at the first: but the greater part fled ouer the riuer, and breaking the bridge cut off the passage from the enemy pursuing. This victorie beeing divulged, and the first attempts of the Flauianists hauing [Page 117] succeeded so prosperously, two Legions, the seuenth surnamed Galbiana, and the thirteenth called Gemina And Titus Ampius Flaui­anus Lieute­nant generall of Pannonia. with Vedius Aquila Lieutenaunt thereof, came to Padoua cheerefully, and ful of cou­rage. There some fewe daies were spent in reposing the army, and Minucius Iustus campe-master of the seuenth Legion was saued from the fury of the soldier, and sent to Vespasian, because his go­uernement was straiter and more seuere, then the nature of a ciuill warre would support. At what time also Antonius suppo­sing it a plausible action, and for the credit of the side, if Galbaes gouernment should seeme to be liked, gaue commandement tho­row out all the free townes, that the images of Galba, which vp­on change of times and dissension in state, had beene broken downe, should be restored a new: a thing very long and greatlie desired, and therefore interpreted gloriously in the highest de­gree. Then was it proposed and disputed, what place were best to be chosen, for seate as it were of the warre. Verona seemed fittest, the countrey about it being champion, and commodious for horsemen, wherein consisted their principall strength: and be­side to dispossesse Vitellius of a towne of such wealth and impor­tance, would both be commodious and bring reputation to the cause. In the passage thitherward they tooke Vicenza a thing of it selfe not greatly materiall, as being a towne of smal forces; how­beit because Caecina was borne there it seemed a matter of conse­quence; when men beganne to recount, how that the Generall of the contrary part had lost his owne countrey and home: but the getting of Verona was worth the paines taking. For both the side was relieued with their wealth, and the example was a good pre­cedent to others: and the army lying there opportunely in the way, betweene Germanie and Vitellius powers, did shut vp the Rhoetian and Iulian Alpes, and cut of all hope of passage for the Germanes that way. All which proceeding was either vnknowen to Vespasian, or expressely forbidden by him: his commandement was to march no further then Aquileia, and there to expect Muti­anus; adding also a reason thereof, that seing Aegypt, the garners of the citty, the reuenues and tributes of the richest prouinces were in his hands, Vitellius army might through lacke of pay and vittaile be constrained to yeelde. To the same purpose also Muti­anus aduised them often by letters, alleadging what a glory it would bee to obtaine a victorie without bloud, and whereof no [Page 118] mourning ensued, with such other pretenses; whereas hee did it indeede vpon ambition, and coueting to reserue the whole re­nowne of the warre for himselfe: but by reason of the greate distances counsailes came after the factes. Antonius hauing thus seated himselfe in Verona issued foorth on the sodaine, and gaue the alarme to the enemy, where trying their manhoode together in a light skirmish they departed on euen hand. Anone Caecina encamped himselfe between Hostilia, a village of the territorie of Verona, and the marishes of the riuer Tartarus, in a safe and defensible place; his backe being garded with the riuer, and the flanckes with marishes: who if hee had meant trueth, hauing all his masters power vnder his hande, might with great facilitie either haue surprized two simple Legions (the army of Moesia as yet being not ioyned) or at least bea­ten them backe, and forced them to flee, and with shame for­sake Italie. But Caecina omitted traiterously all aduantages, which at the first were offered, spending the time in trifling delaies, and rebuking them by epistles, whome with like facili­ty hee might haue repulsed with armes: vntill by messengers passing betweene the bargaine was driuen, and the couenantes for his treason agreed vpon. In the meane time Aponius Saturni­nus came with the seuenth Legion surnamed Claudiana: the Le­gion was gouerned by Vipsanius Messalla a Tribune, a man nobly descended, and of noble qualities himselfe, the only vertuous man and without note, that entred into that action. To this army, no­thing comparable to his owne (for as yet there were but three Le­gions) Caecina sent letters, blaming their rashnes, that being once ouercome they durst put themselues againe into armes: and with­all he extolled the valure of the German army; of Vitellius making small mention and in common termes only, without any reproch­full worde against Vespasian at all: in summe writing nothing that might either corrupt the enemie or terrifie him. The captaines of the Flauian armie, omitting to speake of their former misfor­tune, returned answere concerning Vespasian in hawtie and glo­rious termes, shewing themselues verie confident in their cause and secure of the euent; reuiling Vitellius as enemies, and brag­ging of the Moesian armie, as being hitherto neuer ouerthrowen; seeking Praesumpsere parteis. [...]. moreouer to weaken the faith, and winne the good will of the contrary side, by putting the Centurions and Tribunes in [Page 119] hope of retaining their places, and fauours which Vitellius had bestowed vpon them, and exhorting Caecina himselfe in plaine termes to reuolt. Both the letters were solemnely readde to the Flauian souldiers: which thing increased not a little their courage and confidence; seeing Caecina to write humbly, as fearing to of­fende Vespasian, and their Generalles contemptuously, as it were, insulting ouer Vitellius.

III. Amutinee of the Pannonian souldier against Flauianus their Ge­nerall, and another of the Moesian against Saturninus likewise theirs.

SHORTLY afterward the third and eighth Legion came; the one commanded by Dillius Aponianus, the other by Numisius Lu­pus: whereupon they beganne to make shew of their forces, & de­termined to cast vp a Vallum mili­tare, in opposi­tiō to vallū ru­sticum, or fossa agrestis. militare trench about the towne of Verona. By chance it fell to the Galbian Legion to worke in the foreparte of the trench toward the enemy, & some of their owne horsemen appearing in sight a farre of caused a vaine feare, as if it had beene the Vitellian power. By & by they laied hold on their weapons, & their bloud being stirred sought to discharge their choler and rage vpon Flauianus, accusing him of treason without either proofe or probability: but the man was before odious vnto them, and there­fore his death was now violently required. They cried out against him that he was allied with Vitellius, that he had bene a traitor These parti­cularities are not declared, as in my opinion they ought to haue bene, in the former story: seeing here they are thought wor­thy the remē ­brance. to Otho, & intercepted their donatiue. No answere would be heard, albeit hee be sought them holding vp his handes in most humble maner; lying for the most part prostrate vpon the ground, with his garments rent, weeping and sobbing pitifully: which kinde of be­hauiour prouoked their rage the more, as if this his ouergreat feare had certainly argued a guilty conscience. Saturninus ende­uouring to speake in his defence was still interrupted by the soul­diers outcries: and the rest likewise were reiected with noise and clamour: onely to Antonius they were content to giue eare; for hee was both eloquent & skilfull to please a multitude, and beside of most authority amongst them. When the sedition waxed hoat, and passed from wordes and ill speeches to weapons and blowes, he commanded Flauianus to be laied in chaines. The souldier perceiued the So Vitellius saued Julius Burdo. 1. Hist. p. 45. and Otho Celsus. p. 36. sleight, & breaking thorow those that garded the Tribunal, they were at the point to haue slaine Flauianus: but Antonius opposed himselfe with his sword drawn, protesting that if they [Page 120] would not desist, hee would either dye by their handes, or by his owne: and withal desired the assistance by name of al that he knew, or were of note otherwise for their degrees and places in seruice. Then turning himselfe to the Conversus ad signa & bellorū deos, that is, ad signa which the Roman soldiers ado­red as Gods. enseignes and gods of warre, hee besought them to send such fury, such discorde, into the mindes of their enemies rather: till at length the sedition growing colde, and the day being spent, the soldiers slipped away ech to his lodging. 3 Flauianus departed away the same night, and meeting with let­ters from Vespasian was deliuered from danger: but the Legions, as it were tainted with a contagious infection, staied not there, but banded themselues in like mutinous maner against Aponius Sa­turninus, Lieutenant generall of the Moesian army, vpon the com­ming abroad of certaine letters, which hee was supposed to haue written to Vitellius: and their fury was so much the more hard to appease, because it began, not as the former toward the euening, when they were tired before with laboring, but at the noone time of the day. As in times past souldiers stroue to passe one ano­ther in modestie and vertue, so then the contention was to excell in vnrulinesse and insolency; the Moesian souldier being loth to vse lesse violence in seeking the death of Saturninus their Gene­rall, then the Pannonian were of Flauianus before: the Moesi­an souldiers alleadged that they had helpt the Pannonians to prosecute their reuenge, and the Pannonian souldier, as if the sedition of others would acquit them, were glad to see the like fault committed againe. So agreeing together in this determi­nation they went to the gardens where Saturninus lodged. It was neither Antonius, nor Aponianus, nor Messalla, that saued him out of their fury, though they did what they coulde, but the secretenesse of the place where hee was hid, lying close in the furnaces of certaine baths, which by chaunce were vnoccupied; and so priuily hee conueied himselfe to Padoua, putting away his sergeantes, and liuing as a priuate person. The Lieute­nantes generall being thus remoued, Antonius had the whole gouernement and direction of both the armies; his compani­ons the Lieutenantes of the Legions easily yeelding to him, and the souldiers fancying him aboue others: and some were of o­pinion, that both the mutinees were raysed by his procurement, to the ende that hee alone might enioy the whole benefite of the warre.

IIII. The reuolt of Lucilius Bassus the Admirall, and of the fleete at Rauenna. The treason of Caecina generall of the armie by lande.

OF Vitellius side also matters were no lesse disquiet, the dissen­sion being more dangerous, as proceeding not of soldiers ie­losies, but of the treason of the Generals. Lucilius Bassus, Admiral of the nauy at Rauenna, had wunne to the Flauian side the mindes of his soldiers, being somewhat inclinable thereto of themselues, because the most of them were of Dalmatia and Pannonia, which cuntreyes held for Vespasian. The time for accomplishing the trea­son was appointed in the night, that whilest the rest knew nothing of the matter, they only of the conspiracie might assemble them­selues in the Principia. Bassus either for shame, or doubt what would be the issue, kept himselfe within his house. The captaines of the galleyes in the meane time with great tumult brake downe Vitellius images: and some fewe which resisted being put to the sworde, the rest of the multitude vpon desire of change was easily induced to fauour Vespasian. Then Lucilius comming abroade a­uowed the whole fact as done by his autority, and the nauy in his place made choise of Cornelius Fuscus for Admirall; who came with speede thither: and 4 Bassus was conueyed by ship to Hadria, as it were vnder honourable arrest, and by Mennius Rufinus cap­taine of a wing being in garrison there put in bandes; but soone after enlarged at the comming of Hormus Vespasians freedman, who was also in this warre counted among the Generals of that side. Now Caecina, assoone as the reuolt of the nauy was published abroad, assembled This reuolt of Caecina is described in the like maner by Josephus, li­bro quarto, capi­te quadragesimo primo. the chiefe of the Centurions, & some of the soldiers, the rest being dispersed & busied in their ordinary militare duties, into the Principia, purposely chusing the most secret cor­ner of the campe. There he greatly extolled the valure of Vespasi­an, & the strength of the side, declaring also that the nauie was al­ready reuolted, the only support of Vitellius prouision: that France and Spaine were turned against him: that in the city there was no­thing to be trusted vnto; and generally aggrauating all to the worst against the person and state of Vitellius. Whereupon some that were priuy to the plot beginning to sweare to Vespasian, the rest amazed at the strangenesse of the matter followed the exam­ple: immediately Vitellius images were broken downe, & messen­gers [Page 122] sēt to Antonius to declare what had passed. But assoone as this reuolt was bruted thorow out the campe, & the soldiers comming into the Principia sawe Vespasians name set vp, & Vitellius images cast vnder foote, they were mute at the first, then all at once they brake out with indignation. Is then the glory and fame of the German armies now come to this? that without battaile or any blow striken they should thus binde their owne handes, and yeeld vp their weapons? for els what power was there of the other side to compell them? only the Legions which before they had ouer­come, and yet the flower & strength of them absent, to wit, the Prima Adiu­nix sent into Spaine, and Quartadecimae into Britanny. first and fourteenth, which yet they had likewise ouerthrowen in the same field with the rest: & all be like to this end, that so many thou­sands of valiant soldiers should afterwards, like a droue of bond­slaues, be bestowed as a present vpon Antonius an Tempore Neronis saieth Ta­citus, 2. Hist. pag 100. falsi damnatus, and so perhaps exiled. exiled person: as though eight Legions were to be the dependance of one nauy▪ but so was the pleasure of Bassus and Caecina, after they had rob­bed the Prince of his houses and gardens, and treasure, to bereaue him also of his soldiers, albeit neuer touched nor wounded, and so to make them contemptible and vile, euen to the Flauianists also. for what could they say being required an account of their pros­perity and aduersity? To this effect euery one by himselfe and all together crying out, as griefe and anger wrought in their mindes, the fift Legion being most forward, they set vp Vitellius images a­gaine, and laying hold vppon Caecina put him in fetters, and ap­pointed Fabius Fabulus Lieutenāt of the fift Legion, and Cassius Longus the camp-master Generals in his place: killing certaine galley-soldiers, which by chance arriued there in il houre, though vtterly ignorant and innocent of that which had passed. Then lea­uing their Jnter Hostili­am & paludes Tartari flumi­nis. campe, and breaking the bridge they returned to Ho­stilia, and from thence to Cremona to ioyne with the first Legion called Italica, and the one and twentieth surnamed Rapax, which Caecina had sent before, with parte of his horsemen, to put them­selues in Cremona.

V. The skirmish of the Flauian and Vitellian horsemen betweene Bebriacum and Cremona.

WHEN Antonius had vnderstanding hereof, he determined whilest the enemies were at dissension, and their forces not ioyned together, to vse his aduantage and assaile them, before either the Generals could ground their autority, or the souldiers [Page 139] frame themselues to a newe obedience, or the Legions recouer courage by vniting together. He gessed that Fabius Valens was already come out of Rome, and would make great hast, as­soone as he heard of Caecinaes treason: and Fabius was knowen to be a man faithfull to Vitellius, and not vnskilfull in seruice: be­sides a great power of Germans was feared by the way of Rhaetia, & Vitellius had sent for Aydes out of Britannie, France & Spaine: enough to haue maintained a mighty and puissant warre, had not Antonius vpon doubt thereof hastened the battaile, and before hand obtayned the victorie. So with his whole host he remoued from Verona, and the seconde night sate downe at Bebriacum. The next day imploying his Legions in fortifying the campe, he sent out his Auxiliary cohorts into the territory of Cremona, to the ende that the souldiers, vnder coulour of prouiding necessa­ries, might be enured and fleshed That is, in spoiles grow­ing by reason of ciuil warres in ciuill spoile. He to safe con­duict the forragers aduanced himselfe with foure thousand horse eight miles forwarde from Bebriacum: and the skowts in the meane time, as the maner is, pricked on further. About the That is, as we account, eleuen of the clocke, or there about. fift houre of the day one came riding in post, to giue intelligence that the enemies were hard at hande, that some fewe marched before, but the noyse and trampling of the whole army on eue­ry side was clearely to bee heard. Whilest Antonius was de­liberating what was to be done, Arius Varus, desirous to doe some piece of seruice, brake out with certaine of the forwardest horsemen, & made the Vitellianists recule, and slew some few: for by and by more of their fellowes comming to helpe, fortune changed, and they that were most forward before in pursuing, were now left last in the flight. This hast was against Antonius will, who supposed the euent would be such as it was: but see­ing it coulde not bee vndone he encouraged his men to fight valiantly: and diuiding his troupes in two parts, left a lane in the midle to receiue in Varus with his horsemen▪ worde also was sent backe to the Legions to arme, and the alarme was giuen to those that were forraging abroade, that euery man should leaue of spoiling, and repaire with all speede the next way to the fight. Nowe by this time Varus in a greate feare was retired within his owne troupes, and induced thither a generall ter­rour▪ the wounded and vnwounded were beaten in together, and greatly distressed through their owne feare, and the straytnesse [Page 124] of the wayes. In all which confusion and tumult Antonius omit­ted no parte either of a resolute Generall, or valiant souldier, en­couraging those that were dismayed, staying them that shruncke; where most neede was, whence any hope appeared, there busy­ing himselfe, with direction, hand and speech, in the view of the enemie, in the sight of his owne men, growing at the last to that heate, that with his launce he ranne thorow a guidon bearer who was fleeing away, and taking his guidon turned it against the face of the enemie: whereat for very shame there stayed about an hundreth horse. That which principally helped was the qua­lity of the place, the Arctiore illic via: and yet a little before he saieth An­gustijs viarum conflictabātur. way being there somewhat narrow, and the bridge broken of the riuer that ranne behinde them, whose vn­knowen channell and steepe banckes stopped their further flight. That constraint or chance recouered the field that wel­ny was lost. For knitting themselues strongly together, with thicke and close rancks, they receyued the Vitellian souldiers comming on loosely without any order. Which thing the lesse it was loo­ked for, amazed them the more. Whereupon Antonius finding them yeelding pressed the more instantly vpon them, ouerthrow­ing all that came in his way: and withall the rest as their inclina­tions were, some fell to spoiling and catching, some to take ar­mour and horses: euen they which before were broken, and scat­tered abroade in the fields, hearing the ioyfull crye of their fel­lowes, returned then backe to take part of the victory. About fower miles from Cremona, the enseignes of two Legions, Ra­pax and Italica, appeared, hauing marched so farre vpon the suc­cesse of their horsemen at the beginning: but when fortune tur­ned, they were so farre to seeke, as that they neither did open their ranckes, & receiue their distressed fellowes within them, nor yet went forwarde to assayle the enemie tired already with fight­ting and following so farre. Thus being by chance ouercome, they found in aduersity the lacke of a leader, which in their iolity they cared not for. As the Legions stoode wauering in termes of breaking, the Flauian horsemen charged vppon them: and Vipsanius Messalla the Tribune was at their heeles with the Moesian Aides, who in militare renowne, albeit lately enrol­led, were nothing inferiour to the Legionary souldiers. So horsemen and footemen mingled together did easilie breake the Vitellian Legions, and the towne of Cremona lying so neare gaue [Page 125] them lesse minde to resist, and more hope to escape: neither did Antonius presse any further, considering the trauaile and woundes, which both his horsemen and horses had taken, in so dangerous a skirmish, albeit the ende went on his side. Toward the shutting in of the euening the whole power of the Flauian ar­my arriued: who assoone as they troad among the heapes of dead bodies, in the fresh steppes of so late a slaughter, as if the whole warre had bene ended, cryed to leade on out of hande to Cre­mona, and take by surrendre or force those conquered persons. These gay speeches were in their mouthes and openly preten­ded, but secretely euery one cast thus with himselfe; That a towne seated in the plaine might be wunne easily at a push; that their courage would as well serue them to enter in the night, and their liberty to spoile would then be much greater: but if they atten­ded till day, then would there come supplications and intrea­ties for peace, and so for their labour and hurts they should ca­ry away the vaine smokes of clemencie and glory, and such o­ther titulare matters, but the wealth and riches of the towne would cleaue to the captaines and Lieutenants fingers: that the spoile of a citty taken by force fell to the souldiers, but of a citty surrendred alwaies to the captaines alone. Hereupon the per­swasions of the Tribunes & Centurions, as persons suspect, were reiected: and because no mans speech should be heard, they rat­led their weapons, threatening if no man would lead them beside, to guide & conduct themselues. Then Antonius insinuating him­selfe among the common soldiers, after he had with the sight of his person, & reuerence of his place, procured silence, protested vnto them, that his meaning was not in any sort to defraude so well de­seruing soldiers, either of honour or reward▪ notwithstanding the captaines and soldiers duties were of different nature: a souldier ought to be fierce and desirous to fight, but in captaines a wary foresight & deliberate kind of proceeding is rather commended▪ and more often times profiteth and helpeth hee by protracting, then venturing rashly. For his parte as he had to his power with weapons and hande furthered the victorie, so would hee likewise helpe now with direction and counsaile, peculiare qualities to a Generall, and the place he sustained. And surely if they list but a litle consider, the dangerousnesse of the enterprise was very appa­rent. it was now night, the situation of the towne was vnknowen, [Page 126] within nothing but enemies, and euery cornerfit for an ambush: nay if the gates were wide open, yet were it not safe for to enter, no not in the day time, but vpon good discouery before hand, and assurance that al coasts were cleere. what? would they beginne an assault when they could not discerne the best place of approach, nor the height of the walles, whether it were best to attempt them by discharging of shot a farre of, or by engins at hand, or by mine? then turning himselfe to particulare persons hee demaunded of them seuerally, whether they had brought their secures & do­labrae. hatchets & axes with them, & all other tooles necessary for an assault: & when they denyed, What, quoth he, then, are any mens hands in the world of that force, and strength to breake downe walles with iauelins and swords? what if it fall out that we must of necessity raise mounts, couer our selues with hurdles and frames of boarde? shall we not then be forced to stand like good silly fooles gazing & gaping at the height of their towers, & the strength of their fortificatiōs? nay rather let vs stay for one night, and fetch hither in the meane time our engins & instruments of battery, and so cary the victory sure­ly before vs. And herewith he dispatched the cal [...]ne [...] & [...]ixa. seruants & follow­ers of the campe, and the freshest of his horsmen to Bebriacum, to bring vittailes from thence, and all other necessarie prouision.

VI. The great battell at Cremona betweene the Flauianists and the Ʋitellianists. Cremona sacked and burnt.

THE soldier discontented thereat & repining, was growing to­ward a mutinee, whēas their horsemen hauing scowred to the very walles of Cremona tooke certaine stragglers of the towne, by whose confession it was vnderstoode, that six Vitellian Legi­ons, and the whole power that lay at Hostilia, hearing of the de­feate of their fellowes, had marched thirty miles that very day, and prepared themselues to fight, and would by and by be vpon them. That terrour opened their mindes, which before were clo­sed against all their Generals good counsaile, and so he comman­ded the third Legion to make stand vpon the or ridge. cawsey of the Post-humian way: fast by it on the left hand stoode the seuenth surna­med Galbiana in a plaine field: then the seuenth called Claudiana hauing before it a agrestis fossa. common ditch for a kinde of defence, as the place chanced to yeelde: on the right hande stood the eightth Legion in an open grounde: then the thirteenth in a thicket some­what disunited by reason of bushes and shrubbes. In this sorte [Page 127] stoode the standerds & enseignes of the Legions, but the soldiers were blended together, as it chanced in the darcke. The bande of Praetorians stoode next to the third Legion, the Auxiliary cohorts were placed in the wings, and the horsemen garded the flanckes, and reareward: Sido and Italicus the Sueuians with the choise of their countrey men serued in the foreward. On the other side, the Vitellian army, whose best course doubtlesse had bene to haue ta­ken some rest at Cremona, and refreshed themselues with foode and sleepe, and so the next day to haue giuen the onset vpon their enemies, starued with hunger and colde, for lacke of a leader and want of direction, about the third hower of the night dashed them selues vpon the Flauian army, who stoode now in array strongly prepared to receaue them. The order and standing of the Vitellian army I dare not for certaine auouch, being doubtlesse disordered through anger and darknes. Some affirme that the fourth Legion called Macedonica stoode in dextro cor­nu. in the right wing: the fift & fifteenth Legions, with certaine companies out of three Brittish Legions, the ninth, second, & twentieth filled vp the middle battel; the left wing consisting of the tenth Legion, the two & twentieth & the first: the soldiers of Rapax and Italica dispersed themselues thorow out al: the horsemen and Aides chose their owne standing. The fight con­tinued al night very doubtful & cruel, with great mortality some­time on the one side, & sometime on the other: courage or strēgth auailed litle in the darke, where the eie could not discerne a frende from an enemy. On both sides was the same kind of armour & wea­pons: by many mutual questions ech knew others watchword: the banners also were mingled together, as it hapned a bande to take any from the enemy and cary them to and fro. The seuenth Legion lately leuied by Galba was pressed most hardly: six of her principal Centurions were slaine, and some enseignes taken away, the stan­derd it selfe was hardly defended by Attilius Verus the chiefe Centurion; who with great slaughter of the enemy, and his own death in the end, notwithstanding saued his charge. The Flauianists thus going to the worse, Antonius reinforced & strengthned the battel by sending for the Praetorian soldiers, who assoone as they vnder­tooke the fight repulsed the enemy at the first, and anone were re­pulsed themselues. For the Vitellianists had brought their engins of warre, which before were dispersed and discharged against bushes and trees, without anie hurt to the enemy, and placed them [Page 128] vpon the cawsey of the high way to haue an open passage and free scope to shoote out; among the rest a Balista, saieth Veg [...]tius li. 4. c. 22, [...]nibus ner­vin [...] [...]hordis (que) tendi [...], quae qu [...] proli [...]io [...]a brach [...] tha­ [...], [...]ani [...] spicula l [...]ngiùs [...]n [...]tti [...], & si iuxta arte [...] m [...]chanicam temp [...]rour, & [...] ex [...]r [...]ta [...] [...] [...]ui mensur [...]m [...] v [...]tecolleg [...] [...]nt, [...] pene­ [...] q [...]d [...] (que) pere [...]ss [...]. [...] the fall of [...] Balista drew with it a great part of the wall of the campe at Cr [...] Balista of a woonderfull greatnesse, belonging to the sixteenth Legion, shooting out huge and mighty stones galled them sore, and had made a farre grea­ter hauocke amongst them, had not two souldiers vndertaken an honourable exploite, and taking vp targets among the deade bo­dies gone vnknowen, and cut the cordes and waightes of the en­gine: whereupon they were by and by cut in pieces, and so their names are not knowen; of the fact there is no question. Nowe the battaile continued doubtfull, and fortune indifferent to both sides, till at farre in the night the 5 moone rose and discoue­ted the armies, though in deceitfull sort, and more in fauour of the Flauian side, because shee was at their backes: by meanes where­of both the shadowes of the men and horses stretched along to­ward the enemies, and so the arrowes and dartes of the Vitelli­anists, being falsely bestowed vpon shadowes, fel short of the bo­dies; whereas contrarily by reason of the moone shining against them, the Vitellian souldiers were easily hit vnawares with the blowes of the other, discharging as it were out of couert. Anto­nius assoone as he could discerne his owne company, and be like­wise discerned of them, beganne to inflame them seuerally, some with shame and rebuke, others with praise and encouragementes, all with hope and large promises; demaunding of the Pannonian Legions for what purpose they had nowe resumed armes? if to wipe away the blot of their late ignominie, here was the fielde where they might reintegrate themselues in their honour againe Then turning to the Moesian souldiers he challenged them as au­thors and beginners of the warre, adding that in vaine they ha [...] dared the Vitellianists with wordes and threates, if now they durst not abide their handes and lookes. And after this and the like sort he spake to all whom hee met: but most at large to those of the thirde Legion, putting them in remembraunce both of their late and ancient victories; how 6 vnder the conduct of Marcus Antoni­us they had ouerthrowen the Parthians, vnder Corbulo the Ar­menians, and of late the Sarmatians, then directing his speech to the Praetorians in great anger: As for you disgraded souldiers (quoth hee) it you winne not here, what other generall, or what o­ther campe shal receiue you? Yonder loe, there be your enseignes and weapons, and present death if you leese, for you haue spente [Page 129] already your shame. Great crying and noise there was on euery side, when as the third Legion, as the maner in Syria is, with a great showte saluted the sunne rising: vpon which accident, or by the Generals pollicy, a generall rumour was spred thorow the host, that Mutianus was come, and the armies had met and saluted ech other. Whereupon as supplied with newe forces, they pressed forwarde and gaue a freshe onset, the Vitellian ranckes growing now thinner, as being without all direction, and banding toge­ther or disbanding as their owne courage or feare did induce them. When Antonius felt them weake in the shocke, and yeel­ding vnder his hande, with a company firmely compacted hee charged and disordered them. The ranckes once loosed brake, & could not be reunited by reason of the cariages and engins, which hindered the matter. The conquerours hoatly pursuing the chace dispersed themselues along the high way. The slaughter was the more famous, because in the same it happened the sonne to kill his owne father: the thing and the names of the persons I will set downe, as Vipsanius Messalla hath reported it. Iulius Mansuetus borne in Spaine, and called to serue in the Legion sur­named Rapax, left a sonne at home vnder yeares, who growing afterward to mans state, and being enrolled by Galba into the se­uenth Legion, by mere misfortune here met and encountred with his owne father; and hauing wounded him deadly, going about to rifle him, came into knowledge of him, & was likewise knowen by him againe. Whereupon embracing the corps, which now was without sense or life, with teares & lamentable voice he be sought his fathers ghost, not to impute this impiety vnto him, nor abhorre and detest him as a parricide: that it was the publicke act of the cause: and what a small portion was one souldier of these ciuill warres? And withall hee tooke vp the body, made a pitte in the ground, and perfourmed his last duety toward his father. This was perceiued by them which were next, and then by more also: in the end the fame of this strange chance went thorow the whole army, & much complaining there was, & detestation of so cruell, and wicked a warre: and yet they continued nothing the lesse to kill and to spoile both kinsmen and frendes, and euen their bre­thren also. they talke what a wicked fact was committed, and in the meane time commit it themselues. Whenas they came to Cre­mona, there appeared a new and no small piece of worke yet be­hinde. [Page 130] For in the warre against Otho the German soldiers had cast their campe about the wals of Cremona, & about their campe rā ­piers & trēches, which they had now lately augmēted. At the sight whereof the Flauianists were at a stop, the Generals being doubt­ful what to appoint. to begin the assault the army being tired with the trauaile both of the day & the night, were a difficult matter, & hauing no place of retiring at hand dangerous too: to returne to Bebriacū were intolerable paine, the way being so long, & besides, all they had done would be lost, and the victory made voide: to sit downe & intrench, that also were a thing ful of danger, & to be fea­red, lest the enemies being so neare should sally out, & breed some disorder as they were dispersed, & busy at their work. But aboue al these respects the Generals stoode in most feare of their owne sol­diers, who would sooner abide any danger, then any delay: all that tended to safety was vnsauory; in precipitation was their hope; the greedy desire of the spoile made al killing, woūding, shedding their bloud to be matters of nothing. To this resolutiō therefore Anto­nius finally inclining, cōmanded to enuiron the trēches with soldi­ers roūd about. And first they fought aloofe with arowes & stones on both sides, but with disaduantage to the Flauian part, vpon whō the enemy discharged frō aboue: then approching nearer he distributed to the Legions the trēches & gates, appointing to ech their seueral quarter, to the end the labor being thus diuided, the diffe­rence betweene the valiant & the coward might be perceiued, & mutual emulation of honor should excite thē to vertue. The third & Galbiana. seuēth Legion were assigned the quarter next to the way, which leades from Bebriacū: the eightth & seuenth surnamed Claudiana tooke vp the trenches on the right hand: the thirteenth was caried with a fury to the gate toward Brescia. After this they pawsed a while, till they had fetched out of the fields thereabout, some of thē ligones. spades & dolabrae. axes, some others Falces. Vegeti­tius lib. 4. c. 14. Falx, trabs ad­ [...]nco praefixa ferro, vt de mu­ [...]o extrahat la­pides. but here perchance it was but some cōmon hooke. hooks & ladders. Then with a strong 7 target fence ouer their heads they came vnder the walles, & were receiued by those that vnderstoode that kind of seruice, as hauing benetrained vp in the same schoole, who rowled down huge stones vpon it, & forced the frame to stagger & fleete, thē folowed & sear­ched into it with iauelins & speares, til the connexion of targets being dissolued & brokē, they slew or maimed the men. Vpon so great slaughter the Flauianists were almost at a stay, had not the cap­tains perceiuing the soldiers to be tired, and all other encourage­ments [Page 131] preuaile but a litle, shewed vnto thē the towne of Cremona, as the price of their victory. Whether this was Hormus deuise, as Messalla reporteth, or Caius Plinius be rather to be beleeued, who casteth the fault vpon Antonius, I cānot easily determine; this one­ly, that whether Antonius or Hormus were autor of this most bad part, it was not vnsutable to neither of their former infamous liues, & behauiours. But hereupon no danger of limme or life could stay the Flauian soldiers, frō breaking down the trenches, & beating o­pen the gates, euen with their showlders; and some climing vp by a double target fence took hold on their enemies weapōs, & caught thē by the armes: so the wounded & not wounded, the halfe dead & dying, came downe tumbling together, and perished some after one fashion, and some after another, representing al diuersities of deathes. The seuenth & third Legion fought most brauely, & gaue the sharpest assault, & Antonius the General himselfe, with the chosē men of the Auxiliary soldiers, had bended his forces that way. The Vitellianists perceiuing thēselues not able to sustain any lōger the force, & fury of mē so obstinately bent, & that whatsoeuer they cast downe vpon them slid away vpon the target fence, without doing any harme, resolued to rowle downe at the last a great balista. engine vp­on thē as they approched: which indeed for the present ouerwhel­med those that were vnder, but withal in falling it drew the battle­ments with it, & vppermost part of the rampier: & at the same time a tower adioining being battered with stones fel downe. At which breach as the seuenth Legion assaied to enter, in a pointed battell, the third Legion in the meane season brake downe the gate with their swords and axes. It is agreed vpon by al writers, that the first man which entred the trench was Caius Volusius, a souldier of the third Legion, who presently going to the rampier tumbled downe all that resisted, and aduauncing himselfe in sight proclaimed the campe was taken: and as the Vitellianists were now beginning to faint, and leape downe from the rampier, the rest brake in. All the space betweene the trenches and the towne was filled with deade bodies. And there againe appeared a new worke, and another la­bour: the walles of the citty were high, the towers all of stone, the barres of the gates of iron, the souldier ready with weapon in hande on the walles, the townesmen manie and sure to Vitelli­us; beside a great number of strangers assembled out of al places of Italie thither, by occasion of a faire vsually holden there at [Page 132] that time. But that as it was a helpe to the defendants in respect of the multitude, so was it a prouocation to the assailants in re­spect of the spoile. Antonius commanded to take fire and burne certaine most goodly buildings, standing without the walles, if peraduenture the townesmen vpon the losse of their substaunce would be induced to yeelde. The houses that were neare to the walles, and exceeded them in height, he replenished with the vali­antest soldiers he had; who with blockes of timber, & tiles, & fire­brandes, bet away the defendāts from the walles: by this time also, the Legions had cast themselues into a target fence, & others shot stones, & arowes against them on the walles. Then the Vitellianists hartes beganne by little and little to faile them, and euery man as he was first in degree was likewise the first to yeelde vnto fortune, lest if Cremona also should be taken there would bee no hope of pardon remaining, the whole wrath of the winners being like to turne not vpon the poore and beggerly souldier, but vpon the Tribunes and Centurions, by whose death some gaine might be gotten: contrarily the common soldier not searching into sequels, and in lesse danger by reason of his basenesse, persisted stil for Vi­tellius: and wandring in the streetes, or hiding themselues in hou­ses would not sue for peace, euen then whenas they had left off to make warre. So the principall men of degree in the army razed Vitellius name, and defaced his images, and loosing Caecina, who then was in bandes, desired him to become intercessour in their behalfe. As he made dainty to doe it, and bare himselfe proudly against them, they besought him instantly euen with teares (a mise­ry of all miseries, so many valiant men to implore the aide 8 of a disdainfull traitour) and then hung out ouer the walles their Velamenta & infulat. sa­cred veles and infules, in signe of submission. Whereupon Anto­nius commaunding his men to surcease all hostility, they brought out their enseignes and standerds: the Vitellian Legions folowed; a heauy companie, vnarmed, and casting their eies to the ground. the Flauianists closed about them, and first outraged them in speeches, and seemed to threaten violence vnto them: but when they saw them not moued thereat, but patiently to endure all in­dignities, according to the circumstance of their present for­tune, they beganne to call to remembrance, that euen those were the selfesame men, that had a little before at Bebriacum vsed their victory moderately. But when Caecina came forth as a Consull [Page 133] in his robes, with his sergeants before him making way thorow the presse, the conquering souldiers lost all maner of patience, obiecting vnto him his pride, and his cruelty; yea and his trea­son too: so hatefull are vices euen where they are profitable. But Antonius interposed himselfe, and sent him safely garded away to Vespasian. In the meane season the people of the towne, a­mong so many armed men, were greatly annoyed, and they sca­ped nearely of a generall massacre, had not the captaines intrea­ted, & somewhat appeased the soldiers wrath. Antonius calling a ful assembly made a solemne oration, speaking in glorious termes to the soldiers of his own side, & in curteous to those of the other, concerning Cremona ambiguously. The army was doubtles ear­nestly bent to the destruction and sacke of the citty, beside a natu­rall desire of spoile, vpon an olde conceaued displeasure against them: for in the warre of Otho also they were thought to haue be­stedde and helped Vitellius side; and afterwardes the thirteenth Legion being left there to build an amphitheatre (as commonly these townesmē are naturally malapert) they had iested & scoffed at them many other circumstāces made their case also the harder, as that Caecina had in that towne exhibited his shew of Gladiatores fencers in honour of Vitellius victory: that it was chosen now the second time for the seate-towne of the warre: that they had helped the Vi­tellian army with vittailes: that some women were found slaine, which for extreme loue to the side had come out to the battaile: and not least because the faire time had filled the towne, being o­therwise wealthy, with shew of more wealth. And thus stoode the soldiers for their part affected. As concerning the Commanders, the behauiours of the rest were not much marked: Antonius by reason of his fortune and his fame was principally eyed: who assoone as he entred the towne went presently to the bath to wash of the bloud, & finding it somewhat too coole, let fall a word which was quickly taken vp, that ere long it would be made hoater. This base iest turned the whole blame vpon him, as if hee had gi­uen thereby a watchworde to set Cremona on fire, which to say the trueth was burning already. Forty thousande armed men were broken in, and of seruants and followers of the campe both a greater number, and a great deale more disordered in all kinde of licentious and cruell demeanour: neither age, nor honoura­ble calling could warrant any from violence, but without respect [Page 134] of eyther they abused their bodies in villanous maner, and slew them indifferently. Aged men and olde women, nought worth to be solde, they haled in a iolity for pastime and sporte: if any mayde of competent yeares, or bewtifull yongman fell amongst them, in striuing who should cary them away, they pulled them asunder & tare them in pieces; and thereupon growing in choler turned to kill one another. Whenas any had gotten and caryed away for himselfe money, or the golde and iewels out of the temples, being met by a stronger, he left behinde him both his life and his bootie: some contemning that which they found ready and open, com­pelled the owners with torture and stripes, to confesse and yeeld vp their hidden riches, and treasures buried vnder the ground. The souldiers walked with firebrands in their handes, which as­soone as they had emptied the goods, they hurled in a sporte and wantonnesse into the voyde houses, and empty temples. And as in an armie diuerse in language and manners, compounded of Romans, confederates, and strangers, their lusts and desires were diuerse, and something held lawfull by one, something by ano­ther, and nothing vnlawfull to all. Fower whole dayes Cremona ministred matter to sacke and to burne: and all things beside both holy & prophane being consumed into ashes, the temple of The god­desse of ill sa­uours. Me­phitis without the walles remained vntouched, either because it stoode out of the way, or by reason of some diuine vertue of the goddesse. 9 This end had the city of Cremona, two hundreth eigh­ty & six yeares after the foundation. It was built in the In the yeare of the Citty 536. and the first yeare of the second Punicke warre yeare that Tiberius Sempronius & Publius Cornelius were Consuls, when Hannibal was about to come into Italy, for a bulwarke against the Frenchmen beyond the Po, and if any other power should breake in by the Alpes. So by reason of the number of inhabitants, com­modity of riuers, fertility of the soile annexed, & affinities contra­cted with other people, it grew vp & flourished, in forraine warres vntouched, vnfortunate in ciuill. Antonius ashamed of this foule act, which daily grew more & more odious, made proclamation, that no man should keepe any cittizen of Cremona as his lawfull prisoner: and all Italie with one generall consent refusing to buy any of them for slaues marred the soldiers market: who there­vpon began to murther their prisoners. Which being once know­en, their frendes & kinsfolkes secretly came & ransomed them. In short time after the rest of the people returned to Cremona. The [Page 135] publicke places and temples were reedified at the charges of the townesmen, and vpon Vespasians speciall encouragement. For the present, the ground being infected with the noysomenesse of the dead carcases, suffered not the Flauian army to dwell long vpon the ruines of the razed citty. So they remooued three miles of, and there reduced the Vitellianists, being disbanded, and trembling for feare, euery soldier vnder his colours, and anone afterward sent them away into Illyricum, lest during the time of the troubles they should fortune to worke innouation. Into Bri­tannie and Spaine messengers were sent with the newes of the suc­cesse: and for a proofe of their victory, into France they sent Iulius Calenus a Tribune, and into Germanie Alpinus Montanus cap­taine of a cohorte, because Alpinus was of Triers, and Calenus an Aeduan, and both had followed Vitellius side: and withall they kept and fortified the passages of the Alpes with garrisons, fearing the descent of the Germans that way in fauour of Vitellius.

