The fourth parte of Cōmentaries of the Ciuill warres in Fraunce, and of the lovve countrie of Flaunders: Translated out of Latine into English, by Thomas Tymme Minister.

Seene and allowed.

¶ Imprinted at Lon­don by Henrie Bin­neman, for Hum­frey Toy.

Anno. 1576.

‘HONI · SOIT · QVI MAL · · Y · PENSE ·’ ‘OMNIA TEMPVS HABENT’

¶ To the right honorable Lorde Ambrose Dudley, Earle of Warwicke, Baron of Lisle, of the most honorable order of the Garter Knight, Generall of the Queenes Maiesties Ordinance, within hir highnesse realmes and dominions.

IT is cōmonly seen (right honorable) that all men occupy them selues most in the reading of those matters, wherein they haue delight, eyther for that they are naturally disposed therevn­to, or else well experienced in the same. The which consideration be­ing ioyned with the Argument of this my booke, I coulde not deuise with my selfe a more fitte patron, to whome I might dedicate the same, than to your honour. For such no­ble [Page] courage hath nature wrought in you, found out by effecte in martiall affaires, as I persuade my selfe you will delight and recreate your selfe muche, with the reading of the vali­ant acts, done by diuers courageous persons, in these last ciuill warres of Fraunce. Accept therefore (ryght honourable) my choyce, and par­don my boldnesse, which good will hath caused me to shewe, presuming vpon your honourable curtesie, by whiche I am drawne, as by the load­stone, to offer this simple present to your honours handes: I wishe the same might in any part be answera­ble to your worthynesse. VVhere­fore not to staye your honour with longer speach, I take my leaue, recō ­mending my poore paines to your honours protection.

Your honours most humble Thomas Tymme.

¶ The Translatour to the Reader.

THe increasing of newe troubles and warres in Fraunce, hath also increased the matter, and giuen larger occasion of the publishing of this fourth part of Commentaries, the whiche contayneth (as the other three partes do) three bookes: the first of the three in the Latin Coppy reckoned the tenth. But bycause we haue to our third part already a tenth Booke annexed contayning the summe of those things whiche are written in the first Booke of this fourth volume. I haue thought good not to translate the same in order as it lieth, but only to gleane out those principall matters which are different from the other: for that it is super­fluous in one work to print one and the selfe same thing twice. This fourth parte comprehendeth the actes and gestes of the ci­uill warres, from the time of the last peace concluded in Anno 1571. vnto the death of King Charles the ninth, who dyed in Anno. 1574. In the whiche there is set before thee (righte Christian Reader) a large discourse, not only of the affayres of Fraunce, but also of the lowe countrey of Flaunders, as tyme and occasion offereth the same. Accept my good will bestowed in translating thys parte to benefyte the English reader.

THE TABLE.
      • ADmiral misliketh y e wicked­nesse of his soldiers. Pa. 5.
      • Affaires of the Prince of O­range in the low countrey. Pa. 38.
      • Articles of composition. Pa. 116.
      • Assalt diuers times giuen. Pa. 50. 51.
      • Assalt made by thē of Rochel. Pa. 44.
      • Answer of the Gentlemē of Ro­chell to the King. Pa. 9.
      • Answer of them of Nismes. Pa. 24.
    • B.
      • Backsliders frō y e kīgs power Pa. 44
    • C.
      • Cities held by them of the Reli­gion. Pa. 3.
      • Cities in Languedoc taken by pollicie. Pa. 58.
      • Commaundemente to beseege Rochell. Pa. 42.
      • Constancie in the Religious to defende themselues. Pa. 4.
      • Crueltie somewhat mitigated. Pa. 3.
      • Crueltie shewed at Harlem. Pa. 59.
    • D.
      • Daulphine possessed by the kings garrison. Pa. 27.
      • Deanuil commeth into Langue­doc with an armie. Pa. 34.
      • Deanuil trauelleth in vayne in Languedoc. Pa. 35.
      • Deanuil abstayneth from war. Pa. 58
      • Description of Rochell. Pa. 43. 45.
      • Discipation of them of the Re­ligion. Pa. [...].
      • Diuers cities in Languedoc ta­ken by policie. Pa. 58.
      • Duke of Anjou subtilly perswa­deth to peace. Pa. 44.
      • Duke of Anjou receiued wyth triūph to y e seege of Rochel. Pa. 47
      • Duke of Anjou chosen King of Polonia. Pa. 86.
      • Duke of Anjou in perill of hys life. Pa. 87.
      • Duke de Aumal slayne. Pa. 52.
    • E.
      • Earthquake. Pa. 72
      • Edict proclaymed to call home again all fugitiues. Pa. 28.
      • Edict of peace published. Pa. 89.
      • Extremities in y e kings camp. Pa. 74.
    • F.
      • Falsehoode in y e Catholiques. Pa. 23.
      • Famine in Harlem. Pa. 68.
      • Famine in Sanserre. Pa. 100.
      • Fast solemnly proclaymed in Ro­chell. Pa. 8.
      • Feare vppon all countries after the murder. Pa. 1.
      • Fish by Gods prouidence neuer seene before, came into Rochel in the seege. Pa. 85.
    • G.
      • Gadagne parleyeth with them of Rochell. Pa. 48.
    • H.
      • Harlem defieth y e D. of Alba. Pa. 40.
      • Harlem beseeged. Pa. 40.
      • Harlem vitailed by the Prince of Orange. Pa. 67.
      • Harlem yeelded to the Duke of Alba. Pa. 69.
      • Harlem put to the sworde. Pa. 69.
    • I.
      • Irruptiōs made by them of Ro­chell. Pa. 2.
    • K.
      • King persecuted thē of y e Religi­on in Switzerlande. Pa. 29.
    • L.
      • Letters sent to thē of Rochel. Pa. 15.
      • Letters hortatorie from y e Duke of Anjou, to peace. Pa. 45.
      • Letters concerning peace. Pa. 48.
      • Letters of Mongomerie to them of Rochell. Pa. 85.
      • Liefetenantships appointed in Languedoc. Pa. 119.
    • M.
      • Messēgers of Sāser reuolted. Pa. 36.
      • Meelnine yelded to the Duke of Alba. Pa. 39.
      • Milles ouerthrowen by the Ca­tholiques. Pa. 34.
      • Mombrune a valiant manne of Daulphine. Pa. 27.
      • Mombrune armeth him selfe in Daulphine. Pa. 60.
      • Mongomeries Nauie within the [Page] sight of Rochel. Pa. 78. 80.
      • Mōgomerie lādeth at Belile. Pa. 81
      • Mons. Cosine slayne. Pa. 82.
      • Mons. Sanroman general of the Religious. Pa. 59.
      • Mons. Candale slayne. Pa. 53. 54.
      • Mons. La Noe hardly escapeth death. Pa. 49. 50.
      • Mons. Grandrise shirmisheth with the Kings campe. Pa. 48.
      • Mons. La Noe general of Ro­chell. Pa. 43.
      • Mons. La Noe commeth to Ro­chell. Pa. 31.
      • Mons. Biron put into the blou­dy booke. Pa. 13.
      • Monsterous calfe. Pa. 42.
      • Mountauban defieth y e king. Pa. 18.
      • Mountes receyueth succours. Pa. 38
      • Murder at Burdeaux. Pa. 17.
    • N.
      • Narden in Calamitie. Pa. 40.
      • Negligence in thē of Sanser. Pa. 62.
      • Nismes refuseth to receyue the kings garrison. Pa. 19.
      • Noble men within Rochell are assayed to be brought to defec­tion. Pa. 33.
    • O.
      • Occasiō of peace with Rochel. Pa. 86
      • Open warre proclaymed against Rochell. Pa. 86.
    • P.
      • Peace cōcluded between y e king and them of Rochell. Pa. 88.
      • Pibrach inuayeth against those of the Religion. Pa. 4.
      • Preparation of warre againste Languedoc. Pa. 25.
      • Prouision of warre. Pa. 2.
      • Pollicie practised to take Ro­chell. Pa. 7.
    • Q.
      • Queene of England Godmother to y e French kings daughter. Pa. 30
    • R.
      • Rochel assalted by policie. Pa. 7.
      • Rochel refuseth to receyue mons. Biron. Pa. 14.
      • Rochel prepareth for defence. Pa. 17
      • Rochell put to proscription by the King. Pa. 30.
      • Rochell beseeged. Pa. 32.
      • Rochel battered & assalted. Pa. 70. 71.
    • S.
      • Sanserre refuseth to receiue the kings garrison. Pa. 26.
      • Sanserre beseeged. Pa. 63.
      • Sanserre valiantly defendeth it selfe. Pa. 63.
      • Sāser oppressed with famin. Pa. 100
      • Signe in the ayre. Pa. 76.
      • Securitie in de Gordes. Pa. 61.
      • Solēn fast proclaymed in Ro. Pa. 8.
      • Sommiron beseeged. Pa. 35. 53.
      • Sommiron yeelded vp. Pa. 54.
      • Scaling ladders ouerthrowē. Pa. 76
      • Smoke made in Rochell. Pa. 76.
      • Star neuer seene before. Pa. 42.
      • Succours sente by the Prince of Orange intercepted by the Duke of Alba. Pa. 42.
      • Zwitzerland disqueted with the troubles of Fraunce. Pa. 1.
    • T.
      • Treason practised againste. Ro­chell. Pa. 43.
      • Truce taken for a parley. Pa. 52.
      • Truce broken. Pa. 87.
    • V.
      • Villeneuf taken by treason. Pa. 21.
      • Villeneuf taken by them of the Religion. Pa. 55.
      • Victory gotten by women. Pa. 77.
    • VV.
      • Warre prouided for. Pa. 2.
      • Warre most miraculous. Pa. 6.
      • War openly proclaymed against Rochell. Pa. 17.
      • War prepared against Langu. Pa. 25

Fault escaped in Printing.

Page. 3. line last saue three, Reade the deepe iudgement of God. And in the same line, for begin, reade began.

¶ Additions to the tenth Booke of Commentaries, necessary to be considered in the reading of the Tragi­call murder committed at Paris and in other places of Fraunce.

THE Kings Edict beeing proclaymed (as we haue sayde in the ninth Booke of Com­mētaries) y e forreine souldiers were dismist, Anno. M.D.LXX. & specially they of Germany. Thē euery one with speede went home to their houses whi­che they had not seene before by the space of three yeeres: and, as after a greate tempest, all men desired a quiet and peaceable time: as well the Catholiques as they of the Religion, who also them selues felte the sore harmes of warres.

They of the Religion yeelded vp all their cities almost, ex­cept those whych the King had graunted vnto them by his E­dict, as Rochell, La Charite, and Sanserre.

The garrisons whiche came in the Kings name were re­ceyued into the surrendred cities, who then more quietly be­haued them selues than they were wont afore time vppon the conclusion of peace when warre was ended. Thus by little and little mens mindes were glad to be at rest, beyng weery­ed with the bloudy and lothsome experience of long and te­dious warres, wishing peace: in somuch that they of the Re­ligion had forgotten the former iniuries, the whiche was the harder to do, bycause of the falsehoode and treason shewed a­gainst them: yea, the Catholiques seemed to loue peace, and friendly to imbrace them of the Religion. For it was repor­ted, that the kings will and mind was, to haue the peace firme­ly established. Therefore all men deemed that all thyngs ten­ded to peace by this happy beginning.

The Queene of Nauar and other nobles come to Ro­chell. THE Queene of Nauar came to Rochell with the Prince hir sonne, and with the rest of hir family: the Prince of Conde also and the Admirall, and the rest of the peeres whiche pro­fessed the Religion, came thither that they mighte there, the more safely attend the proceedings of the late concluded peace. But within fewe monethes, euery one priuily got him home to his owne house, being weery of so long delay.

The marri­age between the King and the Empe­rours daughter. THE King tooke the daughter of the Emperour Maxi­milian to wife: the whiche all men sayd was a great occasion to further the peace. The marriage was celebrated with great royaltie, and the newe Queene was receyued of the men on both partes with great ioy, as the happie beginning of fyrme and constant peace: and fame opposed hir gentle nature and disposition, against the troublesome and churlish inclination of the Queene mother: & men were in great doubt it would come to passe that the king for the fauour and liking that hee had of his newe wife, whome he was sayde to loue entierly, would growe in dislike of the Queene mother, whose nature he could not brooke long before, saying that he neyther woulde nor could beare any longer hir imperious ambition.

The common custome of humane affayres brought a spe­ciall credit to this reporte, that the newe Mistresse and Lady should put the olde dame quite out of fauour. Herevnto were added the forces of domesticall reasons. The King had two brethren, the Duke of Anjou, of whome we haue spoken often times before: & the Duke of Engolesme. The Duke of Anjou, was more in fauour with his mother, and had gotten to hym selfe a name, and singular credit among the nobles, both by his seruice in the warres, and also by his happy successe in the same: besyde also the honor whyche the Catholiques gaue vnto him, who had him in more estimation almost than the King him selfe: in somuch that hee receyued a yeerely reue­nue of two hundred thousande Frankes of the Cleargie, vppon condition to bee the patrone and defender of the Churche.

The Duke of Anjou beeing thus plentifully mayntayned, [Page 3] the King his brother (as it is credibly reported) had hym in suspition: Hartburning betweene the King and the Duke of An­iou. and that it appeared manifestly by euident speeches and deedes that the King bare priuie grudge againste hys brother. Also that the King sayd, that hee would not be wee­ried with newe troubles of warres: and that of late they of the Religion had bin falsely accused vnto him. On the contrary part, the Duke of Anjou shewed hym selfe an enemie to those of the Religion: boasted of hys victories ouer them: dyd hurt them by all meanes that he could: fauoured those whom the Kyng hated, and hated those whome the Kyng loued. Thus it euidently appeared, that there was enmitie betweene those two brethren, in somuch that it seemed necessary for the King, to defende hym selfe agaynst hys brothers power, least bee should begin any new trouble, and to diminishe the authoritie of hys mother whiche had continued ouer long, thereby to winne to hym selfe the hartes of those of the Re­ligion: for that it was more for his safetie to trust vnto the ayd and strength of them of the Religion, than to y e Catholiques. These kindes of reasons stooke in the mindes of wise men, mouing them to thinke that the King woulde encline to peace, and also seeke to winne vnto him those of the Religi­on. But the quite contrary was prouided for, by so great sub­tility and craft of the Queene mother, who beeing the chiefe workmistresse of these deceyts, made the King the chiefe mi­nister and instrument of them. The King trauayled to bring this one thing especially to passe, that he might throughly per­swade and certifie the Queene of Nauar, & the Admirall (by whose counsayles al y e affayres of those of y e Religiō were or­dered) of his assured good will, both to obserue & keepe y e peace, and also to defend them, y t so they might trust vnto him. The subtill means & practises whiche he vsed to bring this thing to passe, we haue shewed in y e .x. boke. Only we are here to note y e deepe iudgemēt, which now begin to prouide great & sharp punishmēts. It is wonderful y t after so many experiments of treson, y t the Admiral being of a pregnāt wit, & hauing experience of great maters, could not beware of y e subtil deceits of a [Page 4] and a yong man: when as he him selfe often times sayde, that he suspected the craftie wit of the Queene.

About this time letters came from the Princes of Germa­ny (as we haue sayde in the tenth Booke) to shewe their glad mindes for the peace concluded to whome the King wrote a­gayne of his willingnesse to establish the same.

NEVERTHELESSE the Catholiques coulde not temper and stay them selues in certayne places. At Orange there was committed a great slaughter, Murder cō ­mitted at O­range vppon those of the Religion. notwithstanding that the King had made warrantise of the contrary to the Prince of Orange. For all they of the Religion whiche were fled a­way in time of the former warre, were returned thyther a­gayne vppon trust and warrant of the Kings Edict: vppon whome, they mistrusting no such thing, the souldiers beeyng let into the towne, fell with violence, the townesmen whyche were Catholiques, setting them a worke, and assisting them, so that they slue without all pitie or mercy a great number of men, women and children. Notwithstanding, the Kyngs garrison, whiche as yet remayned in the Castell, was a safe­gard for many, the whiche if it had not suppressed the rage of the people, a greater number of the Religious had bin slayne.

Notwithstanding the Prince of Orange vrged the Kyng, to yeeld vnto him Orange and the rest of the dominion, whi­che he did at the last: mons. Berchon a wise man, beyng sente for the same purpose, who receyued in the Princes name, both the Castell and the Towne, and the whole Countie.

After the which, commaundement was gyuen in the Prin­ces name, that the men of both partes shoulde liue euer after­wards peaceably, according to the tenor of the Edict, and that the vse of both Religions should be free. Those whiche were giltie of the murder cōmitted, at the firste stale away for feare of punishment, notwithstanding being at the last perswaded both with the words and sufferance of mons. Berchon, they re­turned into the Citie agayne. For mons. Berchon wonder­fully dissembled the loue which he bare vnto the Religion, in somuch that he would not come to the sermons of the same, as [Page 5] though he fauoured the Catholiques. Thus the authors of the murder being allured to Orenge agayne, were at the last ap­prehended, and put to death.

About the same time also certayne of the reformed Church of Rhoane were put to deathe by the common people: Murder at Roane. and in diuers other places also murders were committed agaynste the Edict.

Herevpon the Queene of Nauar, the Princes, and other of the Peeres, sent Briquemald, Teligni, La Noe, and Cauaignes, whiche were noble and wise men, to the King, to complayne to his maiestie of these violations of the Edict, and to require reformation of the same.

The King very louingly receyued them, declaring howe great greefe the hearing of these things was vnto him: and ta­king great othes, according to his custome, promised that hee would so punish the breakers of his Edict, that they should be an example to all others. Therefore at the kings commaun­dement certayne of the chiefe of the Senate of Paris were sent out of hand to Rhoane, to syt vppon that murder, and to pu­nish the offenders according to lawe. Marshall Momorencie also receyued charge concerning this matter. Notwithstan­ding the greatest part of those murderers fled away at the ru­mor hereof. Therefore many of their goodes were confiscate: and three hundred of those whiche were absent were condem­ned to dye: also certayne of the rascall sort were hanged.

After this certayne men were put in commission, to see if there were any thing committed againste the Edict in any part of the Realme: to heare also the complaints of the plain­tifes, and to satisfye them according to the fourme of the E­dict. But these commissioners, euen as they had done afore time, vsed onely in stede of iustice and equitie, a counterfayte and outward shew of lawe.

IN a certayne village of the territorie of Valentz called Monboch, a certayne yong man of the Religion, of honest parentage, found by chaunce in a mans house vestments and Coapes for Masse. These in iest and derision he put vpon him, [Page 6] running vp and downe the streetes, making a iest and scorne of Popishe rytes. He being accused for this to the Commis­sioners, was apprehended, and kept in close pryson for certaine dayes: and afterwards a great fine being set vpon his fathers heade, he was adiudged to the Galley: the which punishment in Fraunce, belongeth vnto vagabunds and theeues.

THEY of the Religion had a great summe of money to paye for the wages of the Reisters, to whome a large summe was yet due: the sureties for the which were the Princes, the Admirall, Countie Rochfoucault, and certaine of the principall nobles: some part the king had payde. For the payment of this sum, a great tribute was layd vpon those of the religion, namely, that euery one should paye towarde this summe, the fifth part of his reuenues, vntill the same were fully payde and discharged. For the gathering whereof, there were certayne Collectours appoynted by the kings letters in euery prouince, notwithstanding, with the appeale of the Queene of Nauar, and of the Princes.

This burthen, after so great spoyle & waste made by wars, seemed too many to be very great, in so much, that it kept backe a great many of those whiche had professed the reformed reli­gion, from comming into the congregation. Notw tstanding the greater part of them of the religion, gladly payde that tri­bute, vpon hope of peace, and for the desire they had to enioy the religiō. Besides this tribute, there were other subsidies also to be payd to the king, the greatnesse whereof, foreyne nations would scarce beleue. Subsidies and taxes. For there is no Christian nation vnder the sunne, that beareth the burthen of so many subsidies and taxes, as doth the realme of Fraunce, whereby incredible sum­mes are gathered. Neuerthelesse, these subsidies were payde with great willingnesse of mynde, that within fewe moneths great treasure came vnto the king. Besides these charges, eue­rie Church was to maynteine their ministers, and to prouide for other necessities.

Besides this, the places appoynted for holy assemblies and preachings of the worde, were verie inconuenient. [Page 7] Therefore it is wonderfull, that the Churches stoode amidst so many stumbling blockes and inconueniences. Notwith­standing, great was the number of them of the Religion in euery place, growing and increasing, notwithstanding these extremities.

VVE spake before, The first mo­tion of the marriage. concerning those whom the Queene of Nauar, and the Princes sent vnto the king. They as we noted, obtayned not onely at the handes of the king, that the viola­ting of the kings Edict should be reformed, but also suche fa­miliaritie with the king, that in ample manner he did expresse his mynde, not only concerning the establishing of peace, but also that he woulde for the more certaine continuing of the same, gyue his sister Margaret in marriage to Prince Henrie, sonne to the Queene of Nauar. But this was the beginning of the lamentable tragedie of Bartholmewtide.

The report heereof was no doubt, verie acceptable to the Queene of Nauar, and to hir sonne: notwithstanding it is sayd, that the Admirall at the first had this motion in suspition, who going with Theligni to the Queene of Nauar about this matter, the said Theligni shewing y e kings good wil expressed at large, both towards the Queene of Nauar, and also toward the Admiral him self, is sayd to cōtend in word greatly against the same. Notwithstanding, letters being often sent concer­ning the dayly speach of the king, the Admirals mynd began by little and little to be persuaded, and to iudge very well of the king in all things, thinking that a yong man which was of a milde nature and a louer of peace, coulde not dissemble: and although he feared the subtile and craftie wit of the Queene mother, neuerthelesse the matter was come to that poynt, that the king woulde not hearken to hir counselles, in dispyght of his brother the Duke of Anjou, whose power he had greatly in suspition.

It is sayd also y t mons. Momorencie, who was cousin ger­mane to the Admirall, preuayled much in persuading y e Admi­ral. And the king to serue his turne, made great account of Momorecie, cōmitted vnto him y e charge of waightie affaires, [Page 8] & dayly talked with him about secret matters of priuie coūsel: For there is an olde and continuall hatred (as we haue often­times sayd) betweene the houses of Momorencie & of Guise: in somuch that Momorencie thought, that not onely the Ad­mirals death but his also was sought: and that for thys cause he was alwayes suspected and out of fauour with y e Queene.