VII. Fabius Ʋalens setteth forward. Ʋitellius blockish behaui­our. The death of Junius Bloesus.

BVT Vitellius, hauing within fewe daies after Caecinaes depar­ture set forth Fabius Valens also to the warre, as if nothing els were now to be done, layed aside all care of affayres, and betooke himselfe to his riotous life. He made no prouision of armour, con­firmed not the soldiers with comfortable speeches, or militare ex­ercises; he conuersed not in publicke in the face of the people (like those sluggish creatures, which if you supply with foode lye carelesly stretched along) lurcking in arbours and places of plea­sure, he had cast of al memorie alike, of past, present, and to come. Thus wallowing in sloth, and languishing in the groues of Aricia, the heauy newes came vnto him of the treason of Lucilius Bas­sus, and of the reuolt of the nauy at Rauenna: soone after the sor­rowfull tidings mixed with some ioy concerning Caecina came, both that he had reuolted, and that he was put in bands by the ar­mie. His blockish and dull disposition apprehended more the ioy then the care, insomuch that with great triumph hee made his returne vnto the citty, and there in a solemne assembly com­mended, and highly extolled the dutifull affection of the soul­diers. Then hee commanded Publius Sabinus captaine of the Garde, because hee was inward with Caecina, to be committed, [Page 136] substituting Alphenus Varus in his roome: immediately going to the Senate he made there a stately and magnificall oration vn­to them, and was requited of them againe with all kindes of exquisite flatteries. Then proceeded a heauy sentence against Caecina, In amplify­ing the great bountifulnes of Vitellius, to­ward a man in all respects so vnworthy as Caecina, they vttered indeede their owne griefe, that so leude a person should be so highly prefer­red, and yet seemed to complaine in Vitellius be­halfe. pronounced first by Lucius Vitellius, and so by the rest of the Senate in order: who as in the Princes behalfe vttering their owne grieffe aggrauated his fact with tearmes of affected indignation, That a Consull should betray the common wealth, a Generall his soueraine lorde, and a man so greatly aduanced in riches and honour his sole aduancer and maker; without any touch at all or iniurious speech against any of the Flauian cap­taines, but onely blaming the errour, and ouersight of the ar­mies: and for Vespasians proceedings, with great caution tou­ching that string, and alwaies sparing his name. Then Rosci­us Regulus presented petition, and by humble suite obtayned, a ridiculous thing both to giue and to take, the Consulship for one onely day which remayned behinde of Caecinaes time, and so the last day of October he entred and resigned his office. It was obserued by men skilfull that way, that neuer before was there anie such substitution seene, but eyther vppon errour in the creation, or an expresse lawe for that purpose enacted. For Of whom that iest of Tullie is re­membred: Quàm vigilan [...]em habemus consulem, qui toto consulatus sui tempore sommum oculis non vidit. Caninius Rebilus had likewise bene Consull for one daie a­lone, at the time when Caius Caesar was Dictatour, Or, who be­ing beholding to many, had many to plea­sure. and the seruice of many in the ciuill warre required much speede in re­warding. About the same time the death of Iunius Bloesus was openly knowen and much talkt of abroade: the circumstances whereof, as we haue receaued them are these. Vitellius lying sicke of a grieuous disease in the Seruilian gardens, chanced to espye in a turret not farre of many lights burning in the night season, and demanding the cause, they about him made answere, that in Caeci­na Tuscus house there was a solemne feast, & much company met, whereof Iunius Bloesus was the principall guest; amplifying the sumptuousnes of the entertainment, & the mirth, & the wanton so­lacing themselues, and such other matters farre aboue trueth: yea and some stucke not directly to accuse Tuscus himselfe and o­thers; but aggrauated most against Bloesus, that had so good ley­sure and lust in the Princes sicknesse, to banquet and passe the time so merrily away. When they found Vitellius humour once shar­pened, and it was cleare to them, that see deepely into Princes [Page 137] dislikes, that Bloesus might be ouerthrowen, the promooting and prosecuting against him was committed to Lucius Vitellius: who vpon a sinister emulation malicing Bloesus (because he was so fa­mous a man, and himselfe by desert so infamous) entred into the Emperours chamber, and taking his little sonne in his armes fell downe at his feete. When his brother demanded the cause of this his confusion, I come not (quoth he) for any feare or care of mine own, but my humble suite is, & these teares are shed in your owne behalfe, and your childrens. In vaine doe we stand in feare of Ves­pasian, whom so many Legions as we haue of our side, so many prouinces of valour and trust, and so great and infinite distance by sea and lande doeth withholde and keepe of: we had more neede to take heede of an enemie at home in our bosome, who vaunts of the By reason of both which names he might claime to be lineally descended of Octavia, sister to Augustus Caesar, as by their petigree it may appeare. Iunij and By reason of both which names he might claime to be lineally descended of Octavia, sister to Augustus Caesar, as by their petigree it may appeare. Antonij for his progenitours, and maketh all demonstrations of curtesie and bountifulnesse toward the souldi­ers, as one descended of the imperiall bloud: that way all mens mindes beginne now to bende, whilest your maiesty in the meane time, careles of the estate both of your frendes & foes, nourisheth a concurrent, that taketh delight, out of his banquetting house to beholde his Princes sicknesse & griefes. Vouchsafe, I beseech you, for his vnseasonable mirth, to render him a sad & sorrowfull night, whereby he may both know and feele, that Vitellius liueth and ru­leth, and if ought should befall him but good, hath a sonne to leaue in his place. Vitellius standing in dreade betweene the feare of differring, and the open auowing so wicked a fact, lest the one might breede his destruction, the other procure great enuy and slaunder, finally resolued to attempt it by poison: the suspicion whereof was strongly confirmed, by his going in great ioy to vi­site Bloesus as he lay a dying; and moreouer a most sauage speech of his was ouerheard, wherein he vaunted (for I will reporte his owne very wordes) that he had fed his eies in beholding his ene­mies death. Bloesus besides his honourable birth and courtlie condicions, was loyall and fast to Vitellius. For before Vespa­sian put vp, whenas matters were yet entier, being sollicited by Caecina and the chieffest of the side, who beganne now to waxe weary of Vitellius, he stiffly resisted; a man of vpright conuersati­on, not turbulent, not desirous of hasty rising, and so farre from ambitious aspiring to the Empire, that in many mens opinions he was esteemed not vnworthy of it.

VIII. The proceedings of Fabius Valens, and his taking.

IN the meane season Fabius Valens marching forwarde, more slowly then was conuenient in going to warre, with a great and effeminate traine of concubines and eunuches, was aduertised in post of the treason of Lucilius Bassus, with the losse of the nauy at Rauenna: and if he had followed with expedition his purposed iourney, hee might either haue preuented Caecinaes falling a­way, or ouertaken the Legions before the battaile was giuen. And some perswaded him to take a fewe of his trustiest frendes, and so auoyding Rauenna by secrete bywayes to goe in all speed to Hostilia, or Cremona: others were of opinion to sende for the Praetorian cohorts out of the cittie, and so by strong hande to make passage. But Valens vsing delay, to the great hurt of the cause, spent the times of action in consultation: and then reiecting both the aduises, and taking a 10 midle course, which in cases of danger and doubt of all is the woorst, hee neither was venturous inough with the one, nor prouident inough with the other, but onely wrote letters to Vitellius for some supply. Whereupon Of Praetori­ans it should seeme: and yet p. 134. we finde 14 more Prae­ [...]orian, and there were but 16. in all. 2. Hist. p. 104. three cohorts were sent with the Brittish wing, a number neither fit to passe secrete withall, nor sufficient to breake thorowe by force. But Valens euen then, amidst so great danger, abstayned not from his olde vn­temperate liuing; but was diffamed, and noted to take by force his lewde pleasures, and pollute his hosts houses, wheresoeuer he came, with adulteries and other vnlawfull lusts: he had both might and money, great meanes to induce; and the last lusts of fortune beginning to fall, now at the farewell shewed themselues most outragious. When the horsemen and footemen were come, then appeared the weaknesse and fault of that coun­saile. For neither could he with so small a companie, though they had beene most trustie, passe thorow the enemies, nei­ther yet were they fast and trustie indeede: but for a while shame, and the reuerence of their Generall beeing present, restrayned them, bondes of no long continuance with men 11 greedie of dangers, and carelesse of credit: vpon feare whereof Valens sending the cohorts before to Ariminum, and appointing the wing to garde them behinde, with a fewe in his companie, whome aduersitie had not altered, turned aside [Page 139] into Vmbria, and from thence into Etruria. Where vnderstan­ding the euent of the battaile at Cremona, hee entred into a no­table determination, and if it had succeeded, of great conse­quence; To betake himselfe to the sea, and setting on land in some part of the prouince of Narbon, to raise Fraunce and the nations of Germanie, and so stirre vp a newe warre. Assoone as Valens was gone, Cornelius Fuscus came with an armie vppon them at Ariminum, and bestowing his shippes not farre from the towne forced the souldiers for feare to yeelde, and made him­selfe master of the plaine of Vmbria, and the countrey of Pice­num all along the seaside: and so all Italie on the one side of the Apennine mountaines was vnder the subiection of Vespasian, and on the other side vnder Vitellius. Valens hauing embarked him­selfe in the bay of Pisa was driuen by the violence of the sea, or contrary windes, into the port of Hercules Monoecus. Not farre from thence Marcus Maturus Procuratour of the sea Alpes re­mained, a man verie faithfull and constant in Vitellius cause, not­withstanding al thereabout had declared themselues for the con­trarie side; who intertaining Valens with all kinde of curtesie, and warning him, not rashly to enter into the prouince of Narbon, with this admonition strooke a terrour into his minde, and withall the rest of the company beganne to faint for feare, and stagger in their allegeance. For Valerius Paulinus a Belike in Gallia Narbonensi. Procuratour, a va­liant souldier, and a frende of Vespasians before his aduaunce­ment, had sworne the citties rounde about vnto him, and gathe­ring all those, which being Mont, as I take it, of O­thoes old Prae­torian soldiers onely other dismissed by Vitellius I find not: & mentiō is made by & by expresly of the Praetorians dismissed by Vitellius of their owne accorde resumed armes, kept the colonie of Forum Iulij, being the keie of the sea, with a garrison: his dealing therein carying the more credite, because hee was borne in that towne, and was highlie esteemed among the Praetorian souldiers, whose Tribune sometimes hee had beene; and the townesmen also vpon fa­uour to their cuntreyman, and hope of greatenesse heereaf­ter, endeuoured to further the side. This strong preparation being reported in the amplest sorte to the Vitellianists, who alreadie were wauering in minde, Fabius Valens retired in all speede to the shippes, accompanied onelie with fower Spiculatores Spearemen, three of his frendes, and as manie Centurions: Maturus and the rest were at their libertie to staie behinde, if it liked them, and sweare to Vespasian. But as the sea was safer [Page 140] to Valens then the shoare, or townes, so floating thereon vnresol­ued, and seeing rather what to shun then what to follow, he was at the length by contrary weather cast vpon the Stoechades ilandes, vpon the coast of Marseils; from whence Paulinus sending out of his shippes fetched him in.

IX. The estate of the prouinces abroade vpon the troubles in Jtalie.

AS SOONE as Valens was taken, all the prouinces turned them­selues to Vespasians side, the matter beginning in Spaine at the first Legion surnamed Adiutrix; which vpon the memorie of Otho was enemy to Vitellius, and drew with it the tenth and sixt Legion also. Neither did the prouinces of France make any stay. And for Britannie, the great fauour and reputation in warlicke af­faires, that Vespasian had gotten being Lieutenant there of the second Legion vnder Claudius, did easily winne that Legion vn­to him, albeit not without some sturre of the rest, whereof manie Centurions and souldiers, who had beene aduanced by Vitellius, were vnwilling to change the Prince, whom they had prooued al­ready. By meanes of which dissension and continuall rumours of ciuill warres, the Britans tooke hart and rebelled, through the procurement è Iugan [...]n civitate. 12. An nalium. of Venusius; who beside a naturall fiercenesse of courage, and hatred of the Roman name, was incensed particu­larely, by a priuate vnkindnesse betweene him and the queene Carthismandua. Carthismandua was queene of the Brigantes, of high and noble linage, who vpon the deliuery of king Carata­cus, whom shee tooke by [...]2. Annal. p. 432. fraude, and sent to furnish and set out the triumph of Claudius, wanne fauour with the Romans, and greatly increased her strength: whereupon ensued wealth, and of wealth and prosperity riotous and incontinent life: insomuch that casting off Venusius, who was her husband, shee ioyned her selfe in mariage with Vellocatus his harnish bearer, and crowned him king: which fact was the ouerthrowe immediately of her house. The good will of the cuntrey went generally vpon the lawfull husband: but the queenes vntemperate affections were peremp­tory and violent in maintaining her minion. Whereupon Venusius by the helpe of his other frendes, and the reuolt of the Brigantes, made warre vpon Carthismandua, and brought her into greate extremities: then praying aide at our handes, our cohortes and [Page 141] wings were sent to defende her, which after sundry skirmishes with diuerse euent, deliuered her person out of peril, but the king­dome remained to Venusius, and the warre vnto vs. About the same time our affaires in Germanie, through the insufficiencie of our captaines, and seditiousnesse of our Legions, forreine force assailing vs, and our allyes betraying vs, were reduced to those desperate termes, that we stoode in danger of leesing the countrey: but that warre together with the causes, and particular euentes thereof (for it continued long) I lib. 4. will hereafter declare. The Dacians also stirred, a nation neuer louing vs, and as then, our army being withdrawen out of Moesia, not fearing vs neither. When the first alterations and troubles beganne, they held them­selues quiet, and looked but on: but whenas they perceiued Ita­lie to bee all in armes, and betweene the sides euery where open hostility, forcing the standing campes of the cohorts and wings, they put themselues in possession of both the banckes of Danu­bius, and were now at the point to baue razed the campes of the Legions, had not Mutianus, hauing knowledge before of the victory at Cremona, opposed the sixt Legion against them, lest two forreine powers should haue broken in at one time, the Ger­mans & Dacians, from two diuerse coastes. As often heretofore, so now specially fortune was fauourable to the Romans, bringing Mutianus with the power of the East to arriue there at that instant; and that in the meane time the matter was so dispatched at Cre­mona. Mutianus departing away left Fonteius Agrippa, who had beene one yeare Proconsull of Asia, Lieutenant generall in Moesia; assigning him sufficient forces out of the Vitellian Legi­ons, whom it was thought a point both of pollicy and peace to disperse abroad in the prouinces, and keepe occupied in forreine warre. Neither were other nations at quiet. In Pontus a bar­barous bondeman, which sometime had beene Admirall of the kings nauie, raised vp a sodaine warre in the countrey: his name was Anicetus a freedman of the late king Polemo, sometime of great credite and power, and now since the kingdome was In Neroes time. redu­ced into a prouince displeased and greeued with the change. Whereupon hauing associated vnto him in Vitellius name the na­tions that dwell vpon Pontus, alluring the poore and neediest sort with hope of bootie and spoile, he became in short time Comman­der of competent forces; with which hee sodainely inuaded and [Page 142] brake into Trapezus, a very ancient citty built by the Graecians, in the vttermost borders of Pontus: where a cohorte was slaine, which in time past was in the seruice there of the king, but being afterwarde made cittizens of Rome, had taken enseignes and armour after our manner, retaining the slouthfulnesse and disso­lute life of the Greekes notwithstanding. Hee burned also the nauy there, doing his pleasure on that sea, which as then was vngarded, by reason that Mutianus had giuen order for the best of the galleyes, and all the souldiers to meete him at Byzan­tium: vpon occasion whereof 12 the barbarous people also of the countrey ranged abroade, and robbed without feare of checke or controlment; building them boates on the sodaine, which they call [...]. Strabo lib. 11. Camerae, of narrowe sides and broade bottoms, wrought and ioyned togither without any brasse or iron, and when the sea goeth high, as the waues rise they raise also the sides of the vessell with boordes, vntill they close and couer it aboue like a house, and so the boates tumble vp and downe in the middle of the waues, ha­uing a prow alike on both sides, & ready to rowe either way with­out any danger, as it shall fall out for their purpose. These things moued Vespasian to assigne vnto those parts some Vexillary sol­diers out of the Legions, and Virdius Geminus for captaine, a man of good proofe in seruice: who setting vpon the enemies being in disarray, and dispersed in seeking of spoile, draue them to their boates, and then causing some galleyes to bee built in hast, pursu­ed and ouertooke Anicetus in the mouth of the riuer Cohibus, being there vnder the protection of the king of the Sedochezi, whom he had wunne by money & gifts to vndertake his defence. And indeede at first the king threatned to protect his suppliant with force of armes: but whenas he saw himselfe put to the choise, to accept either rewarde for yeelding him, or warre in defending him, as an vnconstant and disloyall barbarian, vpon compositi­on hee surrendred Anicetus to dye, & deliuered the fugitiues, & so an ende was made of that seruile warre. Vespasian being ioyfull vpon the obtaining of this victorie, all things succeeding vnto him aboue his own wish, was certified soone after being in Aegypt of the battaile at Cremona, which caused him to make the more hast to Alexandria, that seeing Vitellius army was defeated and broken, hee might presse also with hunger the citty of Rome, stan­ding altogether vpon forraine prouision. For so likewise he made [Page 143] preparation to inuade Africke, situate on the same coast, both by sea and lande, meaning to cut off the two storehouses of corne from the enemie, and so procure famine, whereof consequently dissension would growe.

X. Antonius Primus marcheth from Cremona to Fanum Fortunae. his tarring with Mutianus.

WHILEST in these generall alterations, thorowe out the whole world, the state thus altered & passed, Antonius Pri­mus leauing Cremona, left also his former care of well carying himselfe, supposing the warre to be at an end, and no difficulty in that which remained: or els peraduenture prosperity, in a man of that disposition, discouered the secrete and inwarde faultes of his minde, as couetousnesse and pride, and other vices that were suppressed before. Italie he harried as a conquered countrey: the Legions with all kinde of curtesie hee sought to assure to himselfe: in summe by all speeches and deedes he made the way to his owne greatnesse. And to giue the souldier the more his owne will, and leaue him the bridle at large, of his mere moti­on hee graunted vnto the Legions the choise of Centurions in their roomes that were slaine: by which kinde of election the busiest and troublesomest fellowes were chosen; and generally the souldier was not gouerned by the direction of his captaine, but the captaine drawen by the violence of the souldier. Af­ter these pointes tending to faction and corrupting of discipline, hee conuerted himselfe to the pray, nothing dreading Mutia­nus at hande, which was a more hainous offence, then to haue contemned Vespasian himselfe. Neuerthelesse the army mar­ched on, without cariages, because the winter was neare, and the fieldes ouerflowen with the Po. The enseignes and standerds of the conquering Legions, and the aged or impotent souldiers, with many sound also, were left at Verona. It seemed sufficient, now the warre was in so good a forwardnesse, to take onelie the cohorts and wings, and certaine chosen men out of the Legions▪ vnto this companie the eleuenth Legion also adioyned them­selues, who at the first had made some delay, but seeing the good successe of their fellowes were sory it was their ill happe to be ab­sent: with it there came also sixe thousande Dalmatians newly le­uyed. Poppaeus Siluanus was Lieutenant generall: but the whole [Page 144] direction of matters rested in Annius Bassus Lieutenant of the Le­gion, who with great industry and quietnesse disposed of all that was to be done, and vnder coulour of obedience gouerned Sil­uanus peaceably, being a man of no action in militare seruice, and trifling out the times of doing in talking. To this power were adioyned the best of the mariners at Rauenna requiring Legiona­ry seruice, and in their roomes the Dalmatians were sent to serue at sea. At Fanum Fortunae the army and the leaders were at a stoppe, being in doubt concerning their principall purpose, be­cause they had heard the Praetorian cohorts were already set forth out of Rome, and presumed that the passages of the Apennine hilles were fortified and garded against them. But that which cau­sed most feare was want of prouision, in a cuntrey wasted and consumed by warre, and the seditious cries of the souldiers de­maunding Clavarìum, a donatiue to buy them cali­gares claui; as Calcearium in Suetonius Ves­pasiano. cap. 8. to buy them shooes. Clauarium (which is the name of a donatiue) of them who had neither prouided money nor corne: and the too much hast of the souldiers hindered greatly, whilest that which in due order might haue beene taken and serued somewhile, was in a moment spoiled in snatching. It is reported by most credible writers, that among the winners there was such a contempt of common honestie, and such vnnaturall dealings against al lawes humane and diuine, that a common souldier among the horse­men was not ashamed, openly to professe, that hee had slaine his owne brother in the last battaile, & to require recompence for the same at the captaines handes: who neither willing to rewarde the fact in regarde of common humanitie, nor daring to punish it in respect of the nature of the present warre, differred the matter, pretending that he had deserued much more, then they were pre­sently able to giue: howe it was ended I finde not recorded; not­withstanding in former ciuill warres I finde the like to haue hap­pened. For in the battaile fought against Cinna at Ianiculum, one of Pompeyes souldiers slew his owne brother, and when hee sawe what he had done, slew himselfe also, as Sisenna reporteth: so much haue our ancestors exceeded vs, not onely in glory of their vertues, but in griefe for their faults. These and the like drawen out of ancient history it shall not bee amisse to remember, where the place and matter requires to set downe either exempla re­cti, aut solatia mali. examples of that which is good, or comforts for that which is bad. Now An­tonius and the Flauian captaines being at Fanum, thought it ex­pedient [Page 145] to sende some horsemen before, and search all the coast of Vmbria, to finde some easy and gentle passage ouer the Apen­nine: and withall they determined to sende for the standerds and enseignes, and all the soldiers that remayned at Verona, and to re­plenish the Po and the sea with store of prouision. There were of the Commaunders which sought al meanes to delay: for Antonius was nimius iam Antonius. growen now too intollerable, and certiora de Mutiano spera­bantur. better hope was con­ceiued of Mutianus: who being inwardly vexed that the victo­ry was so speedily gotten, and fearing vnlesse he were present at the taking of Rome at the least, he should haue no part neither of the warre, nor the honour, wrote vnto Primus and Varus am­biguously, sometime perswading to follow with instance, & some­time discoursing of the profitablenesse of delaying; framing his speech in such sort, that if thinges fell out ill, hee would clearely disclayme them, if well, he might take them vppon him: but to Plotius Griphus, whom Vespasian had lately made Senatour and Lieutenant of a Legion, and the rest of his trusty frendes he gaue plaine direction to stay till his comming: all which per­sons returned vnto him a plausible answere, and greatly bla­med the heady proceeding of Primus and Varus. Those let­ters Mutianus sent to Vespasian, and so procured that Antonius deuises and doings were not accepted according to his expecta­tion. Which thing Antonius tooke very impatiently, and im­puted the fault thereof vnto Mutianus, by whose calumniations he conceyued his dangers had growen: neither did he forbeare to vse hard speeches against him, as a man of an intemperate toung, and not accustomed to acknowledge any superiour. He wrote also letters vnto Vespasian in a more hawty and arrogant stile, then beseemed a subiect to his Prince, with secrete glances and nippes at Mutianus: That it was Antonius and no body els, who first put in armes the Legions of Pannonia, and brought them into the field: that by his procurement and woorking the cap­taines of Moesia were first stirred vp to the warre: by his resolute­nesse the Alpes were passed, Italie possessed, and the ayde of the Rhoetians and German nations cut of: then, that Vitellius Legi­ons being at discord and dispersed the vantage was spyed, and they ouerthrowen first by a furious charge of horsemen, after­ward by a power of footmen for a whole day & a night together; that was indeede the brauest point of the seruice, and his only do­ing: [Page 146] as for the mishappe of Cremona, it was a mischance of warre; and that the deciding of other ciuill dissensions in former ages had cost the common wealth much dearer, euen the subuer­sion of manie great townes. that hee serued his Prince not with sending of messages and writing of letters, but with his person and weapon in hand: neither did he enuy or hinder their glory, that in the meane time had quieted Moesia: they regarded the peace of Moesia, and he the conseruation and safety of Italie. by his perswasions France and Spaine, the most puissant parts of the Empire, were ioyned to the side: but all his paines and trauaile were in vaine, if they alone should reape the rewards, which had no part in the perill. Mutianus was aduertised of all this procee­ding, and there upon ensewed great enmitie, which Antonius pro­secuted simply and souldier like, but Mutianus closely, and there­fore the more irreconcileably.