THE Guises therefore seemed dayly more and more to be out of fauour with the King: contrariwise, he seemed to vse the King familiarly: and protested his singular good will to­wards the Admiral: also he cōferred with him about waigh­tie affaires, for the exployting whereof, he sayd he had neede of the help and ayde of the Admirall.

The Queene also according to hir manner protested, that she desired nothing more, than that all former matters beyng forgotten, an assured peace might be established.

And the summe of all their communications and speaches was this, that the Queene of Nauar, the Princes, and the Ad­mirall should come vnto the King, and be throughly perswa­ded of his singular good will towardes them. By whyche meanes it might come to passe, that a firme friendship mighte be made, their minds being reconciled by familiar speache.

These things being dayly brought both by letters of Mo­morencie, and also by speaches of messengers, the Queene of Nauar was not onely throughly perswaded heereof, but also the mind of the Admirall fully vanquished and ouercome.

Anno. M.D.LXXI.IN this yeere there befell suche a sharpe colde winter, that the Riuer of Rosne was frosen quite ouer all along the chanell: and, whiche was neuer hard of before, Countie Volt a noble man, went ouer the riuer on foote with his whole fa­mily and others, commaunding his Mules to goe before him laden with cariage out of the countrie of Viuaretz into Daul­phine. A great frost.

IN Languedoc and in Prouance most temperate Regi­ons, the Oliue trees, fygge trees, Orenge trees, and Pome­granat trees were almost dead with colde: Vines also star­ued in many places, to y e great spoyle of most fertile coūtries. [Page 9] Whereuppon ensued a great dearth, which the godly inter­preted as a forewarning of Gods great iudgements.

IN the moneth of March of this present yeere there was holden a generall Synode of the reformed Churches at Ro­chell, vppon graunt from the Kings maiestie by his letters. A Sinode holden at Rochell. There came to this Synode godly and learned men from all partes of the Realme, as Antoni Chande a man of noble pa­rentage, Nicolaus Gelazius, and many others. Thither came also Theodore Beza, vppon request of y e Princes letters to the Senate of Geneua, and was made chiefe in that Synode, being chosen according to manner & custome by voyces. It pleased also the Queene of Nauar, the Princes, peeres, & nobles of the Religion to be present in this assembly. In this Synode were specially handeled the manner of reforming the Churches: the principall poynte of doctrine: Ecclesiasticall discipline, a new manner wherof Iohannes Morelius went about to bring in a little before diuers other things also were hādled, cōcerning certaine other newe formes in the Lordes supper.

ABOVT the same tyme the messengers of the Princes returned from the King, hauing large giftes giuen them, and bringyng with them ioyfull tydings, concerning the Kyngs assured good will towardes the Queene of Nauar, toward the Princes, the Admirall and the other noble men: concernyng publique peace and the expected matrimony: and concernyng preparation to bee sent at the Kyngs cōmaundement into the low coūtrey: which y e messēgers sayd they thēselues shuld vn­derstād by y e kings own mouth: willing thē to go w t all speed vnto y e king, which was y e principal point of their ambassage.

Hereuppon the Queene of Nauar thought that shee could not but go vnto the King, fearing least if she should deny the same, or should defer the tyme, the King would be displeased, seeing also M. Biron was come vnto hir strayte after the re­turne of the messengers with the same message from y e king, to the ende she might make the more speede.

Notwithstanding y e wiser sort suspected hir going: to whō the mariage in persons of contrary religion seemed daunge­rous, [Page 2] and contrary to the expresse word of God. Neuerthelesse worldly reasons preuayled, y t the lamētable tragedy might go forward, y t is to say, that y e iust prouidence of god might fynde a way to bring great matters about, and to punishe both their sins, he vsed both their sins after a certaine wonderful māner.

Therefore the Queene of Nauar came to the Courte with a great traine, The Queene of Nauar commeth to the Court. which at that time was at Blay. For whose ho­norable entertainment, it can scarce be tolde what great pre­paration was made by the King, the Queenes, the kings bre­thren, his sister, and by the whole Courte: insomuch that euery courtier went forth to meete hir as to receyue that which a­boue all other things had a long tyme bene desired. The King for his parte shewed all duties of humanitie in wel­comming the Queene of Nauar, that by any manner of mea­nes he might.

THE chiefe and greatest busines was about the mariage: the contracte whereof could not be made without the presence of the Queene of Nauar. The King & Queene by all meanes vttered their good willes: The mynde of the Queene of Na­uar was throughly perswaded of the same: they disagreed not aboute the dowry: For a large dowry meete for suche a State was offered: and the Queene mother was very careful for the bestowing of hir only daughter, shee making a shewe as though she would spare nothing to further the same.

Many things were handled concernyng the contracte of matrimony: concerning the auncient societie and frendship betwene the house of Valoys, of Borbon, and of Aubeter: and very notable things were at large spoken on both partes con­cerning the restoring of the kingdome into his former state by the meane of a fyrme peace.

There remained two doubts, which seemed to trouble both partes, namely the respecte of contrary religion: and the place where the mariage should be celebrated. For the Queene of Nauar would not haue the same at Paris: which citie she fea­red, both for that the same was addicted to the Romish Reli­gion, and also an enimie to the house of Nauar.

The King said that he would not haue the manner of roy­all mariages altered, which were wont to be celebrated there: and the rather bicause the same did greatly make for the assu­red signe of peace, when the same should be seene to be openly celebrated in the Metropolitane citie of the realme, as it were in the face of the whole worlde. And now although both partes were perswaded, that this maryage might bee made very profitably, yet notwithstandyng there was great doubt concernyng the manner of celebratyng the mariage. The Queene of Nauar beyng zelously addicted to the reformed re­ligion, would in no wyse consent that the maryage should bee celebrated after the Romish fashion: neyther the Queene mother would condiscend that they should bee maryed after the order of the reformed Religion. Thus there was greate dissention betweene the two women, whereas they were a­greed of the principall matter.

The King at the fyrst intreated the Queene of Nauar to graunt vnto him and to his sister this libertie: for that it ap­pertayned to his dignitie, that the forme of the auncient Re­ligion, which he had receyued from his auncetors might bee vsed in the mariage of his sister. When the Queene of Nauar had constantly excused hir selfe, and that the King perceiued he preuayled nothing at all, it is reported, that vsing his accusto­med othes, he sayd that he would set his sister at libertie from the lawes of Rome, and also from the rytes of the Religion: and that hee him selfe would celebrate the mariage, than the which there could not be a more pompous celebration. The which rumor was spred abroad among the Courtiers, and this new imagination pleased many very well: for whatsoeuer the King saith or doth, that doth the Frenchman lyke, insomuche that they frame both their speach and their apparell according to the Kings guise.

To remooue this doubte respite was taken on eyther parte. The Kyng sente letters vnto Pope Pius the fyfth, to obtayne lycence for hys Syster to marry with Henry Borbon hys Coosyne, leaste the respecte eyther [Page 12] of consanguinitie or of Religion might hinder the mariage: Lycence to marry sent for to Rome. for that it was for the wealth of the Realme: Furthermore that it would please his holines to giue them leaue to vse such rytes in celebrating matrimonie as might best serue theyr turne.

The Pope altogether misliketh of the Kings request, the which he often tymes denyed to graunt, affyrming the same to be most vnlawfull.

On the other parte also the Queene of Nauar consul­ted with the ministers of the reformed Religion, what might be done in this matter. Of the which diuers verdictes and iudgementes were giuen. Some vrging the simplicitie of the word of god, thought it wicked by any manner of meanes to contracte such matrimonie, the which was therefore muche more daungerous in noble personages, bicause the affayres in hand did not belong to one house alone, but also almost to the whole Realme. The which speaches notwithstanding were not gracious and acceptable to the Queene of Nauar and to the rest of the nobles, perswading themselues that they should all generally receyue great profite by that maryage. Therefore the matter was committed to a fewe, by whose determination the same was to be ended: and they concluded nothing but that which they knew would please y e Queene of Nauar & the nobles. Then the matter being approued vppon their sentence & determination, began to grow in greater like­ing, & to please more of y e ministers, whose iudgemēts were af­terward required in publique assēblies of y e churches of Frāce.

Thus the woorser counsaile tooke place, and not only the Queene of Nauar, but also the greatest part of them of the re­ligiō, earnestly wished that mariage. All the cōtrouersie stood on this poynte, by what way most conueniently and with lest offence of eyther parte the mariage might be solemnized.

THE Admirals wyfe being dead, hee maryed another of the noble house of Royen, The Admiral marrieth his second wife. being daughter to the Countie of Entremont, and heyre to greate possessions. This stocke belongeth to the Countie of Sauoy: and thys riche no­ble [Page 13] woman, was desired in maryage of many noble men and peeres also of Sauoy. Notwithstanding the Admi­rall preuayled both by the meanes of the Kings letters to Philibert Duke of Sauoy (whose authoritie was greate in makyng that noble maryage) and also by his owne fame and name of Religion, which was most acceptable to that heroicall Lady: and so tooke hir to his wife, which many ga­thered to bee an argument of most fyrme peace.

THE Admirall thought it necessarie for the expedition of the affayres in the lowe countrey, to enter into league with Elizabeth the Queenes maiestie of Englande. And good occasion (as he thought) was offered, for that hir maiestie is single, and the Duke of Anjou the Kings brother wanted a wyfe. The Duke of Anjou thought him selfe woorthy so great a maryage, both for that hee was the Kyngs brother, and also bicause he had wonne to him selfe great renowne and prayse, by his valiant actes in martiall affayres.

The charge to bring this matter to passe was committed to M. Momorencie, a wise man, and one of the chiefe nobles and gouernours of France.

The ende declared the causes of this league: both that by this practise the myndes of the Admirall and of all the rest which ought necessarily to be blynded for the better finishing of the wicked facte, might be deceyued: all the whole matter being cloked with prouident care for the dispatche into the lowe countrey: and also that Momorencie a man of sharpe wit myght not through hys familiaritie and conference with the Kyng smell out the counsailes of the tragedy which was in hande: and finally that England being bounde by the name of this league, might not stirre as offended at the wickednes of the facte, the which also came to passe. These were the reasons why the league was made with y e Queenes maiestie of Englande, as hath since appeared by the successe it selfe.

AVTVMNE of this present yeere was very vnseasona­ble, flowing with continuall & vehement showers of rayne. A [Page 16] great parte of the houses and buildings of Feraria fell downe, to the present ruine of the whole Citie. Nere vnto Geneua at the straytes of Ecluse, a great parte of a hyll was broken down with the freat and violence of the waters, and fel down into the Riuer of Rosne, Floudes of water. with the which the water was so stopte that it dyd ouerflowe: and the sayd Ryuer was so checkte with the floude, that the streame hauyng hys con­trary course backewarde, caused the wheeles of those milles that stoode vppon the same to runne amisse, and to turne the Milstones the wrong waye: to the woonder of suche as sawe the same, the lyke whereof was neuer seene before. There was also so greate an Earthquake in a certayne vil­lage neere vnto Geneua, An erthquake that all the houses in the same were ouerthrowne: and a certayne peece of grounde belonging to the fame, was remoued out of his place, and houses that were strongly builte, and trees also that were greate and talle, were ouerthrowne. Also the Suburbes of Ly­ons called Aguilot, was almost quyte ouerthrowen with this vyolence of waters, and the greateste parte also of the stonewoorke of the Brydge vppon the Riuer of Rosne.

An armie was prepared to goe to Burdeaux, and to the famous hauens of Broages the charge whereof was com­mitted to Mons. Strozzi, and to Baron d'Guarde. The ru­mor concerning the warre to come encreased more and more, euen as fame is woont to preuent things to come. But it was giuen out that thys warre should bee in the lowe countrey. Therefore the Spanish Ambassadors made often complaints vnto the King, as though by his maiesties commaundement warre should haue bene taken in hande against the Kyng of Spaine his soueraigne. But the Kyng excused him selfe with wonderfull dissimulation, insomuche that they of the Reli­gion by so doubtfull an aunswere deemed that the Kyngs mynde was fully perswaded concerning the warre of the low countrey.

About the same tyme also Lodowic Nassau brother to the [Page 13] Prince of Orange, came to the Courte accompanying the Queene of Nauar, and entred into league with the Kyng in his brothers name, the same being subscribed and sealed.

At such tyme as the Nauie was preparing in the Occean Sea, Anno. M.D. LXXII. appointed with six thousand footmen and a great num­ber of peeces: there went a common ieste abroade, that the Nauie went into the Isle of Florida to fetch golde, but in ve­ry deed the simpler sorte of the commen people sayde, that this preparation was not only by the Kings sufferance, but also by his expresse commaundement, for the lowe countrey. This preparation pleased the moste parte of the people very well: and all men of both partes, were ready to ioyne toge­ther in the same warre, with so good will, as if they had neuer felte the calamities of warre. On the other parte, a great number of Catholiques and of those of the Religion, accor­dyng as they were ioyned together by affinitie and acquain­tance, went to another warre, namely into Italy against the Turke, against whom he seeking to winne the Isle of Malta, they bended their whole force & power. Therefore men went thither with a great trayne of noble men of France, among which Marques d'Menie brother to the Duke of Guise was one.

Notwithstanding the greater parte went to the warre of the lowe countrey, Captaynes being sent into all parts of the Realme, to gather such Soldiers as would serue in that war of their owne accorde, and their wages was payde them out of the Kings treasurie.

THE delay of this mariage seemed to be very long to all men, but especially to thē which looked for & desired the same, the cause whereof was made the Popes prohibition, notwith­stāding y e kings letters oftentimes sent for licence and his re­quest to the Cardinal Alexandrin, for the same purpose.

THE fyrst day of May in thys present yeare, Pope Pius the fyfth dyed, the which offered hope to the King (as he sayd) to obtayn of y e new Pope licence to ende y e mariage. Yet not­withstanding the Queene of Nauar plainly shewed hir selfe [Page 16] not to regarde any suche lycence, for the which cause were made so many delayes: and shee complayned hereof often­times vnto the King.

SHORTLY after, the Popes death being noysed, the King commaunded the Cardinall of Loraine to goe to Rome to be present (as it was reported) at the Popes election. The King sayd that hee had giuen him in charge to procure the Popes dispensatiō, that once at the last that mariage might bee finished.

The Cardinall promising faithfully to accomplishe the Kings commaundement concerning the Pope, altogether re­nouncing the Courte, seemed in the iudgement of the wyser sorte, besyde common reportes, to prouide for his owne safe­tie, least he him selfe should bee in daunger in so great fauour of them of the Religion, or in y e proclayming of a new war.

All which things were so handeled by the craftie dealing of the Queene mother, the King also framing both his coun­tenance and also his speach accordingly, that euen the moste fine wittes in the courte, thought that there was nothing but truth ment.

A Synode at Nismes. IN the moneth of May there was a Synode at a noble Citie in Languedoc called Nismes, of the reformed Chur­ches. To thys Synode, by the benefite of the Kyngs letters, came the Ministers and chosen men of the re­formed Churches from all partes of the Realme. The questi­on was moued concernyng ecclesiasticall doctrine. At this Synode were present Theodore de Beza, Anthonius Chan­doeus, Nicolaus Gelazius, and dyuers other learned and famous men. Gelazius was chosen to bee the moderator of this Synode.

THERE was at this tyme a great famyne in Langue­doc and about the Sea coast, Famine in Languedoc. being of it selfe a very fruite­full soyle: and it continued so sore, that dead bodyes star­ued with hunger laye in the streetes. For thys cause the Synode brake vp theyr sittyng at Nismes, and ap­poynted a vacation, bothe for that victualles wanted [Page 17] to serue so great a multitude, and also to prouide for the poorer sort, least they should be at charge for lawe matters.

THE peace which men nowe more largely enioyed, had almost losed the reynes of al libertie, in so much, that he which now professed the Religion, seemed to differ nothing at all, neyther in speache nor in manners from the Catholike. And now there beganne to be a great famine of the word of God: mens myndes being annoyed with tedious curiositie, and in many also of luke warme zeale, in suche wise, that a great number of those of the Religion, could nowe scarsely abyde to heare a Sermon of ordinarie doctrine, as not eloquent and courtly inough. Thus by peace and ease, things commonly waxe worse and worse. Is it then any maruell, if the Church be oftentimes afflicted and ouerwhelmed with troubles and calamities, when it abuseth peace, and the happy successe of things?

THERE is vpon the sea coast of Flaunders a citie called Vlishing, standing verie conueniently for trafike and enter­course to Andwerpe. The townesmen of this citie being wea­rie of the crueltie of the Spaniards, slue the Lieftenant which was set by the Duke of Alba to kepe the towne, and certaine of his garrizon, and tooke the citie. And when the Duke of Alba sent a newe supply to recouer the towne, they valiantly repul­sed them, and set them selues at libertie. By their example many cities of the lowe countrey were incouraged: and the noble townes of Zeland and Holland, were sayde to fauour the Prince of Aurenge, and to desire libertie.

THE Queene of Nauar being poysoned to death with a payre of perfumed gloues (as is sayde in the tenth booke) the King, Queene, and the whole court seemed to take hir death very grieuously. The King to put away all suspition of poy­son, commaunded that the dead body should be ript vp by phi­sitions, and so the causes of hir death found out. The phisitions taking a viewe of y e body, reported that she dyed of a pleurisie: the more secret cause, which was the poysoning of the brayne, being not found, for that they did not search the head. There­fore [Page 19] to stop the rumour, hir death was spread abroade in pu­blike writings and billes. Hir body was caryed to Vendosme, and there sumptuously buryed, according to the maner of the religion. The King and Queene to declare their sorow and griefe, put on mourning weed, and commaunded all the court to doe the lyke. The Queene of Nauar being thus deade, the King so dealt with hir sonne Henrie, with the Admirall, and with the rest of the noble mē of the religion that hir death see­med to hasten forward the marriage. Therefore within fewe dayes, the mourning for the Queene of Nauar was layde aside in the court. The King practized another subtletie, to appoint the day of marriage, for the which, so many delayes had bene hitherto made. He sayd oftentimes to the Prince of Nauar and to the Admiral, that this time was differred by a certaine su­perstitious care of his mother, of his sister, and of the Cardinal of Borbon, who mynded to marry them, looking for the Popes dispensation, by which they were to haue leaue to marry. He fayned therfore, that he had receyued letters from Rome from his Ambassadour, by which he gaue them to vnderstande, that the cardinal of Lorhain by his diligence had obtained y e Popes dispensation, which he would send with al speede possible: and that he had sent him worde hereof out of hande, that the King might not thinke the same long a comming. Therefore the King shewed these letters vnto his mother, to his sister, and to the Cardinall of Borbon. The Queene reioyced, and sayde that the same was sufficient, to ende the matter (euen as if she had not knowne that they were fayned letters, and that there was no impediment nowe, but that the marriage might be solemnized. Therfore it was agreed by consent on eyther part, that the marriage day should be the .xviiij. of August.

THE towne of Mountes was besieged by the duke of Al­ba, Lodowic Nassau was in the town, with a great number of the nobilitie of Fraunce. M. Genlis a noble man, came with 500. horsemen, and .4000. footemen, with the kings consent, to succour the besieged. But the duke of Alba, hauing priuie intel­ligence from y e king of the cōming of M. Genlis (of the which [Page 18] he suspected nothing) encountred with him, and distressed ve­rie sore, many of his souldiers being slayne, some wounded, and some taken prysoners. Also monsieur Genlis and La Noe, generalles of that armie, were taken prysoners. The rumour of this ouerthrowe seemed to be verie grieuous vnto the Kyng, and to the whole Court. And by and by the King sent his letters vnto mons. Monducet his Ambassadour in the lowe countrey, which was with the Duke of Alba, to see that no in­iurie nor harme were done to mons. Genlis, and to the reste which were taken in battell▪ Monducet did the kings Ambas­sage diligently to the Duke of Alba. The Admiral being cer­tified of these commaundementes of the king, and also of the diligence of Monducet with the Duke of Alba, was wonder­fully persuaded of the kings faythfull meaning, to take warre in hande: whome he heard oftentimes to say; that he woulde one day be reuenged on the Duke of Alba, and on the Spani­ardes. In the meane time, the king gaue commission to the Admirall to leuie a newe armie, that with a freshe supply of souldiers, he might succour the besieged.

The myndes of them of the religion were greatly ioyous, bicause of the marriage at hand. Notwithstanding, pitiful ru­mours went abrode dayly: which they for the most part wold in no wise beleue, construing al things to the best.

It is most certaine that many wise men, An admo­nitiō to the Admirall. after the death of the Queene of Nauar, suspected that there was some fraude co­loured vnder the pretence of matrimony, and that the same de­ceit was specially practized to insnare the Admirall. And it is certainly true, that the Admiral was oftentimes admonished, both by wordes, and also by letters, not to aduenture him selfe in so great an assembly, and that too within the walles of Pa­ris, where the Guises were in great fauour and estimation.

And amongst other admonitions, one deliuered vnto him a book the summe & scope wherof was this. Remēber that this is a decree of the Catholikes confirmed by authoritie, That there is no faith to be kept with Heretikes: by which name they of the religion are specially called. Remēber that there is euerla­sting [Page 20] hatred, kindled against those of the religion, by the enuie of the former warres: so that there is no doubt, but that the ful purpose and intent of the Queene is, to destroy by all manner of means those of the Religion. That an Italyan woman, of the Popes progenie, and of a subtile and craftie wit, can not but seke all extremities against hir enimies, consider in what schole the king hath bin trayned and brought vp: that for this 12. yeeres space, he hath learned of his scholemasters, to sweare, to blaspheme, to forsweare, to ioyne him self with whoores and harlots, to dissemble his fayth, his religion, and his thoughtes, to chaunge and frame his countenaunce, and to reioyce in bloud: that he might suffer his subiects to be slaine like beasts. Thou knowest that the King is persuaded in the doctrine of Machiauel, howe that he ought not to suffer in his realme any other religion than that, vpon the which his state standeth: and that he hath often learned this, that it is not possible for his kingdome to be quiet, so long as there are two religions at once in the same. And it is certaine, that hatred is planted in the kings mind being a yong man, and he hath bin often times persuaded by false argumentes, that they of the religion haue gone about to spoile him both of his kingdome, and also of his life. Thou art deceyued, if that thou thinke that the king, or a­ny other such prince as he is, will at any time suffer those sub­iects which shall by warre rise against him, though vpō neuer so iust a cause to vse and enioy the benefite of his lawes. But be thou rather persuaded of this, that this is naturally ingrauē in the myndes of kings and princes to reuenge that by force of armes, which is done against them by like force. And that a Kyng and Princes will freely breake those couenants, which they haue made eyther for feare, or for necessitie, so soone as those causes shall ceasse. And that they holde this for a lawe, That those conditions which the Prince hath made with the subiectes, ought not to be kepte, specially when he made them in warre: y e fayth ought to be broken for the kyngdoms sake: That they make no conscience to deceyue the subiectes, vn­der the colour of a solemne othe.