XI. Ʋitellius proceedings and behauiour after the losse at Cremona. The reuolt of the nauie at Misenum.

BVT Vitellius hauing receyued so great a blowe at Cremona, concealing the newes, and foolishly dissembling the matter, differred the remedies of his euils, not the euils themselues. For if he would haue plainly confessed it, and taken aduise there­upon, hee had both hope and strength inough and too much remayning: but whenas contrarily hee fayned that all went on his side, by that vntrueth hee marred his owne case, and cut of from himselfe all meanes of recouery. In his presence there was no mention of warre, but a wonderfull silence that way: in the citty all speeches of it were forbidden, which caused the more: and they, which if it had bene lawfull would haue tal­ked nothing but trueth, being restrayned gaue out much more then it was. The captaines also of the Flauian side helped to in­crease the fame, carying Vitellius spies, as they chanced to take them, round about the campe, to see and view the strength of their victorious army, and so dismissing them backe to their ma­ster. All which at their returne Vitellius, after secrete examination had, commanded to be made away. But aboue all other the Suetonius O­thone. c. 10. Xi­philinus. p. 205. and after him Zonaras, repor­teth this in the story of O­tho, in the for­mer warre, with some smal differēce of circum­stances. con­stancy and resolutenes of the Centurion Iulius Agrestis was most notable; who after much speech tending to incite Vitellius to ver­tue [Page 147] in vaine, at the length obtained that himselfe might be sent to view the forces of the enemie, and see what had passed at Cre­mona. For the performing whereof he sought no corners, but ad­dressed himselfe directly to Antonius, and openly professing what charge he had from his Prince, and what was his intent, he re­quired hee might bee permitted to take a perfect suruey of all things. so some were sent with him, which shewed him the place where the battaile was fought, the ruines of Cremona, the con­quered Legions. Agrestis went home againe, and making rela­tion, whenas Vitellius would not beleeue his report, but char­ged him with vntrueth, and further that he was hired thereto: Seeing then (quoth Agrestis) no meane proofe will serue, and nei­ther my life nor my death can now stande you in any other steede, I will giue you an assurance which you may beleeue; and so de­parting from him, he sealed his sayings voluntarily with his bloud. Some write that he was slaine by Vitellius commaundement, but of his fidelity and constancy they report the same. Now Vitel­lius beeing as it were awaked out of sleepe, commaunded Iu­lius Priscus and Alphenus Varus with fourteene Praetorian co­horts, and all the wings of the horsemen to keepe the streits of the Apennine. after them followed a Legion of Seamen; a power both for number and goodnesse of men and horses suffici­ent (if another had bene Generall) to make warre offensiue, not onely to stande vppon their defence. The rest of the cohorts were committed to Lucius Vitellius his brother to garde the citty withall. Himselfe abating nothing of his wonted ryot, and hasty through distrust, hudled vp the election of officers, wherein he declared Consuls for Suetonius Vi­tellio. c. 11. co­mitia in decem annos ordina vit se (que) perpetuum, consulem. many yeares to come. More­ouer 13 newe treaties and more gracious were concluded with our allyes, and the right of Latium conferred vppon strangers. To some hee released their tributes, to others he granted im­munities, without all care of posterity mangling and mayming the Empire. But the common sort accepted these fauours that seemed so great, and the foolishest bought them with money, which wise men accounted but voyde, beeing such as could neither bee giuen nor taken with the safety of the state. At the last through the instant request of his armie lying in Meuania, with a great trayne of Senatours assumed, partly vpon suite and most vpon feare, he repayred to the campe irresolute of himselfe, [Page 148] and obnoxious to vnfaithfull counsailes. As he was speaking to his souldiers in publike assembly, it fell out so many vnlucky birdes to flye ouer his head (a monstrous matter) that the day was ouercast, as it were with a blacke cloude: and another no 14 lesse ominous and of euill presage, that a bull which was ap­pointed to be sacrificed, brake away from the altars, ouertur­ned the furniture of the ceremonie, and was knocked downe farre of from the accustomed place. But the greatest monster was Vitellius himselfe, a Prince without skill in the profession of armes, and deuoyde of direction and counsell, demanding eft­soones of others in what order to march, what diligence was requisite in making discoueries, what meane was to be obserued in vrging, or delaying the warre, and vpon euery flying report apparently fearefull in countenance, and trembling in gate, and beside all this most commonly druncken. At the length growing weary of the campe, and vnderstanding of the reuolt of the nauy at Misenum, hee returned to Rome, euer fearing most the blowe that came last, and carelesse in the meane time of the mayne chance. For whereas it had bene a course most cleare in reason, and euident in sight, to haue passed the Apen­nine with his army, which then was in hart and strength, and so to haue assayled the enemies almost consumed with hunger and colde, he on the other side fell to Taking some with him to Rome, but principally in that he sent a­way with his brother, as ap­peareth a­none, six co­horts & fiue hundreth horse into Campania out of this army. dispersing his forces, and so a­bandoned his best and faithfullest soldiers, whom he left thereby to the enemies mercy, and deliuered them as it were into their handes; contrary to the opinion of the most expert Centurions, who disliked greatly the disuniting, and if their aduise had beene asked, would haue tolde plainly their minde: but Vitellius inward­est frendes hindered them from accesse, the Princes eares being so framed, that he accounted all sharpe that was wholesome, & liked of nothing but that which was presently pleasant, and afterwards hurtfull. But the nauy at Misenum (so much the audaciousnesse e­uen of one single man in ciuill dissensions may work) was brought to reuolt by the meanes of Claudius Fauentinus, a Centurion ig­nominiously cassed by Galba, who counterfayting letters from Vespasian, with hope of reward induced them to change their allegeance. The Admirall thereof was Claudius Apollinaris, a man that neither constantly kept his fidelity, nor stoutly main­tained his treason: and Apinius Tiro, who had bene Pretor, and [Page 149] was then by chance at Minturnae, offred himselfe for a head to them which reuolted; by whose meanes the colonies and free townes were drawen to the side, the Puteolani shewing them­selues most forward that way. But Capua on the other side, per­sisted firme to Vitellius: whereupon there passed, vnder coulour of the publicke cause, much priuate choler betweene the two townes. To the pacification of these troubles Vitellius chose out Claudius Iulianus (who had lately bene Admirall of the na­uie at Misenum, and gouerned himselfe in that charge with great mildnesse) as the meetest man to appease the souldiers mindes; assigning vnto him a power of one cittie-cohort, and the Gladiatores fen­cers which were vnder his charge. Assoone as the campes appro­ched the one to the other, Iulianus without any great stay turned to Vespasians side, and so iointly they tooke Tarracian, a place of great strength in regarde of the walles and situation, if the men within had bene faithfull and good. Vpon knowledge where­of Vitellius leauing part of his forces at Narnia, with the cap­taines of his Garde, sent his brother Lucius Vitellius away with six cohorts and fiue hundreth horse, to manage the warre of Cam­pania. Himselfe beeing greatly perplexed in minde was yet somewhat reuiued with the earnest goodwill of the soldiers, and clamours of the towne people requiring armour and weapons; whom being nought els but a cowardly companie, whose bold­nesse neuer went beyonde wordes, he called by the false title of armies and Legions. At the perswasion of his freedmen (for of his frendes the greatest men were least trusty) he comman­ded the tribes to be called, and sware them which gaue in their names: too many presenting themselues, he diuided the charge of the muster betweene the two Consuls, and assessed the Se­natours at a certaine number of bond-men, and quantity of sil­uer. The Gentlemen of Rome made offer both of their seruice and money, euen the Libertini requiring of their owne motion they might be admitted to doe also the like. This counterfayt for­wardnesse made the offices, that were done for feare, be thought to proceede of goodwill. And indeede many pitied not so much the man, as the place he susteined: & Vitellius himselfe ceased not by his countenance, speech & teares to prouoke compassion and pitty, promising largely, & (as the nature is of men in great feare) without measure. Moreouer he tooke then vpon him (which he [Page 150] had refused before) the stile of Suetonius Vi­tellio cap. 8. see­meth to say o­therwise. cog­nomen Germa­nici delatum ab vniuersis cupi­dè recepit, Au­gusti distulit, Caesaris in per­petuum recusa­vit. Caesar, vppon some superstiti­ous conceit of the name, and because in a time of feare, the counsailes of wise men, and prattlings of the people are heard & respected alike. But as all actions entred into vpon heate with­out consideration are strongest in the beginning, and afterward fade and decay, so here the Senatours beganne by little and little to shrinke, and the Gentlemen likewise; at the first with some res­pect and in Vitellius absence, but afterward more openly, being afrayde and pensiue for the danger which was like to ensue; till in the ende Vitellius seeing the attempt not feasible, for shame was contented, not to demande that he could not obtaine.

XII. The Flauianists passe ouer the Apennine. the Ʋitel­lianists at Narnia yeeld themselues. the death of Fabius Ʋalens.

AS the possessing of Meuania by the Vitellianists had wrought great terrour in Italie, seeing another warre as it were sprung vp a fresh by that meanes, so of the contrary side the depar­ture of Vitellius in so fearefull maner procured great credit, and good to the Flauian cause. For presently thereupon the Samnites, and Peligni, and Marsi reuolted; and vpon emula­tion that Campania had preuented them, to recompence their slacknesse, as men newly come to a new master, shewed extreme diligence in furthering the seruice. But in passing the Apennine the armie by the fowlenesse of the winter weather was greatly distressed, and marching with all liberty and quietnes could hard­ly wrestle out of the snowe, so that it was cleare to be seene, what danger they must needes haue sustayned, if fortune, to which the Flauian captaines were more often beholding, then to their good guiding and skill, had not turned Vitellius backe home againe. In the mountaines Petilius Cerealis met them, who in clownish apparell through knowledge of the countrey had es­caped Vitellius handes. Cerealis was of neare affinity with Vespa­sian, & of some name for matters of warre, and therefore was assu­med among the Leaders. Many write that Flauius Sabinus and Domitian might also haue easily escaped, and certaine it is, that diuerse messengers sent by Antonius by sundry cunning sleights came to their speech, pointing the place, and offring them meanes for their safety: but Sabinus alleadged that his crazy body was [Page 151] not to vndertake a matter of that paines, and such an audacious attempt. Domitian would gladly haue ventured, but hee feared the keepers whom Vitellius had set about him, although they offred to accompany him in his escape, lest peraduenture it had beene a snare to intrappe him: and indeede Vitellius himselfe, in regarde of his owne kinsfolkes, intended no cruelty against Domitian. When the Flauian captaines were come to Carsu­la, they staied there a fewe daies to repose their army, till their Legionary power should ouertake them: and the place of the campe in it selfe was delitefull, with a large goodly prospect, and verie safe for the prouision of vittailes, hauing so manie of the welthiest citties, as it were store houses behinde them. And besides they were in some hope that the Vitellianists, which were not distant aboue tenne miles, would fall to some parle, and so from a parle to a reuolt: which thing the souldiers could not abide to heare of, but desired an ende rather by conquest, then by peace: euen their owne Legions they were vnwilling to stay for, loath to haue more fellowes in the spoile, when they nee­ded none in the danger. But Antonius calling them publick­lie together, shewed vnto them, that Vitellius had yet some forces remayning, wauering perhappes and vnconstant if they might haue time to consult, but of fierce stomacke if they were driuen to despaire: that the beginnings of ciuill warres were to bee permitted to fortunes deciding, but the accomplishment of the victorie was to bee gouerned by reason and wisedome: that the nauie of Misenum, and the most flourishing countrey of Campania were alreadie reuolted, and there remayned no­thing of al the world vnto Vitellius, saue onely so much as lay be­tweene Tarracina and Narnia: and surely they had wunne ho­nour sufficient in the battayle at Cremona, and blame too much by destroying the towne. therefore they should not now desire to take Rome, but rather to saue it: their rewarde would bee greater, and their glory most great, if they wrought the safe­tie of the Senate and people of Rome without bloudshed. With these and other like speeches their mindes were mollified, and soone after the Legions came. The Vitellian cohortes ter­rified with the same of the armie so much increased, beganne to wauer, no man animating them to the warre, but manie to reuolt, who desired to make a present of their bandes and [Page 152] cornets vnto the conquerour, to purchase fauour hereafter; and gaue also aduertisement, that fast thereby at Interamna was a gar­rison of fower hundreth horse. Whereupon immediately Varus was dispatched with a band of men lightly appointed, and slewe some fewe that made resistance: but the most part laide downe their weapons, and yeelded themselues to his mercy: some fled to the campe at Narnia, and filled all there full of feare and terror, extolling aboue trueth the forces and valour of the enemies, to diminish their owne dishonour in losing their fort. Neither was there any punishment for offences among the Vitellianists; on the other side the rewardes were apparent of those that reuolted: so that from thence foorth the contention was, who should bee most traitour, and daily some of the Tribunes and Centurions fled to the enemie: for the common souldier was obstinately bent for Vi­tellius, vntil Priscus and Alphenus Generalles forsaking the camp vpon feare, and returning to Vitellius, discharged the rest from all blame of treason. About the same time Fabius Valens was put to death in the prison at Vrbine. His heade was openly shew­ed to the Vitellian cohortes to put them out of all hope: for be­fore they beleeued that he was escaped into Germanie, and put­ting in armes both olde and newe souldiers there: but when they sawe he was dead they beganne to despaire. The Flauian armie also tooke a wonderfull conceite as if his death were vndoubted­ly the ende of the warre. Valens was borne at Anagnia, of a gentlemans house, loose in conditions, and not without grace in seeking by wanton ieastes the name of a pleasant conceite. In the games of Iuuenalia in Neroes time hee Mimos acti­tavit. plaied a part, first as it were by compulsion, then voluntarily, with more dexteritie then credit. Being created Lieutenant of a Legion hee both sought to preferre Verginius to the Empire, and then to discredit him. Fonteius Capito his Lieutenant generall, either because hee was entred into treason, or because he could not induce him to trea­son, he murdred and made away. A traitour he was no doubt to Galba, and true to Vitellius, a vertue in him so much the more e­minent, because so many others were false. Now the Vitellian souldiers seeing all their hope cut off, going to yeelde themselues to the contrary part, euen in that also had a care of their honour, and came downe into the plaine vnder Narnia vnder their en­seignes and banners displaied: the Flauian army stoode armed [Page 153] with their weapons bent, as in battell, in thicke ranckes along the way side. So the Vitellianists were receiued into the middle, and being so inclosed about, Antonius intertained them with comfor­table and gracious wordes, and appointed some of them to abide at Narnia, and some at Interamna, leauing some of his owne Le­gions withall, without molestation to them if they were quiet, and yet of force sufficient to represse them if they rebelled.

XIII. Vitellius vpon composition with Flauius Sabinus Vespasians brother offreth to resigne vp the Empire. Sabinus by the souldiers is driuen into the Capitoll, and there besieged. The Capitoll is burnt: Sabinus taken and slaine.

DVRING their abode at Carsula, Antonius and Varus sent con­tinuall messages vnto Vitellius, offring him, if he would sur­cease armes, and yeelde himselfe and his children to Vespasians mercy, life, money, and what secret place he would chuse of Cam­pania to retire himselfe into: to the same effect Mutianus wrote also vnto him: and Vitellius oftentimes gaue eare thereunto, en­tring into speech about the number of his seruants, and the choise of the place. So great a senselesnesse had possessed his minde, that if other men had not remembred, that he had beene once Prince, and therefore was not to looke for security in priuate estate, hee himselfe would haue quickly forgotten it. But the principall men at Rome secretely incited Flauius Sabinus being Prouost of the citty, to put himselfe into the cause, and vndertake part of the victory and of the honour: making remonstrance vnto him, that the citty cohortes was his owne peculiare souldier, the cohortes of the Watchmen would questionlesse take his part, and their own retinue of bondmen should bee at his disposition, beside the for­tune of the side, and the easy course of proceeding they finde, that be in traine of winning. that hee should not yeelde the honour of the action to Antonius and Varus: that Vitellius had but fewe co­horts in number, and those discouraged and trembling at the euil newes that came out of all quarters: the common people was fic­kle & changeable; & if Sabinus would present himselfe for a head, they would vse the same flattering termes for Vespasian, which now they did to the other. as for Vitellius hee was a man not able to gouerne himselfe in prosperity, much lesse sufficient to wielde and winde out of his declining estate: that the honour of finishing [Page 154] the warre would be his, who first should take possession of the cit­ty; and so were it fit in al congruity, both for Sabinus to reserue the Empire to his brother, and for Vespasian to esteeme of all other mens seruice secundarily to Sabinus. These warlike speeches made but a slender impression in his feeble olde minde, and some did secretely suspect and charge him, that through enuy and emu­lation hee sought rather to hinder his brothers good fortune. For Flauius Sabinus was the elder brother, and exceeded Vespa­sian both in riches and authority, whiles they were both priuate men, and was thought to haue saued his credit, and kept him from breaking, by lending him money, but taking in morgage his house and landes for repayment thereof: whereupon albeit in out­warde shewe they continued frendes, yet some secrete ielousies were feared betweene them. But the better interpretation was, that being a milde man he abhorred from slaughter and bloud, and therefore treated diuerse times with Vitellius of a peace­able composing of matters vpon conditions. And after diuerse meetings at his house, at the last a capitulation was concluded vpon (as the fame went) in the temple of Apollo, onely two per­sons, Cluuius Rufus and Silius Italicus, beeing Salutem sibi & millies HS. a Flauio Sabino Vespasiani fra­tre pepigit, sai­eth Suet. Vitel. capit. 15. that is. 78 1250. ^li. witnesses of their wordes: their countenances were noted a farre off by the behol­ders: Vitellius seemed abiect and base, Sabinus not insulting, but pitying rather. And if Vitellius could as easily haue perswaded his frendes, as he was ready to yeelde himselfe, Vespasians army had entred the city without bloudshed: but the loial & faithful seruants of Vitellius flatly reiected all speech of peace and conditions, de­claring the danger and dishonor thereof, & that the performance consisted only in the winners good pleasure. Nay, said they, Vespasian wil not be so confident, as to suffer Vitellius to liue, though in a priuate estate: or if hee would, yet your very owne souldiers and frends will not abide it: and so through their pitty your life shall come in danger. You are old, and therefore for your part, as one that hath had his fil of both fortunes, are content to accept of con­ditions; but what title and state shal your little sonne Germanicus haue? now they offer money, seruants, and the pleasant places of Campania to solace you in: but when Vespasian shall once be set­led in the Empire, neither he, nor his frends, nor his souldiers will thinke themselues safe, while so great a concurrent doth liue. Euen Fabius Valens, whom they had in prison, and reserued in store if [Page 155] ought should goe wrong, was too heauy for them to endure: much lesse are wee to thinke, that Antonius and Fuscus, and the chieffe flower of the side Mutianus, will otherwise deale with Vi­tellius, then to make him away. Caesar left not Pompey aliue, nor Augustus Antonius: vnlesse perhaps Vespasian carry a bra­uer minde, the meanest among many of your fathers followers and clients, when hee was fellowe in office with Claudius the Emperour. nay rather as it beseemeth you being sonne of a thrise Consull and Censor, as it becommeth so many honoura­ble titles of your most noble house, let despaire at the least arme you to courage and boldenesse. The souldiers persist still for you: the good will of the people continueth yet very feruent: in summe no greater harme can happen, then that which we runne into voluntarily dye we must if we be ouercome, and dye we shall if we yeelde: the difference onely is this, whether wee should ende our liues vertuously and with honour, or with shame and perpetu­al reproch. But Vitellius eares were stopped against al manful coū sailes: his minde was ouercome with care and pitty, lest with too long resisting he should leaue the conqueror lesse mercifull to his wife and his children. A Sueton, Vitell. c. 14. Suspectus & in mortem matris fuit, qua si aegrae praeberi cibum prohibu­isses, vaticinan­te Catta mulie­re, cui velut ora culo acquiesce­bat, ita demùm firmiter ac diu­tissimè impera­turum, si super­stes parenti ex­titisset. Alij tra­dunt ipsam, tae­dio praesentium, & imminenti­um metu, vene­num a filio impetrasse haud sanè difficulter. mother also he had of great yeares, but she died some fewe daies before, very seasonably not to see the ru­ine of hir house, hauing gained nothing by her sonnes preferment, but sorrow and a good name. Vpon the eighteenth day of Decem­ber, hearing of the reuolt of the Legion and cohorts at Narnia, he departed out of the Palace in mourning weede, with his seruants all sad and weeping about him, and withall in a small Lecticula. chaire was caried his little young sonne, as it were to his buriall. The people in passing vsed their accustomed flatteries, beeing as then out of season: the soldier kept silence, but seemed to carry wrath in his countenance: neither was there any man so senselesse, or vnminde­full of humane instability, which was not moued with that sight. An Suetonius Vi­tellio. c. 15. somewhat otherwise. Emperour of Rome, a little before Lord of the whole world, to abandō the seat of his state, & thorow the people, the city to go out of the Empire! The like was neuer seen, neuer heard of before. So­daine violence oppressed Caesar the Dictator, & secret conspiracy Caius: night & the obscure corner of a cūtrey house couered Ne­roes flight: Piso & Galba died as it were in the field: but Vitellius in the assembly of his owne people, amidst his owne soldiers, women also looking out of their windowes, after he had vttered some few [...] [Page 158] whō he had with falshood be guiled, nor against Vespasians young sonne (for what would the death of an olde man & one childe a­uaile?) but let him go out & encounter the Legions, and there trye the maine matter: other things would follow the euent of that battaile. To this charge Vitellius in great feare made answere, with some words in excuse of himselfe, & laying the blame vpon his sol­diers, whose too much vehemency, his modesty, he sayed, was vn­able to bridle; & withall aduised Martialis to conuey himselfe out of the house by a priuy way, lest the soldiers should murdre him as a negotiatour of the peace, which they so greatly detested: and in­deed Vitellius was now but a cipher, neither able to cōmande nor forbid, not Prince in effect, but only matter of warre. Martialis was scarce returned into the Capitoll, whenas the Vitellian soldiers, in a great fury were also at hand, without any leader or captaine, but euery man of his owne head: leauing with speede the Forum and temples vpon it behinde them, they set themselues in array & marched vp the hil, euen to the first gate of the Capitol. There were in olde time certaine open galleries vpon the side of the cliffe, on the right hande as a man goeth vp: from the toppes whereof the defendants with stones and tiles bet the Vitellianists downe, who had in their hands nothing but swordes, and to stay while engins & shot were fetched seemed lost time: wherefore they tooke fire­brands and hurled them into the vttermost gallery, and follow­ing the fire were at the point to haue entred the gate of the Ca­pitoll being halfe burned, had not Sabinus pluckt downe all the images and glorious monuments of our progenitours, and in the entrance of the gate made as it were a countermure of them. Then they assayed to make their entry on the other side of the Capitol by Lucus Asy li, and by the Stayres of a hundreth steppes, in the ascent to Rupes Tarpeia. At both these places the assault came vnlooked for, but the nearer & hoater was that by the Asy­lum: neither could they be stopped from climing vp by the buil­dings that touched together, which as in a time of lōg peace were raysed to the height of the floore of the Capitoll. Here it is doub­ted whether the assaylers fired those buildings, or (as the more receiued opinion is) the defendants thereby to repulse thē which pressed forward, & were come so farre on: but how soeuer it was, the fire there beginning, from thence ranne along to the galleries that ioyned to the tēples; then the Eagles which bare vp the Or the louer. sustinentes fa­stigium Aquilae. peradventure so called be­cause they were carued to the likenes of Eagles. roofe [Page 159] being of olde dry timber drew and mayntained the flame. And so the Capitoll, the gates being shut, no man defending it, no man attempting to spoile it, was burned to ashes; the most lamen­table mischance, and detestable fact, that euer befell the people of Rome since the citty was founded: especially no forrayne enemy inuading, & the gods most plentifully powring their benefits vp­on vs, if our own euill conditions would haue permitted vs to en­ioy them: the seate of the The founda­tion of it, ac­cording to Di­onysius lib. 3. p. 149. and lib. 4. p. 190. was [...] great god Iupiter founded by our ance­stors with the approbatiō of the gods, 15 as a pledge of the Empire, which neither 16 Porsenna whē the citty was yelded, nor the Frēch­men when they tooke it, could hurt, thus to be destroied by the fury of our own Princes! It was once also burned before in a Jn bello civili Syllano, anno vrbis conditae 671. Scipi­one & Norbano Coss. Appian. 1. [...]. p. 192, [...]. ciuill warre, but by priuate malice: now it was publickly besieged, and publickly burned: & that not in honorable defence of our cūtrey, which might somwhat lightē the losse, but in the ambitious vphol­ding of partialities & sides. The Capitoll was Dionysius. l. 3. p. 149. Liuy lib. 1. folio. 9. & 12. vowed first by king Tarquinius Priscus in the warre against the Sabins, 17 who layed al­so the foundatiō, rather according to the hope of future greatnes, thē proportionably to the present estate of the Romans. After him Seruius Tullius with the help of our allies, & Tarquinius Superbus with the spoile, when Suessa Pometia was taken, finished the work: but the honor thereof was reserued to the time of liberty. For Three years after. Dionys. lib. 5. p. 224. Li­uy. lib. 2. fo. 16. putteth the dedication in the first Con­sulship of Ho­ratius, in the first yeare of the free state, contrary to Dionysius and Tacitus here. af­ter the kings were driuen out, Horatius Puluillus in his seconde Consulship dedicated it, in that magnificēt & sumptuous sort, that the excessiue wealth of the Romans, which afterward folowed, per chance might adorn & bewtify the work, but did not augment it. Fower hundreth twenty & fiue yeares afterward, when Lucius Scipio & Caius Norbanus were Anno vrbis cond. 671. Consuls, it was burned & builded againe vpon the same foūdation. Sylla after he had gotten the vp­per hand tooke the care of it vpon him, yet did he not dedicate it: this point only he wanted to make him indeed, as he was in Occiso demùm C. Mario Voeli­cis nomen ad sumpsit Sylla. Velleius l. 2. Ap piā. 1. [...]. p. 197 [...]. Plut. Sylla. [...]. name, perfectly happy: but Lutatius Catulus name remained to be seen, among so many workes of the Emperours, euen till Vitellius time. That building then was fired, which dismayed more the de­fendants then the assaylers. for the Vitellian souldiers lacked nei­ther skill, nor resolution in cases of difficulty: but of the other side, the souldier was fearefull, the captaine without courage, and as a man halfe distract, had neither the vse of his toung, nor his eares, not gouerning himselfe by the aduise of others, and [Page 160] yet not able to resolue of himselfe, but running about from one place to another, at euery cry of the enemie, forbad that hee had commanded, and commanded againe that he had forbidden. Anone, as it happeneth in lost & desperate cases, euery man was a commaunder, and no man a putter in execution: at the length ca­sting away their weapons, they beganne to deuise how to flee and escape secretely away. Then the Vitellianists brake in and killed, burned, and slue: some fewe militare men that offe­red to fight were slaine: among whom Cornelius Martialis, Ae­milius Pacensis, Casperius Niger, Didius Scaeua were the most of note. Flauius Sabinus was beset and taken, beeing neither armed, nor attempting to flee, and Quintius Atticus the Con­sull, a man of speciall marke by reason of his office, and through his owne vanity and follie, hauing published edicts in honour of Vespasian, and to the disgrace of Vitellius. The rest made sundry shifts to escape, some in bondmens apparell, others were hidden by their clients, and conueyed away amongst the stuffe: some there were also that had learned the Vitellianists watch-worde; whereby one of them knewe another, and so as­king and answering accordingly, vsed boldnesse in liew of a hole to lurke in. Domitian at their first breaking in was hid in the sex­tens house, and there by the pollicy of his freedman put in a linnen garment, as the ministers of the temple did weare, and so escaped vnknowne, and lay secrete at the house of Corne­lius Primus, one of his fathers followers, neare to the Velabrum. Afterward when his father came to the state he pulled downe the sextens lodging, and builded there a little chappell in honour of Jupiter his Preseruer: and also erected an alter and caused this history to bee cut in marble: and when hee came to the Em­pire himselfe he built a great temple to Jupiter his Keeper; and consecrated himselfe in the lappe of the god. Sabinus and At­ticus being loaden with irons, and brought to Vitellius, were neither receiued with il speech, nor ill countenance; whereat they which challenged to kill them, & reward for their seruice, fretted and chaffed: and so the next beginning the cry, the rascal sort of the people demanded Sabinus death, mingling threats and flatte­ries together. And as Vitellius presented himselfe vppon the stayres of the palace to intreate for his life, they forced him in the end to desist: then they stabbed and mangled him, and cutting of [Page 161] his head trailed the body into Gemoniae. This was the end of Sabi­nus, a man surely not to be contemned. He had serued in publicke place thirty fiue yeares, and was greatly renowned both for mat­ters of peace and of warre: for integrity & vpright dealing no man could touch him: somewhat he was too full of wordes; the only thing blamed in him during the seuē yeares that he ruled in Moe­sia, & the twelue yeares that he was prouost of the citty: in this last act of his life some iudged him cowardly, others moderate rather and sparing of his citizens bloud; but of this all men agree that before Vespasian was Prince, the reputation of the house rested in Sabinus. It was thought that Mutianus was glad of his death: and many were of opinion, that it fell out not ill in respect of quietnes, al strife & emulatiō being thereby taken vp betweene two, wherof the one was the Emperours brother, & the other caryed himselfe as his fellow. But Vitellius when the people required also Atticus the Consuls death plainly withstoode them himselfe, being some­what appeased, and in some sort to requite him, for that being ex­amined, who had first fired the Capitoll, he tooke vpon him the matter himselfe, and by that confession, whether it were true in­deed, or fained only to serue the present purpose, seemed to take vpon him the blame of the fact, & cleare Vitellius & his adherents.

XIIII. Lucius Ʋitellius taketh Tarracina.

IN the meane season Lucius Vitellius pitching his campe at Fe­ronia, pressed sore vpō Tarracina to take it, hauing shut into the towne the Gladiatores fencers and mariners, who durst not come out of the walles, nor hazarde themselues in the field. Their captaines (as we haue remembred before) were Iulianus ouer the fencers, & Apol­linaris ouer the mariners, men both in dissolutenesse and insuffici­ency more like fencers then captaines; obseruing no order in watching and warding, nor repairing the weake parts of the walles, but passing both nights and dayes in wantonnesse and melodie, vpon those pleasant sea-shoares, & dispersing the soldiers abroad to make prouision for their riot, neuer talking of warre, but in banquet. Apinius Tiro was departed some fewe dayes before, and with his extortions and sharpe dealing in the free townes, purchased more ill will then strength to the side. In the meane time a seruant of Virginius Capito fled out of the towne to Lu­cius Vitellius, promising him, if he would allow him sufficient [Page 162] men, to deliuer secretly the castell being vnmanned, & according­ly in the dead of the night hee brought certaine light armed co­horts, into the place standing vpon the top of a hill, ouer the ene­mies head. From thence the soldiers ran down rather to a butche­ry thē a battaile, killing some vnarmed, others beginning to arme, some newly awaked out of sleepe, distracted & confounded with feare, darknesse, the sound of trumpets & noyse of enemies. A few of the Gladiatores fencers made resistāce, & were slaine, albeit they sold their liues deare: the rest ranne headlong to the shippes, where through the like feare all things were in the like confusion; or so much the more because the townesmen were gotten in amongst them, whom the Vitellianists also did kill without any difference. Six shippes vppon the first notice of the surprise escaped, and with them Apollinaris the Admirall of the nauy: the rest were either taken vpon the shoare, or els suncke in the sea, being ouerchar­ged with the company that leapt into them. Iulianus was brought to Lucius Vitellius and scourged, then slaine in his presence. Di­uerse haue accused Triaria Lucius Vitellius wife, that girding hir selfe with a sworde like a souldier, she should haue demeaned hir selfe cruelly, and insolently amidst the pitifull cryes, & lamentable destruction of the poore towne. Lucius himselfe sent a lawrell in token of victory to his brother, requiring withall his further plea­sure, whether he should returne presently to Rome, or stay & sub­due the rest of Campania: the interposing of which litle time fell out greatly for the good both of Vespasians side, and of the state. For if the soldiers presently after their victory had directly repai­red to Rome, whiles they were in courage and hart, by rea­son of their late good successe, beside a naturall obstinatenesse in them, the matter would not haue bene ended so quickly without much adoe, and the euident destruction of the citty. For Lucius Vitellius albeit he were infamous otherwise, yet was he industri­ous, and powerable not as good men by vertues, but by vices as the worst sorte.

XV. The Flauian armie entreth the citty. the Praetorian campe is taken by force. Vitellius is slaine.

WHILES these things were a doing of Vitellius side Vespa­sians armie remooued from Narnia to Otriculum, and at good leysure celebrated the Saturnalia beginne the 17. of December, and conti­nue till the 24. of the same moneth. Saturnalia there. The cause of this harmefull delay, was to stay for Mutianus: some impute it to [Page 163] Antonius, as done with a traiterous intent, vpon letters receiued from Vitellius, wherein he offred vnto him the Consulship, and his daughter in mariage with a great dower, if hee would reuolt, in rewarde of treason: others affirme, that all this was falsely sur­mised, and maliciously spred to please Mutianus withall. Some are of opinion, that it was the purpose of all the Commaun­ders rather to put the citty in feare, then to seeke to take it by force, seeing the most and principall cohortes had already re­linquished Vitellius, and now all his strength being cut off, it was likely he would resigne the Empire without further coaction: but all that course was crossed, first by Sabinus hast, and then through his cowardlinesse; who rashly taking armes was not afterwarde able to keepe a fortresse of that strength, and which euen great armies could not haue taken, against three onely cohorts. But the fault cannot well bee imputed to one, which was common to all. For both Mutianus was some occasion of stay, by meanes of his doubtfull letters, and Antonius by his preposterous obey­ing, or in seeking to auoide enuy, deserued great blame, and the other Commaunders presuming the warre to bee finished, made the ende of it more notorious. Neither did Petilius Cerealis (who was sent before with a thousand horse, to coast through the cuntrey of the Sabins, and so to enter the citty by Via Salaria) make that hast as the matter required, till in the ende the newes of the siege of the Capitoll made them stirre al at once. Anto­nius came forward by the Flaminian way to Saxa rubra late in the night, & too late to succour. For there he vnderstood that Sabinus was slaine, the Capitol burned, the city in great feare, and al things went il: it was also declared, that the people and bondmen were ar­ming for Vitellius. And besides Petilius Cerealis had receiued a blowe in a skirmish of horsemen, by running headlong and char­ging rashly vpon the enemy, presuming them conquered persons: but the Vitellianists, with horsemen and footemen interlaced to­gether, valiantly receiued the charge. This skirmish was not farre from the citty, among the buildings, and gardens, and crosse­lanes, wherewith the Vitellianists were well acquainted, the o­ther not: which was an occasion to dismay them the more: and be­sides all their horsemen were not of one minde and affection, some being of those that hauing lately yeelded at Narnia kept aloofe, meaning afterward to close with the winner. Tullius Flauianus [Page 164] captaine of a wing was taken prisoner, the rest ranne away disho­nourably: but the Vitellianists pursued no further then to Fidenae. By this successe the affection of the people was greatly augmen­ted, & immediately the townesmen tooke armes: few had any mi­litare targets, but the most tooke vp whatsoeuer weapons came to their hands, and forthwith required the signe of the battel. Vitel­lius thanked them hartily, & willed them to issue out with al speed in defence of the citty. Then he called a Senate wherein Embassa­dors were appointed to the armies, which as in the name and vn­der the colour of a common weale, should persuade them to peace and agreement. The hap of the Embassadors was not al alike: For they which met with Petilius Cerealis incurred extreme dāger, the soldiers refusing vtterly al conditions of peace, and Arulenus Ru­sticus the Pretor was wounded, which beside the enormity of the fact, in the person of an Embassadour and a Pretor, was also more hainous, in regard of the worthinesse of the man. His traine was di­spersed, and one of his sergeants next before him slaine, for presu­ming among armed men to make way thorow the prease for his master: and vnlesse they had beene defended by a bande that the captaine assigned to garde them, the right & priuiledge of Embas­sadors, reputed sacred euen among strange nations, had through ciuil fury bene violated by murder, euen at the very gates & wals of the citty. But they which came to Antonius found more curte­ous entertainement, not because those souldiers were ciuiller, but because the General was of greater autority. Into the company of these Embassadors Musonius Rufus inserted himselfe, a gentlemā of Rome addicted to the study of philosophy after the way of the Stoicks, who thrusting himselfe among the companies of the soldi­ers began to discourse of the good of peace, & danger of warre, & to schoole men in armes: at which many scoffed, more grew weary of it, & some forbare not to push & spurne him away, til in the end by the aduise of the discreeter sort, and the threats of the other, he was persuaded to desist from his vnseasonable wisedome. The Ve­stall virgins also were sent with letters from Vitellius to Antoni­us, requesting him to differre the battaile for one day: by means of that little delay with more ease would all points be agreed vpon. The virgins were sent home with honour, & answere was made to Vitellius that by the murder of Sabinus, & the burning of the Capi­tol al parle of peace was cut off, and al extremity to be looked for: [Page 165] notwithstanding Antonius calling his army together assaied to pacifie them thus farre, that they would bee content to encampe themselues for that present at the Miluian bridge, and not to en­ter the towne before the next day: the reason of the motion was, lest the souldier hauing his bloud heated in skirmish, should afterwarde spare neither people nor Senate, no not the churches and temples of the gods. But they misliked and suspected all delaie as a hinderance to the victorie: and withall certaine ban­ners glittering vpon the side of the hilles, albeit followed by none but towne-people, and men of no seruice, made a shew of an armie. Whereupon the Flauianists diuiding themselues in­to three companies, made their approch to the towne: one part as it stoode along the Flaminian waye, another close by the bancke of the Tiber, and the thirde by Via salaria towarde the gate called Collina. The towne-people was immediately bro­ken by the horsemen, but the Vitellian souldier made head, di­uiding [...], in al fif­tie thousand persons if Iosephus say true. 4. [...]. c. 42. also themselues into three seuerall bandes. Many skir­mishes passed betweene them before the towne, and with di­uerse euent, but more commonly to the aduantage of the Flauia­nists, who had more sufficient men to their captaines. They onely of that side were distressed, which turned vpon the lefte hande towarde the Salustian gardens, through narrowe lanes and slippery waies: where the Vitellianists standing aloft vpon the walles of the gardens, with stones and iauelins repulsed them, till it was towardes the euening, whenas the horsemen that in the meane time had entred at Collina were at their backs and surprized them. In campus Martius also there were hoat skirmishes betweene them. The Flauianists had the fauour of fortune, and the vantage of so manie victories: the Vitellia­nists ranne headlong and furious, supported with onely des­paire: and albeit they were defeated and broken, yet did they rally themselues againe in the citty. The people stoode by and looked on as they fought, and as in a pastime or game clapped their handes, and encouraged sometime the one, and some­time the other: and when either side turned their backes, and hidde themselues in houses or shoppes, they cried to haue them pluckt out and killed, and so attained themselues the grea­test part of the pray: for whiles the souldiers minded nothing but slaughter and bloudshed, the spoile fell to the common [Page 166] peoples share. Ouer all the citty a cruell spectacle and shame­full was to be seene: in one place fighting and wounding, in ano­ther tippling and bathing: here streames of bloud, and heapes of dead bodies, and hard by it strumpets and strumpets fellowes: in summe all the licentiousnesse of a dissolute and riotous peace, and the misery of a most cruell captiuity: so that a man plainelie would iudge one and the same towne, both extremely furious and raging, and extremely drowned in pleasures. There had afore times passed great conflicts betweene armed powers in the cit­tie, twise when Sylla, and once when Cinna ouercame, and the cruelty then was no lesse: but this was an vnnaturall brutish secu­rity, that men for one moment of time would not intermit their accustomed pleasures, but as if this had giuen them further oc­casion of ioy amidst their festiuall daies, clapped handes and re­ioyced, without care of sides, at the publicke calamities. But the greatest difficulty of all was in taking the Praetorian campe, vnto the which the valiantest amongst the Vitellian souldiers had betaken themselues, as to their last refuge, and therefore the Flauianists were the more earnest to assalt it, especially the olde Praetorian cohortes, employing all meanes deuised for the taking of most fortified townes, as the target fence, engins of batterie, mounts, and firebands, crying alowde that that one worke was the accomplishment and perfection of all the trauels and dangers, which they in so many battailes had pas­sed; that the citty belonged to the Senate and people, and the tem­ples to the gods, & both were restored to their owners: but the sol­diers honor was in the campe, that was his cuntrey, & his dwelling place, which vnlesse they could straightwaies recouer, they must & would lye al night in their armour. On the other side the Vitellian soldiers, although inferiour both in number and fortune, distur­bed the course of the victory, hindred the peace, polluting the houses and altars with bloud, and embracing the last comforts to conquered persons. Many lay gasping and died vpon the tow­ers, and battlements of the walles. When the gates were bro­ken vp, they that remained aliue presented themselues to the con­querors, and died al with their face toward the enemy, and woun­ded vpon their forepartes: such care they had, seeing they must dye, to dye in most honourable maner. Vitellius whenas the citty was taken, conueyed himselfe in a carying Sellula. Suet. Vitell. c. 16. ge­statoria sella. chaire, by [Page 167] the backegate of the Palace, into his wiues house in the mount Auentine, intending if he could haue lien secret that day, to haue fled by night to Tarracina to his brother and the cohorts there. Anone changing his minde, and as it falles out to men in a maze, fearing all things, and most disliking the present, he re­turned into the Palace againe now vast and desolate, euen his basest seruantes beeing either fled awaie, or els purposelie shunning his presence. This great solitarinesse, and silence in those places astonished him: whereupon hee assaied to open that which was shut, and was amazed finding all voide. Af­ter much pitifull wandring about, being wearied hee cast him­selfe into a In cellulam i [...] ­nitoris, sayeth Suetonius. c. 16. religato pro fo­ribus cane, lecto que & culcitria obiectis. base corner: whence Iulius Placidus Tribune of a cohort pulled him out, and led him along thorow the city with his handes bound behinde him, and his garments all torne, a most ignominious spectacle, many reuiling him, and no man pittying his case: the dishonourablenesse of his ende had ta­ken awaie all compassion. Being led in this manner, one of the German souldiers aymed a blowe, whether intending to strike at Vitellius vppon some quarrell, or because hee would sooner rid him from shame, or els at the Tribune it is vncertaine, certaine it is that in striking hee cut off the Tribunes eare, and was forthwith slaine himselfe. Then forcing Vitellius with the pointes of their swordes sometimes to looke vp and abide all in­dignities, sometimes to see his owne images breaking their neckes, and many times to beholde the Rostra, and the place where Galba was slaine, they haled him along, and at the last thrust him into the Gemoniae, where the body of Flauius Sabi­nus had lyen. One worde he was heard vtter not proceeding from an abiect mind, in answere to the Tribune who insulted ouer him: That he had yet sometime bene his Prince: & so after many woūds receaued he fel downe dead: & the common people as much with­out reason railed vpō him when he was dead, as they flattered him being aliue. He was sonne to Lucius Vitellius: about seuen 18 and fifty yeares olde when he died: the Consulship and sacerdotal dig­nities, with a name and place among the chiefest nobility, he attai­ned vnto, not through any sufficiency of his owne, but by his fa­thers great fame and renowne: the Empire was conferred vpon him by those which knewe him not; and yet neuer man founde so constant goodwill of his souldiers by vertuous meanes, as [Page 168] this man with all his cowardely slouth: notwithstanding there was in him plaine meaning and liberality, which without discrete handling turne often to a mans ruine: faithfull frendes hee de­serued rather then founde, because hee sought them more by great giftes, then vertuous behauiour. It was a singulare bene­fite to the common wealth, it cannot be denied, that Vitellius was put downe; but they which betraied him to Vespasian Especially some of them who were af­terward trai­tours to Vespa­sian also, as Caecina by name. Suetoni­us. Tito. c. 6. Xi­philinus. &c. haue small reason to recken it among their good deedes to the state, being the same men that had also reuolted from Galba before. That day the Senate could not be called, because it was already farre spent, and the magistrates and Senatours vpon feare had withdrawen themselues out of the citty, or els laye hidden in their clients houses. Domitian when all feare of hostility was past presented himselfe to the Flauian captaines, whom the sol­diers straightwaies saluted Caesar, and armed accompanied him to his fathers house.

I. The behauiour of the Flauian souldiers in the citty, after the death of Vitellius.

VITELLIVS thus being slaine, the warre was ra­ther ended then peace begunne. For the con­querours with implacable hatred, pursued the contrary side throughout the citty in armes: the streetes were strawed with dead carcases, the temples & cōmon places embrued with bloud; euery one lying slaine, where it was his chance to be ouertaken, without distinction of place: and anone licentiousnesse growing, they beganne to search houses, and fetch forth such as were hid: if they saw any man looke like a soldier, personable of stature, and of yeares not disagreeing, were he souldier or cittizen, they mur­dred him: satiating themselues at the first, whilest their malice was fresh, with nothing saue bloud. But anone the heate of their choler assuaging, they conuerted their cruelty into couetousnes: suffring no closet to escape vnrifled, no hidden place any where to be se­crete, pretending the Vitellianists lay lurcking therein: that was the coulour to breake vp mens houses, or, if resistance were made, an occasion to slay them. Beside the soldiers, the rascals & beggerly scumme of the people, now with the formost, helped to sacke & to spoile: and some of the lewdest bondmen voluntarily discryed their wealthy masters; some were detected by their owne frendes: euery where lamentations and outcryes were to be heard, and the miserable state to be seene, and face, as it were, of a citty taken by the enemie: insomuch that the insolent, and riotous souldier of Otho and Vitellius, so much detected before, was now in compa­rison much wished for againe. The Commanders of the side were indeede sufficiently able to kindle a ciuil warre, but vnable to mo­derate the victory. For to stirre vp dissensiōs & troubles, the worst man most commonly beares greatest stroake; but peace and qui­etnesse are not established, but by men of rare gifts, and excellent vertues. Domitian Transferring himselfe be­like, è paternis penatibus, whi­ther he was conducted by the soldiers, in Palatium. had already possessed himselfe both of the ti­tle [Page 170] & lodging of Caesar: not bending his studies as yet to matters of state, but in Tac. in vita Agricolae. admodum iuuene Domitiano, & ex paterna fortu­na tantum licē ­tiam vsurpante adulteries, & dissolute demeanure behauing him­selfe as an Emperours sonne. Arrius Varus was captaine of the Garde: but the whole power, in effect, and direction of affaires, re­sted in the handes of Antonius Primus; who at his pleasure tooke money, and seruants out of the Palace, with the like liberty, as if it had bene the spoiles of Cremona. The rest, either for modesty, or because they were not of name, as in warre they passed vnrenow­ned, so at this time they went vnrewarded.

II. Lucius Ʋitellius yeeldeth himselfe, and his souldiers to the Flauianists.

THE citty fearing new troubles, & ready to submit themselues to the present possessour, required that Lucius Vitellius, as he with his cohorts returned from Tarracina, might be surprized, & so all remnants of ciuill warres vtterly extinguished. Whereupon the horsemen were sent before to Aricia, the Legions going not beyonde Bouillae: but Vitellius incontinently, with out further de­lay, yeelded himselfe and his cohorts to the discretion of the con­queror: his soldiers likewise threw away their vnfortunate weapōs vpon indignation, rather then fear. Then they were marshalled in length and led thorow the citty, as it were, in triumph, garded with armed men. Not one of thē shewed any signe of submissenes in countenāce, but all sad & sterne, not moued with the showtings, & taunts of the multitude insulting ouer them: onely some fewe, through impatience breaking out, were beaten downe by their garde, the rest committed to prison. Not one of them let fall any vnseemely worde, but euen in the middest of aduersity they retai­ned their honor & fame. Then Lucius Vitellius was put to death; a mā in vices equal to his brother, howbeit in his brothers raigne the more vigilant man: & not so much partaker with him in pros­perity, as violently caryed away with the current of his aduersity.

III. Lucilius Bassus sent to quiet Campania, the seruant of Ver­ginius Capito hanged.

ABOVT the same time Lucilius Bassus, with certaine light horse­men, was sent to quiet the cūtry of Cāpania, where the free ci­ties were at discord rather ech against other vpō priuate quarrels then any against the Prince vpon rebellious intent: but at the first [Page 171] sight of the soldiers they were straightwaies appeased. And the les­ser colonies escaped vnpunished, only 2. Hist. p. 135. Capua Vitellio fida &c. Capua was appointed to lodge the third Legion that winter, & some noble families by This afflicti­on surely was very short. for it could not begin before the very later end of Decē ­ber, and in the beginning of Ianuary, tertia legio, familiari [...] Arrio Varo mi­les, in Syriam remissa. Tac. p. 173. 18. vn­lesse he forgot himselfe in the one place or the other. rea­son thereof were afflicted: whereas on the contrary side, the Tar­racinenses, who for Vespasians sake had endured so much, were no wayes relieued. So much are we proner to requite iniuries then good turnes: for thankfulnes is a burden, reuenge sweete & recke­ned as gaine. Notwithstanding it was some comfort vnto thē, that the seruāt of Verginius Capito, who betraied the towne, as before wee haue shewed, was hanged with the same rings on his fingers, which he had receiued from Vitellius, as a rewarde of his treason.

IIII. Matters concluded vpon in the Senate, after the death of Ʋitellius.

Now at Rome, whatsoeuer honors, & preeminences were vsu­ally vnited to the Emperors person, the Senate A fragment of this Senatus consultum is extant ad ver­bum among the decaied antiquities of Rome. bestowed vp­on Vespasian, ioyfully, and conceyuing assured hope of future tra­quillity. For seeing the contagion of ciuill dissension, beginning in In the warre of Galba and Vindex against Nero. France and Spaine, had passed to the German souldiers, then taken a course to Illyricum, and lastly infected Aegypt, Iudaea, and Syria, in summe all prouinces, and armies; they were to presume reasonably, the whole world being thus purged, & clēsed, that the humour was spent, and ciuill warres, & calamities were at an end. Which hope and gladnes of theirs was increased by certaine let­ters receiued from Vespasian, endited as if the warre had yet bene on foote; for so they shewed at the first sight: notwithstanding he spake in al points as their Prince; modestly indeed of his own per­son; & of the weale-publicke magnifically: howbeit the Senate was not slacke in declaring their obedience. To himselfe with Titus his sonne was awarded the Cōsulship, to Domitian the Pretorship & Consulare im­perium. Dio. lib. 54. p. 358, specifieth 2 points of it. [...]. Consulare autority. Moreouer Mutianus had writen letters to the Senate, which thing ministred matter of speech: If he were a priuate man, why should he write thus in publicke to the Senate? he might haue spared his pen, and within few daies after haue vttered the same there in person, as one of the house. like wise his inueying against the Vitellianists was misliked, as comming too late, and ca­rying no shew of liberty now: but specially that seemed arrogantly spokē against the common weale, and contumelious against the Prince, where he vaunted, that the Empire was in his disposition, [Page 172] and by him was collated vpon Vespasian. Neuerthelesse coue­ring their disdayne in secrete, they flattered openly, and in most ample and honourable termes awarded him triumphall orna­ments; indeede in respect of his seruice in the ciuill warre, but an expedition against the Sarmatians 1 was pretended: then to Anto­nius Primus were decreed Consulare ornaments, and Pretorian to Cornelius Fuscus, & Arrius Varus. After these things, deuout­ly remembring the gods, they enacted that the Capitoll should be builded a new: all which points were specifyed first, and compri­sed in Valerius Asiaticus the Consul desig­natus was ordinarily the first that did speak to the matter proposed by the Consul in Senat. designed Consuls oration; to whom the rest assented, the greater part with countenance and wag­ging of handes, some few either chiefe in place, or chiefly exerci­sed in the art of flattery, with set orations and speeches. But when the course came to Heluidius Priscus, who was designed Pretor, he vttered his opinion, in termes honourable inough to a good Prince, yet without all flattery or glozing: a thing much commen­ded & allowed of greatly by the Senate: & this was the day which especially procured vnto him, both great offence & great glory. The matter seemeth to require, seeing we are 2. Hist. p. 103. for otherwise in the Annales he is mentio­ned often be­side. once againe fallen to mention him, whō many times hereafter we shall haue cause to remember, that we should at this time briefly record what life he had led, what studies he had followed, & what fortune he had pro­ued. Heluidius Priscus was borne in the first region of Italy, in the free city 2 of Tarracina: his fathers name was Cluuius a principal Centurion. Being very young he applied his rare & excellent wit to those profound studies, not, as the most part, to cloke slouth, & idlenesse with so glorious a name, but that he might proceede to manage publicke affaires, being first by that meanes better armed against all mischances of fortune. In the study of philosophie he followed the learning of those The Stoicks, out of whose schoole these opinions had their begin­ning. Laert: Ze­none. lib. 7. Cice­ro Paradoxis, & others. masters, which define that onely to be good which is honest; that only ill which is dishonest: other qualities not inherēt in the mind, as powerablenes, nobility & such like, neither good nor euil. When he had only bene Questor, Paetus Thrasea made choise of him for his sonne in lawe. Of his father in lawes conditions he borrowed nothing so much as liberty: in quality of citizen, Senatour, husbāde, sonne in law, frend; in al parts & offices of life he was alwaies one, & the same man: a contemner of welth, stiffe in a good cause, not remoueable for any fear: to some mē he seemed too desirous of glory: & indeed that passiō, amongst [Page 173] all other, euen of wise men is last layde away. At the fall of his father in law he was Tacit. 16. Annal. p. 558. driuen into banishment, & returning vnder Galba he called Eprius Marcellus, who had informed against Thrasea, to his answere. This attempt, of so great, & so iust a re­uenge, notwithstanding diuided the Senate into parts: for if Mar­cellus were ouerthrowen, then whole troupes of others, which were in the same case, must needes go to wracke. At the first the contention was hoat & fierce, and maintayned of both sides with notable orations: but when Priscus perceyued that Galba was doubtfull in the point, at the intreaty of many Senatours, he desi­sted from following the suite; diuerse men, according to their se­uerall dispositions, diuersely interpreting his fact, some commen­ding his moderation, others misliking his vnconstancie. But that same assembly whē the Senate cōfirmed the Empire to Vespasian, withall an embassage was agreed vpon, to bee sent to the Prince. Hereupon arose taunting, and bitter wordes betweene Heluidius & Marcellus. Heluidius opiniō was, that the embassadors should be elected, and named by the magistrates beeing first sworne to chuse of the fittest: Marcellus required they might be chosen by lot, to which purpose also the designed Consull had spoken be­fore: but the principal cause, which pricked Marcellus so forward that way, was the shame which might redounde to himselfe, fea­ring, lest others being chosen, he should seeme to be, as vnworthy reiected. And so, after some fewe brawling wordes interchange­ably vsed, by litle and litle they fell to continuall, and bitter orati­ons: Heluidius demaunding, what caused Marcellus so much to feare the iudgement of the magistrates, seeing he excelled many other, both in eloquence, and wealth, things which might easily moue them to that choice: vnlesse peraduenture the remēbrance of his own manifolde misdeedes draue him to distrust them. that the lot made no difference betweene the good and the bad, but suffrages and the iudgement of the Senate were deuised to enter into euery mans fame, and behauiour. that it greatly appertay­ned, both to the commodity of the common wealth, and to Vespa­sians honor, that those of the Senate should be sent to meete him, which were best accounted of for innocencie, & integrity of life, who might season (as it were) the Emperours eares, with good & vertuous speeches. that Thrasea, Soranus, & Seutius had bene of Vespasians olde frendes, & acquaintance, whose accusers if they [Page 174] must not be punished, much lesse sent and shewed in places of cre­dit: & that by this choise of the Senate, the Prince should, as it were be admonished whom to like, & whom to eschew. For no greater instruments, or helpes of good regiment can there bee, then good frendes. that Marcellus had done for his part sufficiently, hauing induced Nero to the destruction of so many innocents: let him enioy his rewards & impunity, & leaue Vespasian to better di­rectors. Marcellus replied, that not his opinion, but the opinion of the designed Consull was impugned, & the ancient precedents, which cōmitted the choise of embassadours to lot, to take away al occasion of suiting & debate: that there was no new cause, that he knew, why so olde a custome should now be abolished, or why this honor done to the Prince should be turned into a dishonor to any considering that euery man was sufficiently able to cary that mes­sage, & do a low reuerēce to him in the name of the Senate: nay ra­ther they were to beware, lest through the peruersnes of some the Princes mind might be offended, being now at his entry full of ie­losies, & marcking not only words, but also al gestures and coun­tenances. that, for his part, he well knew the quality of the times wherein he was borne, & what forme of gouernment our fathers, & grandfathers had established: That is, the time of the free state. beyond he honored & admired, but professed to follow the present estate that he praied & wished indeed for good Princes: but if it were otherwise, would tolerate such as they were. As for the ouerthrow of Thrasea, why should he giue account of accusing, whenas the Senate gaue none of condē ning? not his orations, but their voices wrought his vndoing: but so was Neroes maner, with such shewes to coulour his cruell pro­ceedings; whose fauour & frendship anguished his mind peraduē ture as much, as banishmēt did some other mens. Finally, that wel might Heluidius in constancy, & courage be equall to Cato and Brutus: for his owne parte, he was one of that Senate, which were but seruants, as well as himselfe, & would likewise 3 counsell Hel­uidius, not to seeke to climbe aboue the Prince himselfe, nor like a tutour to bridle with his precepts Vespasian Senem trium­phalem. for his seruice in Bri­tanny in Claudius time Vespa­sian had obtai­ned triumpha­lia ornamenta, saieth Suetoni­us Vespasiano, c. 4. hauing attayned to those yeares, & that honor, & hauing beside so goodly an issue. For as wicked Princes loue to rule, & raigne without limitatiō: so euen the best would haue their subiects vse a meane in their liberty. These things, argued thus to and fro with great heate, distracted the Senate into diuerse opinions; notwithstanding that parte pre­vayled, [Page 175] which allowed of lot, not only the worst, but the middle sort striuing to retaine their ancient custome; yea and the greatest inclined that way, for feare of displeasure, and enuy, if they them­selues should be chosen. After this there followed another con­tention. The Pretors of the common treasure (for at that time the common treasure was gouerned by Pretors) complaining of the emptinesse of their bagges, presented request, that some re­straint might be made, to abridge the publicke expenses. This pro­position, both for the greatnesse of the charge, and difficulty of the remedy, the Consull designed thought good to reserue to the Prince: but Heluidius would haue it decided in Senate. And as the Consuls proceeded in asking of voices, Vulcatius Tertullinus Tribune of the people Or, interpo­sed his nega­tiue. interceded, forbidding that any thing of so great moment should be determined of, the Prince being absent. Heluidius also, declaring his mind in the Senate, was of opinion, that the Capitol should be builded againe, at the charges, & in the name of the cōmonwelth, & Vespasian should help. Which speech of his the modestest sort passed ouer the with silence, & afterward forgat; howbeit some there were that remembred it well. Thē Mu­sonius Rufus commenced an action against 4 Publius Celer, by whose false witnes, he affirmed, that Barea Soranus was cōdēned. If cognition should be taken thereof, that were to enter againe in­to the odious, & endles quarrels against the accusers: notwithstā ­ding, the guilt, and vilenesse of the party now in peril was such, that he could no waies be protected. For Soranus was of honourable memory, and Celer, that of a philosopher by profession, became a false witnesse against his frend, was iustly hated of all men, betray­ing, and violating that sacred bonde of frendshippe, whereof hee would seeme a principal teacher. The Of audience for such mat­ters, for it was neither the next day, nor simply the next session of the Senate. reade. p. 173. next session was appointed for the hearing of the cause: but the whole company seeing that matter reuiued, and mens minds bent to reuenge, looked no lesse for Heluidius and Marcellus, with others at that time, then for Musonius and Celer.