These are the subtile sleyghts of Princes: this is the discipline to preserue kingdomes. Antonius Commodus, at the last ceas­sing from his pleasures, spente that time in deuising murders against the noble men of his Realme, and at the last determi­ned to kill Iulian, whome, in the sight of men, he loued and re­uerenced as a father.

Antonius Caracalla an enimie of Alexandria, bycause cer­tayne verses were soong agaynste him, commaunded all the yong men of the citie to be gathered togither, vnder the co­lour of a muster and to be slayne, and that euery souldier shuld kill his host where he lay. Thus the Citie beyng replenished with murders, he had no other excuse to cloake the same, but to write vnto the Senate, that they had euery one deserued death, and that this answer ought to suffice them.

Lysander the chiefe Captayne of the Lacedemonians, cal­ling fourescore of the men of Miletus togither, vnder the co­lour of societie and friendship, cōmaunded them to be slaine. Seruius Galba shewed the like crueltie vppon sixe thousande Spanyardes. Antonius Spinola calling vnto him colourably the chiefe men of the Isle of Corsica to make them a banquet, commaunded their heads to be chopt off.

Charles the seuenth King of Fraunce, after he had reconci­led him selfe with the Duke of Burgundy, and confirmed the same w t a matrimoniall league, & had also solemnely sworne to forgiue all things past, sent for him to the towne of Mon­terell, vnder the colour of friendship, and there slue him. There are many other examples, from among the whiche I haue taken these fewe, to the ende thou mayest knowe that the King beeing a yong man hath diligently learned that do­ctrine whiche is contayned in the .18. chapter of that Booke which concerneth the doctrine of a Prince set foorth by Machia­uell. Euen as it cannot be vnknowen vnto thee, that the kyng the very same day that the Queene of Nauar came to y e Court of Blaij. Iestingly demaunded of the Queene mother, adding thervnto▪ acording to his maner, a blasphemous othe, if he had not behaued himselfe exceeding wel. To the which y e Queene [Page 22] answeared agayne, that he had begon very well, but it woulde profit little except he went forward. But I will (sayth he) ad­dyng hys accustomed oathes, bryng them euery one into thy nette. These are the Kings wordes. Heereby it may bee gathered, what the ende of these familiarities and friend­shippes will bee, shewed towardes thee and to other noble menne of the Religion. Looke diligently to thy selfe: and bee assured that there is no other remedy for thee to escape theyr snares, than to get thee away betimes from thys Court, whyche is a most fylthy, and vncleane Sodome.

THIS Booke beyng red, the Admirall aunswered with angry moode the man, in whose name the same was offered, That these things serued not the time, that they mighte haue bin spoken conueniently in time past: but nowe there was no cause remayning of suspition: God had altered the Kings mynde: hee woulde neuer beleeue that suche falsehoode could haue place in his Kyngs mynde: nay he was perswaded that Fraunce had neuer a better King than Charles the ninth: and that although the Duke of Anjou were an enimie to the Religion, yet at the last hee woulde forsake that hatred, for the reuerence sake of that affinitie whiche hee shoulde haue with the King of Nauar. That a league was made with Englande, into the whyche also hee minded to enter with the Princes of Germany whyche professed the Religion, to shewe hys affection towarde the Religion, myndyng to haue in hys company one of the sonnes of the Countie Pala­tine, and some one of the noble men of Englande whyche was zealous in the Religion. That he had gyuen his fayth to the Prince of Orange and to his brother, to ayde hym a­gaynst the Spanyardes, in somuch that he was the chiefe and efficient cause of the preparation of warre into the iowe coun­trey. That in stead of the Armie whyche was committed to the conduct of Mons. Genlis, a newe supply was prepared: that the affayres of the lowe countrey were in good cace. That the Kyngs Ambassadour dyd dayly aduertise hym of the counsayles of the Duke of Alba. That the same Na­uie, [Page 23] of which Mons. Strozzi and Baron de Guard haue charge, is prepared for no other end than to remoue the Spanish na­uie, and to goe with speede to Vlishing to the Prince of O­range, that there may be open warre in the lowe countrey. Finally, that the Kyng did all things with greate care, for the confirmation of peace, by the benefyte whereof, there was no doubt but that the affayres of the Religion shoulde haue good successe. Wherefore hee prayed him and all others of the same opinion, that they woulde not trouble his mynde with those suspitions, beeyng occupied with better thynges: but rather that they woulde pray vnto GOD, that he woulde bryng that to good effect whyche was happyly be­gun, to the peace and tranquillitie of the Realme and hys Churche.

ABOVT the same time almost, Mons. Momorencie was returned out of Englande, hauing entred into league in the Kings name with the Queenes highnesse of Englande, con­cerning that marriage which was intreated in the name of Henry Duke of Anjou, it is vnknowen what hindered the same. It is said that hir maiestie vtterly refused the matche. But howsoeuer the cace stoode, I am perswaded that God of his singular goodnesse, prouided for hir Maiestie and also for the Realme of Englande, from the whiche hee hath turned a­way great calamitie.

THE Prince of Orange hauing gotten a great armie, in the which were sayd to be twenty thousand footemen, & eyght thousand horsemen, entred the lowe countrey. At whose com­ming the Cities in diuers places were yelded vnto hym: in somuch that within a short time he had in his power foure and forty Cities: & the greatest part of Zeland & Holland. Among these cities he had Mechline. In y e mean time the Duke of Al­ba beseeged Mounts, in the which was Lodowic brother to the Prince of Orange, with a great number of noble French mē.

Shortly after thys was the cruel slaughter of the Admiral and other noble men and gentlemen, committed at Paris, and in other places of the Realme, whiche is at large set [Page 24] foorth in the tenth Booke of Commentaries already transla­ted, and therefore here omitted.

AFTER the murder, the king commaunded the King of Nauar and the Prince of Conde to come before him. Who being in his presence, he sayeth vnto them, That after so long time of warres, by which his kingdome hath bin greatly en­dammaged, he hath found out at the length vndoubted reme­dies to take away cleane all the causes of warre, and hathe therefore commaunded the Admirall to be slayne, the wicked author of mischeuous troubles, and that the same punishment was prouided in the Citie for al lewde and naughtie persons, infected with vngodly superstition. That he remembred what great harme he had receyued both of the King of Nauar, and also of the Prince of Conde, who were the Captaynes and ringleaders of desperate persons, and seditiously helde warre against him: to reuenge so greate iniuries he had nowe cause and occasion offered him. Notwithstāding he sayd he would forgiue matters past and done for their ages and consangui­nities sake: deeming that they were not so much to be blamed as the Admirall and other moste mischeuous persons theyr counsaylers, who eyther already had bin punished for their de­sertes, or else were now vnder the same. These thyngs there­fore he sayd he would pardon, vpon condition that they wold euer after amend their former faultes with more faythfull o­bedience, and woulde returne to the Religion of the Catho­lique fayth, that hauing renounced the doctrine of prophane superstition, whiche had already caused so great troubles and warres, they woulde wholly imbrace the auncient Religion, and returne to the lap of the Church of Rome. That he would euer after haue but one onely Religion imbraced in hys Realme, and the same which he had receyued from hys aun­cetors. Therefore he willed them to consider whether they would obay in these things, or else suffer such punishmente as theyr fellowes had done.

The King of Nauar being abashed with these sharpe spee­ches, aunsweared humbly vnto the king, that hee remembred [Page 25] his fayth, and the consanguinitie lately entred with hys ma­iestie: and that he would do those things whiche might please and content his minde: most hartily beseeching him to consi­der how great a thing a mans conscience is, and how hardly he could renounce that Religion, whiche he had learned, and in the which he had bin trayned vp from a childe. Notwith­standing he spake these things with great submission & feare.

The Prince of Conde perceyuing the present perill, answe­red the King, but not without feare of mind, that his maiestie had so solemnly giuen his faith to him and to the rest of the Religion, that he could not perswade him selfe, that he would breake so faithfull an oath, nor harken to the counsailes of his aduersaries. And as touching y t obedience which his maie­stie required of him, and which he had euer hitherto faythfully shewed to the same, he minded neuer to forsake it during life. But as touching the Religion, he had free leaue of y e king to exercise the same, and from God the true knowledge therof, to whom he knew he shuld giue an account for y e same. Adding y t him selfe and all that he had was in the kings power. And he willed him to do what soeuer pleased him both with his life and also with his goodes: yet neuerthelesse he was fully deter­mined neuer to depart from that Religiō, which he knew for certain to be true, though it were to y e present perill of his life.

The King was sore offended with this aunsweare of the Prince of Conde: and calling him obstinate, seditious, and the sonne of a seditious person, telleth him that if he do not repent him within three dayes, he should suffer death for his peruerse obstinacie.

There were spared also certayne of the houshold seruantes of the king of Nauar which were gentlemē, mons. Grammōts, Durase and certayne others, which promised that they woulde do, whatsoeuer the king commaunded them. These being ne­uer earnest louers of the Religion were pardoned, that they might be instruments afterward to withstand the same.

This garboyle and bloudy sturre being thus made in the Citie and in the Castell, there were left as yet those whyche [Page 26] dwelt and aboade in the suburbes, Mongomerie escapeth with others by flight. and some of the nobilitie, as M. Chartres, Mongomeri, Briquemauld, Bellouez, Fontene, and diuers other noble men.

Commaundement was giuen by the king to the Prouost of the marchāts, to haue a thousand armed men in a redinesse to intercept those of the religion whiche were in the suburbes of Sangerman. And hee had giuen the whole charge of this matter vnto M. Marcell one of the chiefe Magistrates of the citie. Notwithstanding the prepared souldiours came not at the hour apointed, through the negligēce of y e said magistrate.

The king had appointed M. Mongeron chiefe ouerseer of the execution of his purpose. He looking for his souldiors, and seeking for the Duke of Guise, to complayne to him of this matter, certaine houres were spente.

In the meane tyme, one of the Religion seing the citie all on a roare, running vnto the riuer, got in conuenient time a boate, and so cut ouer the riuer, and certified Mongomerie of the trouble in the citie. This was about fiue of the clocke.

Mongomerie gaue M. Chartres to vnderstād hereof: and so by opening the matter from one to an other, it was generally knowne by and by to all that were in the village or suburbes. Notwithstanding it seemed almost incredible. The greatest part beleued that the king was not priuie to so great wicked­nesse: so farre they were from thinking that it should be don by his commaundement: othersome beyng as yet persuaded of the kings good will, thought that the kings owne person was assaulted by the Guyses, for the hatred that they bare to the Religion, whiche he seemed to fauour.

Therfore amidst this varietie of opinions, they knew not themselues what waye they were best to take. Some thought it beste to goe oute of hande to the kyng to the Castell of Lowre, least they myght be deceyued of the kynges will: o­ther some sayde, that it was needfull and necessarie for them to goe and ayde the kyng: The thyrde and wyser sorte, no­thing doubting but that this was doone by the kings com­maundement, betooke them to flight.

But while they made delay, they might easily haue bin ta­ken, had not an other impediment happened.

The Duke of Guise seeing that he coulde not haue a band of souldiours of the Parisians, they following the praye and spoyle, deuised a newe way, whiche was, that he woulde goe himselfe with certaine souldiours to the suburbes of Sanger­man, whyle the shot and spearemen of the kings garde gaue an assault from the riuer vpon the whiche stoode the suburbes, ouer against the castell of Lowre.

But his purpose and deuise tooke not effecte. For when the Guise woulde haue gone foorth with his souldiours, he was constrayned to staye, the porter of the gates hauing deliuered the wrong keys, the other not to be founde. Before therefore the keyes coulde be brought, suche delay was made, that M. Chartres, Mongomerie, and others escaped away, and yet not without further perill. For they sawe on the other syde of the shoare bandes of souldiours approching to shippe, and hearde cryes made from the Castell, that they fledde: and sawe also greate stoare of shotte discharged at them, bothe from the Castell, and also from the shippes. Also it is sayde, that the kyng hym selfe, stoode vpon the top of his tower, crying and swearyng, and dischargyng shotte. Then they whiche were in the suburbes, leauyng all theyr goodes, roade away without bootes and spurres, wyth as muche speede as possi­ble they coulde. They were scarse out of sighte when the souldiours were landed on the other syde, who brake into the houses, and tooke their pray. Neuerthelesse they whiche fled, were pursued by the Guyse, by Duke d'Aumale, by the Earle of Engolesme, and others to Monfort, which is distant from Paris the space of eyght leagues. Wherevpon he returning belayed the countrey, that suche as fledde awaye mighte bee taken. Thus certayne of the noble menne of the Religion were preserued.

Also the Lorde Assier, mons. Sanroman, Cugier, and dyuers other noble men and Gentlemen, were saued by the Guyses meanes: To thys ende and purpose, to laye all the enuye [Page 28] and blame vpon the king and people, as though it had bin hys only purpose to reuenge his owne priuate spight vppon the Admiral, and also that they whome he had saued in so greate peril, might for euer by such a benefite be bound vnto him: the which in deede came to passe.

THE Munday following, whiche was the .xxv. daye of August, the Sunne shined very bright and cleere. Wherevp­pon the king looking out of his windowe of the Lower, cryed with oathes that the fayre day did reioyce for the slaughter of the Hugonots. Thus also sayd other of the court: And Iames Carpenter by a publique bill called this bright day, the lyghte of August.

About noone in the Churchyarde of Saint Innocent there, sprang vp a bremble bushe, which the Frenchmen call white thorne, contrary to the time and season of the yeere. Of the which when the people heard, they ran thither in greate num­ber, to see this straunge miracle, the like whereof hathe not bin seene. Some say that this was made to growe by the practise of a certaine Priest, whiche is not vnlyke. But the common people sayd, that God by a manifest signe did approoue y e mur­ther lately committed: and that nowe both the Catholique fayth, and also the kingdome of Fraunce had recouered theyr former glory, and shoulde after this triumphantly flourishe. Therefore the trumpets sounded in diuers places of the citie. Notwithstanding it is certayne, that the like kind of white­thorne or hauthorne, sprang vp about the same time in other places also: whether it were long of the temperatenesse of the season or no, I knowe not. Many seriously alluding to the names of y e things, affirmed y t the white thorne sproong vp to the commendatiō of y e Innocents, & not to approoue the mur­ders, bycause it florished in y t place which had to name S. In­nocēts. But if so we mark this miracle, what other thing doth y e same signifie vnto vs thā this, That albeit y e Church seemed by this deadly wound to be quite slain, yet notwithstāding it should come to passe, y t it being reuiued by a certaine singular & extraordinarie power, should flourish, & shuld firmely stand [Page 29] amidst these ouerthrowes. It is not farre vnlike the myracles shewed to Moyses in the bushe, the which though it were set on fire, was not consumed.

THE King and the Queene determined by their priuie counsell, to haue this murther proceede against other cities al­so thereby mynding to destroy vtterly them of the Religion, least mons. Momorencie, by their helpe and ayde, shoulde take in hande any newe enterprise. He at this time was gone a­part to Insuladam, a towne of his dominion. D'Anuil was at Paris, who with the rest of his brethren, had drunke of the same cup with the Admirall, if they might haue bene brought altogether within the compasse of the same snare. But it see­med not a sure and safe way to kyll one, and to leaue the reste of the brethren aliue no so great power, of the house and stocke of Momorencie.

The Thursday folowing, being the eight and twentie of August, the King commaunded a Iubile, and a generall pro­cession about the citie, in the which he in his own person, with the rest of the Court was present, to giue God thankes openly as they sayd, bycause their enterprise had such desired successe.

The same day the King caused it to be openly published, that he was the authour of that murther, forbidding the vse of the reformed religion throughout his whole realme, vntill he had taken other order: notwithstanding, he sayd that he wold not haue these things so to be taken, as though his Edictes of pacification were broken. And this is the summe of the sayde late Edict.

The King desiring that all his peeres, noble men, gentle­men, and others, might vnderstand the true cause why the Ad­mirall and his adherents were slayne of late in this citie, by­cause it may otherwise be reported than truth would, he certi­fyeth all men generally, That what so euer was done herein, was done by his expresse commaundement: and not for Re­ligions sake, or by any manner of meanes, to breake his Edict of pacification, which he woulde haue to stande in full force, and to be faythfully obserued and kept, but that he might pre­uent [Page 30] the wicked conspiracie of the Admirall and his felowes, against his person, his royall dignitie, his mother, his brethren, the King of Nauar, and against the Princes and other noble men which were in fauour with the King. Therefore he gi­ueth all menne to vnderstande, that he willeth and com­maundeth all those of the Religion, to liue in securitie and peace at home with their families, vnder his protection and garde, as they had hytherto done.

And he giueth straight charge and commaundement to all gouernours of prouinces and other officers, that no man doe oppresse them of the Religion, eyther in life or in goods, vpon paine of death. Notwithstanding, his will and pleasure is, to take away those troubles and offences, which may growe by sermons and other exercises of the Religion, that none of the Religious, noble man or gentleman, of what state and condi­tion so euer he be, shall haue any priuate or publike assemblies for no cause, vntill he hath otherwise prouided: vpon payne of losse both of life and also of goods.

The which things, howe well they doe hang together, all men may see. The King sayth heere, that he would haue the former Edictes of pacification stande in force: and yet neuer­thelesse, forbiddeth holy sermons and other assemblies, vpon payne of death. He affirmeth, that he would haue all men to liue in peace and securitie at home: and yet notwithstanding, he playnely testifieth him selfe to be the authour of murthers. And as touching the conspiracie made by the Admirall, and the rest which were at Paris, they themselues, which take part with the Catholikes, do scorne it as a forged lye.

GREAT murthers were committed at Lions, and in di­uers other cities: so that within one monethes space, there were at the least three thousande men slaine: But of all the rest, the wicked and cruell murther, committed in the citie of Paris, in the kings presence, exceeded and farre passed the rest.

AND al gouernors of prouinces obeyed not those bloudy commaundements, giuen by the king. The Countie d'Tende, answered the kings commaundement, and his letters sealed [Page 21] with his priuie seale, saying: That he did not thinke this to be the kings deede, but the deede of such as forged and preten­ded his name, for that a fewe dayes before, hee had receyued quite contrarie commaundements by the kings letters. And he affirmed that he would obey those first letters, as meete and worthy to proceede frō a king, & woulde fulfil the same as the kings vndoubted commaundement. As for the other com­maundement (sayth he) it seemeth so cruell and barbarous, that he would not obey the king if he were present to commaunde the same. Notwithstanding, this Countie d'Tende, fought stoutly in the former warre, against those of the Religion.

He which brought these letters and this bloudy commaun­dement to Countie d'Tende, was called mons. d'Mole, a gen­tleman borne in Arles, who within one yere after, was behea­ded at Paris by the kings commaundement.

Countie d'Tende, within few dayes after being at Auinion, was by some of y e kings appoyntmēt poysoned to death, Coū ­tie de Retz being appointed to succeed him. Mons. Santherā gouernour of Auuergne answered to the same cōmandement, y t he wold not obey contrary cōmaundements, being coloured and cloaked vnder the kings name: affirming therfore, that he wold satisfie the first of y e two, for that it agreed with y e kings dignitie, & with his Edicts, & that he was no hangman, but y e kings lieftenāt, to gouern y e kings subiects w t equitie & peace.

The ninth day of Septēber, the king being troubled with a sodaine feare, cōmaunded his armour to be brought, and the captaines of his guard to come vnto him: he sweareth that he hath determined to destroy those y t remained of thē of the reli­gion: willing thē to go euery man to his charge, for he would first beginne with the prince of Conde. Then the Queene his wife intreated him, that he woulde not rashly take in hande a matter of so great waight. The king being persuaded by the earnest beseeching of his wife, laide aside his armour, and dis­patcht his guard. The day folowing he called before him the Prince of Conde, and offered vnto him three things, of the which he willed him to chose one: that is to say, Masse Death, [Page 32] or perpetuall imprysonment. To this choyce the Prince of Conde answered, that by the ayde and assystance of God, he would neuer chose the firste: and that he left the other two to the Kings will and pleasure. But at the last he was by the meanes of one Rozarius, a Minister sometime of the reformed Church of Orleans, drawne to that abiuration, the copy wher­of is set down in the tenth booke of Cōmentaries. By the sub­tile persuasions I say of this man, he did fall away from the truth, and openly renounced the Religion, and went to the Masse, and to other rytes of the Romishe Church.

Thus by the example of the Prince of Conde, and the king of Nauar, many whiche were accounted of the Religion, fell from the same. And the King of Nauar and the Prince of Conde, solemnly set forth their defection, by the Kings com­maundement. For when they had renounced the Religion at Paris, they sent letters vnto the Pope, in the which they de­clare, that to their great sorowe and griefe, they haue bene drawne away from the felowship of the Church by that false doctrine, euen from their childhoode, the blame whereof they layde not vpon their parentes, but vpon those wicked men whiche had seduced them. Notwithstanding, they sayde it was come to passe in good time through the goodnesse of God, that they shuld acknowledge their errour, and seriously detest the same in mynd. Therfore they humbly beseeched the Pope, as a father to forgiue them their former offences, and to re­ceiue them againe into the bosome of the Church, and they would shewe euer after all such obedience, as became reuerent children to shewe: and that it woulde please him to certifie them by his letters, whereby their consciences might be assu­red of pardon graunted.

Therefore the Pope sent his pardon to the Prince of Con­de, and to the King of Nauar, that they might not onely fight vnder his banner, but also might be at continuall warre with the reformed religion: such was the calamitie of those times.

After this, the King of Nauar made an Edicte concerning them of Bearne, concerning the abolishing of the reformed [Page 33] Religion. By the commaundement of the Queene of Na­uarre his mother, when she was aliue, the states of Bearne as­sembled themselues togither to take order cōcerning religion, and by the free consent of the states, the Masse was abrogated throughout all the dominion of Bearne.

Thither the king of Nauarre sent Mons. Grammont wyth authoritie to preferre the Edict, by whiche he forbade all that were within his dominion to vse the reformed religion: not­withstanding he gaue leaue vnto them of the Religion to sell away their lande, and to prouide for themselues in the space of one yeare, and then to go whither soeuer they would.