V. The entry of Mutianus into the Citty, and his actions there.

THINGS beeing in this state, the Senatours iarring one with another, the conquered parte beeing full of malice, the conquerours wanting authoritie, no lawes regarded, no Prince present to gouerne the state, Mutianus made Iosephus [...] 4. c. 42. maketh Mutianus en­try on the ve­ry next day to Antonius, which is con­trary to the circumstan­ces in Tacitus, yet entring before the be­ginning of Ia­nuary he was not many daies behinde and Tacitus. p. 154. 2. pancos posè dies. his entrye into the cittie, and with a maine course drewe the whole [Page 176] manage of affaires into his owne handes. Antonius Primus, and Varus were soone out of credit, when it was perceiued, that Mu­tianus loued them not, although in countenance he pretended o­therwise: but the citizens, hauing a quicke eye to see into secrete dislikes, espying the trueth, turned themselues quickely about, & went to Mutianus: he alone was courted, & followed of all. Nei­ther was he, for his part, negligent in vsing al meanes to retaine his souerainty, being continually garded with souldiers, and for his pleasure changing of houses and gardens; in his prouision, his gate, his traine, and warders, keeping the state of a Prince, al­though he forbare the title and name. And first he commaunded Calpurnius Galerianus to bee slaine, which stroke an exceeding great terrour into mens harts. Hee was sonne to Caius Piso, and had not entred into any attempt, but being of a noble house, and a comely youngman, hee was greatly talked of by the common people: and as in a citty vnsettled, and among a people gladly em­bracing newe tales, some there were, which vainely named him to the Princes place. Wherefore, at the commandement of Mutia­nus, he was committed to a garde of souldiers: and lest his death in the face of the citty should haue beene more offensiue, fortie miles off, in the Appian way hee was put to death, by letting the bloud out of his vaines. Iulius Priscus, who had beene captaine of the garde vnder Vitellius, killed himselfe, rather for shame, then vpon necessity. His fellow Alphenus Varus ouerliued his honour, and sawe himselfe counted a cowarde, and a person infamed. Asi­aticus, for his lewde credit vnder his master, made satisfaction now as a freed-man with a seruile death.

VI. The rebellion of the Batauians and Caninefates through the instigation of Julius Ciuilis.

AT the same time the newes of the ouerthrow in Germanie was rife in the citty, and the citty nothing troubled thereat (Euery man talked how the armies were slaine, the standing campes of the Legions taken by the enemy, how France had reuolted,) as if it had beene newes of a strange cuntrey, not a calamity that tou­ched themselues. That This warre is shortly set downe by Jo­sephus [...]. 7. c 11. and tou­ched by Fron­tinus Strateg. l. 4. c. 3. and Sa­risburiensis in Polycratico. warre, vpon what causes it arose, and with how great banding it was maintained, both of our allies, and of forraine nations, I will now declare from the beginning. The Batauians, whilest they dwelt beyond the Rhene, were a part and [Page 177] member of the Catti; and being throwen out by ciuill sedition, they seated themselues in the vttermost limits of France, which then lay voide of inhabitants, and tooke in withall the ilande that is situate in the flattes, and hath the Ocean before, behinde and on either side the riuer of Rhene. And albeit they were confederate with the Romans much mightier then themselues, yee were they not, as it happeneth in such ouermatches, spoiled of their riches and welth, but onely bound to minister men and armour to the be­hoofe of the Empire, and so for a long time they were emploied in the German warres. Afterward they became more famous, by reason of certaine cohortes of them sent ouer into Britannie by the Romans, vnder the leading of certaine noblemen of their owne nation, according to their ancient order: and beside, there remained behinde in the cuntrey a company of chosen horsemen practised especially in swimming, so that they would in whole troupes passe ouer the Rhene in harnish & gouerning their horse in their handes. The principall men among them, and farre ex­celling all other, by reason of their royall parentage, were Iulius Paulus, and Tacitus him­selfe, 1. Hist. p. 43, Plutarch [...], Fron­tinus and Sa­risburiensis call him Iulius Ci­uilis, but how­soeuer their names were, it seemes by Tacitus. pag. 169. 5. that Paulus & Ciui­lis were bre­thren. Claudius Ciuilis, whereof Paulus was lately put to death by Fonteius Capito vnder colour of a falsely surmised re­bellion: Ciuilis was sent in chaines vnto Nero, and acquitted by Galba, and againe vnder Vitellius 1. Hist. p. 43. 25. escaped narrowly, the army instantly demanding his death. Vpon these causes his anger was founded, and vpon our troubles his hope. But being of a crafty and suttle wit, aboue the ordinary of those barbarous people, and carying himselfe rather like a Sertorius, or an Hannibal (as indeed in the maime of his face he was not vnlike) fearing lest if he should make open defection, our armies would aduance themselues a­gainst him as an enemie, he couered his dealing with loue to Ves­pasian, & fauour toward the side. And in trueth By this cir­cumstance we may gather, that the Ger­man rebellion beganne a­bout the be­ginning of winter. for Ta­citus in no­ting both pla­ces and times, is in my sense, too negligent. Antonius Primus had sent certaine letters vnto him, wherein hee willed him to di­uert awaie the Aides Tac. 2 Hist. p. 105. 22. sent for by Vitellius, and vnder shew of trou­ble in Germanie to stay the Legions there. The same aduise also Hordeonius Flaccus had giuen him by worde of mouth, partlie vpon good will to Vespasian, and partly vpon a care of the state, which seemed to be in euident perill of vtter destruction, if a new warre should beginne, and so manie thousandes of armed men passe into Italie. Thus Ciuilis being resolued to breake, and yet concealing his purpose, as meaning to gouerne himselfe in the [Page 178] action by the euent, beganne after this maner to worke innouati­on. At the commandement of Vitellius, the able men of the Bataui­ans were summoned to be pressed to the warre: which being of it selfe a burdensome thing, was made much more insupportable, by the auarice and lewd disposition of the officers, who billed chiefly such as were old or impotēt persons, & thē for money released thē: againe such as were vnder age, & faire (as many of their youths are of a comly tal stature) thē they caried away to abuse their bodies. At these dealings the cuntrey being highly offended, certaine fa­ctious heads were suborned, to persuade them to refuse to be pres­sed. Whereupon Ciuilis assembling into a sacred wood vnder pre­tence of a banquet the nobility of the nation, and the chiefe of the cōmunalty, when he saw them, at far in the night, merry, & warmed with wine, he beginneth a solēne oration: recounting first the prai­ses, & glorious acts of the nation, & then discourseth vnto them of the iniuries, insolēcies, & other miseries whereūto they are subiect, that are subiect vnto a strange nation: for that now they were not with the Romans in state of frendes and allies, as in former times, but flat seruants and slaues; and that not vnder a Lieutenant gene­ral, which were more tolerable, albeit they come with a chargeable traine, and a proud and disdainful kinde of commanding: but they were deliuered into the handes of petty captaines, & Centurions, whom when they had filled with spoiles and bloud, then were they remoued, and straight waies fresh hungry masters set ouer them, and new deuises of polling inuented. that now the day of the mu­ster approched, when children should bee drawen from their pa­rents, brethren from brethren, neuer to see one another againe: & that, which might the rather encourage them, the Romans were neuer in so poore a case, hauing nothing in their standing campes, but a rich spoile, and olde men to garde it: wherefore they should onely lift vp their eies, and not be afraide 5 at the naked and bare names of Legions. that they had strēgth of their own, both of foot­men and horse, the Germans were allied vnto them in bloud, the French likewise affected: that euen the Romans themselues would not greatly mislike of this warre, the losses whereof, if any were, they might impute to Vespasian, and if they went through and conquered, they should not be called to their account. Hauing ended his speech with great approbation of the audience, hee bound them with barbarous ceremonies and adiurations vsed by [Page 179] them in like cases, in a firme association together. Straightwaies messengers were dispatched to the Cani [...] fates, to induce them also into the league. The Caninefates inhabite a parte of the ilande, of the same language and race, in valure equall to the Batauians, but inferiour in number. Then Ciuilis sent secrete messages to solicite the Whereof mention is made 1. Hist p. 43. 27. 45. 27. 2. Hist. p. 72. 7. Batauian cohortes, which had serued as Aydes in Britannie, sent into Germanie, as before 2. Hist. p. 91. 1. we haue she­wed, and at that time remaining at Magontiacum. Among the Ca­ninefates there was one Brinio, a wilde and foolehardy braine, howbeit of a high and noble stocke, whose father, hauing sundry times inuaded our borders, and done many actes of hostilitie, boldly contemned those mocke-expeditions of Caius the Em­perour: wherefore being descended of so rebellious a kindred, in that respect they liked him best of all others. And thereupon setting him, after their cuntrey manner, on a target, and bearing him round about on their shoulders, they elected him Generall: and he forthwith associating vnto him the Tac. de moribt Germ. p. 576. Frisians, a nation be­yonde the Rhene, inuaded the standing campe of For within the iland no Legion was encamped, but onely some cohorts. two cohorts adioyning to the Ocean. The Roman souldiers, neither fore­sawe this sodaine inuasion of the enemy, neither, if they had, were of sufficient force to repell it: so the campe was taken and spoi­led, and the vittailers and marchants, wandring securely abroad as in peace, cut of. Then they drewe forth, to make their ap­proches to the castles, and holdes, which by the captaines of the cohortes were set on fire, because they were not defensible: the enseighes, and bandes, and such souldiers as were lefte, gathe­red themselues, vnder the leading of Aquilius a chieffe Cen­turion, Nearer to Vetera, where two Legions lay, quinta, & quintadecima. into the higher parte of the ilande, composing an ar­mie, rather in name then in power: for Vitellius at his de­parting drewe awaie the chieffe strength of the cohortes, and for supplye tooke out of the nearest villages, of the Nerui­ans and Germans, a rawe companie, whom hee loaded with armour. Ciuilis, supposing it surest to woorke by fraude and deceyte, blamed the captaines, for that they had forsaken their castels: assuring that hee alone, with the cohorte vnder his charge, woulde easilie represse the tumult of the Caninefates: & therefore willed them to returne euery man to his owne place. It was perceiued, that his counsaile proceeded not of good mea­ning, but tended only to this ende, that the cohorts being seuered [Page 180] might be ouerthrowen with greater facility: and by many appa­rent arguments, & speeches of the Germans themselues, a nation ioyful of warre, & not concealing long their owne ioy, it was disco­uered daily more & more, that Ciuilis, not Brinio, was the head & contriuer of this Conspiracy. Wherefore, seeing his secret plots tooke none effect, he fell to plaine force, and cast his power con­sisting of Caninefates, Frisians, and Batauians into three pointed battels, ech nation by themselues. The Romans opposed their forces against him, not farre from the riuer of Rhene, directing al­so their ships, which after the burning of the castels, they brought to that place, against the enemy. After a little skirmishing, a co­hort of the Tungrians fled to Ciuilis: whereupon our soldiers, dis­comforted with the sodaine treason, were on al sides beatē downe, both by their false fellowes, and enemies: the like perfidiousnesse was also on the water. A great part of the rowers (being Batauians borne) faining vnskil in handling their oare, hindred both the ma­riners, and souldiers in doing their duety: anone without dissi­mulation they wrought directly against them, and forced the ships to the enemy side, killing the Masters and Centurions, that would not condescend to their treason. And so the whole fleete, of foure and twenty barks, either fled to the enemy, or was taken by force. This victory both presently wanne great reputation, and after­warde stoode in great steade: for they got both armour and ships, which before they wanted; and throughout France, and Germa­nie, they were highly renowned as the authors of liberty. The Germans by and by sent Embassadours offering them aide: and Ciuilis, by pollicy and giftes, endeuoured to winne the hartes of the French, sending the captaines, whom hee had taken, gently home, and giuing the cohortes free choice, either to abide with him, or at their pleasure to returne to their cuntrey: if they would tarry, he offred them honourable reward for their seruice; if other­wise, at their departure he bestowed vpon them the spoiles of the Romans, withall admonishing them in secrete of their calamities sustained so many yeares, and of their miserable thraldome falsely entitled a peace; shewing them how the Batauians, though not charged with tributes, as they, had notwithstanding taken armes against them, which tirannized ouer them both. that the Romans, at the first encounter, were put to the flight by them, and discomfi­ted: what were then to be hoped, if all France should ioine to shake [Page 181] of the yoke? Italie was disarmed, and could of it selfe, neither conquere nor keepe; but with the prouinces bloud were the prouinces wonne. that they should not be discouraged with the remembrance of Vindex misfortune: for the Batauian horse were the men, which defeated him and his armie; and among the Aydes of Verginius there were beside some French out of Belgica, and in true account France was ruined by her owne forces. But now if it pleased them to ioine with him in this action, they both should make but one party: beside that they had seene and learned the best of the Romans militare discipline: moreouer those old expe­rienced Batauian cohorts, before whom Othoes Legions could not stande, no doubt would goe with him. let Syria, and Asia, & the East, vsed to serue kings, be slaues if they list; in France many men were yet aliue borne before tributes And Tri­butes began aboue six score yeares before. so that many in Fraunce be like were long liued. beganne: neither could it be denyed, that Germanie of late, by the ouerthrowe and death of Quintilius Varus, had giuen a checke to the Romish vsurpers, banished seruitude, and prouoked to the field, not a Vitellius, but a Caesar Augustus. that liberty was granted by nature to dumbe beasts also, but vertue and valure were peculiare ornaments of mankinde, and to the valiant alone the gods gaue their assistance. Wherefore, since they were at good leysure, and fresh, he willed them to set couragiously vpon their busily occupied and tired e­nemies: whiles some leaned to Vespasian, some claue to Vitellius, vndoubtedly harme might be wrought against both. Thus Ci­uilis, laying the plot for France and Germanie, aspired, if his pur­pose tooke effect, to the monarchie of those most mighty, and most welthy cuntreyes.

VII. Hordeonius Flaccus, Lieutenant generall of both Germanies, lying at Magontiacum, commaundeth Mummius Lupercus, vvho vvith tvvo Legions, the fift and the fifteenth, lodged at Ʋetera, to goe forth against Ciuilis and the Ba­tauians: but the Romans lost the battell, and fled backe into Vetera their standing campe.

BVT Hordeonius Flaccus, who at the first by conniuence nouri­shed Ciuilis attempts, now receiuing feareful aduertisements, that the Castra sc. cohortium. campes were surprized, the cohorts defeated & slaine, not one Roman left in the whole Batauian ilande, commanded [Page 182] 6 Mummius Lupercus the Lieutenant, who gouerned the stan­ding campe of two Legions, to goe foorth against the enimie. Lupercus taking the Legionaries about him, and the Vbians at hande, with certaine horsemen of the Treueri not farre off, led them out in haste, taking also with him a wing of Batauians, which being long since secretely corrupted, notwithstanding made shewe of fidelitie, to the ende that in the very instant of ioyning, betraying the Romans, they might slippe away with more dammage to the one, and bee better welcome to the o­ther. Ciuilis placed rounde about him the enseignes of the late taken cohortes, that his souldiers might bee encouraged in beholding the monument of their late glory, and the enemy dis­maied with the memory of their ouerthrow. Moreouer he caused his mother, and sisters, together with the wiues & young children of al his soldiers, to stand at their backs for an encouragement to the victory, or a shame if they happened to flee. In the ioyning of the two armies, the singing of their men, and howling of their women, farre exceeded and drowned the feeble showte of our Le­gions and cohortes, and the Batauian wing fleeing to the enemy, and straightway turning vpon vs, bared the left flancke of our bat­tell: notwithstanding the Legionary souldiers, as in a case of such danger, yet retained their weapons in their handes, and them­selues in array. The Aydes of the Vbians and Treueri ranne most shamefully away, and brake euery where, which chase the Ger­mans pursued, & gaue by that meanes leysure to our Legions to retire themselues into their campe called Vetera. Claudius Labeo captaine of the Batauian wing, who had followed at home a con­trary faction to Ciuilis, lest that either his death should offend the cuntrey, or his presence minister cause of dissension, was quietly sent out of the way into Frisia.

VIII. The eight Batauian cohorts, which had serued the Romans so long in Britannie, against Otho, and elswhere, sollicited by Ci­uilis forsake Magontiacum, make their way at Bon­na by the sworde, and so ioine to Ciuilis.

IN the meane season the messenger sent by Ciuilis to Magontia­cum, to sollicite 7 the cohorts of Batauians & Caninefates, came [Page 183] thither, and founde them in readinesse, by Vitellius commande­ment, to march toward Rome. Vpon that message receiued, forthwith they waxed prowde, and intolerable, crying out (or els refusing to march) for their donatiue, for double wages, for an augmentation of the number of their horsemen, things indeede promised by Vitellius, but demanded by them, not in hope to ob­taine, but to picke an occasion of mutinee: and Flaccus, yeel­ding to diuerse of their demandes, gayned nought els, but that they more instantly craued those things, which they knew hee could not but denie. So setting Flaccus at naught they tooke vp their ensignes, and marched towarde lowe Germanie, to ioyne themselues with Ciuilis. Hordeonius calling the Tribunes and Centurions also to councell, debated the matter, whe­ther he should by maine strength seeke to enforce them, which so contemptuously brake away: anone, partly of his owne co­wardlie nature, partly through the timorousnesse of the offi­cers, who trusted neither the faith of their Aides, nor the force of their At Magonti­acum then with Hordeoni­us were abi­ding two Le­gions; quartae, & duodevicesi­ma aliâs ducet­vicesim [...]. Legions, being gathered in hast of men vnskilfull in ser­uice, he resolued to keepe his soldiers within the trenches, and let the Batauians passe. Afterwarde, repenting himselfe of that re­solution, they also blaming it, which were chiefe autours thereof, as if he ment to pursue them, he wrote to Herennius Gallus go­uernour of Bonna, and Lieutenant of the first Legion, which wintered there, that he should stoppe the Batauians from pas­sage, promising that he, with his whole power, would not faile to be on their backes. And so verily they might haue beene de­feated and slaine, if Hordeonius of the one side, and Gallus of the other, had brought forward their power, and enclosed them in behinde and before: but Flaccus changed his purpose againe, and in other letters of later date willed Gallus, not to staye their passage. Whereupon suspicion arose, that the Lieutenaunts of set purpose stirred vp and fostered these warres; yea all the mischieffes, which either had chanced alreadie, or were feared hereafter, were imputed, not to the cowardlinesse of the souldier, or strength of the enemie, but onely to the fraude and falsehoode of the Leaders. When the Ba­tauians drew neare to the campe at Bonna, they sent before cer­taine messengers, to declare to Herennius Gallus the intention of the cohorts: that their meaning was not to make warre with [Page 184] the Romans, in whose behalfe they had so oft borne armes; but forasmuch as they were wearied with along and fruitlesse ser­uice, their desire was, quietly to liue at home in their cuntrey. And therefore, if no man made opposition, their passage should be harmelesse: but if any hostility were offred, they would make their way with the sworde. Whilest the Lieutenant stoode deuided in minde what to doe, his soldiers vrged him to put it to the for­tune of a field. There were in his campe three thousand Whereas the ful and iust nū ber of a Legi­on should bee 6000. or 5000. at the least. Legionary soldiers, and certaine tumultuary cohorts of Belgians, and withal a number of pezants, and followers of the campe, braue men be­fore the danger approche, in the danger but cowards. Out they issue at all the gates of the campe to enclose the Batauians, whom they knew to be farre inferiour in number. The Batauians, mind­full of their olde order in seruice, set themselues in array in poin­ted battels, standing on euery side close together, & hauing their front, their flanckes, and their backe surely garded, and so with great facility brake thorow our thinne companies. The Belgians first gaue ground, and then our Legionaries were beaten backe, and ranne for feare toward the trenches, and gates of the campe. There the most slaughter was committed: the fosses were filled vp with dead bodies, and many dyed in the throng, by tumbling one ouer another, and running vpon their own weapons, aswell as slaine by the enemie. After this victory the Batauians went for­ward, leauing Coleyn of the right hand, & attempted no act of ho­stility in the rest of their iourney, but excusing the battaile at Bon­na as a thing done by constraint, and for their owne safety, when­as they intreated for peace and it would not be granted.

IX. Ciuilis colourably sweareth his men to Vespasian: then with his Batauians, and the assistance of certaine German nations, he besiegeth Vetera; giueth an assault, and is repulsed.

CIVILIS, vpon the comming of these olde cohorts, had now vnder his conduict a full & complete army: neuerthelesse wa­uering in minde, & standing irresolute, consideting the puissance of the Roman Empire, he caused all his men to sweare to Vespa­sian, and sent forth with embassadours to the two Legions, which beeing defeated by him in the former battaile were fled to Ve­tera, requiring them also to take the like othe. Their answere [Page 185] was, they would not be aduised neither by traytour, nor enemie; that Vitellius was their Prince, to whom alone they owed their faith, and would stande for him in armes to their last breath: wherefore let not a fugitiue, and faithlesse Batauian cary him­selfe as vmpier of the Roman affayres, but rather looke for con­digne punishment for his desert. Ciuilis being greatly incen­sed with this answere, bringeth the whole nation of the Bata­uians into the field. The Bructeri and Teucteri associate themselues, and messengers were sent into Germanie, who raysed the whole cuntrey, some to winne honour, and some to gaine spoile. Against these great threatnings and bandings of so many enemies, Mummius Lupercus, and [...]: for Lupercus alone duarum legionū hibernis praee­rat. p. 161. l. 20. and that Nu­misius was not in Vetera, but rather was Lieutenant of the sixteenth Legion, whose standing cāpe was at Noue­lium, it may be gathered. p. 185. 10. & 192. 9. Numisius Rufus, Lieutenants of the Legions, fortifyed their trenches and For the hi­berna, or stan­ding campes of the Legi­ons, were in these later times walled as townes. walles, and razed the buildings, which in so long a peace were erected, not farre from the campe, in maner of a towne, lest they should be a harbour for the enemie. But through ouersight they o­mitted to conuey the vittaile, and other prouision therein into the campe, suffering it to be taken at discretion: and so in fewe daies that was riotously consumed, which by good order would haue relieued their needes a long time. Ciuilis led the middle battell himselfe, wherein was the flower and strength of Bata­uia: and on both sides of the Rhene, to the ende the sight of his armie might strike in the greater terrour, he caused the regi­ments of the Germans to march, the horsemen galloping about the fields: and withall the shippes were brought vp the streame. So on the one hande the ensignes of the olde To wit, the Batavians. cohorts, on the o­ther the pictures and images of wilde beasts taken out of their woods and consecrated groues, according as euery nation v­seth to beare in the field, amazed our men, and terrifyed them doubly, with the shewe both of an externall, and ciuill warre. Moreouer the great compasse of the trench made the attempt of the besiegers more feasable and increased their hope. For whereas it was made to containe two Legions, at that present it had scarse fiue thousand armed men to defende it, beside the followers of the campe, which vppon the breaking vp of the peace gathered thither, and there remayned doing them some seruice in the warre. A parte of the campe was situate vppon the pendant of an easie hill, and parte stoode vpon the plaine ground. That standing campe Augustus settled there, supposing [Page 186] it sufficient to watch ouer, and as it were, to besiege the cuntreyes of Germanie, neuer imagining that the world could goe so farre otherwise, as that they should presume to beginne and assaile our Legions: whereupon the lesse cost was bestowed, either to help the site of the place, or the strength of the bulwarks: men and armour alone were thought a sufficient defence. Now to the ende, that being seuered in place, the prowesse of ech nation might more distinctly appeare, and be seene, the Batauians, and the Germans which dwelt beyonde the Rhene, tooke standing ech by them­selues, and began to dart at our men a farre of. But whenas they sawe most of their weapons sticking in vaine in the turrets, and pinnacles of the walles, and many of themselues wounded with stones throwen from aboue on their heads, leauing that kinde of oppugnation, they sodainly with great force, and outcry assayed to scale the trenches, the most part by setting vp ladders, others climing ouer the heads of their fellowes vpon a target fence. And as some were now clamering vp, they were beaten downe head­long with swordes and push of pike, and so with clubbes, and dartes ouerwhelmed, being men otherwise hoat in the beginning, and too too couragious when fortune fauoureth, but then for de­sire of pray they tolerated all hardnesse also: yea and that which with them is vnusuall, they endeuoured to prooue with engins, whereof they had of themselues neither experience nor skill, onely some fugitiues and captiues taught them to frame tim­ber in med [...]m [...]on als. in 8 maner of a bridge, and to driue it forward on wheeles, whereon certaine standing aboue might skirmish with them on the walles, as it were from a mount, and others within secrete­ly vndermine the foundations. But the defendants, with great stones shot out of Balistae. engins, battered downe their rude and ill fra­med worke. And whenas prouision was made of Crates & vi­ntae. hurdles and planckes to couer them in giuing the assault, our men shot bur­ning speares, and fired the workes; assayling with fire euen their assaylers; who despayring at length to effectuate any thing by force, deliberated to lay a lingring siege thereunto, knowing that they had but fewe dayes vittaile within, and many vnprofita­ble mouthes to consume it, and hoping withall, that of want of foode treason would ensue; that the faith of bondmen alwaies fickle would now be fleeting, beside the casualties, which vsually happen in warre.

X. Hordeonius dispatching Ʋocula before remooueth from Magontiacum with his power to Bonna: and thence to Coleyn. where he resigneth the execution of his charge to Vocula: following notwithstanding the ar­mie from thence to Nouesium, where, as it seemeth, he staied till his death. At Nouesium Gallus is ioyned in commission with Ʋocula: and so they remoued forward to Gel­duba▪ where being encamped, Vocula wa­steth the Gugerni, and Gallus is bea­ten by the Germans.

IN 9 the meane time Flaccus, hauing vnderstoode of the siege of Vetera, and sent into France to leuy Aides, selected out of his Legions a company of chosen men, and committed them to the leading of Dillius Vocula, Lieutenant of the eighteenth Le­gion, willing him to hasten, and make all possible speede along the bancke of the riuer; himselfe followed slowly, and drooping for feare, being mortally hated of his souldiers. For they open­ly charged him, that hee had suffred wilfully to scape from Ma­gontiacum the cohortes of the Batauians, or rather purposelie sent them away: that Ciuilis rebellious attempts were by his con­niuence fostered, and by his meanes the Germans called to the party▪ that neither Antonius Primus, nor Mutianus, had so strengthened Vespasians side, as Flaccus by this kinde of dissem­bling dealing: for open enemies and armes might openly and with armes be repelled, but fraude and deceite were matters hardly es­pied, & therefore could not be auoided▪ that Ciuilis stoode in the fielde embattelled against them, but Hordeonius out of his bed chamber gaue order, and directed as was most for the enemies behoofe: and why then should so many armed companies of vali­ant souldiers bee gouerned by a sicke and seely olde man? nay why should they not rather dispatch such a traitour, and free their fortune and vertue from the ill chance of so vnlucky a lea­der? As they were in these speeches one with another, letters came from Vespasian which incensed them more, the which Flaccus, because hee could not conceale, caused openly to bee red before the assembly, and sent the bringers thereof bounde to Vitellius. By this meanes the souldiers mindes were some­what appeased: and so they came to Bonna the standing campe of the first Legion: the souldiers whereof were more displeased [Page 188] with Flaccus then the other: laying the fault of their late ouer­throwe wholly vpon him: auerring that they at his commaunde­ment marched forth against the Batauians, assuring themselues, vpon his promise, that his Legions from Magontiacum should assayle them behinde; and so no supply comming from thence, they lost their liues through his treason: that these matters had neuer beene notified to the rest of the armies, nor to the Prince, or els by the helpe and assistance of so many cuntreies this so­daine rebellion might haue beene quenched in the beginning. Whereupon Hordeonius caused the coppies of all the letters, which he had sent into France, Britannie and Spaine, requesting their helpe, to be red to the army, and beganne a very ill example, that all letters sent from abroade should be deliuered to the stan­derd-bearers of the Legions, who red them to the souldiers, be­fore they came to the Generals hande. Then he commanded one of the most factious to be apprehended and bound, rather to put his right in vre, then because the fault was but of one man alone: and so he Taking a­long with him the first Legi­on, or a great part thereof, as it doeth ap­pear. p. 172. &c. remoued with his army from Bonna to Coleyn, where many Aydes resorted vnto him of the French nation, which at the first with all their power assisted the Romans, till afterwards seeing the Germans preuaile, many of them tooke armes against vs in hope of freedome, and that point attained, for desire of soue­rainty. But the wrath of the Legions stil increased, neither could one souldiers imprisonment terrifie them: nay euen the party im­prisonned impeached the Generall of treason; alleadging that he had beene messenger betweene Ciuilis and him, and therefore a colour was sought to make him away, lest he should declare, and testifie the trueth. Then Vocula, with maruelous stoutnesse as­cending into the Tribunal, commanded the souldier, as he excla­med and cried, to be apprehended, and caried away to execution: which thing so terrified the bad and seditious, that the sounder sort without impeachment fulfilled his commaundement, and anone by common consent they demanded Vocula to bee their Generall: which place Flaccus willingly resigned vnto him. But their minds were already mutinously affected, and many new oc­casions of more rage were presented; as want of pay, & prouision of corne; And yet not ten lines be­fore he wri­teth, affluenti­bus auxilijs Gallorum, quae pri­mò rem Roma­nam enixè iu­vabant. France refusing to yeelde souldiers and tributes; the Rhene also by reason of drought vnusuall in that cuntrey hardly able to beare any vessell; scarcity of vittailes; garrisons of men [Page 189] placed along the bancke to keepe the Germans from passing the riuer; and so lesse corne, and more men to consume it. Among the ignorant and simpler sort the lownesse of the water was held for a prodigious matter, as if the riuers also, and the ancient de­fences of the Empire had now forsaken vs, & that which in peace­able times would haue beene counted chance, or proceeding of naturall causes, at that time was called a fatall matter, and gods indignation and wrath. At Nouesium they assumed the sixteenth Legion; and Herennius Gallus Lieutenant of the first Legion was ioyned with Vocula in part of the charge: yet durst they not goe to finde the enemy, but encamped themselues at a place called Gelduba. There they trained, and practised their soldiers in or­dering of battels, in fortifyng, entrenching, and other militare ex­ercises. And to the ende that they might by booties and spoiles take courage and hart, Vocula led forth part of his army into the cuntrey of the Gugerni adioyning, who had allyed themselues with Ciuilis: part remained behinde with Herennius Gallus. And as by chance, not farre from the campe, a barge loaden with corn, was runne vpon a shelfe, the Germans espying it laboured to draw it to their side of the water; which Gallus would not endure, but sent a cohort to the reskew: the Germans also increased their number, and so by little and little, supply resorting on both sides, a battaile was fought: wherein the Germans, after the slaughter of many of our men, by force haled the boate away. Our souldiers, being thus put to the worse, according to their custome there, bla­med not their owne cowardlinesse, but the treason of the Lieute­nant, whom they drew out of his tent, tare his clothes, and bet his body, commanding him to tell vpon what price, and with what complices he had thus betrayed the army. But Who, as it seemes, stayed behind at No­uesium. Hordeonius was charged with the whole enuy of the fact; him they termed the con­triuer of the mischiefe, Gallus onely the instrument; till at length Gallus, being terrified with their threatning of his destruction, to saue his owne life, was content to charge Hordeonius also with treason. Then was he put in bandes, and afterwardes, at the re­turne of Vocula loosed, who the next day following put to death the autors of the sturre. So strange diuersity there was in that ar­my, both licentiously to commit all enormities, and patiently to abide all correction. The common souldier was firme to Vitelli­us; the principall men more inclined to Vespasian. Hence came

XII. Montanus a captaine of Ʋitellius side, and borne at Triers, bringeth worde to Nouesium of the euent of the battell at Cremona: whereupon they there and the rest at Gelduba sware to Vespasian: and sent Montanus to declare the same to Ciuilis, willing him to de­sist from hostility: but contrarily Ciuilis vvrought Mon­tanus to his purpose, and layed the plot of the rebel­lion of Fraunce, vvhich shortlie after ensued.

THIS was the effect of that which passed in Germanie before the Which was fought about the later end of October, as it is declared elswhere. battaile of Cremona: the euent whereof Antonius Primus signified by letters directed vnto them, sending withall Who as Con­sull published belike some e­dict in fauour of the Flauian side. Caeci­naes edict: and Sent by the Flauianists. 3. Hist. p. 125. Alpinus Montanus captaine of one of the van­quished cohortes, by worde of mouth, confessed the ouerthrow of the side. Hereupon ensued diuersity of affections. The Auxi­liary souldiers of France, which serued without al partiality, and neither hated nor loued the one faction nor the other, at the per­swasions of their captaines, were content forthwith to forsake Vi­tellius: but the olde souldier stucke at it, till vpon Hordeonius tendering, & the Tribunes vrging they tooke the oath; albeit nei­ther in countenance, nor minde seeming to be fully resolued, but pronouncing roundly the rest of their oath, and at the name of Vespasian either stopping, or tripping it lightly ouer, or skipping it quite. Then were the letters of Antonius to Ciuilis red in the open assembly, which raised manye suspicions in the souldiers heades, because they seemed to be written as to one of the same faction, and spake hardly of the German army. Anone worde was caried to the campe at Gelduba, where the like was both spo­ken and done; and thereupon Montanus sent with charge to Ciui­lis, to warne him to desist from making of warre; and that he should not cloke any longer open rebellion with the coulour of follo­wing sides. if he sought to helpe Vespasian, his desire now was ac­complished, and his purpose perfourmed. To these allegations Ciuilis replied, first in suttle and crafty tearmes; afterwarde per­ceiuing Montanus to be of a hoate and fierce disposition, and rea­dy to accept any new impression, he beginneth with a complaint of the manifolde perilles, which for twenty fiue yeares space hee had endured in the Roman seruice: A woorthy, and iust rewarde (quoth he) haue I had of my trauailes, the death of my brother, [Page 193] mine owne imprisonment, and the bloudy wordes of this ar­my, of whom being demanded to the slaughter, by the lawe of nations I doe, and may iustly seeke my reuenge. But as for you For Alpim [...] was borne in Trier [...]. 3. Hist. p. 125. Treueri, and the rest of seruile soules, what reward expect you of your bloud so often shed for their sakes, but fruitlesse seruice, continuall Tributes, whippes, gibbets, and slauery vnder prowde insolent masters? Beholde I a captaine of one cohorte, and the Caninefates and Batauians, a small portion of Tacitus, in some other places, see­meth to com­ptize them vnder the name of Ger­mans. France, haue Those in Hol­land. de­stroyed and ouerthrowen those vast and vaine campes of theirs, and doe Ment of Ve­tera. besiege them with famine and sworde. to conclude, if we venture, we shall either recouer our liberty, or if we leese, be in the same state we were in before. Ciuilis hauing thus incensed Monta­nus, dismissed him away, howbeit willed him to make a more fauo­rable reporte, who accordingly at his returne onely signified, that hee had not sped in his embassage, dissembling the rest which straight after brake out.

XIII. Ʋocula ouerthroweth two captaines of Ciuilis, sent against him as he lay at Gelduba.

CIVILIS retayning part of his host, sent the olde cohortes, and the forwardest of the Germans, against Vocula and his army, vnder the leading of Iulius Maximus, and Claudius Victor his sisters sonne. In the way they tooke vp and spoiled the stan­ding campe of a wing sited at Asciburg, and so sodainely assaul­ted the enemies campe at Gelduba, that Vocula had no leysure to speake to the souldiers, or to display the ranckes: thus much one­ly, as in a tumult, hee warned to strengthen the middle battell with Legionarie souldiers, and the Auxiliaries to cast them­selues about on euery side. Then our horsemen brake forth, and seeing the enemie in good order and array to receiue them, they turned their backes, and fled toward their footmen: whereu­pon a slaughter ensued and no fighting. The cohorts also of the Neruij through feare or falsehood fled, and bared the sides of our men; and so way was made to our Legionary souldiers, who beganne now to be ouerthrowen within the trenches, and to lose their enseignes, whenas sodainly with a newe supply the fortune of the battaile was changed. For certaine cohorts of Vas­cones leuyed by Galba, and then Frō whence? Nouesium, Bon­na, Magontia­cum? or from what coast of the world? sent for, comming neare the campe, & hearing the noyse as they fought, assayled the enemies [Page 194] backes being intentiue another way, and caused a greater ter­rour then so small a number could otherwise haue done, had not the enemie beleeued, some of them, that the rest from No­uesium, and some, that the whole power from Magontiacum was come. That errour also increased the Romans courage: and whilest they presumed vpon other mens strength they recoue­red their owne. The most valiant of the Batauian footmen were slaine, the horsemen escaped with the enseignes and captiues that were taken in the first conflict: on our side that day were slaine mo in number, but men of small seruice; the Germans lost the very flower, and strength of their armie. Both the Ge­nerals by like default deserued the ouerthrowe in reason alike: and winning were negligent both alike to follow their fortune. For if Ciuilis had furnished his side with greater forces, they could neuer haue bene by so fewe cohorts enclosed about: & the campe of the Romans being, as it was, by force broken vp, had doubt­lesse bene vtterly razed. Vocula likewise lacking scowts abroad to signifie the enemies approche was sodainly surprized; and so in one moment went out to fight, and was ouercome: afterward winning more by lucke then desert, & not trusting his own victory nor vsing the benefite thereof, he vainely trifled out many daies before he would marche toward the enemy; whom if he had pre­sently followed, & pursued the course of his victory effectually, he might at that blow haue raised the siege of the Legiōs at Vetera.

XIIII. Ʋocula putteth Ciuilis to flight, and entreth Vetera.

CIVILIS in the meane time had assayed to induce the Legiōs to surrendre, as though the Romans had beene quite ouerthro­wen, & his men obtained an entier victory. for prooffe whereof he commanded the Roman enseignes, and banners to be caried a­bout, and the prisoners produced in sight, whereof one ventu­red worthely, and declared alowde how the whole matter had passed, & was killed in the place by the Germans, which thing cau­sed them within to beleeue his relation the better, and withall by the wasting & burning of the villages they might discerne, that their owne victorious army was comming. When Vocula came neare vnto Vetera he commanded the enseigns to be pitched in the sight of the campe, and a ditch and trenche to be cast round about: that laying aside their baggage and needelesse furni­ture in place of safetie, they might fight more lightlie and lesse [Page 195] encombred. Whereupon the souldiers beganne to exclame, cry­ing to goe to the battaile, and now they were growen to that cu­stome to threaten their Leader. So without taking so much time as onely to set the battell in array, disordred, and tired, they be­ganne the fight; for Ciuilis was ready to present them the bat­taile, reposing no lesse affyance in the follies and faults of his e­nemies, then in the vertue and valure of his owne people. Of the Roman side the matter went doubtfull and hard, and the most mutinous prooued the most dastards: some there were which mindefull of the victorie lately obteined kept their standing, gal­led the enemie, and animated themselues and their fellowes. The battaile being thus brought backe againe, which erewhile in a maner was lost, they held vp their handes to them in the campe, that they should not neglect to vse the opportunity, who behol­ding all things from the walles, issued forth at all the gates, and by chance Ciuilis being by the fall of his horse ouerthrowen, of both sides was thought to be wounded or slaine; which greatly dismayed his men and caused them to breake, and contrarilie put courage in ours. But Vocula pursued not the chace, but entring Vetera onely augmented the rampiers, and towers of the campe, as against a newe siege, being had in a ielosie, by this kinde of colde dealing, to desire the continuance of the warre: and not without cause, hauing so often marred the victorie for want of good following.

XV. Vocula vittaileth Ʋetera, and returneth to Gelduba, and thence to Nouesium: where Hordenius in a mutinee is slaine. Vocula with his power goeth to relieue Magontiacum besieged by the Germans. The faithfulnesse of the Treueri to the Romans at the beginning of these troubles.

NOTHING distressed our souldiers so much, as lacke of proui­sion and foode. Whereupon the cariages of the Legions, with a weake, & vnseruiceable company, were sent to Nouesium, that from thence by land they might furnish the armie with vittailes; for the enemies were masters of the riuer. The first conuoy pas­sed peaceably without molestation, Ciuilis being not yet re­couered of his hurte: but an one vnderstanding another company [Page 196] was sent to Nouesium, and certaine cohorts assigned to con­duct them, marching as in time of great quiet carelesly, not kee­ping themselues to their ensignes, but casting their armour and weapons into the wagons, and rouing about licentiously, hee sent before to take vp the bridges and straites, and then in good order charged vpon them. The pugnatum long [...] agmine. battaile was fought with troupes displayed out thinnely in length, and continued doubtfull, vntill the night tooke vp the quarrell. The cohorts proceeded forward to Gelduba, the campe standing there as it was, garded by the sol­diers which Vocula had left. There was no question what perill there would be in the returne, the forragers being but fewe, and heauily loaden: whereupon Vocula determining to goe out and relieue them, increased his armie with a thousand men chosen out of the two Legions, which were besieged at Vetera, the first and fifteenth, a stubborne and hedstrong souldier, and hating his captaines. More went then were commanded, at their going o­penly murmuring, that they would no longer endure famine, nor be obnoxious to the secrete practises of the Lieutenants: but those which remayned behinde complained, that they, by carying away so many men, were forsaken, and left as a pray to the ene­mie. Whereupon a double mutinee grew, the one part recalling Vocula seditiously, and the other in like sort refusing to returne a­gaine to the campe. In the meane season Ciuilis besieged Vetera. Vocula marcheth to Gelduba, and leauing Gelduba (which Ciui­lis straight way tooke vp) frō thence to Nouesium, not farre from whence, shortly after, his horsemen skirmished with the enemy prosperously. But prosperity & aduersity inflamed alike the soul­diers to seeke their captaines destruction: and the Legions being augmented, by that increase out of the fift and fifteenth Legion, more insolently required their donatiue, vnderstanding that mo­ney was sent from Vitellius. Whereupon Hordeonius, without further delay, diuided the money amongst them in Vespasians name, which was the principall thing that ministred matter, & fed the mutinee which followed. For the souldiers, hauing idle spen­ding money, gaue themselues to ryot and banquetting, and assemblies by night, and by that meanes renewed their former wrath and displeasure against Hordeonius, whom they haled out of his chamber & slew, none of the Lieutenants or Tribunes daring to gainsay, or withstand them being hardened, by reason of the night [Page 197] season, against all modestie and shame. The like was intended against Vocula, if hee had not in a bondmans attire escaped vnknowen in the darke. Assoone as the heate of their fury was past, they fell to consider the danger wherein they did stande, & sent by and by Centurions with letters to the cities of France, de­siring supply of money and men, themselues when Ciuilis appro­ched, as the common sort without head is headlong, feareful, and sluggish, rashly tooke vp their weapons, & soone laying thē downe ranne away. Aduersity bred discorde, those of the vpper armie disioyning their cause from the others. Notwithstanding the ima­ges of Vitellius were set vp againe in the campe, and in the citties of Belgium adioyning, whenas Vitellius himselfe was now down. Then the soldiers of the first Legion and the fourth & eighteenth vpon repentance came in, and submitted themselues vnto Vocu­la, at whose handes receyuing againe the oath to Vespasian, they were led forth to raise the siege at Magontiacum. The army which besieged it (consisting of Catti, Vsipij and Matiaci) was already departed away loaden with spoiles, & being by our men met with on the way scattered & at vnawares, was in part put to the sworde. Moreouer the Treueri along their confines cast a trench with a Loricam, val­lum (que) parapet, and with great slaughter on ech side skirmished against the Germās, vntil shortly after reuolting, by that odious fact, they defaced all their good seruice done heretofore to the Romans.

XVI. The disposition of the common people of the Cittie, at the be­ginning of the yeare. The ordinarie Senate vpon the first day of January. Mutianus supplanteth Antonius Primus.

IN the meane season Vespasianus second time Consull & Titus in absence entered their office, The yeare of the citty. 823. the cittie being in great anguish & diuersely perplexed, besides the miseries which presently they felt, vpon a false alarme of the reuolt of Africke, & the rebellion of Piso Proconsull there, a man of milde and quiet disposition: but because through the tēpestuousnes of the winter the shippes came not home, the poore people which day by day were accustomed to buy bread, and cared for nothing els of common affaires but corne, feared that all the shippes of that coast were purposely stayed, and the corne detained, and fearing quickly beleeued it. In which imaginary conceyt the Vitellianists also confirmed them, [Page 198] who had not as yet wholly left of their former affections and hu­mours. Neither was the rumour displeasing vnto the winners, as hoping to make their profit thereby, whose insatiable lust and de­sires no forraine warre, much lesse any ciuill victorie could euer fill or content. The first of Ianuary the Senate was assembled by Iulius Frontinus the To whom it belonged, in the absence of the Consuls, to assemble the Senate. Citty-pretor, and solemne thanks with praise concluded vpon to the Lieutenants and armies, and kings which frended the cause. The Pretorship also was taken from Tertius Iu­lianus, because he had forsaken his Legion applying it selfe to Vespasiās side, & bestowed vpō Plotius One of Mu­tians fauorits. 3. Hist. p. 133.2. Griphus. Hormus was made a Gentleman of Rome, & straightwaies Frontinus resigning, Do­mitianus Caesar tooke the place. In his name all letters were writē & edicts published, but the power and direction of affayres rested in Mutianus, saue that Domitian eyther pricked forward by his frends, or vpon his owne pleasure, and lust presumed to doe ma­ny things of himselfe. But Mutianus principall feare was of Anto­nius Primus and Arius Varus, whom, beside that they were great­ly renowned for their late famous exploytes, and in great credit with the souldiers, the common people also loued wel, because they had slaine none but in the field. Moreouer it was giuen out by some, that Antonius had sollicited Scribonianus Crassus, a mā of great honour, both in respect of his worthy ancestours, and of his late Piso, whom Galba adop­ted. brothers high place, to take vpon him the state, assuring him of a sufficient number of complices to vphold & maintaine it, had not Scribonianus refused the offer; a man so greatly fearing vncertainties, that euen an assured certainty could not easely haue sturred him. Therefore Mutianus, because Antonius open­ly could not be put downe, spent vpon him many good woordes, and great commendations in the Senate house, and secretely la­ded him with promises, putting him in hope of nearer Spaine, which by the departure of Cluuius Rufus lay voyde, and bestow­ed vpon his frends Tribuneshippes, & Captainshippes liberally. And when Mutianus had filled with these windes of hope and de­sire his empty vainglorious minde, he proceeded suttelly to in­fringe his power, & vtterly put him out of his strength, by dismis­sing vnto their wintering place the Septima Gal­biana. seuenth Legion, which did most earnestly affect Antonius. The third Legion also that depen­ded vpon Atius Varus was sent, away backe into Syria: another Sexta & octa­ua de victrici­bus. Tac. p. 190. part of the army was caried into Germanie. So the city being dis­burdened [Page 199] of those which were prone to breed trouble, recoue­red her former estate, the lawes tooke their due course, and the magistrates resumed their charge.

XVII. Certaine matters which passed in the Senate.

THE day that Domitian, after his newe honour came into the Senate, he made a briefe and curteous speech concerning his fathers, and brothers absence, and of his owne greene yeares and lacke of experience, with a comely grace and decent behaui­our: his often blushing and being out of countenance, his quali­ties being not yet knowen abroad, was reputed modesty & bash­fulnes. Whenas he proposed that Galba should be restored to his honour and dignity, Curtius Montanus was of opinion, that the memory of Piso also should be solemnized, the Senators allowed of both: howbeit concerning Piso it tooke none effect. After this, certain were alotted to see restitution made of those things, which had beene by force taken away in the warre; and some others to view & set vp the brasen tables of the lawes, which by By the bur­ning of the Capitoll mel­ted, saieth Su­etonius Vespa­siano. c. 8. tract of time were decaied; & others to reforme & purge the publicke records, and registers, which by flattery of times were corrupted, & to mo­derate and stint the publicke expenses. Tertius Iulianus was resto­red to his Pretorship, after it was knowen that he fled to Vespasian: notwithstanding Griphus kept his roome too. Then the Senate a­warded, that the cause betweene Musonius Rufus, and Publius Celer should be reuiued and determined: and so Publius was cō ­demned, & satisfaction made to the soule of Soranus. In this daies worke as the publicke seuerity of the Senate was notable, so pri­uately Musonius wanted not his due commendation, for hauing iudicially prosecuted so iust a reuenge: as contrarily Annal. 16. p. 558. 22. Sueron. Vespa. c. 13. Xi­phil. p. 223. Demetrius the Cynicke was generally blamed, for that ambitiously, & with­out regard of his credit, he had lent his hand to protect a manifest offender: for Publius himselfe had neither spirite nor tongue to pleade his owne cause. When the signe was giuen, and a flagge of reuenge, as it were, set out against the accusers, Iunius Mauricus requested Domitian, that it would please him to com­municate a copie to the Senate of the Princes recordes and pa­pers, whereby they might bee certified particularely, who had required to haue the accusing of whom. Answere was made, that the Princes aduise was to be asked in a case of that waight: where­upon the Senat, the principal personages beginning the example, [Page 200] conceiued a forme of oath, which all the magistrates sware, con­tending who should be formost, and the rest, as their voices were seuerally asked, solemnely protesting, & calling the gods to wit­nesse, that they had neuer attempted nor done any act against the life of any, nor reaped commodity or honour by the calami­ties of others, they which were guilty that way pronouncing it faintly, and mincing the oath, and diuersely wresting and chan­ging the wordes. The Senatours allowed of them which sware truely, & openly reproued the others periury: which reproofe lay most heavily vpon Sariolenus Vocula, & Nonius Actianus, & Ce­stius Seuerus, persons infamous for their often accusings vnder Nero: and beside, which aggrauated his case, Sariolenus had lately attempted the like with Vitellius: so that they bent their fists against him, and ceased not to offer violence, vntill hee departed the house. From him they went to Pactius Africanus, seeking to throw him out likewise, because he had giuen information against the Scribonian Xiphillin: Ne­rone. [...]. brethren, renowned both for their wealth & mutual agreeing together, and procured their destruction with Nero. Africanus neither durst confesse the matter obiected, nor could well denie it: but turning himselfe to Vibius Crispus who pres­sed him nearest with his interrogatories, hee on the other side challenged him of the like, seeking to shift off the odiousnesse of that, which hee could not directly defende, by ioyning the plaintiffe in the same crime. That day Vipsanius Messalla wanne himselfe greate credit, both for eloquence and good nature, vndertaking, being vnder Senatours age, to make intercession for his brother Omnium bi­pedum nequis­simus, as Pliny the younger calleth him, a most pesti­lent instru­ment of tyrannie in Nero and Domitians time. lib. 1. ep. 5. &c. Aquilius Regulus. Regulus was extremely hated, because he had wrought the ouerthrowe of the noble houses of the Crassi, and of Orphitus. he was at his owne suite appointed by the Senate to be their accuser, and vndertooke that odious charge voluntarily being very young, and not, as some others, to auoide danger that in refusing might grow to himselfe, but in hope of rising higher thereby. And Sulpicia Praetextata wife of Crassus, with fower of his children presented themselues in a readinesse to prosecute the matter, if it would please the Senat to take know­ledge thereof. Messalla, neither iustifying the cause nor the man, but opposing himselfe against the perils of his brother, had moo­ued some to compassion. Then Curtius Montanus replied with a bitter oration, proceeding so farre, that he charged Regulus with [Page 201] giuing of money after Galbaes death to him that slew And yet hee got a legacy at Verania [...] hand, Cuius marito, saieth Pliny, lib. 2. ep. 19. inimicissi­mus, ipsi invi­sissimus fuerat. Piso, with biting of Pisoes heade being deade. these things (quoth he) I trow Nero neuer constrained you to doe: neither saued you either your life, or your honour by such sauage cruelty. Let vs graunt their defence to be tolerable, which chose rather to bring others into ruine, then themselues into perill, for your part you had no­thing to leese: your father going into banishmēt left you voide of all danger that way; his goods were parted amongst his credi­tours: and your age as yet not capable of honors: you had nothing that Nero should either desire from you, or feare in you. Nay it was your owne bloud thirsty humour, and gaping for gaine, which caused you to employ your giftes, being as yet not known nor tryed in defending any mans cause, to the destruction of the Nobility: when at one blowe you ruined and ouerthrew innocent children, reuerende olde men, honourable women, and by this good seruice in destroying the common welth merited Consulare spoiles, That is, 54687. li. 10. 2. sterling. seuen thousand thousand sesterces, & an honorable Priest hoode: when you blamed Neroes slacke & remisse kinde of pro­ceeding, that he went house by house & tired out both himselfe & the whole company of the accusers, whereas hee might with like facility and speaking of a worde subuert the whole Senate. Keepe I pray you (my Lordes) and make store of a counseller of so good a dispatch, that euery age may be furnished: and as our olde men imitate Marcellus and Crispus, so our young may doe Regulus. Dishonesty euen when it thriueth not, findeth followers, what will it doe then when it doth prosper & flourish? & whom we dare not offende hauing bene but Questor, what shall we doe when he shal haue passed the higher offices of Pretor & Consul? or do ye think that Nero shall be the last tyranne? indeede so they also beleeued, which ouerliued Tiberius and Caius, when in the meane time a­rose another more cruell and detestable then either. We feare not Vespasian; his age warranteth vs, and his moderate dispositi­on: but precedents dure longer then dispositions. Wee are wa­xen colde (my Lordes) neither are we now the same men, that as­soone as Nero was slaine required these promooters, and al other instruments of tyranny to be punished more maiorum. After the decease of an ill Prince the first day is alwaies the best. With so great applause and liking of the Senate Montanus was heard, that Heluidius conceiued hope of the possibility of ouerthrowing [Page 202] Marcellus also. Therefore beginning his speech with the commendation of Cluuius Rufus, who being as rich, and as famous for eloquence, had notwithstanding in Neroes time neuer procu­red any mans danger, he pressed Marcellus both with his owne fact, and with the others example, and the Senatours fingers euen tickled against him. Which when Marcellus perceiued, making semblance of departing the house, We are gone Heluidius (quoth he) and leaue to you a Senate of your owne: take your pleasure, and Or, exercise your king­dome when the prince re­turneth. regna praesente Caesa­r [...]. exercise your kingdome in the presence of the young Prince. After him followeth Vibius Crispus, both well warmed and nettled: Marcellus with a threatening countenance, Crispus halfe smiling, but at the entreaty of frendes they came againe to their places. And so the contention growing hoater, and of the one side many and good, on the other fewe and mighty banding toge­ther, and inueighing despitefully one against the other, that day was consumed in brawlings. The next meeting Domitian begin­ning to perswade, that olde griefes and grudges should not be re­uiued, but buried together with the memory of the late times, wherein men were forced to doe many things against their owne mindes, Mutianus continuing the speech opined at large in fauour of the accusers, gently admonishing withall, and as it were en­treating them, who seemed to resume their actions which they had discontinued. The Senatours, when they sawe they were crossed in following their liberty, medled no further, and Muti­anus, lest the iudgement of the Senate should seeme to bee little regarded, and a generall pardon as it were proclaimed of all crimes committed vnder Nero, commanded Octauius Sagitta and Antistius Sosianus, Senatours by calling, which were with­out leaue returned from exile, to be reduced into the same ilands againe. Yac. 13. Ann. p. 470. Octauius had frequented with Pontia Posthumia ano­ther mans wife adulterously, and because she refused after to ma­ry him, he slewe her vpon extreme passion of loue: Sosianus by his lewde qualities had beene the ruine of many: both of them had beene condemned and banished by a heauy sentence of the Senate, and others being restored they were lefte still in the same penalty. But Mutianus could not with all this wipe the ill opinion away of his former dealing. For Sosianus and Sagitta were men vile and of no account, neither mattered it where they liued: but the accusers great gifts, great wealth and great power, being men [Page 203] so well seene in all lewde practises, were feared not without cause. The Senatours mindes were anone in part reconciled by meanes of a certaine cause heard in the house, and decided according to ancient custome. Manlius Patricius a Senatour made complaint, that in the colonie of Siena he was beaten of the multitude at the magistrates commandement, and not contented with this out­rage they Nec finem in­iuriae hic stetis­se: planctum & lamenta & supremorum i­maginem pre­senti sibi circun dat [...]. mourned and wailed, and made shewe of celebrating his funeralles in his owne sight, with many skornefull and re­prochfull speeches redounding vpon the whole Senate. The parties accused were called, and vpon due examination conui­cted, and executed, and an act made to admonish the people of Siena to behaue themselues in modester maner hereafter. At the same time Antonius Flamma was condemned of extortion, at the suite of the Cyrenenses, and exiled for his cruell behauiour, and shedding of innocent bloud.

XVIII. A view taken of the Pretorian soldiers. A loane motioned in the Senate. The funerals of Flauius Sabinus.

AMIDST these things there had welny broken out a sedition of the soldiers. The Garde-soldiers dismissed by Vitellius, & as­sēbled in fauour of Vespasians cause, required their former place: likewise the Of the Flae­uian side, as it is not vnlike that many Legionaries were the more easily induced to en­ter into the cause, vpon hope of that preferment. souldiers, which vpon hope of the same roome were chosen out of the Legiōs, demanded performāce of promise. Nei­ther could Vitellius garde well be remoued without much bloud­shed. So Mutianus, cōming to the campe to the end he might bet­ter view their yeares of seruice, appointed the winners seuerally to stand, with their enseignes & weapons, a litle distance asūdet. Then he willed the Vitellian garde, as wel those which yeelded thēselues at Bouillae, as others sought out within the Citty and about, to bee produced in a manner vnarmed, then to bee diuided, and those which were chosen out of the German and Brittish armies, and so of the rest, if any were, to stande ech by themselues. The first sight hereof did straight amaze them, to see the contrary side as in a pit­ched field flourishing with their weapons and darts, and them­selues without armour, deformed, and in poore miserable state closed about. But when they beganne to bee drawen, and distra­cted hither and thither, they trembled all, especially the German souldiers, as if the separation tended onely to sort them out to the [Page 204] slaughter; whereupon they fell to embrace their companions, to hang on their neckes, to kisse them as for their last farewell, besee­ching not to leaue them alone, & that in the like cause they might not abide harder fortune then others; with obsecrations some­times to Mutianus, somtimes to the Prince that was absent, some­times to the gods & the heauens to relieue their distressed estate; till such time as Mutianus calling them all liege men of one soue­raine, and souldiers of the same Prince, eased them of this vaine feare; the rest of the soldiers present with a showte furthering their teares, and declaring themselues to fauour their cause: and so for that day the matter was shut vp. Some fewe daies after Domitian in an oration made offer vnto them of lande and possessions, who being now assured and out of all feare did boldly refuse it, pray­ing to haue their former seruice and wages againe. it was but a prayer, mary such as could not be denied: and so they were recei­ued into the Garde. Afterwarde they which had serued their yeares, and accomplished their iust number of stipends, were ho­nourably dismissed: some others criminally, and for their misde­meanour singled out one by one: the safest remedy to weaken and dissolue the consent of a multitude. Then a motion was made in the Senat, whether vpon necessity indeed, or because they would Initio statim principatus pro­fessus est Ves­pasianus qua­dringenties mil­lies. HS. opus esse. vt resp. sta­re posset, saieth Suetonius. c. 16. one of the greatest summes I re­member any where named, amounting to aboue three hundreth mil­liōs of pounds haue it to seeme so, that a loane should be made, by priuate men to the Publicke of That is, 468750. li. ster. sixty millions of sesterces, & the charge there­of committed to Poppaeus Siluanus: but shortly after the necessi­ty ceased, or the false semblant. Then by a law proposed by Do­mitian the Consulshippes conferred by Vitellius were disanulled: and Flauius Sabinus 10 funerals were celebrated with Censorial pompe: great demonstrations of fortunes ficklenesse, turning vp­side downe whatsoeuer seemeth high in the world.