THE Pope hearing of these murthers, went himself with his whole Colledge of Cardinals, first of all to the Church of S. Marke, and gaue verie large thankes vnto God. Then the next day after, he celebrated a solemne Masse, and com­maunded a Iubile. Thankes were giuen to God for the de­struction of the enimies of the truth, and of the Churche in the realme of Fraunce: for the victorie gotten against the Turks: and also prayer was made for the kingdome of Polonia, that the king might proue suche a one as woulde seriously defende and mainteine the Catholike religion of Rome.

In y e Euening there was a tryumphāt peale of Gunnes in the Castell of Santangell, and the French men which were in the Citie made dyuerse ioyfull bankets in many places of the same: as though nowe after so long contentions, a full con­quest were made, and the euerlasting peace and tranquilitie of the Church of Rome gotten.

The French men had also a generall procession aboute the Citie: in the which the Pope was present with his whole Col­ledge of Cardinals, and a great number of dishes according to the custome were caryed in the same. A Cardinal also sang Masse in the Churche of S. Lodowic, where were a greate multitude of people assembled togither.

THERE were also about this time diuerse things writ­ten both in French and in Latine, to commend the handling of that murther. Antonius Muretus made an oration at Rome [Page 34] in commendation of the king, and when he had done, caused the same to be published, commending the king for his haugh­tie and constant minde, and also for his excellent wisedome,

Pibrachus set forth an Epistle, in y e which he maketh a very subtile discourse of al this hystorie, to make the Admiral guilty of treason, and the cause of the Religious hatefull. Notwith­standing he pretended the loue of religion, the whiche in tyme past he both knewe and had professed, and had afterwarde ab­iured the same.

There was also an other Epistle spredde abroade of Peter Carpenter of Tholose a lawier, who being a counterfeyt pro­fessor of the religion, spake euill of the Admiral, & of the whole cause: The which Epistle was answered by one Franciscus Portus, a godly man, and expert in the Greeke tongue. Ther­fore amidst the tragical mournings of them of the Religion, these were the triumphes of the Catholikes.

THE king also celebrated the order of S. Michael, which was a feast dedicated to those noble men whiche were of the order, who bare about them the order of S. Michael fighting with the diuel. At this feast were many noble men: and amōg the rest, the king of Nauarre, and the Prince of Conde.

THE xxvij. day of October, the Senate of Paris pro­nounced a sore sentence agaynst the Admirall being dead, and agaynst his memorie and children. He was condemned as one guiltie of treason: as an enimie to peace, and a common trou­bler of the state: as the authour of a conspiracie agaynst the king, and against the state. His memorie was condemned to euerlasting ignominie. And to the ende there might remaine some monument of those faults, it was decreed that his bodie if it could be found, should be drawne through euery streete of the citie, after it had stood in the Market place foure and twen­tie houres, and if the same could not be found, then his Image should be made stuft with straw, and so be drawne in stead of the same as aforesayd, and so to the place of execution called the Forkes of Montfalcon. It was also decreed that his Armes, Crest, and Shield, should be drawne in like maner to the fore [Page 35] named place: And that in what places soeuer they were found, they should be broken downe by the hangman as a token of his euerlasting ignominie. Also that all his goodes that either he or his aunceters had receyued by the benefite and liberalitie of kings, whether they were moueable or immoueable, should come vnto the crowne. His children were pronounced vnno­ble and base, and vnworthie to haue anye publike office, or to enioy their goodes, which if they had any within the Realme, they were confiscate to the king. His chiefe house Chastillon, was beaten downe to the ground, that neuer any thing might be buylded there againe: The trees of the Orcharde were cut downe, and the Gardens about the sayde house turned vpside­downe: and it was decreed that a brasen pyller should be e­rected where the house did stande, with this decree of the Se­nate in the same.

It was also decreed that the xxiiij, of August euery yeare, there shoulde be a generall procession about the Citie, to giue thankes vnto God, and to celebrate the memorie of that day, in the which that cruel murder was committed.

AMIDST these troubles, many of the Religion whiche sought to prouide for the safegard of their conscience and life, fled into forraine nations. Some into Englande, Germanie, Strausburge, and Heidelberge: also othersominto Switzerland, to Basile, and to the townes of Berne, to Lausanna, and to o­ther Cities: and the greatest parte to Geneua. Also Rochel, Mountauban, Nismes, and certaine Cities in the Countrey of Viuaretz, and Seuenatz, were left as places of refuge, as wee will declare hereafter.

The two sonnes of the Admiral by the singular prouidence of God escaped imminent destruction, and the Countie Laual the sonne of D'andelot, with the daughter of the Admi­rall which was Thelignies widow, came to Ge­neua, after that to Berne, and tarying cer­taine monethes at Basil, they returned to Berne againe, being very lo­uingly enterteyned of the people.

¶The eleuenth Booke of Commentaries, concerning the tem­porall and Ecclesiasticall state of the Realme of Fraunce in the raigne of Charles the ninth.

WHilest the whole Realm of France was woonderfully distract and con­founded, Anno domi­ni. 1572. by that horrible and but­cherly murder committed, and a­middest the violence of contrarye motions, when as some triumphed as conquerers, and other some being ouercome, were ouerwhelmed with sorowe and griefe, all men for the most parte, whether they were Ca­tholiques, or of the Religion, were sore afeard and astonyed. Yea the fyerbrandes of furies dyd burne euen in the very try­umph of victorie the authors and chiefe instruments themselues of that detestable slaughter: A generall feare insued that horrible murder. in somuch that they being as it were out of their wittes at these fyrste beginnings, pretermitted ma­ny occasions, by whiche they mighte haue brought their purpose about conueniently. Notwithstanding the outrage to bryng their cruell purpose to passe pricked them forward, that the Re­ligiō might be vtterly destroyed and extinguished in the king­dome of France. But their diuelish counsayles had quite con­trary successe afterwardes: diuers practises also were vsed on both sydes, as we will declare hereafter in order.

Furthermore, y e horror and feare of that garboyle was spread to all those countreyes bordering vpon France. Switzerland and Germa­ny disquieted with the troubles of Fraunce. Strasburge very carefully held watch and warde. In Switzerlande the Cities of contrary Religion, shewed them selues playnely to stande in feare one of another: and there were in dyuers partes musters made, and rumors spread abroade for trueth, That if the Kyng made a perfect conquest of hys subiects, he woulde sowe ciuill [Page 2] discordes in Switzerlande: that a nation not onely excelling heretofore in ciuill concorde, but also hauing gotten great au­thoritie and credite with the kingdomes, bordering therevppon, and selling their friendship for greate stipendes and summes of money, shoulde contende and be at warres in it selfe. They of Bern seemed most of al to be assalted, whose power is gret amōg the Switzers, by reason of the amplenes of their populous domi­nion. The cause of discord was, for that the Cities in Switzerlād, which were named to be of y e Religion, seemed not to cōdescēd and agree to giue vnto the king a band of Catholiques, to ayde him to rase and roote out for euer the remnant that remayned of them of the Religion, bycause they did much abhorre that but­cherly murder of France: for that seemed both to be againste the Religion, whiche they professed, and also to tende to their owne priuate perill: as, when that the King had destroyed hys owne subiects he myght cause troubles and tumult in Switzerland, by the meanes of the townes in the which the Catholiques inhabi­ted: who were very desirous to receyue the Kings pay: not­withstanding what happened afterward we will declare anon.

Prouision for warre. BY THE Kings commaundement horsemen were dispat­ched and sente into all partes of the Realme: and euery man re­ceyued charge, to watch and ward diligently. Also the Gouer­nours of euery prouince had commaundement not to be absente from their charge at any tyme without the Kings assured com­maundement, to looke diligently that there arose no tumultu­ouse trouble, and with all care and industrie to seeke and syft out narrowly all conuenticles and assemblies of suche as pro­fessed the Religion, and seuerely to punish them.

The greate dissipation of them of the Religion. IN all partes of the Realme, and in euery Citie of the same, they were apprehended whiche kept their houses vpon trust and assurance of the Kings Edict. Many were slayne and put to death, and all men had their goodes put to spoyle by the Kings officers, euen as if they had bin enimies lawfully vanquished. Notwithstandyng, many escaped and fled into forrayne nati­ons. There was scarse one man founde which professed hym­selfe to be of the Religion: all were eyther in exile, or hydden [Page 3] in corners, or els (sauing a fewe) constrayned to forsake the Religion, and to lyue more catholykely than the Catholykes them selues.

THEY of the Religion beeyng after thys maner vanqui­shed, there seemed nothing to remaine but their vtter destructiō. Crueltie somewhat mitigated. Wherevpon the Kings officers were not so forwarde in theyr affayres as else they would haue bin, thinking that they did but lose their labour in a matter most easie to be finished.

Notwithstanding an armie was prepared, and the King by his letters instantly required Monsieur Beleur (whiche was hys Lidgar in Switzerlande for the same purpose) to sende with all speede a band of Switzers.

FOR there remayned as yet certayne cities, whiche were held and garded by those that were left of the Religion, as Ro­chel, Sanxer, and in Languedoc, Montauban, Castres, Nismes, Those Cities whiche were held by them of the Reli­gion. Milliaud, Aubenac, Priuac, Mirebel, Ganges, Anduz, and certaine other townes of no fame, in the territorie of Viuaueretz, and Seuenats. Notwithstanding it seemed to many, yea and to the most part of such as professed the Religion, greate folly ioyned with madnes, after so great a slaughter almost of all y t professed y e Religion, y e kings power being nothing deminished, & hauing y e whole kingdom redy at his cōmandemēt, for thē to enterprise & presume to defend them selues against y e armie of so mighty a king, after so great cōsternatiō & feare, The purpose of the Reli­gious condē ­ned of many. whē as not only none of y e Princes, but also not one noble mā almost was lefte in Frāce, which durst so much as professe the loue he bare to y e Religion.

There were also, and that not a few, whiche sayd that it was great wickednesse & vnlawful for subiects, hauing no authoritie from princes or chiefe magistrates, to beare armour agaynste their king though he were wicked, that by y e effect and successe it selfe it had appeared, that the forceable resistance of them of y e Religion hitherto was vngodly, though it were collected by the authoritie of the princes, and by lawfull titles, both for that the king was in his minoritie, and also bycause the breaking of the kings Edicts might be lawfully punished, for that the kings wil was in expresse words declared: That in this enterprise all [Page 4] things faile, and that the king is a man: that there wante Prin­ces to whome the aucthoritie of gouerning the kingdome shuld belong: and that the king doth playnely professe, that he wil not hurt them of the Religion, but that he commaunded that mur­der to be committed with purpose to destroy the Admiral and other the chiefe aucthors and instrumentes of the warre, that the kingdome afterwarde might remaine in peace. And that al­though in this matter he exceeded the rule of reason, yet it was not lawful for the subiect to rebell against him, or for the subiect to punishe his lorde and king for his offence. There were also some which vtterly condemned the gouernment of the prince of Conde and of the Admirall, in their actes and exployts of the yeeres past: and through the enuie of the lamentable successe, haue brought y e whole cause in hatred. And those false accusati­ons of Carpenter and Pibrach (in their Epistle to that famous man Stanislaw Heluidius) were oftentimes obiected by exulce­rated and gaulled mindes, to make the remembrance of y e for­mer warres detestable. So that a man woulde haue thought that the Religion had bin extinguished for euer in Fraunce: and concerning this matter, many of them disputed with odious wordes, whiche in time of the former warres, had highly com­mended the causes to take the same in hand. And thus calami­tie was counted for great reproch and shame, such is the greate rashnesse of men in iudging of matters.

Those few of the Religion vncertayne what to doe. ALSO, in those Cities, whiche as yet had not receyued the Kings Garrisons, these dissentions were very ryfe: and the Ci­tizens being distract and vncertayne what to do, seemed not so much to delay and deferre the Kings Garrison, as to spend the tyme, to the ende that euery one myght get for him selfe y e more conuenient oportunitie and occasion to flee and escape away, or els to get fauour agayne: thys was the common will and pur­pose of the Townesmen.

Constāt pur­pose of defēce.Notwithstanding God vsed the diligence of a fewe, to bring the rest to a constant purpose: and the feare of the cruell mur­ders committed, perswaded the people to defende them selues, that for somuch as they were in vndoubted perill of death, they [Page 5] myght, if it so pleased the Lorde, choose the more honest kinde of death, by the lawfull right of necessary defence, the Magistrate him selfe vrging them therevnto.

THEREFORE amidst so many and so great difficulties and extremities, it seemed impossible that Religiō should stand by any manner of meanes: and so euerlasting destruction see­med to be broughte vppon the Churches of Fraunce. A notable myracle of this fourth motion, after the murder. In these straits of great calamitie, the prouidence of God, of such begin­nings as were so weake, and so farre from the iudgemente of humane reason, made a way for so much more glory, as the dis­order and confusion of all thinges was past hope of recouerie. The chiefe Captaynes were gone, the ayde and help of forreine Princes wanted: yet notwithstanding the present helpe, and hel­ping fauour of God in due tyme, fayled not. Yet for all that there remayne suche greate things of so weake and feeble a be­ginning, euen vntill this day, that this same seemeth to be espe­cially the counsaile and finger of God, that the force and strēgth of noblemen beyng cut off, he alone mighte be counted the au­thor of his worke, and mighte make manifest his manyfolde wisdome in this worke. I may not dissemble, (and in making this a preface for the narration to come, I swarue not from my purpose) both those noble men and ringleaders, which tooke vp­pon them y e ordering and defence of this cause, and also in part, they of the Religion themselues in the former yeeres past offen­ded many wayes. Much disorder verily and many faults came by the ciuill warres, in somuch that among those of the Religi­on, the puritie of Religion beeing contaminated and defyled with true occasions of true accusations, was euill spoken of. For it is well knowen that the Admirall him selfe, in those former warres, protested, not once, but often, That he had rather dye any kinde of death, than he would be counted any longer a Gouernour and Captayne of such a leawde and wicked route of common souldiers, The Admi­ral misliked the wicked­nesse of hys souldiers. most vnworthy of the bare name of Re­ligion: for such he knew many of his band to be. God therefore iustly punished those mē which abused his Religion: neuerthe­lesse hee dyd not, neyther wyll hee leaue vnfinished the worke [Page 6] which he hath begonne. But is there any man so blynde which seeth not, what great punishments remayne for those, which for the mortall hatred they beare to the poore Religion, haue set to theyr helping hand, to commit a most detestable fact, seeing that to fyll vp the measure of extreme wickednesse, all shewe of right and equitie is set asyde, in so much, that there remayneth no ex­cuse for the same? But to returne to our purpose agayne.

THEREFORE, this fourth warre is more wonderfull than the three first, bycause of most weake and feeble beginnings it had greater and more notable successe: in so much that when the Prince of Conde, the Admirall, and other noble men wyth helpe and ayde from forreyne Princes, tooke part, no suche wor­thy effectes ensued: the reason and grounde of the cause neuer more euidently shyned, from out of the deepe pit of extreme ca­lamitie, without any ayde of strangers, and wythout the mea­nes of greater helpes, than it shall appeare by the cōmemoration of this historie. This then was the Kyngs state, and this was the cace of them of the Religion, after that butcherly murther committed on Saint Bartholmewes day, being the foure and twentie of August.

For (as we haue sayde) that small remnant of them of the re­ligion were brought to this exigent, that seeing them selues far vnequall to matche with the Kings power, they were ready of their owne accorde to yeelde them selues into his hande. Not­withstanding, when they sawe that murthers were committed vpon them of the Religion, with no lesse crueltie than before, in dyuers cities, all they which were in the Kyngs power, and in the danger of the Catholiques, beganne to loke about them, and at the length to deuise some honest way, whereby they myght defende them selues. So that in the deepe desperation of all thyngs seruing for necessary defence, desperation founde out a way, and a sure and certayne persuasion to bring the same to effecte, supplyed most effectuall reasons of defence in this confu­sion and nakednesse. The happy defence of Rochell, dyd not a lyttle incourage the myndes of other men, to fyrme and valy­ant constancie. Fyrst of all therefore we wyll begynne with [Page 7] Rochell: and then we wyll speake seuerally of the rest in order.

MONSIEVR Strossi, and the Lorde de Guarde, recey­ued charge to take Rochell, and we haue oftentimes sayde, Pollicie vsed to take Ro­chell. that a nauy of shippes was prouided there already to the same end. They then goe about to get in their souldiers into Rochell, sometyme vnder the coloure to buy marchandise, and sometime vnder the colour of visiting theyr frindes. Notwithstandyng, they of Rochell were alway vigilant and warie: and hearyng of the cruell murther committed at Paris, caused more dilygent watche and warde to be kept. In the meane tyme, monsieur Strossi▪ and de Guarde, vrged them of Rochell, with the autho­ritie of the Kyngs letters, both to receyue into the towne the Kyngs garrison, and also to gyue vnto them great plentie of victuals to furnysh their shippes.

This they of Rochell, denyed and withstoode, that the nauy myght departe from thence: affyrming that they dyd nothing agaynst their dutie and auncient pryuiledges, by whiche they were exempted from al garrisons, sauyng from that which they should leuie within their owne citie, and wherby they had leaue to defende them selues by force of Armes, and that they coulde not spare any of their prouision of victuals.

Then they which were for the Kyng, founde fault with the townesmen of Rochel, bycause many came vnto them from di­uers partes of the realme, and were receyued into the citie with­out any let. To this they of the towne answered, that they ad­mitted no strangers, but onely the inhabitantes of the realme, whiche came about their affayres and marchandise, the whiche was nothyng contrarie eyther to their office or custome, when­as the Kyngs souldiers had leaue to come into the citie.

They were also required by the Liefetenant of Guian, moun­sieur Monpaz which was their neighbour, not to shew thēselues obstinat & wilful, in refusing to receiue the kings garison, shew­ing them that the king was carefull for their safetie, and that therefore he dyd so prouide for them: and that it was not lyke­ly that he woulde bryng any detryment or dammage to hys Cyties: also that hee had iustly punyshed the wyckednesse [Page 8] of Rebelles by the slaughter at Paris: not minding continually to be seuere against his subiects. Therefore he affyrmed that it was more for their safetie to deserue the Kings fauour by obe­dience.

There came certayne noble men of the Religion to Rochell from those places whiche were nearest adioyning therevnto, as from the territories of Santonge, Onic, Poictou, and Lymosin, which sought the safetie of their life: there came also about these fyrst beginnings, about fiue and fiftie Pastors or Ministers of Churches: and of the common sort of people about a thousande and fyue hundred souldiers, out of dyuers parts of the Realme, and many which were escaped from the slaughter of Paris.

A solemne fast appointed in Rochell.The nynth and eleuenth daye of September, there was ap­poynted at Rochel a common and solemne fast to be helde, the whiche rite the Church obserued in olde time in time of trouble, to a laudable and fruitefull ende.

They of Rochel hauing obtayned at the hands of Monsieur Strossi, and Baron de Guardes safe conduct, sent messengers vn­to the King, beseeching him that the nauie mighte bee remoued from that parte by his commaundemente, for that the countrey thereabout had receyued great dammage thereby.

THE King had gyuen commandement to Monsieur Biron a noble man to gouerne Rochel: who (as we haue sayd before) had taken great paynes in the former warres, about the intreatie of peace. This noble man deliuered to them of Rochel very friendly and louing letters, by which he exhorteth them to obey the king, and to commit them selues quietly to his trust, bycause he had receyued authoritie from the king to gouerne them: in so doing they shoulde see by proofe, that he esteemed nothing more than of their safetie.

Strait after this came Monsieur Audenarz a noble mā also, in the Kings name, with very large letters of the Kings in the which the king exhorted them to shewe theyr obedience, giuing them to vnderstande that hee determined in his minde nothyng more, than to keepe and defende them in their houses in peace and safetie, vnder the gard & warrant of his Edictes: requiring [Page 9] them herevpon to acknowledge him to be a true and faythfull interpreter of his owne minde.

Monsieur Audenarz being admitted into the Senat of Ro­chel, perswaded very much to this ende and purpose, certifying them of the singular good will of the king towardes them. He promiseth that the king wil graunt them the libertie of Reli­gion, vpon cōdition that they would receyue Monsieur Biron, and woulde graunt free recourse and trafique to all straun­gers whatsoeuer inhabiting the realme. To this, they of Ro­chel answered the king by their letters, the true copie whereof, is as followeth.

The answere of the Gentlemen, Captaynes, Burgeses, and other beeing in the towne of Rochel, to the com­maundements that haue bene giuen them in the name of the king, to receyue garrisons.