XIX. The death of Lucius Piso Proconsull of Africke.

ABOVT the same time Lucius Piso Proconsull of Africke was slaine: the trueth of which murther I will briefly set downe, re­suming first certaine former matters, which may seeme to haue mi­nistred chiefly occasion, and cause to such like inconueniences. The Legion in Africke, and the Aydes assigned to garde the fron­tiers of the Empire that way, in the time of Augustus, and Tibe­rius, were vnder the gouernement of the Proconsull, till Caius a Prince of a troubled braine, and hauing in ielousie M. Silanus, [Page 205] who then was Proconsull of Africke, remooued the Legion from the Proconsull, deliuering it to a Lieutenant sent for that purpose. The parting of an office thus betweene two without sub­ordination, and their charge and points of commission lying intermingled, and running ioyntly together, bred and nouri­shed, as was intended, discorde and quarrels: and so through si­nister emulation the Lieutenants office incroched and grew, ei­ther because they continued longer in charge, or because in­feriour persons commonly take more payne, and delight in contending with their superiours, the greatest men of the Pro­consuls seeking rather safety then might. Now at this time Va­lerius Festus was Lieutenant of the Legion there, a riotous youngman, and one that gaped after great matters, but much perplexed in minde, by reason he was so nearely allyed to Vitelli­us. This Valerius in his often conferences which hee had with Piso, whether he perswaded him to take vpon him the state, or opposed himselfe against Pisoes solliciting it is vncertaine (for at their secrete communication none was present beside: and when Piso was slaine most men inclined to fauour the slayer) certaine it is, that the prouince and souldiers were ill affected toward Vespasian. And some of the Vitellianists escaping out of the Citty, layed downe before Piso the great possibility of ef­fectuating that purpose: that France was in termes of re­uolting, Germanie readie to side themselues with him, adioy­ning the danger wherein hee stoode for his owne person, and that in a suspected peace open warre was the onely safe course. As these things were in doing, Claudius Sagitta captaine of the Petrin wing came thither, hauing out-sayled Papirius a Centurion sent by Mutianus, and auowched that the sayed Cen­turion had commission to dispatch Piso: that his kinsman and sonne in lawe Galerianus was already dispatched in Rome; so that the onely hope of safety consisted in venturing boldly: and of venturing there were but two waies, either straight to take armes, or sayling into France to offer himselfe there for a head to the Vitellian armies. Notwithstanding all which al­legations Piso persisted vnmooueable: and anone the Centuri­on sent by Mutianus came; who, assoone as he arriued at the porte of Carthage, proclaymed Piso Emperour, wishing to him as Prince all successe and prosperity, and requiring all that [Page 206] hee met, being amazed at the wonder, to ioyne in the same crye. The credulous common people flocked in the market place and demanded the presence of Piso, filling the citty with showts & ac­clamations of ioy, partly vpon negligence to search out the truth, and partly vpon a pleasure in flatterie. But Piso, whether vpon the intimation of Sagitta, or of his owne modesty, refrained from go­ing abroad & committing himselfe to the peoples discretion: & examining the Centurion, perceiuing it was but a snare to entrap him, & so to make him away, he commanded him to be slaine, not so much for hope of escaping himselfe by so doing, as vpon iust indignation against the Centurion, because the same man had beene one of the murtherers of Clodius Macer, & ment to bring his hands lately embrued with the bloud of a Lieutenant now to the slaughter of a Proconsull. Then he checked the Carthagi­nians with a sharpe and seuere edict, and ceased to execute euen the vsuall points of his office, keeping still within dores, lest any occasion of new commotion by mischance might arise. Festus vnderstanding how the people was daunted and dashed, the Cen­turion slaine, and other occurrencies part true, part false, or en­larged and amplifyed, as fame feedeth in going, sendeth certaine horsemen to murther Piso; who making all hast in the dawning of the day brake into the house of the Proconsull with drawen swordes, the most part not knowing Piso by sight, being Auxili­aries of the cuntrey, and Moores picked out for the purpose. Whereupon meeting one of his seruants, not farre from his bed­chamber, they asked him who he was, and where Piso was to be founde: the seruant perceyuing his masters danger, notably and resolutely answered, that hee was Piso, and so was presentlie slaine in the place: by and by after Piso himselfe was massacred. For there was in the company Bebius Massa, one of the Pro­curatours of Africke, that knew him; euen then a woorker of good mens destruction, and one that often will fall into the course of this story, as an instrument of the mischieffes, and a cause of the miseries that wee sustayned In Domitians time. Tac. in vita Agricolae. Plinius in epi­stolis. afterwarde. Festus in the meane time stayed at Adrumetum to watch how the mat­ter succeeded, & from thence went to the Legion, where he com­manded Cetronius Pisanus the Camp-master to be committed toward, vpon priuate displeasures betweene them, pretending that he was an abettour, and complice of Piso. Some soldiers also and [Page 207] Centurions he punished, and some he rewarded: neither of them for any desert, but because he would seeme to haue ended a warre. Then he tooke vp the debates betweene the or, Oë [...]nses. Ophenses and Lep­titani, which of small beginnings, as robbing of cattell and corne from the cuntrey-men, were now by force of armes maintay­ned in the field. For the Ophenses being the weaker side had called the Garamantes to ayde them, a sauage people and alto­gether giuen to robbing and stealing vpon their neighbours: whereupon the Leptitani were hardly bestedde, and their fieldes being round about wasted, trembled for feare within the wal­led townes, till such time as the cohorts and wings came, who put the Garamantes to flight, and recouered all the spoile, saue onely that which certaine out-riders had caryed further into the cuntrey, and solde there among their wilde inaccessible cottages.

XX. Ʋespasian at Alexandria receyueth aduertisement of the death of Vitellius. The embassage of Ʋologesus king of the Parthians to him. Titus speech with his father. Corne is sent to Rome. The foundation of the Capitoll is layed.

[...]. AFTER the battell at Cremona, and good newes from all quar­ters, many of all sortes hazarded to put themselues vpon the rough winter seas, and sailed with safety to cary Vespasian the newes that Vitellius was slaine: & king Vologesus embassadours were there offering forty thousande Parthian 40. millia sagi [...] tariorum, sai­eth Suetonius. Vesp. c. 6. not disagreeing from Tacitus: for the Parthi­ans were [...]. horsemen to ayde him. It was a glorious and ioyfull thing, to be sought vnto with offers of so great assistance, & yet not to neede them. So thankes were giuen to Vologesus, and he willed to sende an embassage to the Senate, & assure himselfe of peace with the Romans. Vespa­sian conuerting his cares vpon Italie, & the affayres of the citty, was aduertised somewhat hardly concerning Domitians dea­lings, as if he had Vno die, sai­eth Suet. Do­mitiano. c. 1. su­per triginta vrbana [...]ssicia at (que) peregrinae distribuit, mirae­rise Vespasiano dictitante quòd successorem non & sibi mittecret. passed the bounds of his age, and caried him­selfe aboue his compasse, rather like an Emperour then an Em­perours sonne. Therefore the most seruiceable part of his ar­my he deliuereth ouer to Titus willing him to prosecute & finish the Iewish warre. It is reported that Titus before his From his fa­ther at Alex­andria: for thi­ther he accompanied his fa­ther, and from thence retur­ned backe to Caesareas which viage is parti­cularely des­cribed by Iose­phus in the last words of his fourth booke [...]. departure v­sed long speech & entreaty with his father, desiring him not to be­leeue lightly, or enter in choler at the tale of euery backbiter, but [Page 208] rather to reserue himselfe free for an indifferent audience, and cary a placable minde towardes his own sonne. For neither were Legions nor nauies so strong defences and rampiers of a Prin­ces estate, as the multitude of children. Frendes with time and fortune, sometimes by vnaduised desires, or ouersights, de­crease, fall from vs and fade, whereas a mans owne bloud clea­ueth fast, and cannot be disioyned: especially in Princes, whose prosperity as well may others enioy, but their aduersity toucheth none neare, but their nearest in bloud: and how should they two being brethren agree, if the father gaue not first an example. Ves­pasian not so much pacifyed toward Domitian, as delighted with the good nature of Titus bad him be of good comfort, and looke to his charge in aduancing the weale publicke with armes in the field; himselfe would take order with matters of peace, & dome­sticall affaires. Then he committed to sea, which as yet was tempe­stuous, his best shippes of sayle fraught with corne: for the Citty was in such distresse, and stoode in those termes of famishing, that when the corne came from Vespasian, they had not at all in their storehouses aboue ten dayes prouision. As concerning the set­ting vp of the Capitoll againe, he 11 committed the charge thereof to Lucius Vestinus a Gentleman of Rome, but for autority and countenance one of the principall men of the citty; by whom the soothsayers being called together expresly charged, that the re­liques of the former tēple should be conueied & caried away into the marishes, & the new erected vpon the selfe same foundation: for it was not the pleasure of the gods the old forme should be al­tered. The one and twentieth of Iune being a goodly faire day the whole plot of the tēple was bound, & tied about with fillets & garlands. The soldiers whose Cic, de diuina­tione. cū impera tor exercitum, censor populum lustraret, bonis nominibus qui hostias ducerent eligebantur: quod idem in dilectu consules obseruant, vt primus miles fiat bono nomi­ne. names had lucky singnificatiōs entred in with fortunate boughes. Afterward the Vestall virgins, with boyes & girles which had both father & mother aliue, washed it with water fetched from riuers, & springs, and running streames. Then Heluidius Priscus the Pretor, Plautus Elianus one of the chieffe Priests going before him, hallowed the floore with a solēn sacrifice of a swine, a sheepe & a bullocke, and laying the intrayles vpon a greene turfe, calling first vpon Iupiter, Iuno, Minerua, and the rest of the gods protectours of the Empire, that they would prosper the worke, exalt and aduance this their owne habitation, begunne by the deuotion of men, with their diuine and celestiall [Page 209] power, he put his hand to the fillets and ropes, wherein a huge mighty stone was fast tyed, and withall the rest of the magistrates and Preests, the Senate & Gentlemen, and a great part of the peo­ple preasing with great desire and ioy, drew the stone to the foun­dations, throwing in withall ingots of golde & siluer, and oare ne­uer tryed in the furnace, but rawe as it grew▪ for the soothsayers forewarned that the worke should not be defiled with stone, or golde which had bene destinated to any other vse. only the roofe was made hyer: that alteration alone was not disallowed by the gods, & the former temple, for want of proportion that way, was thought to lacke statelinesse, and maiesty conuenient for a buil­ding, wherein such a masse of men should be holden.

XXI. The Treueri and Lingones, at the instigation of Classicus, Tutor, and Sabinus, assembling secretely in counsell at Coleyn, determine to reuolt from the Romans. Ʋocula remooueth from Magon­tiacum to Coleyn. Claudius Labeo maketh a roade against the Caninefates with­out great effect.

WHEN the death of Vitellius was heard of in France and Germanie, it doubled the warre. For Ciuilis now lay­ing aside dissimulation declared himselfe, and made open warre against the Roman Empire. The Legions which had serued Vi­tellius wished rather forraine bondage, then to haue Vespasian their Prince. The Frenchmen conceiued courage, and hope of freeing themselues from the yoke, supposing that the same for­tune was befallen to our armies in all places alike: and indeede a rumour was noysed that our standing campes in Pannonia and Moesia were straitly besieged by the Sarmatians and Dacians: the like was reported of Britannie. But nothing perswaded them so much to beleeue, that the Roman Empire was come to an ende, as the burning of the Capitoll. For the cittie had beene once before taken by the French, but the seate of Iu­piter then being vntaken the Empire stoode and remayned: whereas nowe by this fatall fire a manifest signe of the gods heauy wrath, and displeasure was giuen. And the Druides out of their vayne superstitious learning did prophecie that the Empire of the worlde was to passe, and bee seated be­yonde the mountaines. Moreouer a common fame went, that [Page 210] the Primores Gal­liarum ab Otho­ne aduersus Vi­tellium missos. who these pri­mores Galiiarū were, & when and frō whēce sent by Otho a­gainst Vitelli­us I conceiue not: vnlesse it be ment of the Roman Sena­tours, whereof many were French by birth, whom Otho assumed into his traine against Vitel­lius: but men of their quali­ty me thinke should haue no great cause to seeke so great an alte­ration. noble men of France, when they were sent by Otho against Vitellius, did couenant togither before their departure, that in case the Roman common wealth ceased not thus to be torne by multiplying of ciuill warres, & domesticall troubles one straight succeding another, they would ioyntly attempt to recouer their ancient liberty againe. But before the murther of Hordeonius Flaccus nothing brake out whereby the conspiracy might be per­ceyued: after his death there passed messages, betweene Ciuilis and Classicus captaine of the wing of the Treueri. Classicus in birth and wealth farre exceeded the rest of that quarter. he was ex­tract from the line of their ancient kings, his auncestours renow­ned in warre and in peace, and himselfe boasted to be descen­ded of enemies to the people of Rome, rather then frendes. Vn­to him in this action adioyned themselues Iulius Tutor, and Iulius Sabinus, the one of Triers, the other a Lingon. Tutor was appointed by Vitellius ouerseer of the bancke of Rhene. Sa­binus besides a naturall vanity was pricked forward with the vaine glorie of a supposed kinred; that his great grandmother for hir beauty had pleased Iulius Caesar, when hee warred in France, and was by him carnally knowen. These three by secrete conferences searched the mindes and inclinations of the rest: and when they had made acquainted, and associ­ated to them such as they supposed fit for the purpose, they ap­pointed a meeting in Coleyn, in a priuate house: for the publicke state of the citty vtterly abhorred all such attempts. Notwith­standing certaine of the Vbij and Tungri were present at the consultation: but the strongest part and that which caryed the matter was of the Treueri and Lingones. Neither made they any long deliberation, but all with one voyce cryed amaine, that the Romans did nothing Joseph. lib. 7. [...]. c. 2. but rage in ciuill dissensions, that the Legions were stayne, Italie wasted, and the cittie of Rome euen taken; that all the armies were helde occupyed eue­ry one with their seuerall warres: and if the Alpes were fortifyed with good and sufficient garrison, and so their liberty wunne and assured, then might France determine at leysure what course to take of further proceeding, and how farre they list to enlarge. This was no sooner sayed then allowed: a scruple remai­ned concerning the remnant of the Roman soldiers. Many were of minde that they were to be put to the sworde, as mutinous, and [Page 211] faithlesse persons, and polluted with the bloud of their leaders: but the opinion of sparing them preuailed, lest hope of pardon be­ing taken away they would become desperate. So it was thought more conuenient by faire meanes to allure them to the party, & that the Lieutenants alone being made away, the common sol­diers would easily be wunne to the side vpon guiltinesse of their owne misdeeds, and hope of impunity. This was the forme of their first consultation, and some were sent abroad into France to kin­dle and stirre vp the warre: they themselues pretended all subiecti­on and obedience to Vocula, that they might oppresse him at the more vnawares. Vocula had secrete intelligence hereof, but hee had not forces to punish it, his Legions being both thinne, and vn­stedfast. So betweene vnsure souldiers, and secret enemies, suppo­sing it the best way that now he could take to vse their owne artes against them, he dissembled the matter & went downe to Coleyn. Thither Claudius Labeo was escaped, hauing corrupted his kee­pers; who as before we haue saide was taken, and confined out of the way into Frisia, and promising that if hee might haue men hee would goe into Batauia, and reunite the greatest part of the cun­trey againe to the Roman Empire: hauing a prety company of horsemen & footemen assigned, he durst not enterprise any thing amongst the Batauians, but drew certaine of the Neruij and Be­thasij after him into the fielde, and rather by stealth, then by way of open inuasion, made some incursions vpon the Caninefates and Marsaci.

XXII. Classicus and Tutor corrupt Voculaes souldiers. Vocula at Nouesium is forsaken by his souldiers, and slaine, who imme­diately sweare fidelity to the Empire of France.

VOCVLA allured by the fraude of the Frenchmen remoo­ueth towardes the enemye. When they approched to Ve­tera, Classicus and Tutor pricking before vnder colour of dis­couering met with the German captaines, and concluded the bar­gaine, and thereupon encamped their companies with a seue­rall trench from the Legionarie souldiers. At which signe of manifest contempt and reuolt Vocula conceiuing greate indig­nation, cryed alowde, that the Roman state was not by ciuill warres brought yet to so low an ebbe, as that the Treueri also and [Page 212] Lingones neede to despise it: so many cuntreies continuing faith­full, our armies being victorious, the fortune of the Empire stan­ding entier, and the gods ready to reuenge this perfidious part: so In the fourth yeare of Tibe­rius Caesar. Tac. 3. Ann. p. 314. long ago Sacrouir and the Aedui, so of late Vindex and France were ouerthrowen, ech at one blowe, and now also the perfidious breakers of treaties so solemnely sworne were to looke for againe the same gods and the same fall. Iulius and Augustus knew bet­ter their crooked inclinations: A plaine [...] in Tacitus. for Galba did not diminish but rather in­crease the tri­butes of the Lingones and Treueri, and diversely af­flict them. to some other citties of Frāce true it is, that he abated a fourth part of their ordinary tribute, but that was no­thing to this audience. Galba, and the abatement of their tributes hath made them our enemies. Now they are foes because their yoke is too gentle, but when they shall bee ran­sackt and stript of their wealth, they wil be our frendes and sub­iects againe. When Vocula had thus spoken with great spirite and courage, seeing Classicus and Tutor notwithstanding to continue in their traiterous purpose, hee retired backe to Nouesium. The Frenchmen sate downe two miles from the towne in the fieldes, to which place the Centurions and souldiers resorting from No­uesium were bought, and corrupted to a villany neuer heard of be­fore, that a Roman armie should sweare allegeance to strangers, and for a pledge of so wicked a part, eyther kill their Lieutenants, or deliuer them prisoners. Vocula, albeit many counsailed him to withdrawe, chusing rather to sticke to it manfully, then coward­ly to flee, called an assembly, and spake to them in this maner.

"I neuer at any time spake vnto you, either more carefull for you, or carelesse for my selfe. That my destruction is purpo­sed I am well contented to heare, and accept death in these trou­bles as an ende of my miseries. Of you I am ashamed, and you doe I pitty, not because any martiall exploite, or matter of armes is intended against you; for that were agreeing to a soul­diers profession, and according to the lawe of the fielde at an e­nemies hande: but because Classicus with your handes hopeth to fight with the Romans, and abuseth your simplicity with the goodly oath and imaginary Empire of France. Adeò nos, si fortuna in prae­sens virtus (que) deseruit, etiam vetera exempla deficiunt? Are we so farre now fallen, not onely from our fortune & courage, but euen from our ancient precedents too? For how oft did the Roman Legions chuse rather to dye then to yeelde one inche of grounde to the e­nemy? Our allies haue many times suffred their citties to bee ra­zed, themselues, their wiues and their children to bee consumed to ashes, without gaining other rewarde, saue onely to keepe their faith and their same. The Legions at Vetera support with all [Page 213] patience hunger and siege, and yeelde neither for feare nor faire wordes. Wee, besides men and armour, and a campe strongly fortified, haue prouision and vittailes sufficient for a long warre, if neede were. Money lately we had, not onely for pay, but also to serue for donatiue too: which whether you list to accept as comming from Vespasian, or from Vitellius, sure both waies it came from a Roman Emperour. If you doe it for feare of the bat­taile (albeit it be no admittable reason in you who haue foyled so often at Gelduba, at Vetera, and so many times ouerthrowen the enemy) we haue trenches, and walles, and waies to prolong till more strength and supply come from the cuntreyes about vs. If it be for displeasure at me, you haue other Lieutenants and Tri­bunes, nay Centurion or common souldier, make your choise of any so he be a Roman to leade you. Let neuer for shame so pro­digious a thing be bruted throughout the whole world, that Ci­uilis and Classicus should inuade Italie, hauing a gard of Romans attendant. What if the Germans and Frenchmen should leade towarde the walles of the Citty? will you fight against your owne natiue soyle, and sharpen your spears against the wombe of your mother? The onely conceite of so great an impiety striketh a hor­rour into my minde. Shall Tutor of Triers haue watch and ward as a Prince? shall a Batauian giue you the signe of the battell? will you be caried about for supplements to the German regiments? and what ende will you finde of your treason? when the Roman Legions shall march out against you, what shall become of you then, but of fugitiues to be fugitiues againe, and traitors of trai­tors, betweene your olde oath and your newe an abomination to the gods and to men? O thou most mighty and mercifull Iupiter, whom with so many triumphes these eight hundreth and twenty yeares we haue adored and worshipped: and thou Romulus the founder & father of the Citty, I pray & most humbly beseech you, that if it be not your heauenly pleasures, that vnder my hand & go­uernement this campe should be kept vncorrupted & cleane, yet at least you will not permit it to be polluted, and stained by Tutor and Classicus: and that it would please you to inspire to the Ro­man souldier, either a minde to follow honourable courses, or els a speedy and harmelesse repentance. The oration was di­uersely taken, as of men diuersely affected betweene feare, hope, and shame. After the speech Vocula withdrewe himselfe, and [Page 214] consulting vpon his end was by his freedmen and bondmen staied from voluntary preuenting of a most shamefull death: for Clas­sicus sent by and by AEmilius Longinus a fugitiue of the first Le­gion to dispatch that piece of seruice. As for the Lieutenants, Herennius Lieutenant of the first Legi­on, whole stā ­ding campe was at Bonna, and Numisius of the sixteēth at Nouesium. Herennius, and Herennius Lieutenant of the first Legi­on, whole stā ­ding campe was at Bonna, and Numisius of the sixteēth at Nouesium. Numisius, it seemed sufficient to put them in pri­son. Then Classicus assuming the markes and ornamentes of the Roman gouernors, came into the campe: and albeit he were har­dened to all kinde of desperate mischiefe, yet would not his vtte­rance then serue him any further, but barely to recite the wordes of the oath. All that were present sware fidelity to the Empire of France. Then hee aduauced the murtherer of Vocula to a higher place, and the rest hee rewarded, ech according to the lewde seruice they did.

XXIII. Tutor bringeth Coleyn and all vpper Germanie to the oath of France. The Legions of Ʋetera surrender the place to Ciuilis with condition onely of sauing their liues: which not­withstanding is not performed.

AFTER these things Classicus and Tutor diuided charges. Tutor with a strong power lay about Coleyn, and brought both them, and all the souldiers which lay vpon the vpper bancke of the Rhene, to the same oath, slaying the Tribunes at Magon­tiacum, and driuing away the Campemaster which refused to sweare. Classicus suborned certaine of the lewdest compa­nions of those which had yeelded themselues, commanding them to goe to Vetera, and there to proclame pardon to all those, that would submit themselues to follow the present course: otherwise to looke for no hope but sworde, and famine and all extremities. They which were sent vsed also their owne example as a motiue vnto them. On the one side the respect of their loialty, on the o­ther their present necessity, distracted the persons besieged, be­tweene the two courses of honour and shame. While they de­laied to resolue, their foode failed them both vsuall and vnusuall: they had eaten their mules & horses, & other creatures, which be­ing otherwise abhorred and loathed, hunger had made fauourie and sweete: and lastly feeding of branches, and sprigges, and pul­ling of grasse which grewe in the walles, they were a patterne of misery and patience, till such time as sending Embassadours to Ciuilis for life, they stained their honorable actions with a shame­ful [Page 215] and dishonourable ende. Neither was their petition admitted, before they sware fidelity to France. Then he granted them life, re­seruing the spoile of the campe to himselfe, and appointed kee­pers to stay the money, the seruantes, and stuffe, and others to conduct the souldiers empty away. About fiue miles of the Ger­mans lying in ambush, rose sodainly and set vpon them vnawares: such as were most valiant and made resistance were slaine where they stoode: many were cut off in the flight, the rest recouered the campe. Whereupon Ciuilis made complaint and rebuked the Germans as hauing wickedly broken their faith: whether it was but a countenance of his, or els he could not bridle them in their fury it is not assuredly knowen. When the campe was ransacked they set it on fire, and all the men that escaped in the fielde, were burned therein.

XXIIII. Ciuilis vpon performance of his vowe cutteth his bearde. Of Ʋelleda queene of the Bructerians. Two Legions of them which forsooke Vocula and yeelded themselues to Classicus, namely the sixteenth and the first, the one from Nouesium, the other from Bonna their standing campes, are by commaundement transpor­ted to Triers.

CIVILIS vpon a barbarous vow when first he entred warre with the Romans, suffred his yallow haire to growe long without barbing, and now, as vpon Tac. de mor ib. Germ. p. 575. Alijs Germano­rum populis vsi­tatum rarâ & privatâ cuius (que) audentiâ apud Cattos in consen sum vertis, vt primum adole­verint, crinem barbam (que) sum­mittere, nec nisi hoste caeso exu­cre vot vu nob­ligatum (que), vir­tuti oris habitū accomplishment thereof caused it to be cut, when the slaughter of the Legions was perfourmed: and it was reported, that he set vp as markes certaine of the captiues, for his little sonne to shoote & darte at in sport. Neuerthelesse neither did he swear, nor caused any Batauian to take the oath of France, trusting in the strength and assistance of the Germans, and if there should happen hereafter contention to growe with the French a­bout the Empire, accounting himselfe both of more name & abili­ty. Mummius Lupercus the Lieutenant of a Legion among other presents was sent to Velleda, a virgin of the Bructerian nation, and queene ouer many cuntreyes: for so the olde maner of the Ger­mans is, to beleeue many of their women to be prophetesses, and so, superstition increasing, goddesses. And at that time the au­toritie of Velleda was growen in more reputation, by rea­son that shee had tolde before hand the Germans should prosper, [Page 216] and the Roman Legions should be destroied. But Lupercus was slaine in the way: a few Centurions and Tribunes French borne were reserued as a pledge of alliance and amity. The standing campes of the cohortes, wings and Legions, were ouerthrowen and burned, those onely excepted which were at Magontiacum and Vindonissa. The sixteenth Legion with the Auxiliaries, which at the same time yeelded themselues, was commanded to departe from Nouesium to Triers, and a day set downe, before which they should auoide the campe. The meane time was spent in sundrie cares. Some of the cowardeliest were terrified with the late ex­ample of them which were slaine at Vetera, in their issuing out; the better sort blushed for shame, to thinke of the infamous and disho­nourable iourney, whom they must follow for guides, and how al things should bee at the simple pleasure and discretion of those, whom they had made lords ouer their life and death: others with­out respect of dishonour packed about them money and such things as were of most price: others made ready their harnesse & buckled themselues to their weapons as though they were going to fielde. While they were thus musing, and casting their cards, the houre of remoue was come, more grieuous and dolefull then was imagined. For within the trench the deformity of the specta­cle was not so apparent: the fielde and the day discouered the shame, the images of the Emperours being plucked out of their places, the enseignes tied vp; whereas contrarily the French banners glistered and plaied on euery hande: in summe a silent & sorrowfull troupe, and as it were a long funerall pompe. The con­ductour Claudius Sanctus augmented the indignitie, one eied, ill fauoured in countenance, and weaker in wit. The dishonour was doubled, when as the first Legion relinquishing their campe at Bonna, vpon the like commandement adioined themselues to the other: and the cuntreymen, that a little before quaked for feare at the very name of a Roman, when the fame of the Legions capti­uity was noised, ranne out of their houses, and fields from al quar­ters, to gaze and feede their eies with so strange a sight. The Pi­centine wing could not endure the ioy, and insulting of the peo­ple, but neglecting as well the threates as the promises of Sanctus, turned to Magontiacum; and meeting by chaunce in the waye Longinus the murtherer of Vocula with their darts slewe him for a beginning of future amendes. The Legions went forwarde in [Page 217] their purposed iourney, and sate downe before the walles of Triers.

XXV. An embassage of the Tencterians to them of Coleyn. Co­leyn yeeldeth to Ciuilis and Ʋelleda vpon rea­sonable composition.

CIVILIS and Classicus puffed vp with prosperous successe made a question, whether they should permit the citty of Co­leyn to be sacked by their souldiers. Their naturall inclination to cruelty and couetousnesse drew them that way, but the pollicie of warre was against it, and especiallie the opinion of clemen­cie needfull in those which are to founde a newe Empire: the remembrance also of a priuate benefite made Ciuilis more tractable towarde them, because in the very beginning of the troubles taking his sonne in their towne they committed him to honourable custodie. Notwithstanding the nations beyond the Rhene enuyed the riches, and growing of the citty, and iud­ged there could be no ende of warre, vnlesse that towne were ei­ther made a common habitation for all Germans indifferently, or els razed to the ground, and so the Vbij also dispersed. Where­fore the Tencteri, a people onely seuered from them by the ri­uer, sent an embassage, with instruction to declare their charge in the common councell of Coleyn, which one of the most im­perious among the embassadours vttered in this peremptory maner. "We thanke our gods and yours, and Mars chieffe of all gods, that you are returned into the corps and commu­nitie, and name of Germanie; and wee reioyce for your sakes, that you shall at length liue as freemen among freemen. For hitherto the Romans haue shut both water and lande, and in a maner the very heauen it selfe betweene you and vs to hinder our conferring and meeting, or els which is more contumelious to martiall men, that we should neuer haue accesse to your cit­tie but vnarmed, and naked almost and that garded and pay­ing a toll. But now, to the ende that this mutuall league of al­lyance and frendshippe may stande and continue for euer, wee require of you to pull downe the walles of your towne, the bul­warkes of your bondage: for euen wilde beasts shut vp forget their accustomed valour and vertue. Next we require you to kill all the Romans within your territorie: liberty and Lordes [Page 218] cannot dwell together. Then to bring out all their goods and diuide them in common, that no man should hide any thing, or seeke to seuer his cause from the rest. Moreouer that it may be indifferent both for vs and you, as it was in times past to our fathers, to conuerse and inhabite vpon both sides of the ri­uer. As nature hath communicated the day and the night to all men, so hath she layed open all landes of the world to vali­ant mindes. Resume your ancient customes and lawes, lay­ing aside all your effeminate pleasures, by which meanes, more then with armes the Romans subdue nations and cuntreyes. So shall you be a people vncorrupt, without admixtion of for­reyne maners or bloud: so shall you forget seruitude, and ei­ther liue in liberty, or be lordes ouer others. The Agrip­pinenses taking a time to deliberate: seeing neither future feares would permit them to yeelde to the conditions, nor their pre­sent estate playnly to refuse them, made answere in this ma­ner. "We haue taken, you see, the first opportunitie of reco­uering our liberty, perchance with more hast then good speede, that we might bee ioyned with you, and the rest of the Ger­mans our kinsmen: but seeing the Roman armies doe gather of all sides against vs, it is meeter and safer to strengthen, then to pull downe the walles of our cittie. As for strangers, Ita­lians or other, which liued amongst vs, eyther they are slaine in the warres, or fled home to their cuntreyes. To them which be ancient inhabitants amongst vs, and are lincked with vs in mariage, and to their of spring, this cuntrey is their owne na­tiue soile: neither doe we thinke you so vnreasonable as to wish vs to kill our parents, our brethren, or children. For taxe and tallage we acquite and discharge you for euer: you shall passe and repasse without all impeachement, but onelie in the day time, and vnarmed, till our rawe and newe amitie bee ioy­ned, and confirmed by continuance and custome. Ciuilis and Velleda shall bee arbiters: to their knowledge we referre the cause, and the conclusion of the whole treaty. The Tencte­ri being thus in parte pacified, embassadours were sent to Ci­uilis and Velleda with presents, who obtained all things as they of Coleyn desired: onely they were not admitted to haue ac­cesse, or speech with Velleda, nor suffred to see her, for more kee­ping of state, and to maintaine a more reuerende conceyt in the [Page 219] harts of the people. She was lodged in a high tower, and one of her kinred appointed to cary as from a goddesse hir oracles and answeres.

XXVI. The Bethasij, Tungri and Neruij yeeld to Ciuilis.

CIVILIS thus strengthened with new increase of confederats, resolued to associate the citties adioyning, or to warre a­gainst them if they resisted. So he tooke in the Sunici, and com­posed their able men into cohorts: but as he purposed to haue passed further, Claudius Labeo with a rawe companie of Be­thasij, Tungri, and Neruij, hauing seysed vpon the bridge of the Mose, and trusting to the aduantage of the place, opposed him­selfe and stopped his passage. The euent of the skirmish was doubtfull in the straytes, till the Germans swimming ouer the riuer came vpon Labeoes backe: and withall Ciuilis, whether vpon a bolde venture, or vpon a set match, rushed into the mid­dest of the Tungri, and with a lowde voice protested, that the warre was not vndertaken to that ende, that the Batauians and Treueri should be soueraine lordes ouer all other nations: Farre be all such arrogancie (quoth he) from our thought: onelie re­ceyue vs as your good frendes and allies. Lo here for my part I commit my selfe to your handes, employ mee as you list, ei­ther for a captaine or a common souldier. The common people was much mooued at these wordes, and put vp their swordes, and Campanus and Iuuenalis chieffe men of the Tungrians yeelded the whole nation vnto him: Labeo before he was compassed in fled away. The Bethasij also and Neruij yeelded themselues: whom Ciuilis adioyning to his power became very puissant and strong, all the citties either fearing, or fauouring him voluntarily.