WE the Gentlemen, Captaynes, Burgeses, and others now being in the towne of Rochel, doe giue answere to such commaundements as are giuen to vs in the name of hys Maiestie, that we cannot acknowledge that the same which is signified vnto vs, and the publishing of the proclamation re­quyred at our handes, doe proceede from his Maiestie. And thereof we call to witnesse his Maiestie himselfe, his letters of the .xxij. and .xxiiij. of August, his owne signet, and the pub­lishing of the same letters, by which his sayde Maiestie layeth all the fault of all the trouble lately happened, and of the cruel slaughter done at Paris, vpon those of the house of Guise, pro­testing that he had ynough to doe to keepe himselfe safe with­in the Castle of Loure, with those of his garde. And we shal neuer suffer our selues to be perswaded, that so foule an enter­prise, and so barbarous a slaughter hath at any time, entred in­to the mind of his maiestie, much lesse that the same hath bene done by his expresse commaundement, as the paper importeth which you haue exhibited vnto vs, nor that his Maiestie hath bene so ill aduised, as himselfe to cut off his owne Armes, or to defile the sacred wedding of Madam his owne sister, with [Page 10] the shedding of so much noble and innocent bloud, and with the shame of so eruel a fact to distaine the nation of France, and the bloud royal which hath heretofore euer among all na­tions borne the name of franke and curteous: nor that he hath had minde to deliuer matters to writers to set forth a tragical hystorie, such as antiquitie hath neuer heard spoken of the like, and such as the posteritie cannot report without horror. But that it was first layde at Rome, and afterwarde hatched at Pa­ris, by the Authour of all the troubles of France. And how­soeuer it be, we are readie to maintaine that out of the mouth of his Maiestie doeth not proceede whote and colde, whyte and blacke, and that he doth not nowe saye one thing, and by and by another, as he shoulde doe if the Paper that ye pre­sented vnto vs had passed from him, protesting that hee wyll inuiolably kepe his Edict, and immediately breaking the same, in declaring that he commaunded those murders to be com­mitted, hauing also made protestation before, that it is to hys great greefe, and done by the outrage and violence of those of the Guise, agaynst whome he was not able to make resistance in tyme, as hys Maiestie desired. And in this quarell, we the Gentlemen, Captaynes, and other that make you this answer, are readie to trie it by combate, man to man, or otherwyse to mainteyne the honour of our king agaynst all those that so prophane holy things, and as much as in them lyeth do by such words and tytles vyllanously defile the excellencie of his ma­iestie, and of the noble princes of his bloud. Which wee may right well coniecture and estimate, by the slaughters that are yet in doyng, as well in the towne of Paris, as else where, vpon so many noble men, gentlemen and other, men, women, and children, & vpō a great number of yong scollers (the main­tenance vnder God, of Realmes and common weales in time to come) and by many other barbarous, vnnaturall, and vn­manly actes generally committed. We thinke therefore and iudge that herein treason is enterprysed agaynst the person of his Maiestie, and of my Lords his brethren, & that the Guisians meane to inuade the crowne of the realme, as they haue of long [Page 11] tyme practised: and howsoeuer it be, we say that his Maiestie is forced, by the power that they haue taken vpon them and vsur­ped, by meane of the rebellious styrre of the commons of Pa­ris. As for that which they say that the Admirall and those of the Religion had conspired agaynst the kings Maiestie and his brethren, these be allegations of as great truth and of as good likelyhoode, as their maner of proceeding in iustice hath bene orderly, beginning at execution before the examination of the fact. But it is now no nede to tary for tyme to discouer it, for the matter is plain to be sene with eye & groped with hand, and all those of the Romishe religion that haue remayning any drop of nature of man, do confesse it & holde downe theyr heads for shame, cursing both with hart & mouth the cruel exe­cutors of this abhominable enterprise, & the wicked disturbers of cōmon quiet, which can yet no more suffer, thā they hitherto haue done, that this poore realme should long enioy the benefit of that peace, which the king alone next vnder God had wisely caused to be made, & to be accordingly obserued, whereof thys realme began to feel the good tast, to the great cōtentment of al persons, except the enimies of peace & of this realm, namely the Guisians. Finally, whē his maiestie being out of their hands & power, shal declare what is his pleasure, we wil endeuer vs to obey him in al things, wherin our cōsciences, which are dedicat to god alone, shal not be woūded, in which case we wil rather forsake y e earth than heauē, & our fraile & transitorie houses, ra­ther thā the heauēly mansions. But hitherto the law of nature & the dutie that we owe vnto our natural prince, to the preser­uation of his crown, & to the safetie of our liues, our wiues, and children, doth cōmaund vs to stand vpon our gard, and not to put vs in the mercie of thost that haue receiued the same bloudy cōmission from the Guisians vnder the pretended name of the king, to vse vs in y e same maner as they haue wickedly, trayte­rously & vnnaturally done to those about his maiesty, and as it were vnder his wings & vnder the skirts of his robe which the trayters strangers haue stained w t the true French bloud, w tout that his Ma. hath bin able to remedy it, nor to slay their cursed [Page 12] attempts: so much lesse is he able nowe so farre off to defende vs as he woulde, which his Maiesties good wil being knowne vnto vs, doth arme vs for our defence, and for the safegarde of our liues, and of the priuiledges which he hath giuen vs, vntill such time as he shall be able by himselfe to defende vs against his enimies and ours.

This answer being made by them of Rochel, Monsieur Au­denarz caused them to sende vnto the king, putting them in hope to receiue an answere in due and conuenient time. Ther­fore they sent with him another to intreate with the king on their behalfe.

And Monsieur Audenarz, according to his charge, left no­thing vndone to perswade them of Rochel to yeelde themsel­ues vnto the king, all the while he abode there, making vnto them many fayre promises, thinking that as he had done ther­in his faythful dutie towardes the king, so they also should do him no lesse seruice.

Monsieur Biron came to the Citie, & verie diligently visited those noble men of the religion, which as yet kept their houses, and with vehement speeches seemed greatly to detest those murders committed, earnestly requyring them to perswade with the Citizens of Rochel, to put themselues into his garde and tuition, which should be (as he sayd) for their profite.

He sent the kings letters to them of Rochel, by whiche he commaunded them to submit themselues out of hande to the gouernment of Monsieur Biron, and to obey him.

Monsieur Biron also procured the king of Nauarres letters to be sent vnto them, dated at Paris the tenth day of Septem­ber, in the which he required the lyke at theyr handes, and very greatly commended Monsieur Biron.

Wherevpon, they of Rochel sent two messengers to Mons. Biron to salute him: for they stoode doubtfull what to doe, whether they should receiue Monsieur Biron yea or no: for it was reported that they of Rochel would incline vnto him, the which to do was not without great perill.

Monsieur Biron talking with the messengers of Rochel in a [Page 13] secrete place, bewayled and lamented wyth many teares the outrage of the murders committed, shewed how greatly he was grieued for the fame: and gaue thankes vnto God that his name could not be regestred and expressed in so infamouse an hystorie: desired the messengers to certifie Rochel from him that he wished them to consider in what peryll they were: and that they should wisely vse & take those meanes for their safe­tie which God offered vnto them, least they repented them to late with great dammage: that they alone were not able to stande agaynst the Kings power, the whiche beyng complete was ready to vanquish and ouerthrow the remaynder of them of the Religion: shewyng also that this was the only reme­die, for them to submit themselues to hys authoritie, or at least to admit and suffer hym with one or twoo more of his trayne, to come into the towne, that he might thereby certifie the kyng of theyr obedience: the whiche beyng done, he would bryng to passe, that they shoulde sustayne no hurte by the kyngs Armie, but would out of hande dispatch away the Nauie, which was prepared to assayle them by force.

There were also certayne of the chiefe Citizens, whiche fa­uored Mons. Biron: and his iudgement was well lyked of the two messengers, who returnyng shewed bothe the imminent mischiefe of the great perill, and also that the onely remedy to withstand the same rested in the counsayle of M. Biron, whom report blased not only to be distayned and defiled with horri­ble furies of murders, but also that he himselfe was brought into great peryll: Notwithstanding in this matter he did on­ly make a counterfeyte lamentation, to pleasure the kyng, euen as aforetyme he had employed his mortall labour in perswa­dyng the Admiral. Neuerthelesse it is certayne that the name of Monsieur Biron was wrytten in the bloudy booke, that he might haue his parte with others in the butcherly murder of Paris. Therfore, to get vnto hymself the kyngs fauour by some notable seruice, he went about to yeelde vp thē of Rochel vnto the kyng: The which if it had come to passe, it had bene a hun­dred to one, that the extreme slaughter should haue made a la­mentable [Page 14] ende of that rēnant of the Religious, so that not one shuld haue bene left aliue. But Rochel was a great let to hin­der those mischieuous coūsayles & practises, & occasions to pre­uayle notablely were offered to them of the Religion, both by these delaies, & also by y e happy successe of y e affayres of Rochel.

The messengers as wee sayde beyng come into the towne, tolde the matter vnto the Senate: and as they were in consul­tation deuising what way they were best to take, woorde was brought to the Maior of the Citie, (which is the chiefe gouer­nour) that shippes were to be seene at the promontorie or poynt cōmonly called Chef d'Bais: the which beyng entered the ha­uen, by the cōmandement of M. d'Guard, letters were brought also, by which he giueth them of Rochel to vnderstand, that he was certified by the kyngs letters, that Mons. Biron would be at Rochel the same day with power: & admonisheth them to take diligent heede that they gaue him honorable entertaymēt as it was agreeable to his person: and withall to remember that they had to do with a great and moste mightie kyng, of whose goodnesse it should be better for them to taste, than of his seueritie, for that he intēded to punish them accordyng to theyr deserts, which would impugne and resist hys cōmandements.

At this very instant, while they hong doubtfull and knewe not which way to take in these extremities, Rochel refu­seth to receiue Monsieur Bi­ron. & the open threat­nyngs of Monsieur d'Guard, hauyng confirmed the increased opinion concernyng the kings will in this poynt, they agreed and concluded with one consent not to receyue Mons. Biron, & that vpon this occasion. At the very same tyme there came a messenger frō Montauban with letters, by which they certified them of Rochel, y t Castre a citie in Languedoc, the which was held by them of the Religion, & after many fayre promyses of the kyng concerning theyr safetie beyng yelded into the hande of Monsieur Creuset a noble man dwellyng vnto them, was sacked, and the Religious in the same most cruelly murdered.

Amidst so great distresse, they of Montauban were sore a­feard and very careful concernyng theyr owne priuate peril: & they admonished them of Rochel what they were best to do [Page 15] in so great extremitie, namely, to take wyse deliberation. The present peryll of the inhabitants of Castre, troubled and dis­quieted them of Rochel: wherevppon they determined not to receyue Monsieur Biron, vntil such tyme as they had prouyded for theyr owne safetie and securitie: of which theyr determina­tion they gaue Mons. Biron to vnderstand out of hande.

MONSIEVR Biron aunswereth them agayne, that he was very sory that they were bent to that which would bryng theyr owne destruction: yet notwithstādyng he sayd he would hyde the matter from the kyng by speciall excuses, vntill suche tyme as they had aduised themselues better: willyng them not to hurte themselues by this daungerous determination, and to beware least theyr rashe wilfulnesse turned them to displea­sure: Finally he promysed that he would endeuour hymselfe all that he coulde to perswade the kyng that the Nauie might be dismist and sent some otherway.

LOVING letters were sent vnto them againe from the kyng, the Queene mother, and from the Duke of Anjou, by seueral messengers, though the letters tended to one effect. The kyng sought to perswade them of hys singular good will to­wardes them, and promised vnto them al fayth & humanitie in preseruyng them. They of Rochel answere by letters agayne, They giue thankes vnto the kyng, and beseeche him that he would commaund the nauie to auoyd that coste, for they were in such great feare at that present, that they knew not what to do. The which if it would please the kyng to cōmaunde, they myght certaynly assure themselues of the kyngs good will to­wardes them, and should also the more duetifully obey him.

By reason of these delayes of the kyng, occasion was giuen to them of Rochel to cast away feare, and to take vnto them better courage: whereas if the kyng had set vpon them with all his force at the first brunte of the murder, theyr ouerthrow had bene the more lykely.

Therefore beyng admonished by common counsayle, & be­yng taught both by the general euill, & also by the present exā ­ple of the men of Castre, they of Rochel prepare themselues to [Page 16] theyr defence. They make, accordyng to the māner, new Ma­gistrates: they create Captaynes for the warre: they muster men, both of the towne, and also forreyners which came thy­ther for refuge: they appoynt that certaine ministers and also strangers shoulde be of the counsayle concerning matters for the towne. Monsieur Sanstephen a noble man was made ge­neral of the horsemen.

The Captaynes were of more fame, as Mons. Essarz, mons. Riuier, Mons. Lyzi, Mons. Norman, Mons. Virolet, Mons. No­uel, and diuerse others, whose names we expresse, bycause of the siege folowyng.

Agayne Mons. Biron sent letters to them of Rochel from Broage, a famous hauen where the Nauie roade: Mons. Stros­si, and Mons. d'Guarde sente letters to them also: but the let­ters of mons. Biron were more friendly than the other: in the whiche he affyrmed that he woulde procure the kyngs com­maundement for the dismissyng of the Nauie, so that they of Rochel would promise to the kyng to obey suche gouernours as he woulde appoynt ouer them. Monsieur d'Guarde wrote more sharpely vnto them willyng them to receyue one condi­tion or other, eyther of peace or of warre: affirmyng that the kyng should haue his authoritie by eyther.

They of Rochel answered, that many things were promy­sed them, but little or nothing performed: that it was euident to all men what great cause they had to imbrace & loue peace: and what dammage and hurte they had receyued by warres, and therfore how greatly they ought to deteste the same: That they had hearde oftentimes, that the kyng was very carefull for theyr safetie, yet notwithstandyng the kyngs officers dyd annoy and endammage them very muche, and that they in the meane tyme behaued themselues modestly and obediently to­wardes the kyng, as all men might see.

Mons. Biron and d' Guard practised after the same manner by letters: and caused Mons. Ouarz a noble man of that part, and named to be of the religion to wryte to them of Rochel after the same effect, and to shewe in howe greate peryll and [Page 17] danger they were in: and to admonishe them to beware least by their obstinacie they cast them selues into presente destru­ction.

The Kyng also commaunded monsieur Durans, whyche was a Solicitour in the affayres of Rochel (being at the same tyme at Paris) to goe vnto Rochel, & to perswade y e Townes­men to receyue monsieur Biron, and with him he sent to them of Rochel louing letters of bountifull good will.

Monsieur Thecan, the chiefe gouernour in y e Senate of Pa­ris, wrote vnto certayne of his friendes of the chiefe Citizens, that they would take diligent paynes in this matter, & would bring to passe that they of Rochel myghte receyue the conditi­ons offered by the king.

They of Rochel write vnto monsieur de Guard,, complay­ning both of the sundry dammages done vnto them in time of y e intreatie of peace, & also which wer yet done vnto thē dayly.

AMIDEST this intercourse and passage of letters too and fro, Murder at Burdeaux. there was a cruell slaughter made vpon those of the Reli­gion at Burdeaux, vppon whiche occasion they of Rochel de­maunded whether they coulde looke for peace, seeyng violente and outragious murders were still committed, and seeing as­saults of greater and more vehemēt slaughter were made vpō them. For the Shippes of the Marchants of Rochel, which had made their voiage and were returned from forrayne countries wer diuersly spoyled, and their marchandise taken from them.

Now the kings power, with open warre assayled them of Rochel, Open war a­gainst Rochel in somuche that marchantes were restrayned of theyr passage and entercourse, and the Kings nauie abode vpon the coast of Rochel, robbing and spoyling all partes thereaboutes, whyle the Armie whych shoulde come by lande, was a pre­paring.

IN the meane time they of Rochel diligently applied theyr grape gathering for the wine presse, Rochell pre­pareth for de­fence. and brought into the Citie fyue and twentie thousande tunnes of wine, whyche did them great pleasure at what time they were besieged. And all men both townesmen and also strangers laboured paynefully in [Page 18] in fortifying the towne with rampiers and bulwarks.

The state of Montauban. AND thus the state of Rochel beeyng knowen, before wee come to the noble besieging of the same, the order of the story requireth, that wee shewe the state of other Townes also, in the whyche the remnauntes of the godly religious were preserued.

They of Montaubane had the kings letters sent vnto them: notwithstanding they continued in their former purpose, by whiche during all the former ciuill warres they were very cir­cumspect in not admitting any one that came from the kyng, into the Citie: but amidst the greate treasons and lyings in wayte of their neighbours of Tholouze preserued them selues vntill these hard and extreame beginnings.

NISMES, the Townesmē not knowing what way they were best to take, was almost ready to bee yeelded vp to the King. Many of the principalles of the Religion stale out of the Citie, carying their families to another place, and got thē ­selues into such places as were neere vnto the same. Also some of them hauing forsaken the Religion, got them speedily to the Cities of the Catholiques, hoping thereby the more con­ueniently to obtayne pardon of the King: and many of them to shew that they were seriously returned to the Catholiques, detested the Religion all that they could with odious words.

MONSIEVR Ioyeuse Lefetenant of Languedoc, writ oftentimes to y e inhabitants of Nismes, to receyue the Kyngs Garrison: Who, at y e first answered by delayes, y t they woulde obey the king: yet notwithstāding bicause of y e late murdering of their brethrē & felow partakers with thē of the Religiō, they had great cause to be careful for their safetie. Notwithstāding Monsieur Ioyeuse perswaded them of the singular good wyll of the king by his letters often times affyrming y t they should liue quietly & in safetie by y e benefite of y e kings Edict of peace.

There is in Nismes the Kings court kept, nowithstandyng it is lawfull for a man to appeale from the same to the Senate of Tholouze, The richer sort mind to yeeld vp the Citie. in the whyche Citie there was more plenty of Lawyers, and more store of rich Citizens.

Many of them were almost at the same poynte, to yeelde them selues in tyme to the Kyng, and with speedy obedience to win the kings fauour.

Notwithstāding the greatest part of y e commō sort of peo­ple, & certayne also of the chiefe men, The better part of the Religious mind to hold the Citie. (amōg whom was Mons. Clauson a Counsailer of y e court, who as he was wise & godly, so also he was of great authoritie) withstoode this purpose, not minding to put thē selues into present perill of death: And lest those of the kings side shuld take y e Citie, and let into the same y e souldiers which wer vnder y e cōduct of Mons. Ioyeuse which lay in waite about the citie night and day, & sought diligently al occasiōs to take y e same, the said mons. Clauson himself very carefully held watch & warde w t the townsmen of y e gates of y e citie, least any mā shuld come in or out w tout their knowlege.

Mons. Clauson, being the author of this manly & wise pur­pose, notwithstanding y t he was a learned & graue man, yet he endeuoured him selfe to play the souldier, hauing alwayes a diligent eye in gouerning the Consulls (for so the Magistrates of the towne are called) least any treason shoulde be wrought by those which were enclined to y e king, he gaue the souldiers their watchword, appoynted to euery man hys charge & place, viewed the walles rounde about, and was very diligente and necessary about all things apperteyning to a Captayne.

THE people assembled together in the Guild haule by the warning of the Consulls oftentimes. Varietie of counsayles. And then the most wise men and of greatest experience, consulted what was best to be done: they looked one vppon another, doubted what to deter­mine, and deuising many wayes coulde lyke of none to take.

The greatest part of those whiche were counted wysest, di­sliked the purpose to defende the citie againste the force of the Kings army, as proceeding from bolde and madde rashnesse most perillous: thinking that better meanes might be deuised, by which the Citie might be yelded vp, and so a general safety prouided for: & wishing that this way should be taken with al speed. Notwithstāding y e authors themselues of this counsaile, while these things wer in consultatiō, went about to prouide [Page 20] priuately for their families, and caried them out of the citie: and they them selues went out also by heapes.

In this diuersitie of contrary Iudgementes and affections of all sortes and estates of men, the dissentions diuersly rising betweene the people and the gouernours, seemed out of all doubt to make a way and entrance for the kings power: and amiddest these controuersies, to gyue occasion to the enimie so­denly to ouercome them to their great calamitie & destruction.

NOTVVITHSTANDING thys purpose preuay­led, namely, that there shoulde be no hast made in this matter: that consultation should be had about the same hereafter: that God most assuredly woulde ayde hys seruaunts in hys owne cause: but if so be they must susteyne the force of their enimies, and suffer death, that nothing coulde happen more better vnto them: and that the same should be farre more tollerable, than to put them selues into the handes of murderers, of whome they mighte looke for the same pardon whiche they had giuen to o­thers of the Religion in Paris, in Lions, in Tholouz, and in dyuers places els. Therefore that it shoulde be a more honest and easie deathe whiche they shoulde suffer in defending them selues againste the violence of theyr vniust enimie, than to be slayne and executed by the hangmen: That the same defence was iust both by the law of God and man, that they vsed not violence in setting vpon the enimie, but withstood iust violence with iust defence. That theeues and murderers were armed in the Kings name and by the kings authoritie: and that ther­fore they withstoode not the king: That if they dyed in this de­fence their death should be pretious before God, and haue the honour of martyrdome. And that there is no doubt but that God at the length will haue compassion vpon them, and wyll help them by one way or other vnlooked for, that patience and prayer was needefull, that in delay there was lesse perill, but in haste there was moste presente destruction: seeyng by delay those occasions myghte growe, whych myght gyue them abi­litie to bryng notable thyngs to passe. Monsieur Clauson de­claring these thinges at large, it was agreed by the consente of [Page 21] the greater number, not to receyue at all the kyngs garison, but to tarry for a more conuenient time: and yet notwith­standing to occupy the mynde of monsieur Ioyeuse with con­uenient answeres.

THEN, they certified the indwellers of Seuenatz and Vi­uaretz their neyghbours (which wholy depended vpon them) of their purpose, and exhorted them to constancie of mynd, and to a better hope. For they were assaulted in like sorte by the kings instruments. Monsieur Leuger a noble man, and knight of the order was sent into Viuaretz to take and hold the same.

IN these first beginnings they of the religion, helde these townes Aubenac, Priuac, Pusi, Villeneufe. Notwithstan­ding, it was not long ere the Catholiques had taken Pusi, the cōuenient situation wherof much annoyed thē. And monsieur Leuger practised this way to take Villeneufe.

Villeneufe is but a small towne, yet notwithstanding, it is situate very conueniently for that part: being appoynted for a lower court, from whence the appeale is to Nismes: and it belongeth to the kyngs Excheaker. Villeneufe ta­kē by treason. The Religious of Ville­neufe, agreed with the Catholiques of the towne to ioyne to­gether, and to defende one another with mutuall heartes and handes: saying, that they were brethren and felowe citizens, and that those barbarous and outragious murthers, were to be resisted with all their power. And taking an othe one to the other, they indent, that two captaynes should be chosen by generall consent: and that the same should watch and warde day and night by turne: and so, that the Catholiques shoulde haue for their captayne, one of them of the Relygion, and the religious a Catholique, to the ende all suspition might be ta­ken away. They of the relygion, named for their captayne monsieur Baron: and the Catholiques named for thē monsieur Mirambel, both good and expert Captaynes. This good and laudable purpose had yll successe: by which it appeareth how yll two Religions agree together, and abyde in one seate.

The townesmen thinking that they had heereby prouided [Page 22] very well for theyr safetie, and they of the Relygion being persuaded of the fayth of the Catholiques, are thereby neglec­ting theyr businesse, beholde, the cytie was taken by monsieur Leuger thus.

Captayne Mirambel tolde monsieur Leuger that there was an easie way made for hym to take the citie: in so much, that he should onely neede to approche somewhat nearer the citie, with some ambushmēts of souldiers, & so cōmyng to the gates of the citie, he should be let in by hym, promysing so to order the matter, and to appoynt such warders about the gates, that he should easily haue his purpose.

Monsieur Leuger preparing his souldiers out of hand, drew neare to the citye, and came with a troupe of horsmen vnto the gates: gaue monsieur Mirambel to vnderstande, that he was come thyther with the kings power, commaunding him vpon his allegeance to set open the gates vnto him. There at that time monsieur Biron walked before the gates vnarmed, with certayne of the chiefe townesmen: him all amazed monsieur Leuger saluted, at hys so sudden cōming vpon them. Monsieur Mirebel commaunded the gates of the citie to be set open: and mons. Leuger entred the citie: then the armed troupes of the Catholiques came flockyng rounde about hym, he fortifyeth the gates: and by and by the troupes of horsemen and of foote men whyche stayed at a vyllage harde by, ranne vnto hym.

Amydst these salutations, the Catholiques, and they of the Relygion fleeyng together vnto him, monsieur Biron stale away priuyly, and came to the next towne by, called Mirebel, which was by the Kings Edict an appoynted place, to receiue the holy assemblyes of the professours of the Religion of Vil­leneufe, and tolde to mons. Pradel a noble man, whose lande lyeth in and about that place, what had happened in the citie: and so they agreeing together, tooke them to the Castell of Mi­rebel, which afterward did them great pleasure.

Mons. Leuger at the first, intreated the chiefe of the Reli­gion very gentlely: seeking to persuade them that his pur­pose [Page 23] was to gouerne them wyth peace and equitie, vnder the protection of the Kyngs Edicts, and to trouble no mans con­science. In the tyme of this truce, many that professed the Relygion, stale awaye to Mirebel, and fortyfyed the same out of hande. By the meanes heereof, Villeneufe being af­terwarde recouered (as we wyll declare heereafter) dyd great­ly further the affayres of the Relygious in Languedoc. Of the whiche I speake particularly, that men may vnderstande and see, of howe weake and small begynnings, the affayres of the Religion grewe and tooke so good successe.

The inhabitantes of Aubenac and Priuac, followed the counsell of the cytizens of Nismes, concernyng the wayes of defence. Notwithstandyng, that monsieur Leuger in the meane tyme, vrged them to receyue the garrizon. The example of falsehoode in the Catho­liques. They ney­ther made playne denyall, nor yet admitted the Kyngs gar­rizon: but they so handeled monsieur Leuger, that for theyr money, they should buy and delay the tyme of receyuing the Kyngs garrizon. For this cause the Consulles of Aubenac, hauing obtayned truce at his handes, wente to Villeneufe, and payed the money required. Notwythstanding, one of them beyng a verie honest and ryche Citizen, named Vale­ton, and of the Religion also, was helde captyue by monsieur Leuger, against the lawe of Armes, for that he came vnder truste, and was put also to his raunsome, euen as if hee had beene taken in battell, the whiche beyng payed, hee was helde captyue neuerthelesse, vntyll suche time as Villeneufe, whiche they of the Relygion had taken, was delyuered vp to him, as wee will declare heereafter. These experimentes of Catholique falsehoode, confyrmed the Relygious, as it were in obstinate constancie, in so muche, that they chose rather to suffer any thing, than to come into the handes of theyr false forsworne enimies. This was the state of many places in Languedoc.

AND bycause they of Nismes were vrged oftentimes by the letters of mons. Ioyeuse, to abstayne from holy Sermons, according to the forme of the kings Edict: left by that occasion [Page 24] they might be founde giltie before the king: after delibera­tion had of the matter, they determined for the present necessi­tie, not to haue Sermons in the day time, but in the night. It can not be expressed, howe muche weeping and lamentation the people made at that last Sermon. Yet neuerthelesse, men came to the preaching of the worde more plentifully and ear­nestly than they dyd before: for the more that afflictions doe increase, the more precious is the word of God vnto the godly.

The inhabitantes of Viuaretz and Seuenatz, folowed the example of the citizens of Nismes: in those cities whiche they helde, they had theyr Sermons in the night, the whiche not­withstanding, continued but for a fewe dayes.

The answere of the citizens of Nismes. NEVERTHELES monsieur Ioyeuse was not contē ­ted wyth this argument of obedience: oftentimes hee vrged them of Nismes, to receyue the kings garizon: the whiche if they would doe, he promised them that within fewe dayes, they should be both free from the same, and also shoulde haue libertie and peace, both of body and conscience.

The citizens of Nismes answered very copiously in wry­ting, that they coulde not receyue that garrizon, shewing the reasons wherefore: not that they refused to obey the king, but that they myght prouide for the safetie of their life, and for the libertie of theyr conscience: Bycause such occasions had alrea­dy falne out, as seriously required them to seeke the same at this time. Therfore they beseech monsieur Ioyeuse, not to in­terprete the same otherwyse than they purposed and meant. That they desired nothing but peace and tranquillitie, and to shewe their obedience to the king. That if so be lawfull re­medies might be prouided to take away theyr iust feare, they were ready to yeelde them selues into the handes of the kyng theyr Lorde and Prince. But if so be old treasons and snares were practised, and if so be they could obtayne no more than they had obtayned in tyme past, they were ready to suffer all manner of extremitie, rather than that they would willingly cast them selues vpon the cruell and bloudy swordes of spoy­ling murtherers: for that it was great madnesse, for any man [Page 25] willyngly to cast him selfe into peryll. Then hauing ampli­fyed the iniquitie of those murthers committed, and also ha­uing declared the dishonestie of the foreshewed falsehoode, they shew that it is lawfull for Christians, both by al law of God and man, to defende them selues againste force and iniurie: and that they doe not beare armoure agaynst the kyng, but a­gainst theeues and murtherers, furiously abusing the autho­ritie of the Kings name, without punishment. That they dyd plainly perceyue what they them selues were, and also what, and howe great the force of their enimies was: That present death was before their eyes, but yet that they did not doubt, but that God, which is most righteous and iust, would helpe them miserable wretches in due time, that eyther they might defend their lyfe against the violence of murtherers, or else by martyrdome, myght dye an honest death: the which should te­stify to al posterities for euer, both howe great the iniquitie of their enimies was, & also howe great their constancie and ver­tue, in standing strongly & valiantly, in a good & godly cause. That they cōmitted the successe of y e whole matter vnto God, and that this was their only ioy in so great perplexitie, name­ly, that they were vniustly afflicted: also that they were encou­raged by the testimonie of a good conscience, the happy successe whereof they looked for, both in lyfe, and also in death.

ARMIES were prepared in the Kings name in dyuers places, in Languedoc, in Guian, in Dolpheny, in Prouance, Preparation of war against Languedoc. coūtreys bording vpō Languedoc, for the war of Languedoc. Notwithstanding, they of Nismes were firste assaulted, the whiche being destroyed, the Catholiques thought that the rest would more easily giue place. Also d' Anuil was looked for to come w t a power, for y t he hath chief gouernmēt of Lāguedoc. They of Nismes prepare for their defence al that they can, they fortify the city, ouerthrow the suburbes, as hurtful to the same, carry in victuals, and do diligently set al things in order, euē as if they should be besieged by the diligence and prudence of mons. Clauson. Notwithstanding, Nismes was not besieged by y e kings power: the occasion wherof we wil shew in order. [Page 26] NOwe we are in this place to note the state of Sanserre, which we sayd the relygious held also, The state of Sanserre. at the first begin­ning of the cruell slaughter, whose constancie in wonderfull extremities, is worthy to be remembred for euer. The history of these our times, is ful of many and of such rare examples on both partes, the whiche we will briefly note accordyng to our purpose, obseruyng so much as we may the order of tyme.

They of Sanserre, beyng styrred vp with the newes of that horrible slaughter of Paris, and beyng assaulted wyth conti­nuall lyings in wayte of the bordering enimie, kept theyr ci­tie wyth diligent watch and warde: thyther those of the Reli­gion whyche were escaped the murthers, fled from the places there about, from Burges, (for Sanserre is in the territorie of Berry) from La Charite, from Orleans, from Gijon, and from other places.

Notwythstanding, commaundement was gyuen out of hande to them of Sanserre in the Kings name, by mons. Ca­stres, gouernour of that part, to admit and obey the Kyngs decree, by which he forbad the seruice of the Relygion, and ac­cordyng to the fourme thereof, to abstayne from holy Ser­mons, and to receyue a garryzon to keepe the city.

The same forme of commaundemēt also, had the same an­swere of the men of Sanserre, whiche they of Rochel & Nismes had gyuē, as we haue sayd: namely that they neyther could nor ought to receyue the armed enimie agaynst them selues. And that therfore they must wayte for that tyme, in the which they myght safely commit them selues to the externall and foreine souldier, also they affyrmed, that they were by theyr auncient pryuiledge, exempted from that burthen.

Wherefore they fortify them selues all that they may, and repayre the breaches of theyr wastes, whych were sore battered in the former warre. They sende a messenger to the Court, commendyng theyr cause to monsieur Fontenei, one of theyr corporation and libertie, that he would make intercession to the Kyng for them, and would excuse them. Notwythstan­ding, all things were prepared for mortall warre, and what [Page 27] happened thervpon, we wyll shew when we come to the time and place, belongyng vnto the same.

IN Daulphine, they of the relygion had not one town in theyr possession, no not so much as a village. The state of the religious in Daulphine. All the city­zens were taken by the Kyngs garryzons: the greatest part of them of the relygion, beyng desirous to saue theyr lyfe, eyther fayned an abiuration of the relygion, or else fled into the next cities of Viuaretz, and into forreyne countreys. To tell it is incredible, Many fell a­way from the Religion. howe many defections and Apostacies there were in a very shorte tyme, euen in the greatest cities, where the con­gregations were most peopled. At the first, very many wyth­out constraynt, euen by the very reporte of the murther at Pa­ris, & at Lions, fel away, and came by heapes to the catholikes: some beyng scarsly threatned, became weakelyngs and turne­coates. So that a man myght see great heapes of hypocrites and dissemblers of the Relygion, which frequented the tem­ples, and vsed all the rytes of the Catholiques, euen as it were with stryuing who should be most forwarde.

Many of the nobilitie also whych had folowed the relygi­on, and had valiantly behaued them selues, The behaui­our of the no­ble men in Daulphine. in the tymes of the former warres, abiured now the relygion: others were dumbe at home, wyth great astonyshment of continuall feare, leaste they shoulde be intercepted and taken by monsieur d' Gordes Lieftenant, who notwithstanding, went about to persuade them of theyr secure and safe estate, and to seduce them from the relygion, by louing letters.

MONS. Mombrune, one of the most noble men in Daul­phine, came not to the assembly of the funeral mariage. For y e prouidēce of God reserued him to do him great seruice, as we wil declare whē we come to the time of the same. Mombrune, a noble and va­liant man. But he ha­uing, by his seruice in y e former warres, diuers & sundry ways emploied, gotten great fame among thē of the religion, mons. d'Gordes, at the kings cōmandemēt only, labored to intercept him, fearing that he wold be another occasiō of new troubles.

Mombrune kept his house: therefore mons. d' Gordes sent verie louyng letters vnto hym, seekyng thereby to persuade [Page 28] him of the singular good wyll and beneuolence towarde him. Only keeping him selfe quiet, he should be in rest and securi­tie, and in the Kings high fauour. Thus Mombrune seemed to many, to haue giuen ouer the care for religion, & to be quyte discoraged with the vnhappinesse of the time. Notw tstanding he at y e last cast aside al negligēce, as we wil declare hereafter

THE kings Edict is published, to reduce thē home again, which were fled away eyther into forreine nations, or else into those cities, which they of the religion held. That (by the pres­cript of the kings Edict) pardon shuld be graūted for al things past, The Kings Edict for the calling home of suche as were fled. to such as would returne home againe, with prouiso for the safety of their life and conscience, so that they woulde lyue peaceably at home. And in the same Edict, the king threatned those that would not obey his commandement, to make their goods confiscate, as if they were rebels. And he testified, that he did not punish the Admiral and his adherentes, to this end and purpose, that he might shewe seueritie for euer, vpon his subiectes of the newe opinion: (for so he called the Religi­on) but rather to prouide a necessary remedy for the disor­dred kyngdome, though the same in outward shewe seemed to be sharpe. Also whereas many of his people through feare, were fled eyther into those cities which the rebels held, or else into forrein nations, that he earnestly lamented their case, euē as it becōmeth a good master of a house, for y t they receiued so much hindrance & losse, by being banished frō their houses. Therfore he willeth and straightly commaundeth them to re­payre with al speede vnto their houses: being assured that they should haue peaceable cōming, so that they came w tin twentie days: & the religious, leauing the cities which they held sediti­ously, to giue their names vnto the lieftenant of the Prouince, and to promyse faythfully, that they woulde be heereafter the trustie subiectes of the king. But if so be they would obstinat­ly absent them selues, and carelesly contemne his clemencie, then to be assured that he would be seuere in punishing them, according to their desertes. Also excepte they appeared at the daye appoynted, that hee woulde confyscate theyr goodes, [Page 29] to the end they myght knowe what it is to abuse the clemencie of their prince: That he did offer and proclayme thys in time, least any man should sustayne the punishment afterwarde for his presumptuouse boldnesse and rashnesse.

Thys was published the .xix. of Nouember. But howsoe­uer the kyng by those words of the Edict would seeme to pro­uide for the consciences of the Religious, it cannot be of any wayght or credit in y e iudgement of wise men. For a little be­fore many of the kings letters patents were sente abroade tho­rough out the Realme, by which most vniustly he constrained those, which had not once set theyr foote out of the Realme, and whose condition for that cause ought to haue bin much better, to renounce the Religion, and to imbrace Papistrie.

Many there imagined and coniectured that the great masse of money gathered out of the proscription of the Religious, woulde bee sufficiente to mayntayne warre, and so they of the Religion should be wounded with their owne swordes.

Therefore the goodes of the Religious were dayly vewed and put in inuentorie, the whiche is alwayes the beginning of Confiscation, so that the goodes of the Religious beyng ab­sent, were almost put in an Inuentorie, but yet were not con­fiscate: the cause whereof was the contrary successe whyche the Kyng looked not for. If the Kyng had had such successe in his warre at Rochel as hee desyred, it seemed that confiscations shoulde haue flowed wyth murders beyonde all measure tho­roughout the whole Realme vppon them of the Religion to theyr vtter destruction.

Vnder the collour and pretēce of that Edict, the king sought to bryng to passe by hys Legate mons. Belleure, The King goeth about to dryue them that were fled for Religion, out of Swit­zerlande. with y e Swit­zers which professed the Religion, that those Frenchmen of the Religion, whych were fled into theyr countrey myght be con­strayned to forsake the same, for many were fled, especially to Bern and to Basile. Notwithstandyng the Ambassadour lost hys labour, for they extended still that same humanitie that they dyd before towards those fugitiues.

Almost about thys tyme a daughter was borne to the king. [Page 30] Wherevpon he intreated Elizabeth the Queene of Englande, that she would promise for his yong daughter in the holy Sa­crament of Baptisme, (whiche we call the office of a Godmo­ther.) To this request the Queenes Maiestie graūted, and sent the Earle of Worceter into France to the king to be hir depu­tie for the same. The Quenes Maiestie Godmother to the French kings daugh­ter. There was no man but he saw well ynough that the kyng at that doubtful time wēt about to coorry fauour with the Queene of Englande, least she shoulde help the poore Inhabitants of Rochel, and to this end the league was made.

We said before that they of Rochel answeared mons. Biron, that they woulde not receyue him into the Citie, They of Ro­chell are put to proscriptiō by the King. before suche time as the kyng hadde prouided for theyr securitie by assured pledges, not minding to come to composition w t bare words. But the Kyng purposed to make those at his commaundemēt by dint of sworde and open force, whome he could not wynne with wordes and deceyt. Therefore hee deliuereth letters to mons. Biron, by whych hee banisheth them from his protection and fauour, except they obey this his last commaundement, as Rebelles, traytors, and the troublers of the common peace, protesting that he woulde persecute them with mortall warre accordingly: he commaundeth all hys gouernours and officers to persecute them with warre, and by al other meanes, euē as if they were giltie of high treason: and pronoūceth y t whatsoeuer they do herein against them, shal be allowed and maynteyned.

At the same time mons. Noe a noble man, and in the former warres one amongst the rest most valiant, came out of y e lowe Countrey of Flaunders called Belgic, and was reconciled to the Kyng, and in token of his recouered fauour, the king gaue vnto him the goodes of Teligni, (whose Sister mons. Noe had maried) whyche otherwise had bin confiscate as the goodes of others that were slayne were in the slaughter of Paris.

The king gaue hym in charge to perswade with them of Rochel, that hee mighte bring them if it were possible to take those conditions of peace which he offered vnto them. They of Rochel wondering at his comming after thys sorte, sente vnto hym their letters of safeconduct, that he might come to y e vil­lage [Page 31] called Tadon the fyfth day of Nouember, and to do vnto them that message which he had brought vnto thē from y e king.

Thither came, mons. l' Noe, and the Burgeses of Rochell, Lāguilleir, Rechenart, Villers, and Merelle. Mons. le Noe commeth to Rochel. Mons. l' Noe decla­red vnto them, that he had receyued commaundemente from the King & Queene, to tel thē y t it appertayned greatly to their profite, to yeeld vp the Citie into the kings hand and power, y t they mighte thereby deliuer themselues from that destruction, presently like to ensue by the siege at hand, and might also ob­tayne great peace for other Churches, that he propounded thys condition in the kings name, whome if they woulde admit to be their Gouernour according to the kings appoyntment, they had free libertie to vse and enioy the Religion.

Notwithstanding mons. l' Noe, hauing declared hys good wyll and loue whiche he bare to Religion, priuately perswa­ded them of Rochel, to admit none in the kings name into the Citie, before such time as they were sufficiently assured of their securitie and safetie.

The Burgeses of Rochel had onely authoritie and leaue to heare, but no licence at all to determine any thing. Where­fore they returning certifyed the Senate of the condition offe­red by mons. l' Noe, and mons. l' Noe being come into the Ci­tie receyued this answer, That Rochel would not admit mons. Biron, beseeching the king that hee woulde poynt some other whiche loued the refourmed Religion to be their ouerseer, or els to suffer them to lyue peaceably vnder the obedience of hys lawes.

In the meane time mons. l' Noe being solicited both by the Senate it selfe of Rochel, and also required by certayne other Ministers of the Church, to imbrace the Religion, sayeth that he was no lesse feruent towards the Religion, than he had bin afore time: and that he determined in him selfe to returne vnto them so soone as he hadde done his ambassage vnto the king. The whiche hee perfourmed within few dayes after, and was louingly enterteyned of them of Rochel.

After this they of Rochel cōsulted how they might get y e Isle [Page 32] of Rhe, the whyche was both neere and also commodious for them. The charge to atchieue thys enterprise was cōmitted to mons. Essarz. He, beeyng furnished wyth certayne Shyppes loosed from Rochel hauen about the dead tyme of the nyghte, that he myghte deceyue the enimie ryding at anker not farre from hym. Nowe there were come nere to the Citie two Shyppes of y e Kyngs nauy vnder a colour to bryng letters to them of Rochel in the name of mons d' Guarde: but in very deede they were sounding or plumming for the depth of the water, for the whych cause they had one wyth them very expert in the same. Whyles they were thus occupyed, they were boor­ded by the Shyppes of Rochel: the whych hauing slayne one of theyr chiefe Cpptaynes, tooke one of the Shyppes, and sente all theyr tackeling and cariage into the Citie, the other Shyp be­ing afeard, escaped away. Then they of Rochel returned into the Citie agayne. Thys was a foretoken that they shuld haue good successe in the warre whiche was prepared against them.

The begyn­ning of the seege of Ro­chell. THE fourth day of December mons. Biron came to the ci­tie wyth seuen cornets of horsemen, and eyghteene en­signes of footemen, hauyng also wyth hym two great brasse peeces, to begin the seege.

In the meane tyme dyuers came dyuersly to this warre frō al parts of the Realme: & of those also not a fewe which afore­time had serued the Prince of Conde in the war, and had nowe forsaken the Religion, shewyng them selues to be more mor­tall enimies to the same than the Catholiques them selues.

They of Rochel held those villages that bordered vpō theyr Citie, as Maraim, Mose, Nouaille, whych were vnder y e charge of Captayne Norman, and Andiui, and the Isle of Rhe, vnder the charge of Captayne Virolet.

They determined not to abyde the force of so great an ar­my, but to make hast vnto the Citie: notwithstandyng Cap­tayne Norman purposed first to assay the enimie. Therefore he marched foorth with his bands of footemen, hauing accōpanying him only fyftie horsemen, and so approched nere y e enimie: but [Page 33] being to weake, he had the repulse, and was constrayned to flie into a Countrey place belonging to a noble man, the whiche notwithstanding was of sufficient strength, and was called Grimelde: whither also Captaine Virolet sought to come.

Then Mon. Biron beset the house, and battered the same with his fielde peeces: insomuch that there seemed to be no way for them to escape destruction, had not captain Norman taken this last shift. For he leauing his horses, went forth with his men on foote in the dead tyme of the night, and breaking throughe the scoute watches, got to the citie with his men in safety. But captain Virolet seeking too carefully to saue his horses, was ta­ken himselfe: notwithstanding he turned by and by to the Ca­tholiks side, hoping y t if he woulde seene in that war, he should haue great rewards: but the ende falling out otherwise than he was promised, he got him home into Brittain: where within a while after he was slaine, being recompenced with that re­warde of the new warres.

Then there came dayly new bands of souldiers. M. Strozzi being general of y e french footmē tooke Pilleborean: M. d'Goast with six ensignes of footemen tooke Ronsel: and M. Biron tooke Santandre, which were the suburbs of Rochel. These they for­tified with ditches and bulwarkes against the sodaine erupti­ons of those within the Citie.

The townesmen from al quarters, villages and farmes nere vnto them, caried into the Citie so much as they could all ma­ner of vittaile: notwithstanding the kings side founde great plentie in those places, for the cariage whereof they of Rochel, had not prouided in due tyme.

Bicause the king perceiued that those noble men which were come out of other parts of the realme to Rochel would much profit them of Rochel, The noble men within Rochel are assayed to be brought to defection. and would indammage much his in­tended siege, he assayed those noble men by his letters, promi­sing vnto them, that if they would come forth of the Citie, they should be in safe securitie, and shoulde also receyue a large re­compence. Notwithstanding this perswasion tooke not effect. For not one of them at that tyme fell vnto the king.

There was a generall fast appoynted at Rochel, according to the vsuall maner of the French Churches.

Mons. Biron went about to breake the chanels and conduyt pipes which conueyed water to the fountain or conduit which serued the citie, therby to take away from the citizens the vse of water. But although they had brokē the conduit pipes in many places, yet notwithstāding they lost their labor, by reason of the great plenty of diuers springs which came from sundrie pla­ces. By this occasion there was a great skirmish betwene both partes: in the which the Lieutenant of Captaine Normans bande was slaine, and of mons. Birons part his Standardbea­rer called Saintgenez, and diuers other on both sides.