XXVII. Julius Sabinus with his Lingones giueth battaile to the Se­quani, and is ouerthrowen.

IN the meane season Iulius Sabinus, breaking downe the monu­ments and recordes of the Roman alliance, tooke vpon him the stile & title of Caesar, & led after him a huge and rude company of his cuntrey folkes, the Lingones, against the Sequani, a state bor­dering vpō them, & faithfull to vs Neither did the Sequani refuse to wage battaile; wherein fortune fauoured the better side, & the [Page 220] Lingones were discomfited. Sabinus as rashly hee enterprised to giue battaile without due circumspection, so without feare of shame he ranne cowardly away: and to raise a rumour that he was dead, he set on fire the house, into which he was knowen to haue fled, & there was supposed voluntarily to haue ended his life. But hereafter in conuenient place we will shew by what meanes, and secrete Xiphilin. p. 219. [...]. Plutarch. [...]; p. 1371. setteth downe at large the whole story with many notable circum­stances. shifts he prolonged it, for the space of nine yeares, and withall the rare faithfulnesse of his frends, and the memorable ex­ample of his wife Epponina.

XXVIII. A Diete of the citties of France summoned at Rheyms. The preparations at Rome for the warre against the Batauians, Treueri, and Lingones. The Diete at Rheyms resolueth vpon peace, notwithstanding the embassage of the Treueri and Lingones, and the allegations of Tul­lius Ʋalentinus to the contrary.

THIS successe of the Sequani rebated and stayed the violent course of the warre. The citties beganne to consider better of matters, and to remember their couenants and leagues with the Romans, at the motion principally of the Remi, who sending messengers throughout France summoned a Diete, to deliberate what course they should take, keep peace or seeke liberty. Al these things reported at Rome to the worse, troubled Mutianus, lest the captaines whom he had chosen, Annius Gallus and Petilius Josephus [...]. 7. c. 11. dif­fereth from Tacitus in some little circumstances, and no doubt erreth: as that Cerealis, [...] was sent Lieutenant in to Britanny ( [...]) and in his way finding the Germans and French re­uolted, com­posed the mat­ter, Ce­realis, albeit excellent men, should hardly be able to wade tho­row so mighty a warre. Neither was it expedient to leaue the citty without a gouernour and head, and yet not in Domitians hande, whose wilde and vnbridled affections were greatly feared: es­pecially Antonius Primus, and Arrius Varus, as before wee haue shewed, beeing suspected not fully to fauour the state. Moreouer Varus was captaine of the Garde and strong, as ha­uing so many souldiers at commandement. Therefore Mutia­nus before his departure displaced him from the roome, and lest he should be discontent altogether, made him chieffe officer for the prouision of corne: and to pacify the minde of Domitian, that bare some good will vnto Varus, he set in his place ouer the Garde Aretinus Clemens, one nearely allyed to the house of Vespasian, and dearely beloued of Domitian; alleaging that his [Page 221] father had worthily perfourmed the same place vnder Caius the Emperour. The name was acceptable to the souldiers, and the man, though a Senatour by calling, was thought suffici­ent to discharge both the roomes. The greatest men of the Citty were willed to prouide for the viage of France: some o­thers were taken in by especiall suite. Suet. Domic. c. 2. expeditionē quo (que) in Galliā Germanias (que) ne (que) necessariā, & dissuadenti­bus paternis a­micis, inchoavie (Domitianus) tantum vt fra­tri se, & operi­bus, & dignati­one, adaequaret. Domitian and Muti­anus both of them prepared for the iourney, but not both min­ded alike: Domitian hastening forward vpon hope, and young bloud: Mutianus seeking delayes to retaine the fiercenesse of Domitian, lest if he put himselfe in possession of an armie, through the heate of youth and ill counsellours, he should disturbe both the peace and the warre. The sixth and Vide annot. 5. eightth of the victorious Legions, of the Vitellianists the one and twentieth, the second of the lately enrolled, were Some before Cerealis, and some after him, as it ap­peareth in this booke & the next. conducted part ouer the Penin and Cottian Alpes, part ouer the Graian: & more ouer the fourteenth Legion was sent for out of Britannie, the sixth and tenth out of Spaine. Now the citties of France partly vpon the fame of the host approching, and partly of their owne disposition incli­ning to the milder course, met in counsell at Rheyms, where an embassage of the Treueri attended, whereof Tullius Valen­tinus was the chieffe man, a principall firebrande of the warre: who with a premeditate oration applyed to the Romans all those obiections, wherewith mighty monarchies are vsually char­ged, sparing no spite of wordes, nor art to aggrauate matters a­gainst them; a factious person and apt to stirre troubles, and wil­lingly heard of the multitude, by reason of his eloquence such as it was. But Iulius Auspex, one of the noblemen of Rheims, discoursing of the puissance of the Roman power, & the great commodi­ties of peace, and affirming that warre might be commenced by cowards, but must be fought with the hazard of the most valiant men; & that euen now the Roman Legions were vpon their backs, by this graue speech stayed them all: the wiser sort with respect of duety and faith, the younger of danger and feare. And so they commended the courage of Valentinus, but followed the coun­sayle of Auspex. It is certaine that the Treueri and Lingones had the worse audience in France, because in the commotion of Vin­dex they had sided themselues with Virginius. Many were discou­raged by reason of the emulation that would ensue betweene the prouinces; what should be the head of the warre, from Vnde ius aus­picium (que) pete­retur. whence [Page 222] should lawe and souerainty be deriued; and if they did conquere which should be the seat-towne of the Empire. They were not yet conquerours, & yet were they at discorde brawling about the pre­seance: some alleaging their treaties and ancient leagues, some their riches and present strength, & some their antiquitie. Where­upon the whole councell detesting the future confusion, affir­med and ratifyed the present estate. Letters also were writen vn­to the Treueri in the name of the common councell of France to desist from armes, whilest pardon might be easily obtained, & ma­ny would become suters in their behalfe if they repented. But Valentinus refused the curtesie, and at his returne stopped the eares of his citty against this good motion, being a man ra­ther plentifull in orations and speeches, then carefull for other prouision of warre.

XXIX. The one and twentieth Legion surnamed Rapax commeth into Germanie. Sextilius Felix with his cohorts ouerthroweth Tutor and the Treueri. Valentinus returning from the Diete stirreth vp the warre againe. The two Legions transported from Nouesium and Bonna to Triers depart to the Mediomatrici.

IN like maner neither did the Treueri, nor Lingones, nor the rest of the states that reuolted, cary themselues as the weight of the cause and the danger required: euen the captaines them­selues conferred not counsailes together. But Ciuilis wandred a­bout the wildes of Belgium to catch Claudius Labeo, or els to chase him out of the cuntrey: Classicus lay for the most part idle and lazy, and as it were tooke the fruition of his supposedly got­ten kingdome. Tutor also slacked to make himselfe strong vpon the vpper bancke of the riuer, and with garrison to possesse the passages and heights of the Alpes, whilest in the meane time the one and twentieth Legion brake in from Vindonissa, and Sexti­lius Felix, with the Auxiliary cohorts by the way of Rhoetia: vn­to whom a wing of horsemen called Singulares (who marching at the first by Vitellius appointmēt toward Italie reuolted afterward to Vespasian) adioyned themselues. Their captaine was Iu­lius Briganticus Ciuilis sisters sonne, mortally hating his vnc­kle, and hated againe: as commonly the enmities of nearest kinsfolkes, if once they fall out, are most dispitefull and deadly. [Page 223] Tutor increased his power consisting of Treueri with a fresh sup­ply of Vangiones, Caracates, and Triboci, and that which added most strength with olde experienced Legionary souldiers, both footemen and horse, some corrupted with hope, and others awëd with feare: who at the first killed a cohort sent before by Sextilius Felix, and anone when the Roman captaines and armies appro­ched, redeeming their former fault fled ouer to them, and were followed by the Triboci, Vangiones and Caracates. So Tutor being left alone with his Treueri eschewing Magontiacum fled to Bingium, trusting vpon the strength of the place, because hee had broken downe the bridge of the riuer Naua: but Sextilius with his cohortes following his footesteppes, and finding a forde discried his power, and ouerthrew it. This discomfiture vtterly discouraged the Treueri: and the common people casting their weapons away returned to their husbandry. And certaine of the nobility that they might seeme to bee formost in laying hostility aside, fled to those citties for refuge which had not broken with the Romans. The Legions, which, as before wee decla­red, went by commaundement from Nouesium and Bonna to Triers, voluntarily resumed the oath to Vespasian. These things were done in the absence of Valentinus: who at his re­turne, in a desperate fury and rage stirred the coales, and kindled the fire anew. Whereupon the Legions got them away to the Mediomatrici, a state in league with the Romans: and Valenti­nus and Tutor perswaded the Treueri to take vp their weapons againe, and goe to the fielde, hauing first killed Herennius and Numisius the Lieutenants, to the intent that being without all hope of pardon, they might be more fastly vnited together in their wicked conspiracy.

XXX. Petilius Cerealis ouerthroweth the Treueri, taketh Ʋalentinus aliue, adioyneth the two Legions from the Mediomatrici, and maketh an oration to the Treueri.

THIS was the state of the warre, when Petilius Cerealis came to Magontiacum, and by his presence raysed greate expectation, and hope of our side. Cerealis himselfe was de­sirous of the battaile, and hauing a better grace sometime to contemne the enemyes, then alwayes to beware them, with lustie couragious wordes hee inflamed his souldier, as [Page 224] purposing, so soone as he could ouertake the enemies without de­lay to ioyne issue in fielde. A supply of soldiers sent out of Fraunce he turned home againe, willing them to signifie so much to the rest in his name, that the Romā Legions suffized for the defence of the Roman Empire: & that al our good frends & allies should returne to their peaceable businesse, without further care, assuring them­selues that the warre, now that the Romans personally vndertooke it, was as good as already dispatched. That increased the obedi­ence of the French: for hauing receiued their men backe againe, they supported more easily al taxes & tributes, and were the more ready to perfourme all pointes of their duety, because they sawe their helpe was not needed. But Ciuilis and Classicus, whenas they heard of the ouerthrowe of Tutor, the slaughter of the Tre­ueri, and the good successe euery where of their enemies, all in a fright and hast seeke to vnite their dispersed powers, sending mes­sengers in the meane time to Valentinus one after another, war­ning him to take heede to the maine chance, & not rashly to ven­ture & hazard the battel. With so much the more expeditiō Cere­alis dispatched to the Mediomatrici, lying nearer vpon the enemy, certaine to leade the two Legions thence to assaile them on that side: & assembling all the soldiers at Magontiacum, and the power which he had brought with him ouer the mountaines, himselfe marched forwarde, and at the thirde remooue came to Rigodulum, a place naturally strong by reason of the high situation, and the ri­uer Mosella closing it in: where Valentinus with a great power of Treueri was encamped, and had made it stronger by arte, casting trenches and ditches about it, and mighty huge stones to hinder the passage. But these fortifications terrified the Roman captaine nothing at all, but boldly hee bad the footemen breake thorow, and appointed his battell of horsemen to clime vp the mountaine, despising the enemy, whom he knew to be rawe, and vnskilfull in seruice, and not to haue that aduantage by the difference of place, that himselfe had by the difference of men. At the going vp of the hill some litle stay was made, vntill the enemies had spent their ar­rowes and dartes: then comming to handy stroakes, they were driuen downe headlong, & tumbled one ouer another, as it were stones at the fall of a building: & part of the horsemen fetching a­bout by easier ascents tooke many of the chiefe nobility of Belgi­um prisoners, and amongst others Valentinus Generall that day [Page 225] of the fielde. the next day Cerealis entred the towne of Triers. The souldiers were extremely desirous to raze the citty, allead­ging, that here Classicus, here Tutor was borne: here were the men through whose wicked conspiracy the Legions were besie­ged and slaine. what had poore Cremona deserued so greatly, as to be rooted out of the body of Italie, because it differred the vi­ctory onely one night? here in the confines of Germanie stoode the seatetowne of rebellion entier, & triumphing with the spoiles, and slaughter of our armies and Generals. As for the spoile he might at his pleasure dispose of to the Princes behoofe, they could be contented with the burning, and ruines of that rebellious co­lony, to requite thereby in some part the destruction of so many campes. Cerealis for feare of infamy, if he should be thought to noosell his souldiers in licentiousnesse and cruelty, repressed their anger, and they obeyed, being become now they had left off ciuill warre, of more modest behauiour also in forreine. Then the miserable & pitifull spectacle of the Legions, which came from the Mediomatrici, drew mens minds to the consideration thereof. V­pon the guilt of their offence they stoode with a sad and sorrowful countenance, casting their eies downe to the ground, no ioyfull greeting when the armies met, nor answering ought to those that sought to encourage and comfort them, but hiding themselues in their tents, not abiding to looke on the light: not so much amazed with danger or feare, as with the shame and discredit. and euen the conquerous were astonished at the sight, who not daring to speake, begged their pardon with silence and teares, till such time as Cerealis with comfortable wordes reuiued their spirits; affir­ming that those things, which indeede came to passe through the mutinousnesse of the souldiers, or the dissension of the leaders, or the malice of the enemies, were but fatall mischances, which could not be escaped: and therefore that day they should account the first both of their seruice, and oath: their former facts neyther the Prince, nor he would remember. Then were they receiued in­to the same campe, and a proclamation made throughout all the bandes, that no man in contention or anger should obiect to any of them their misdeedes or mishappes. Then calling the Treueri and Lingones to an assembly, hee spake vnto them in this wise.

"I was neuer practised in the arte of speaking: my profession is armes, and with armes I haue made good proofe of the vertue of [Page 226] the Romans. But because wordes preuaile so much with you, and I see you esteeme good & euil, not by their owne natures, but by the speeches of factious persons, I thought it expedient to say some thing, which now that the warre in a manner is finished may bee more behoouefull for you to heare, then for vs to speake. The Caesar lib. 1. de bello Gallico. c. 7 Romans, their Captaines and Leaders, entred your cuntrey and the rest of France, not pricked by any desire of theirs, but requested thereto by your predecessours, at what time ciuill dis­sensions had tired and ruined them, and the Germans called in by one side brought both into thraldome. How many bat­tailes wee haue fought against the Cimbri and Teutones, what paines our armies haue taken, and with what successe wee haue handled our selues in the German warres for your sakes, it is no­toriously knowen; neither doe we therefore with so much expense of money and men garde the Rhene for the safety of Italie, but lest some other Ariouistus should passe and conquere the king­dome of France. Or doe you thinke your selues better belo­ued of Ciuilis and the Batauians, and the Germans ouer the Rhene, then your fathers and grandfathers were of their pre­decessours? the same causes still are remaining, and so will be for euer, to mooue the Germans to passe into France; to wit, satisfying of their pleasures and lusts, auarice, and desire of chan­ging seate, that leauing their mires and deser [...]es, they may take possession of this fruitfull cuntrey, and you the inhabitants there­of. yea but liberty and glorious shewes are pretended. Where was euer any, I pray you, that sought to enthrall or vsurpe ouer others, but hee cloaked his purposes with such goodly titles? France neuer was without petty tyrannes and warres, till yee came vnder our iurisdiction. Wee, albeit we haue beene often prouoked, haue put that onely as conquerours vpon you, where­by peace might be maintained. For neither peace can be main­tayned without armes, nor armes without wages, nor wages without tribute: all other things are alike to vs both. you commonly gouerne our Legions, you are the Presidents of these and other prouinces, no prerogatiue is kept from you, or reser­ued for vs. Againe they which dwell farre off, feele the com­moditie alike of a good Prince, whereas tyrannes oppresse most the nearest. As you endure and support with patience a barren yeare, if it happen, & vnseasonable weather, & such other defects [Page 227] of nature; euen so tolerate a little and beare with the riotous life or auarice of gouernours. Faults will be so long as there be men: but neither are they continuall, and amends is commonly made by better which follow. Vnlesse peraduenture you hope for a more moderate, or easier gouernement vnder the raigne of Tutor and Classicus, or that with lesse tribute, then now is paied, armies can be maintayned to holde out the Germans and Britans. For if the Romans, which the gods defende, should be disposses­sed, what els can ensue but warres of nations against nations, and the confusion of the whole worlde. This frame is the workeman­shippe of eight hundreth yeares, good fortune, and discipline, which cannot bee dissolued without the destruction of the dissol­uers; but your danger, which haue golde and riches the chiefest causes of warre, of all is the greatest. Therefore embrace you peace, and loue that citty whereof both you and we are members alike. You haue proued both fortunes: let them be a warning vn­to you to chuse rather subiection with safety, then rebellion with ruine. With this speech he settled their mindes, and lightened their harts, who feared a heauier doome.

XXXI. Ciuilis and Classicus write to Cerealis.

AT the time that the Roman army was within Triers, Ciuilis & Classicus sent letters to Cerealis. The contents were, that Vespasian was dead, although the Postes concealed the matter: that Rome and Italie were consumed & wasted with inward warre. As for Mutianus and Domitian they were nothing els, but vaine names without forces: if Cerealis list vndertake the Empire of France, it were his best course, and they would not bee against it, contenting themselues with their owne citties and confines, or if battaile pleased him better, euen that they would not refuse. To these points Cerealis answered nothing to them, but sent the mes­senger, that brought the letters, away to Domitian.

XXXII. Ciuilis with his confederates ouerthrowen by Cerealis at Triers.

IN the meane season the enemies began to march, & approched on euery side in seueral cōpanies: whom Cerealis permitting to ioine, was blamed by many for suffring thē to vnite, with whom he might haue fought single, & defeated them easily being diuided. [Page 228] The Roman army cast a ditch and trench about their campe, in the which they were before vnaduisedly lodged without any defence. Among the captaines of the other side there was diuersity of opi­nions, and the matter debated both waies. Ciuilis thought it ex­pedient to stay for the Germans comming which dwelt ouer the Rhene, the terrour of which nations would treade vnderfoote the Roman powers: as for the Frenchmen it mattered not much what way they went, being nought els but a pray to the conquerours; and yet the strength of France, the Belgians, had either openly de­clared for them, or at least secretly wished them well. Contrarily Tutor affirmed, that by delay the Romans would growe and in­crease, so many whole hostes comming in from euery side, one Le­gion being already transported out of Britannie, others sent for out of Spaine, and many Legions at hande out of Italie, not of raw souldiers, but olde and well expert in warre: as for the Germans they looked for, what were they els but a kinde of vnprofitable troubles of a campe, out of all awe and obedience to superiours, that would not be commanded nor ruled, but doe all as they listed themselues? Now for money and gifts, the onely meanes to cor­rupt the Germans, the Romans had more abundancee, and no man was so hasty to fight, but would rather chuse quietnesse then danger with the same hire. Whereas if they would presently fight, Cerealis had no other Legions as yet, but onely the remnants of the German army entāgled with an oath to the Empire of France. And moreouer this their late vnlooked for successe against Valen­tinus, and his rude vntrained company, would be a bait vnto them and their General to further rashnesse, and therefore they would without doubt venture againe, and so fall into the handes not of an vnskilful youth, better seene in words and babble, then armes and militare feates, but of Ciuilis and Classicus; at the very sight of whom the enemies would tremble, calling to remembrance their former feares, and flightes, and famines, and how oft they had beene taken and pardoned their liues. Neither doe the Tre­ueri and Lingones keepe in with the Romans now vpon loue and goodwill, but for feare: which take ye away and they will resume their weapons againe. Classicus approuing rhe opinion of Tu­tor decided the controuersie, and forthwith they proceede to execution. The middle battell was assigned to the Vbij and Lin­gones, on the right side stoode the Batauian cohorts, on the lefte [Page 229] the Bructeri and Tencteri: in this array partly from the moun­taines and part 12 betweene the way and the riuer Mosella they assayled our army so sodainly, that Cerealis, lying abroad that night out of the campe, had worde brought to his chamber and bed all at one instant, that the battaile was begunne, and his men ouerthrowen, rating at the first their dastardlinesse that brought in the newes, vntill with his owne eyes hee sawe the whole message clearely confirmed, the campe of the Legions broken vp and entred into, the horsemen defeated, the bridge ouer Mosella in the midst of the towne possessed by the enemie. In which confusion Cerealis behauing himselfe without all feare, with his owne handes drew backe them which fled away, & man­fully, albeit vnarmed among so many weapons, with his fortu­nate rashnesse, and the assistance of some valiant souldiers com­ming in, recouered the bridge, and left a chosen company of men to garde it. Then returning to the campe he found the bandes of the Legions, which were taken at Bonna and Nouesium, disban­ded and scattered, fewe souldiers at their enseignes, and the stan­derds almost circumuented. "Whereupon being full of indignati­on and wrath, You forsake not (quoth he) Hordeonius or Vocula, you can alleadge no falsehood or treason in me: neyther euer did I commit any act that needed excuse, saue onely in affir­ming you had forgotten your oath to France, and remembred your allegeance to the Roman Empire. I shall, and so am conten­ted to be numbred with Numisius & Herennius, that al your Lieu­tenants may be sayed to haue dyed eyther by the handes of their owne souldiers or els of the enemy. Go tell Vespasian, or which is nearer Ciuilis & Classicus, that you haue left your General in the field: Legions shortly will come, doubt ye not, which shall ney­ther suffer me to bee long vnreuenged, nor you vnpunished. The accusation was true, and the Captaines and Tribunes spake, and vrged to the same purpose. So they rallied and made head by cohorts and bandes, for the whole battell could not be display­ed, partly because the enemy was vpon them, and partly by reason of their tents & stuffe, which hindred them greatly fighting with­in the trenches. Tutor and Classicus and Ciuilis ech in their seue­rall quarters animated their men to fight, the Frenchmen for libertie, the Batauians for glory, and the Germans for spoile: and all went with the enemie, till the one and twentieth Legion knit­ting [Page 230] togither in a more open place then the rest, valiantly recey­ued the aduersaries charge; and recharging by & by draue them from their ground. It was not without the speciall helpe of the gods, that our enemies being victorious so sodainly altered their mindes, and turned their backes. They affirmed afterward the sight of the cohorts terrifyed them, which at the first ioyning be­ing defeated vnited againe in the hill toppes, and seemed a new supply in their sight. But indeede the chieffe impediment of their victorie was, that they left of to deale with the enemie, & quarrel­led foolishly among themselues for the spoile. Cerealis as he had almost vndone all by negligence, so by diligence and constancie he recouered it againe, and following his fortune tooke the same day, and razed the enemies campe.

XXXIII. They of Coleyn kill the Germans which they finde in their towne: and cut a cohort of Ciuilis lying at Tolbiacum in pieces. The Caninefates fight prosperously against the fleete of Britan­ny, and Ciuilis against some of Cerea­lis horsemen.

THE souldier without any long intermission was straight­waies called to a new seruice. They of Coleyn requested their helpe, and offred to surrendre the wife and sister of Ciuilis, and the daughter of Classicus, which were left with them as pled­ges of mutuall amitie, and in the meane season slew the Germans which lay dispersed in their towne: whereupon growing into ex­treme feare they had iust cause to cry for ayde, before the ene­mies gathering new strength should resume courage, or prose­cute the reuenge. For Ciuilis also purposed thitherwarde, be­side other competent forces, vpon confidence principallie of his most couragious cohorte composed of Chauci and Frisij, which was not present in the ouerthrowe, and lay at Tolbiacum in the territory of Coleyn, but he was diuerted from that deter­mination by a sorrowfull message, that the cohort was massa­cred by the fraude of the Agrippinenses, who when the Ger­mans had filled themselues with wine and good cheere, and so were layed to sleepe, shut vp the doores, put fire to their lodging, and burned them aliue: and withall Cerealis was come himselfe with speede to relieue them. Moreouer another feare troubled Ciuilis minde not a litle, lest the fourteenth Legion togither with [Page 231] the nauie of Britannie should wast and spoile the Batauian bor­der that lyeth vpon the Ocean. But Fabius Priscus the Lieute­nant, hauing crossed the seas at the shortest cut, led forth the Le­gion by lande into the coasts of the Neruij and Tungri; and those cuntreys yeelded themselues to the Romans. As for the nauy, the Caninefates venturously made out against it, and tooke or suncke the greater part of the shippes: and the same Caninefates defea­ted a multitude of Neruij, voluntarily gathered togither to fight in fauour of the Romans. Classicus also against certaine horse­men, which Cerealis sent before to Nouesium, skirmished prospe­rously. Which small but often losses did dimme and diminish the glory of the victory lately obtained.

XXXIIII. The sonne of Vitellius is slaine. Antonius Primus discontented saileth from Rome to Vespasian ly­ing at Alexandria.

ABOVT the same time Mutianus commanded the sonne of Vitellius to be slaine, pretending that a perfect vnion could not growe, vnlesse all seedes of warre were vtterly rooted out. Moreouer he would not permit that Antonius Primus should be assumed into Domitians traine in the vyage of France, ha­uing him in ielousie, by reason of the souldiers loue towards him, and because of the mans hawty proude nature, who could not abide any equall, much lesse a superiour. So Antonius mal-content went to Vespasian, who receyued and intertay­ned him in good sort, albeit not according to his expectati­on. The merits of the man, by whose conduct doubtlesse the warre was consummate and ended, distracted him one waie, and Mutianus letters another: and withall the rest put forward, inueying against him as an insolent and intolerable person, ioy­ning thereto the faults of his former life. And hee for his part by his arrogant behauiour ceased not to prouoke displeasure, odiously inculcating at euery worde, what things hee had done, and how greatly he had deserued of the cause, despising the rest as men of no seruice in warre, and Caecina as a disho­noured captiue, and yeelded person. Whereupon by litle and litle he beganne to be in lesse credit, and lightlyer esteemed of the Prince, notwithstanding outwardly hee countenanced him as before.

security, as being more addict to pleasures thē to deuotions, neg­lected the matter and cast his cares otherwhere, vntill the same vi­sion appeared in more terrible and vehement maner, denoun­cing destruction peremptorily to him and his kingdome, if he per­formed not his commandements. Then Ptoleme sent an embas­sage with presents to Scydrothemis the king of Sinope, willing them at their departure to goe by Delphos and aske counsaile of Apollo. Their iourney by sea was prosperous, and Apolloes an­swere without ambiguity; namely that they should goe forward, and bring with them away his fathers image, but leaue his si­sters. When they came to Sinope, after they had presented their gifts to Scydrothemis, they declared at large their com­mission, and what the king their master requested at his handes. Scydrothemis was doubtfull in minde: sometimes hee feared the wrathfull displeasure of the god, sometimes the threats of his subiects, who were vtterly against the granting of it, and sometimes hee had a fauourable respect to the presents and promises of the embassadours. And so three yeares beeing spent in this negotiation, Ptoleme notwithstanding continued an earnest suiter sending more honourable embassadours, mo shippes, and more store of golde. At the last a fearefull and threatening vision appeared to Scydrothemis, charging him no longer to hinder that, which the god had determined: and as notwithstanding he protracted, many mischieffes befell him, and diuerse diseases, and the manifest wrath of the gods vex­ed him dayly more and more. Then calling an assembly of all the people hee declareth vnto them the will of the god, his owne and Ptolemes visions, and also the mischieffes which o­therwise hung ouer their heads. The common people with­stoode the motion, enuying at Egypt, and fearing their owne state, and so beset the temple about: whereupon a strong report goeth, that the god without handes conueyed himselfe into the shippes, which lay there at ancker: and, which is meruelous to bee reported, sayling from thence thorow so vast seas, they arriued the third day at Alexandria. So a Dionysius [...]. temple was built answerable to the magnificence of the cittie, in a place called Rhacotis, where had bene a chappell of ancient time con­secrated to Or rather to Osyris and Jsis, or els we shall haue a Sarapis before Sarapis came, which perchance were an incō ­ [...]enience. Sarapis and Isis. And this is the most famous opi­nion concerning the originall of the god and his transportation. [Page 235] I know that some holde he was brought from Seleucia a citty of Syria, in the raigne of Ptoleme the Surnamed [...]. thirde: others that the same Ptoleme was the transporter, but it was from Memphis a famous citty, in ancient times the glory and strength of olde Egypt. The god himselfe many suppose to be But whatso­euer god he was indeed, the Egyptians called him v­sually Sarapi [...]. [...], saieth Plut. li de Iside & Osiride. [...]. Aesculapius because he cureth diseases; some Osiris the oldest god knowen of those nations; many Iupiter, as soueraine lord ouer all; most Pluto, by notes that manifestly appeare in him, or otherwise by collection gathering arguments of their coniecture.

XXXVI. The viage of Domitian and Mutianus with their traine to Lions.

BVT Domitian and Mutianus before they came to the Alpes receiued the newes of the prosperous battaile against the Tre­neri: and for a sure proofe of the victory Valentinus the General of the enemies was withall deliuered into their hands, who in his aduersity retained his former courage, declaring in counte­nance what stomacke once he had borne. He was permitted to speake for himselfe, onely that his nature and giftes might bee seene, and so adiudged to dye. At his execution one vpbrai­ded vnto him that his cuntrey was taken, then shall I dye, quoth hee, with greater contentment. Then Mutianus cun­ningly induced speech as proceeding from the present occasi­on, being indeede that which long time he had proiected before: that seeing through the great Ioseph. [...]. d. [...]. c. 11. false­ly and flatte­ringly attribu­teth the glory of finishing this warre to Domitian. fauour and goodnesse of the gods the forces of the enemies were broken, it were vnseemely for Do­mitian, now that the warre was almost at an ende, to intercept the glory of another mans trauailes: if the case stoode so that the state of the Empire or safety of France were in danger, it were requisite that the Princes sonne should stand in the fielde: but to fight against the Caninefates and Batauians would be committed to Commaunders of lower degree; hee himselfe should stay at Lions, and from thence in a reasonable distance make shew of the Princely puissance and state, neither venturing his person in mat­ters of small moment and if any greater should happen, ready at hande. The arte was vnderstoode, but seeming not to vnder­stande it was a point of obedience. And so they came to Lions; from whence it is thought that Domitian sent a secrete message to Cerealis, to proue his loyalty, whether if he came thither in person [Page 236] he would deliuer him his army and gouernement: what he inten­ded thereby, to make warre with his father, or to strengthen and fortifie himselfe against his brother when the time should serue, it is not certainely knowen: for Cerealis with good and discreete answere shifted off this fond and childish request. Domitian per­ceiuing his Being about seuenteene or eighteene yeares olde at that time. youth contemned of the elder men, ceased from med­ling any more in affaires of estate, euen of the meaner sort, and such as before vsually passed thorow his handes: withall, vnder colour of simplicity and modesty, sequestring himselfe to a close and solitary kinde of life, pretending desire of learning and loue of poetry, thereby to couer his disposition, and auoide all emula­tion and cause of vnkindnesse with his brother, whose vnlike and farre more curteous nature he construed contrarily.