A ship of Rochel being remoued to the entrie or mouth of the hauē, Certaine milles ouer­throwne by the Catho­lykes, was assayled by the kings ships, but so y t they gayned nothing at al therby. They also ouerthrew .iiii. milles which ioyned to the city, and caried from them great plentie of corne, which they of Rochel had by negligence left in them.

BVt before we come to the forceable besieging of Rochel, and to enter into a newe yeare, the order of the hystorie begun, requyreth that we note by the way what was done in other places by the Religious.

About the end of Nouember d'Anuil being come into Lan­guedoc at the kings commaundement, and hauing receyued great charge and cōmission to warre against those remnants which remayned of the Religion, marched forth with his pre­pared armies, minding as it shoulde seeme to besiege Nismes. Notwithstāding this occasion disappointed him of y t purpose.

There is a little towne nere vnto Montpellier called Som­miron, the which though it be but smal, yet notwithstanding it is of sufficient force & strength, both for the apt situation therof, and also bicause it hath a wel defenced castel in the same. In this towne mon. Ioyeuse had left certain great bard horses with a garison of certain soldiers, d' Anuil commeth into Languedoc with an army suspecting no force to be offered by them of the Religion, which seemed to be almost dead: but be­holde, vnlooked for a notable captain called mon. Saintgremian tooke the city, the castle, and the horses of mon. Ioyeuse.

Therfore d'Anuil hauing giuen a vain assault to Vzes (the which is an ancient city of Languedoc in the territory of Cur­sol) & hauing gone throughout the whole territory of Vzes, The vnprofi­table warre of d'Anuil in Languedoc. ha­uing taken the castel of Sangene by surrender, and woon a little town called Cauuis, & seeming now to come to assaile Nismes with a great armie, he first of al purposed to assault Sommiron with his whole force, least he should haue Montpellier a neare enimy vnto him, or least he might be stayed from the pray and bootie any longer which lay open to the sight of his armie.

D'Anuil therfore besiegeth Sommiron, omitting nothing by which he might giue a strōg assault to the same: Sommiron is besieged. notwithstan­ding the vnhappy succes of that siege as it diminished y e strēgth of the Catholiks in that coūtry, so also it greatly enlarged the power of thē of the Religion, which thenceforth began to haue better successe: and the feare of those first attempts being set a­part, they of the Religion behaued themselues in their affayres much more constantly than they did before in the former ciuil wars: hauing takē a large & plentiful coūtry, not so much by y e forces of great armies, as by diligēt painfulnes. The state of them in Lan­guedoc. Sommirō was thus besiged by d'Anuil four moneths: a great masse of mony being wasted by the Catholiks in vitailing so populous an ar­my, insomuch that they were wery of war, beside the losse both of cōmon soldiers, & also of those noble mē which were mortal enimies to y e Religion, being brought thither euē as it were a­gainst their wils, y t they might be slain. To be short they of the religiō in Lāguedoc had an opē way made for thē, to bring no­table things to passe frō thenceforth, as we wil shew hereafter.

Of Sanserre we haue spoken before. The affayres of Sanserre. To intercept and take the which, the same subtil practises were vsed, that were practi­sed in the Cities mentionrd before. They of Sanserre had in­treated monsieur Fontene a certaine noble man (as we haue sayde) to speake vnto the king on their behalfe, and not to suffer their name to be dishonested by slaunderous reports.

Mons. Fontene tooke this for an occasion to begin greater familiaritie. He sendeth vnto them M. Candaillet, a certain old courtier, to assure thē of his good wil: but that he himselfe was [Page 36] onely earnestly busied in working their safetie, that they might shew all the arguments that might be to the king of theyr o­bediēce. Therfore the men of Sanserre assembled togither with monsieur Candaillet, and testifie that they will yeelde vnto the king all obedience, requiring one thing onely at his handes, whiche was, that they myght haue lybertie of lyfe and con­science, according to the fourme of the Edict: for the faythfull perfourmance whereof they sayde that they woulde yeelde vn­to hym an hundred of theyr chiefe Citizens for pledges. Thys was the begynning of greate dissention among the Citizens, whiche almost oppressed the Citie in thys first be­ginning.

Monsieur Candaillet returned to the Court being accompa­nied with fiue of the chiefe Citizens of Sanserre, of which two were Catholikes, and three were Religious. These had com­mission subscribed with the handes of the chiefe Citizens, that they woulde allow and confirme whatsoeuer they did accor­ding to the fourme of the same.

The Messengers of Sanserre, so soone as they were come in­to the Court, & had spoken to the King and Queene (whether it were by threatnings, or vpon hope of certaine rewards) cra­ued pardō of the king in the name of al the citizens of Sanserre, whose persons they represented, as though they had grieuously offended agaynst him: & beseeched the king that he would send M. Fontene to Sanserre with a power, promising to vndertake that he should be welcom to y e Inhabitants therabouts. Ther­fore mon. Candaillet goeth before to tel them of Sanserre of the comming of mon. Fontene. The which when they heard, won­dring at the matter, & being greatly offended therwith, they as­semble thēselues togither to consult of the same: and at the last accord, That forsomuch as the Messengers had don that thing by the kings perswasion against the forme of their cōmission, they might lawfully refuse and reiect their act and agreemēt. They send out to meet with mon. Fontene, and to tel him that they are sory for the rashnesse of their deputies, in that they had caused him to come vnto Sanserre: certifying him withal, that [Page 37] they knewe hys great good will, for the which they gaue hym thankes: promysing that they woulde yeelde vnto him great honour, and woulde moste friendly entertayne him, so that he would come to theyr citie in tyme of peace. But forsomuch as it was a troublesome tyme, they beseeched him to take it in good part, that they could not suffer him to come into the citie.

Notwithstandyng Mons. Fontene came to Cosne, a towne two leagues from Sanserre, that from thence he myght the more conueniently prosecute hys businesse. The Deputies also of Sanserre, were returned from the Courte.

Then contentions began to growe among the Citizens a­bout the receyuyng of Monsieur Fontene. For the Deputies perswaded with certaine of the chief citizens to receyue Mons. Fontene into the citie: shewyng the daunger which otherwise might come vnto the towne: On the contrary parte others, but specially forreners, thought it not meete to receyue him.

Monsieur Fontene vnderstandyng that he was most of all resisted by forreners to enter into the citie, wrote vnto them: affirmyng that there was no cause why he should betray theyr safetie: but rather that he had a care for the same. Notwith­standyng that it was not meete that through theyr counsayle the miserable townsmen should runne into peril: and that they ought not to be the procurers of them to resist the kyng, seyng if they would they could not. Therefore if they would deter­mine to go to any other place, he woulde bryng to passe that they should be safecōducted whether soeuer they would: for the faythful performāce wherof he sayd they should haue pledges.

The forreners sent two Deputies to M. Fontene, by which they desire that they may haue the libertie of cōscience and the peace and tranquillitie giuen vnto them by the king according to the prescripte of the pacificatorie Edicte, affirmyng that they had done iniurie to no man, but came vnto Sanserre vpon purpose to shunne those murders which were committed in o­ther places, and were receyued into the citie with the good leaue of the townsmen. Therfore that there was no cause why theyr abode shoulde be greeuous or offensiue to any man so [Page 38] much that they shoulde departe to any other place. To this monsieur Fontene more angerly answered, that he would sa­tisfie the kings commaundement in doyng that which shoulde be for the purpose, and also for the kings dignitie.

Therfore that which could not be brought to passe by pol­licie, was assayed by force. Therefore those townesmen whiche thought good to admit monsieur Fontene into the towne in the kings name, by subtill deceite tooke the castell: and tooke with them into the same monsieur Racam the bro­ther of monsieur Fontene. But when monsieur Fontene was come with his armie more neare to the citie, to put a more strong garrison into the Castell: behold, the townsmen which were of the Religion gaue a violent assaulte vpon the castel, by whiche they put the warders to flight and tooke the same, euen the same day.

At that time they of Sanserre coulde not with courage i­nough bende thēselues to warre: notwithstanding being ad­monished by present peril, they began to arme themselues with courage, and to make preparation for theyr owne defence.

THe affayres also of the lowe countrey accordyng to the order of the storie begon, are not to be omitted, but brief­ly touched.

The Prince of Orange, hauyng an armie well appoynted, prospered well in his affayres in the low countrey of Flaun­ders, The affayres of the Prince of Orange in Belgie. hauing gotten into his handes the most noble cities, a­bout that time that the murders were committed at Paris.

Therfore when he had taken Mechgeline, & Audenard, and constrained Louen to pay vnto him a great summe of money, Mountes re­ceyueth suc­cours. he came to Mountes with all his power, both to helpe his bro­ther the Graue Lodouic, and also to deliuer the towne com­passed with a strayte siege by the Duke of Alba.

The Prince of Orange arriued with greate speede to the Duke of Alba his campe: whose cōmyng by apparance should haue brought great detriment to the Duke of Alba being hemd in on euery side by his enimies: notwithstanding the Prince [Page 39] of Orange beyng slowe in biddyng battayle by reason of the importunate calling of y e souldiers for wages, departed with­out any attēpt giuen. And retyring, the Duke of Alba deuised to worke him some secrete mischiefe. For the whiche purpose he sente after him fiue hundred well appoynted souldiers with calliuer shot, and a troupe of horsemen to follow the pursuite, who settyng vppon the Princes campe in the night and kil­lyng the watche, made greate slaughter with a Canbusadow vpon hys armie, killyng many, and wounding not a fewe.

When horrible newes of the Frēch slaughters came to the eares of the Graue Lodouic, by whiche he and his fellowes were not a little troubled, and beyng out of hope to haue suc­cours from his brother the Prince of Orange: the Duke of Alba also dayly more vehemently assaulting him, the enimie beyng repulsed, the Graue Lodouic began to intreate a truce vppon the yeeldyng vp of the towne: the which being graun­ted, composition was made that hee shoulde departe from Mountes with leaue to accompany him a thousand and fiue hundred armed men, and to carry horses and other necessa­ry cariages: hauing sworne not to beare armour agaynst King Philip by the space of one yeare after. So the Graue Lodouic beyng wounded, returned home into Germany, af­ter the surrender of a moste fine Citie to the Duke of Alba.

THEN the Prince of Orange went a parte into Bra­bant: & seyng that Mechgeline was assaulted, Mechgeline yeelded by the Prince of O­range to duke of Alba. and the mindes of the townsmen discouraged, bothe by the euill successe of the affayres of France, and also by the late newes of winnyng of Mountes, and perceyuing that they would without al doubte incline to the Duke of Alba, he went secretely away & left the towne emptie. The which the Duke of Alba tooke, and spoy­led, and caried from thence a greate bootie. Then he reserued to him selfe Diest, Termund, Rurmund, and Audenarde. Afterward Zutphen beyng takē by the Duke of Alba: so great a feare came vpon thē which tooke part with the Prince of O­range, y t euen as if a perfect cōquest were made, & that there had bene no neede of souldiers, the Duke of Alba dismist many of [Page 40] hys Germane horsemen. Therefore dayly cities came to the Duke of Alba crauyng pardon for theyr faulte, and vtterly re­nouncyng the Prince of Orange.

The Duke of Alba besieged Narden a towne of Hollande which was helde by the garryson of the prynce of Orange, the which the townsmen yelded vp vpon certaine cōditions. Not­withstandyng the Spaniard breakyng his fayth, outragiously murdered both them of the garrison, & also the townsmen. At the which captayne Methyne beyng displeased (who came out of Spayne into the low countrey & was iudged to be the suc­cessour of y e Duke of Alba) & very angry with Frederick sonne to the Duke of Alba, The calami­tie of them of Narden. got himselfe to Hertoghenbosh, & taried there to long vntil he was sent for by the kyng to come home again, after that he was admonished of those dissetions amōg the chief Captaines of the low coūtrey. The calamitie of those of Nardē made the other cities of Holland more constant, least they shoulde yeelde themselues to hym, whom they shoulde finde a more dangerous friende than the mortall enemie.

Harlem per­sisteth in de­fiance of the duke of Alba. THERFORE, they of Harlem beyng ready to yeelde themselues to the Duke of Alba, hearing of the crueltie shewed vpon them of Narden, chaunged theyr purpose, & receyued the garrison of the prynce of Orange: choosing rather to die than to yeelde themselues willingly into the power of the Duke of Alba. The garrison of the prince of Orange fortified the towne very diligently, beyng before very weake of it selfe.

In the societie and frendshyp of the prynce of Orange, the most part of the cities of Hollande do persist as Leijden, Roter­dam, Dort, the countie of Hage, Enckhuyse, Goude, Briel, & the rest. But Amstredam the Metropolitane citie was fortified with a very strong garrison of the Duke of Alba: But al Ze­land except Middelburg, tooke part with the prince of Orange.

THE Duke of Alba besieged Harlem with a great hoste, and very furiously gaue assault to the same. The townesmen with wonderfull strength and courage defended themselues: so aptly placyng the fortifications in the Citie, that some tyme when the Spaniarde was receyued euen into the bosome of [Page 41] the towne, was constrayned to retyre agayne both with greate destruction, and also with infamie and reproch. So that both partes behaued them selues very valiantly.

About this time began the bitter cold of winter, which gaue occasion to the Spanyards to preuayle much, the Marishes w t the which that countrey is replenished, beeing frosen with Ise: But their presuming vpon the Ise did somewhat anoy them. The Spanyards made a bridge vpon pyles and stakes, that by the same they might passe ouer the Ise and breake into the Ci­tie: but the Townesmen so vrged them, y t being cōstrayned to retire vpō heapes ouer y e bridge, the whiche being ouercharged with waight, brake & drowned a great nūber of Spanyardes: some report more some lesse, but by certain coniecture sixe hun­dred was the least: the Catholiques dyminishe the number, and write but two hundred.

The Prince of Orange sending souldiers to ayde the Citi­zens of Harlem, was disappoynted of his purpose, Succors sent from the Prince of O­range, inter­cepted by the Duke of Alba for they wer intercepted by the Duke of Alba vnlooked for, and slayne with a great slaughter: one cornet of horsemen escaping away, and seuen Ensignes of footemen, so that seuen hundred are sayde to be slayne in that place.

About that tyme, it is sayde that there was in the territorie of Amsterdam a Calfe cast, A monstrous Calfe. whyche hadde two heads and two backes, and double feete, that is to say eyght in all, the whyche lyued for certayne houres.

The seuententh day of Nouember there appeared a starre in the signe Cassiopeia of wonderfull bignesse, A new Star. Cassiopeia, is a signe in the fyrmamente whych hath twelue stars, and is figu­red like a woman, sitting in a chaire. and excelling in brightnesse. Of this starre diuers men gaue theyr iudgements, and was likened to that starre which was seene about Scorpio in the tyme of Augustus Caesar, at the byrth of our Sauiour Christe. And it was sayd that as that starre did signifye the fyrste comming of Christ, so this did betokē his last comming to iudgemente: Verses concerning thys, were published a­broade by the learned. This Starre appeared in the fyrmamēt for the space of nyne Monethes.

Anno. M.D.LXXIII

IN THE BEGINNING of this new yeere, notwith­standing the vncomfortable time of winter, the furious force of warre, both in France and in the lowe countrey was no­thing at all diminished.

The king gaue straight charge and commaundement, vpō payne of greate punishmentes throughout the whole Realme of France, that all noble men shoulde goe to the beseeging of Rochel: Commande­ments to be­seege Rochel. One payne or punishmēt was, the losse of honor: that is to say, that suche noble men as wente not vnto this warre, should be counted rusticall, base, and tributarie.

The denouncing of this payne, caused the noble men, yea those whiche aforetime professed the Religion, to come to the warre by heapes from all partes of the Realme.

THERE were caried to the Kyngs Campe seauen and thirtie great peeces of ordinance: and about the same time there came threescore ensignes of footemen: Preparation for the seege. mons. Biron, with all di­ligence and labour made ditches, bulwarks, rampiers, rolling trenches, hardelles, and all munitions and engines appertey­ning to the siege of the Citie.

In the meane tyme hee intreateth them of Rochell to gyue pledges or hostages, bycause of Gadagne, an Abbot which was to come vnto them in the Kyngs name, to declare vnto them the kings last will and determination. They of Rochel aun­sweared, that if it would please Gadagne to certify them of the kings pleasure by letters, They of Ro­chell are as­sayed by let­ters. An irruption by thē of Ro­chell. they woulde make an answeare: but as for the giuing of hostages, or the letting of any man into the Citie, especially at that time, they neither could nor would.

ABOVT the euening of the twelfth day of this moneth, they of Rochel brake foorth vpō y e kings Camp, & slaying ma­ny toke mons. Grandfiefe a noble mā, & caried him into y e citie.

After certayne dayes, some soldiers being priuily come from the Shippes at the firste watch when the gates were shut, and beyng passed ouer the ditch, were assayled by the warders of the Kings campe. Another e­ruption. In this tumult the Citie was raysed, and the townesmen brake foorth, by whyche occasion there was so [Page 43] sore a fyght and skirmish, that a fewe only of the townesmen beyng slayne and wounded, there was of the kings part a hū ­dred and fyue and fyftie slayne, and many sore hurt.

Then the Catholiques began to practise by subtil meanes to intercept them of Rochel. Mons. Triabalde a noble man entred into the Citie vnder a coloured pretence of fleing to them of the Citie, & assayeth to bring y e noble men which were there, Treason pra­ctised against Rochell. but especially mons. Languillier, who had the chiefe authoritie ouer Rochel, to defection. But seeing y t he could not preuaile, & sea­ring least they of the town would punish him for his falsehood, returned to y e kings Camp at y e next eruption out of the citie.

About this time there were new platformes made for them of Rochel, but those souldiers whiche were apoynted to gyue the enterprise, were for the most parte slayne in the furie of the common people, the rest after examination had by the Magi­strate were brought foorth of prison and hanged.

The Citizens of Rochel made mons. l' Noe their generall: Mons. le Noe general of Ro­chell. notwithstanding so that the chiefe authoritie and power of o­ther matters shoulde rest in the hands of the Magistrate. And certaine other speciall thyngs befell among them, the which to thys day are knowen to fewe, and to me also vncertayne, that I dare not commit them to writing.

The Citizens came alwayes thyther where they thoughte they myght fynde the enimie. Therefore there was a sore bat­tayle fought at Tadon and at Netrè, two villages neare to Rochel, in whych the kyngs part was put to the worst. And thus they neuer suffered the enimie to be at rest.

The twentie day of Ianuarie mons. de Guarde brought the kings nauie to the promontorie called Chef de Bois, and see­king to stop thē of Rochel of their passage, sunke a huge emp­tie Shippe, (commōly called the Caraque) in the sea, and with great waytes and towes made the same immouable and an­kerfast. Vpō this he reared a fort called le Eguille, The fort cal­led le Eguil­le. 41. The fort cal­led Corceil­le. 42. from whēce he thundred & discharged great shot against y t part of y e towne which was opposite to y e same. Ouer against one end of y e Ca­raque ther was another fort called Corceille, & oueragainst y e o­ther [Page 44] ende of the same a thyrde fort, The fort of the new ha­uen. 43. called the fort of the newe hauen. And thus the hauē was defended on both sydes, the Ca­raque beyng in the middest.

There appeared in the ocean sea a little beyonde the hauen within the vewe of the towne two Shippes, whiche seemed to beare sayle as though they would ariue at the Citie. Therfore the townesmen went out of the Citie euen vpon a heape to the number of fourescore, hauing certayne soldiers froonting them with targets and shields, intending with matter that they ca­ried with them to fyre the Caraque. The which notwithstāding they attempted in vayne, beeing terrifyed with the thundring shot which flew from the Eguille fort, and also with the hard­nesse of the enterprise, and so returned into the citie.

The Duke of Anoiu sente letters from the towne called Samnessan to mons. le Noe, The Duke of Aniou vseth subtill perswasions to peace. and commaundeth him to sig­nify vnto the men of Rochel in his name, that the king would forgyue them both their lyues and goodes: so that they woulde yeeld them selues into his hands, the which if they did refuse, he would by force enter y e Citie, & execute suche punishment vpon them, as they should therby be made an example for al others.

There fled to Rochel from the Kings armie, diuers whyche aforetime had followed the Religion, Backslyders frō the kings power. and were constrained by the extremitie of the tymes to fyght vnder the Kings banner. By these the kings counsayle was bewrayed to thē of Rochel.

A violent as­salt by them of Rochell. A legion cō ­monly con­teyneth. 6000 footemen, and 732. men of Armes. A band con­teineth some­time more mē and sometime lesse.The syxt day of February, they of the towne made another eruptiō or violet assault vnder the conduct of mons. l' Noe, in y e which they fought so valiantly that of y e Legiō of Sammartine one whole band was almost slain: many also were takē priso­ners, whiche notwythstanding were dismist withoute paying any raunsome. Notwithstanding they which were knowen to be instruments of the murder, found no such fauour.

The eight day also y e besieged townesmē gaue another as­sault, in the which they lost only fiue, but the kings part many soldiers.

Mons. l' Noe chose vnto himselfe a wel apppoynted & strong band of noble and olde experienced soldiers, choise men which offered willingly their seruice.

THE Duke of Anjou beyng come neare vnto the city sent againe two letters to the citizens of Rochell: Letters hor­tatorie frō the Duke of An­iou, to peace. the first concer­ned the noble men: the second appertayned to the townesmen and forreners which were fled thyther. In the which letters, he declareth that the king was not so vneasie to be reconciled, and vnwilling to shewe grace, but that if they would repent them, and craue pardon at his handes, he would receyue them to his fauour againe: but if they did obstinately refuse hys grace, they myght assure them selues to feele the power and seueritie of their most renowmed Lord: & could not impute y e cause of that their destruction, to any other than to thē selues. They of Rochell answered the Duke of Anjou wyth thankes giuing, beseeching him to labour with the King, that the mat­ter myght be brought to assured peace and tranquilitie: & that especially they myght haue the libertie of their conscience.

THE fiftenth day of this month, the Duke of Anjou came with great authoritie and countenance into the kyngs campe, being accompanyed with his brother the Duke of Alanson, the king of Nauar, the Prince of Conde, the Dauphin, whiche were of the kings bloud: the Guise, Duke D'Aumal, Marques d'Meyne, Duke d'Bouillon, Monluce, Count Rochfoucalt, the Lord Acier, who after the death of his brother, succeeded hym in the inheritance, and was called Duke D'Vzes, who hauing forsaken the religion, tooke parte with the catholikes. There were many other noble men also: & there was so great a mul­titude of noble men, that to besiege and assault one citie, men came from al parts of the realme, with al forces that might be possible. But before we come to speake of the noble siege, A topographicall descriptiō of Rochell. it seemeth necessarie, y t we make breef descriptiō of y e situation of Rochel, & of the most famous places, therein made notable by valiant exploytes.

Rochel by situation, extendeth it selfe so farre into the Oce­an sea, that it is almost compassed about therewith: Salte mary­shes. 16. and it is closed almost rounde about with salte maryshes, very con­uenient for the making of salte: but that part whiche tendeth towarde the countrey of Poictou, is fyrme and fast grounde. [Page 46] On that part standeth the temple called L'temple d' Cogne, Cogne fort. 10 the which was fortified with a countermure, and now beareth the name of Cogne fort. So that the temple was ouerthrown, that the steeple might serue for a watch tower, and the rest of the matter of the temple for a fort.

The tower Moreille. 13.Ouer against the salt maryshes standeth the tower of Mo­reille, whiche defendeth that region in large compasse, by rea­son of the tall and hygh munition of the same.

Sannicolas tower. 18.Next after this, foloweth the tower of Sannicolas, the which is compassed about both with a naturall moorysh ground, and also with wittie skyll: for on the right hand, the Ocean flouds beate vpon the same: and the swelling floud of the sea, filleth the dytch thereof, whether at the length the floud maye come: for from that place vnto Cogne gate, the dytches of the citie are almost drye.

From Sannicolas gate, to the gate d'Moulinez, the Sea ex­tendeth it selfe, with all one course and leuell: and to defende that part against the assaultes that myght be giuen by the na­uie, there was a verie strong bulwarke made, which was cal­led Sannicolas fort. Sannicolas forte. 19. Sannicolas gate and the bulwarkes. 20. Sannicolas tower. 21. The tower of the hauen. 22

Next to this stoode Sannicolas gate, with bulwarkes ad­ioyning to the same: and then Sannicolas tower, ouer against the which was the tower of the hauen, the saide hauen diui­ding them both: And to the ende the Kings nauie might haue no passage into the hauen, there was fastened a strong yron chayne from one of the sayde towers to the other. Betweene the tower of the hauen and the Lanterne tower, there was reared a very strong wall made by Masons, and furnyshed with ordinance. The Lantern tower. 23. The Lanterne tower serued to giue lyght in the night to saylers, or to suche as came into the hauen in time of peace. The Citadel. 1 Next vnto this was placed a notable forte, called the Citadel, being no lesse strong, than it was greate and large, in so much, that it was to that part of the citie as it were an Armorie, or storehouse of Artillerie. This Citadel was compassed about with a wall of mayne strength, The tower of Gayor. 2. at one corner whereof the tower of Gayor hath his place: Betwene [Page 47] the whiche and the nexte poynt towarde the Kings campe, The newe gate bulwark & platforme. 3. The forte of the Castel. 4. The place of Cockslem. 5. The bulwark le Euangile. 6, Cogne bul­warke. 9. were framed dyuers bulwarkes and fortes, as the newe gate bulwarke, and platfourme, the forte of the Castell: the place of Cockslem, and the bulwarke called l' Euangile, nowe bat­tered downe.

At the other fourth corner of the wall was a very strōg bul­wark, called Cogne bulwark. Many other fortes were reared, which are to be seene in the platforme belōging to this discrip­tion. Also it is to be noted, that the hauen called Chef de bois, where the Kings Nauie roade, is two myles distant from the gate of Rochell.

THE Duke of Anjou therefore being receyued with try­umphant peales of the great fielde peeces, went to Neullj to abyde there: where he tarryed the whole time of the siege, with the rest of the Princes, and greatest part of the nobles. The same day hee tooke a viewe of the walles of the Citie, and mustred the Armie.

The day folowyng, the townesmen brake out at three se­uerall places of the Citie, and hauyng slayne an hundred of their enimies, returned into the Citie agayne, with losse of a fewe of their men.

Then was there a place appointed, from whence the walles of the citie might be conueniently battered, the batterie being layd to the gate of Cogney: and by the cōmaundement of the Duke of Anjou, a countermure was made, and fortified with hurdels to beare and defende the shot.

Also he forgot not to practise subtily mischief, vnder the pre­tēce of parley: to y e end the city might be assailed with two en­gins, namely by outward force, & by inward craft & deceit. For y e citizens did not wel agree among thēselues: some enclining to peace, of the which the duke of Anjou, at that time had made an offer vnto them: others thinking it better to stand manful­ly to their own defence: saying, that the offered peace was no­thing but a snare to betray them, according to the olde maner.

Captaine Norman going to spoile & rob with two galleys, toke a ship, laden with fifty tun of wine of Burdeux, and fiue [Page 48] and twentie tunne of wheate, and returned with his men in safety into Rochell hauen, notwithstanding that he was as­sayled by mons. d' Guarde, wyth great force.

THE Duke of Anjou, hauing taken a viewe of the Bul­warke whiche bordered on the sea coaste, and mynding to re­turne into the Kyngs campe, sent before hym two hundred horsemen, commaunding them to skyrmishe wyth the towns­men, that hee in the meane time might passe by, with the more safetie. Whyle these and certayne troupes of the townesmen were in skyrmish at that place, certayne horsemen, ouer whom mons. Grandrise a noble man was captayne, carying behynde euery of them a foote man, Mons. Grand­rise skirmi­sheth wyth the kings campe. with callyuer shot, set vpon the Kyngs souldiers vnprepared in another part of the campe, of whom they slue many, and tooke some prysoners, and brought with them certayne horses into the citie.

SHORTLY after they of Rochell beyng dyuersly solli­cited, were contented at the length to parley wyth the Kyngs Lieftenants: mons. l' Noe with Pierrez, Mortie, and Mau­risson, beyng chosen for this purpose, came into the Kyngs campe, and so entred into parley with mons. Biron, Strozzi, Villequier, and Gadagne, and to this parley also came the Countie d' Retz, and at the length certayne of the chiefe townesmen.

GADAGNE hauyng spoken at large to mons. l' Noe, and to hys felowes, of the singular good wyll of the Kyng, towardes them of Rochell, offered at the last to them in wry­ting, the summe of those conditions, vpon the which the King woulde come to composition of peace: the whiche conditi­ons were these: Fyrst, that the inhabitants of Rochell, though they had grieuously offended his maiestie, for that they beyng abashed with a certayne vayne feare, woulde not obey his commaundements oftentimes sent vnto them, were notwith­standing freely pardoned, so that they woulde receyue mons. Biron into the citie, and would obey hym. Secondly, that he wold graūt vnto thē the free vse of Relygion, according to y e forme of the pacificatorie Edict, in the which he woulde haue [Page 49] nothyng neyther diminished nor altered: & for thys he would make them most ample and large assurance. Thyrdly, that he would gyue vnto those whiche woulde departe to any other place, full leaue and libertie to depart, and to carry theyr goodes whether soeuer they woulde, or otherwyse to vse them at theyr owne pleasure.

They which were deputed for Rochel, made answere, that they had hytherto in no poynt disobeyed the kyng, but had e­uer shewed themselues hys faythfull subiectes. That, by the daungerous and troublesome state of the tyme they were con­strained to this necessarie defence of thēselues, least they should fall into the handes and willes of theyr enimies as others had done, which had imbraced with them the same religion. That they desired of the king this one thing, namely, that they might enioy the libertie of their consciences by the benefite of the E­dict of peace. But seing the cause in hād was not their alone, but belongyng also to the rest of the reformed Churches, they also earnestly requyred this thyng that consideration of them might be had in like manner: Forsomuch as they could do no­thing of thēselues without theyr cōsent. And thus they parted.

The day followyng, Mons. l'Noe beyng beset with sixtene horsemen hauyng encountered and charged a greater troupe, Mons. l Noe hardly esca­peth death. and was pursuyng the chase, was so neare hys death, that if a Captayne had not put hymselfe betweene the enemie and l'Noe, he had bene slayne. But the Captayne thereby purcha­sed hys deaths wounde.

The deputies of Rochel beyng returned into the citie, tolde the whole matter vnto the Senate. The Senate called before them the Pastors of the Church, to haue theyr iudgement con­cernyng these matters. The Pastors answeared, That for so much as they were demaunded of those thyngs whiche spe­cially belonged to conscience and to Gods prerogatiue, it was a matter of great wayghte: and therefore that they ought not to make answere to the same, before they had craued wisdome of God. Affirmyng that peace was to be wished, but not such a peace as should be more perillous and mortall than warre: [Page 50] as might playnly inough appeare by those former and late examples. That it was not likely that the kyng commyng vpon them with his whole power & proclaiming open warre, would make conuenient and profitable conditions of peace: notwithstandyng that they ought to endeuour themselues to forslow nothyng that might be for the peace of the Churches, seing they sought not warre, but their needefull and necessarie defence. Notwithstāding, that those conferences & parleys did not seeme to be safe and without peril: wherfore they thought it better to deale by wryting, whereby they might also haue a more conuenient meane to deliberate. Furthermore that they ought to haue a consideration of the common vtilitie of all Churches, and that therfore they ought to do nothyng for their owne priuate cause, except the vse of the same peace shoulde be extended to other Churches.

The next day the people were called togither, that a finall determination might be made concernyng this matter. And the people lyked of that iudgement of the Pastors, wherof we haue spoken euen now.

This assembly was scarse dismiste, when as the kyngs Ar­mie was approched the gate of the citie, whiche ran forceably togither on a heape to breake open the same. Wherevpon they of the towne brake foorth and repulsed the kyngs power by lit­tle and little: and ayde commyng still on bothe partes, there was a sore skyrmishe at that place, bothe sides valiantly quit­tyng themselues. This skyrmishe continued verye whot the space of sire houres. Another as­saulte. Monsieur l'Noe was in great perill of his lyfe, his brest plate beyng broken with diuers violent strokes, and his horse slayne vnder him. The speedy commyng of the night ended this battayle. Of the townesmen twelue were wantyng, and seuen and twentie were wounded. But of the kyngs parte there are sayde to be a hundred and fiftie slayne. Wonderfull was the boldenesse and courage of the women in the middest of the fight, comming almost into the daunger of the conflict, bringyng to suche as were wounded wine and other comfortable things.

The nexte day whiche was the last of Februarie, the thun­dryng Cannon shot beganne to batter the walles and gate of Cogne. The kings souldiers be­gin the as­saulte. Wherby the cōsultations of the disagreyng towns­men were disturbed, and constrayned they were by necessitie to defende themselues.

The same day the townsmen gaue an assault, hauing mons. l'Noe, and Norman theyr Captaynes: at the whiche assaulte many on bothe partes were slayne.

Mons l'Noe contrary to the agreed and concluded determi­nation, brought to passe, that the sayd determination being re­uoked in the publique assembly of the Senate and people, it was agreed that the kings Deputies should be heard againe, that the matter might be rather ended by peace than by warre. Wherevpon Monsieur Strozzi and Mandreuille, were sent in­to Rochel for hostages. And Monsieur l'Noe, and Iames Hen­rie Mayre, came vnto the Duke of Anjou, as it was agreed by the senate and people.

Neuerthelesse the batterie proceeded agaynst Cogne forte: whose fortification within fewe dayes were beaten downe.

When the Duke of Anjou had hearde the Deputies of Ro­chel, answered in the Kings name, that the kyng woulde adde nothyng vnto those former conditions rehearsed vnto them already by Gadagne. That, if they were wise, they woulde imbrace them betymes whyle the kyngs grace and goodnesse was offered vnto them: and not to presume vppon vayne confidence to haue helpe and ayde out of Englande.

With this answeare they of Rochel returned to make re­porte: and then came agayne to the Kyngs campe, requy­ryng that bothe the Citie, and also the territorie of Ro­chel mighte haue one and the selfe same vse of the Reli­gion: and also that the same benefite mighte belong to the reste of the Churches dispersed throughout the Realme. To the which Countie de Adretz, made answer that the kings pleasure was to haue the Citie onely partaker of that benefite: as for the other Churches, that he woulde prouide for them at his owne pleasure, and accordyng to hys wysedome: [Page 52] willyng thē of Rochel to receyue the benefite offered, y e which the kyng would afterward graunt vnto theyr fellowes. This answere was not liked. The which being brought to the Citi­zens, they al agreed, that al wayes of defence lawful were to be sought: & that rather than they should runne into present peril, they ought rather to prefer iust warre, than to imbrace reproch­ful and suspected peace: for God would defende theyr cause.

Whyle these things were in communication, the greate gunnes shooke and battered the walles of the towne. The townsmen also hauyng theyr peeces and shot well defenced with bulwarkes and rampyers, discharged lustyly from the Citie, in somuch that many on the kyngs parte were at diuers tymes hurt and slayne. Among the reste, from that forte which we sayde is called l'Euangele, there was discharged a Canon shot, whiche runnyng through hardell trenche not sufficiently fortified with earth, Duke D'au­mall slayne. slewe Duke d'Aumall as he stoode priuily behynde the same, beyng vncle by the fathers side to the Duke of Guise. And so the funerall exequies of thys noble peere, was ioyned with the dayly slaughters of noble men, and com­mon souldiers.

Alwayes the thunderyng shot went off agaynst the towns­men laboryng to repayre the breaches of theyr walles: not­withstandyng to the smal hurte of the townsmen, busily occu­pied there aboutes.

Truce taken for a parley.Neuerthelesse a truce was taken for one day for a parley, duryng whiche tyme the dischargyng of shot was forbidden on eyther parte. Monsieur l'Noe, and Meniuuille went foorth to the parley, in the name of the townesmen.

The day followyng the thundryng shot wente off afreshe, and the townsmen makyng an assault to Tadon, made a light skirmishe, in the whiche they had good successe, and in the dead tyme of the night the townsmen clothyng themselues with whyte shyrtes, wente foorth and had taken the trenche of de­fence when they were repulsed by the kyngs souldiers, and many beyng slayne and wounded on both sides, they came in­to the Citie agayne.

NOwe leauing for a while to speake of the siege of Ro­chel, let vs say somewhat of the affayres of other coun­treyes.

Sommiron was vrged by D'anuil, The siege of Sommiron. and hauing made wide breaches in the walles, sought by his Souldiers oftentymes to breake into the citie: the townesmen in the meane tyme forti­fying and defending the same with wonderful strength, ha­uing monsieur Gremian a noble man of Montpellier theyr capitaine, whose fortitude also the enimy had in admiration.

They of Montaubane, being vnder the conduct of Vicount Paule, succoured the besieged, they of D'Anuils part nothing at all hyndering them: conueying vnto them reasonable store of vittayle, and also of gunpowder. They of Nismes, and the borderers of Seuenatz valiantly succoured at all assayes theyr oppressed brethren and fellowes. They of the territorie of Vi­uaretz beyng let by the domesticall enimie, went not to that warre.

Thus a great armie, well furnished with artillarie and or­dinance, laboured in vaine for the space of foure monethes in the besieging of the towne, sustayning great ouerthrowe and slaughter of men. For it is sayde that of the Catholikes syde were slaine fiue thousande men.

Monsieur Candale of Guian a notable famous man, Monsieur Candale slaine. who had maryed one of the sisters of mons. Momorenci, brought vnto d'Anuil his kinsman two Ensignes of footemen Gas­coynes, who among the Frenchmen are accounted the most expert and painfull Soldiers. These scorned the vaine labour of those that followed the siege, and noted the constancie of the towne, with bragges what they would do more than their fel­lowes before them. Therefore monsieur Candale, being pro­uoked by his souldiers craued of Mons. d'Anuil, that he and his bande might haue leaue to giue the first assaulte to the towne. His request was graunted. And there was a sufficient breache made in the wall of the towne. At the whiche when monsieur Candale assayed by fault to enter, he was so receyued that he was repulsed with losse of three hundred men at that [Page 54] assault. With this losse M. Candale was so angrie, that he pro­tested to d'Anuil that he abhorred the ciuil warres by whiche one Frenchman killed another, to serue and please the mindes of vile and naughtie knaues: for such were his wordes.

The daye folowing mon. Candale seeking to recouer the losse of his honor, was slain himselfe: which greatly chafed and grieued his souldiers, but specially d'Anuil, who was dishono­red and defamed with that delay of warre, and vnhappie suc­cesse, and was sayd by the Catholikes to delay and spende the time for the nonce to the kings great losse and detriment.

For the whole house of Momorencie were appointed to be slaine with the Admiral their kinsman, in the slaughter of Pa­ris: but what was the let hereof we haue shewed alreadye. Notwithstanding the wyser sort affyrme, that d'Anuil by hys exployts in that warre of Languedoc, shewed himself forward to do al that he was able, that he might win the kings fauor.

When there was no occasion left to take Sommiron, and the kings armie lingring the siege, beholde mon. Gremian de­sireth parley: and vpon notable conditions he agreed wyth dAnuil concerning the yeelding vp the towne, namely that al both souldiers and townesmen, shoulde depart with their ar­mour, and all their goodes in safetie, that they should haue re­spyt for seuen dayes, and that hostages should be taken on ey­ther part, vntill the agreement were fully ended.

Therefore the garrison and townesmen, hauing monsieur Gremian their captain, came forth of the citie armed with their families and goodes, and came in safetie to the next Cities of Seuenatz, the hostages abyding in the meane time at Nismes. The yeelding vp of Sommiron seemed incredible to the Ca­tholikes, Sommiron yeelded vp, vpon good conditions. which were without al hope to receyue the same: and to the dishonor of d'Anuil they reported, that mons. Gremian to gratifie d'Anuil, had willingly yeelded vp the Citie vnto him. Notwithstanding in very deed Sommiron was brought into those strayts and extremities, that they wanting both vit­tail and also goonpowder, and hauing no ayde from their fel­lowes (who could scarcely helpe themselues sufficiently) could [Page 55] not but yeeld vp the towne at that time.

From thys tyme forwarde the Catholikes warred not a­gaynst them of the Religion in Languedoc: and the yeare following brought a wonderfull alteration, as we will de­clare hereafter.

ABOVT this time there befell a new occasion to further the affayres of the Religious in Languedoc. Concerning Vil­leneufe, which was intercepted by mon. Leugere, we haue spo­ken before. The banished Citizens of Villeneufe, vsed these meanes to recouer their citie. We sayde before that a little towne called Mirebel, was taken by mon. Baron and Pradel: whether the most earnest fauorers of the Religion of Villeneuf fled. Villeneufe in the territorie of Viuaretz is taken by them of the Religion. They therfore being in Mirebel which was situate vpon the higher ground, from whence they might see farre off, had alwayes Villeneufe before their eyes, insomuch that the pre­sent occasion was alwayes in the mindes of the poore banished Citizens to recouer their countrey. Amidst the straytes of the siege of Sommiron, those extremities of Mirebel are repeated, being besieged round about with enimies.

There came to mon. Pradel a certaine souldier a Copper­smith, which was newly come from Villeneufe: who affyr­med that he had deuised a way to take the citie, in shewe ridi­culous and fonde, but yet such he sayde, as was not to be re­iected, being much more easie than that which was practised in taking of Nismes in the time of the former warre.

There was at the walles of Villeneufe a hole, out of the which the water of the towne, onely in the time of raine, run­neth to purge the wayes and chanels: and the same had an y­ron grate before it. That hole this Souldier had viewed, and reported the same to be suche, that the barres of iron might easily be broken vp: through the which he affyrmed they might easily passe into the towne.

The matter beeing tolde to mon. Baron a Captaine, was ieasted at. Notwithstanding, at the instance of mon. Pradel, it was agreed that thys deuice should be put in practise. Mon­sieur Baron was gone apart to Priuac to keepe the citie, which [Page 56] being brought into perill by the dissentions of the townesmen and inhabitants therabout, by his industrie abode in the faith and power of them of the Religion. To take Villeneufe there lacked more succors: for the which they of Aubenac, & other of theyr fellowes were to be intreated. The matter could not be so secretly kept, but that it brast forth and came to the eares of Monsieur Leuger. He therefore increased his garrison, and ap­poynted those to keepe watche and warde whiche in the Citie had abiured the Religion. Notwithstanding there was not one in the Citie which knew of this purpose and counsaile.

To bring this matter to passe, it was appoynted that they shoulde tarrie for a darke night. Monsieur Baro differing the matter as deuoyde of all warrelike pollicie, and fearing the daunger of this purpose, certaine monethes passed on, and the matter not assayed. In the meane tyme monsieur Leuger be­ing deceyued and mocked by false Messengers, watched many nightes, hauing his men in a readinesse in armes. So that he thought these reportes to be but vaine and false.

Monsieur Pradelle at the length brought to passe, that in the beginning of the moneth of March, hauing gathered succours togither, monsieur Baro came with his souldiers from Priuac to Mirebel. He came in the euening, notwithstanding so, that hee had day light for certaine houres, and the watchmen and scoutes of mon. Leuger which lay at Mirebel in secret watche certified him out of hande of the comming of monsieur Baro, and telling him that he would come the same night vnto the citie. Monsieur Leuger, though he were oftentymes mocked, yet notwithstanding by this report he being styrred to looke aboute him, commaunded the gates of the citie to be shut be­tymes: and those which abiured the Religion, as suspected to be put apart in diuerse places: to double the watch: insomuch that the towne being conueniently walled aboute, was reple­nished with a standing watch. He commaunded bonfires to be made in euery streete of the Citie, and Cresset light to stand in euery window, in such wise as the whole Citie was bright and shining. And he himselfe with certaine choyse men went [Page 57] rounde about his watche. In this so diligent watching, they of the Religion had nothing deceyued his expectation, and if they had come at the appoynted houre, they coulde not haue preuayled: For one a clocke after midnight was the houre ap­pointed, at the which time, watches are cōmonly of lesse force.

And why they came not at the sayde houre appoynted, this was the cause mons. Baro shewing the danger of the attempt, thought it good not to take the same in hande: many valiant souldiers agreed herevnto, being moued with authoritie. Not­withstanding, mons. Pradelle preuailed, that the attempt might be giuen: and when he had made his prayers vnto God, in the midst of his souldiers, all men were so incouraged, that they went forward, as men persuaded and assured of victorie.

While the matter was thus in controuersie, the time was delaied. Mons. Leuger deeming that they were the accustomed wiles and mockes, lefte off his serious watch: by which time the day starre appeared. Wherefore all men being desirous of sleepe departed. And monsieur Leuger him selfe went home to sleepe, for that he had watched all the night.

They of the religion come vnto the citie when all things were at rest, through the compassing valleys shadowed wyth hilles, with the which Villeneufe was compassed on that side. And when the iron barres were pulled vp, they entred in at the forsaid hole: & they that entred first, came vnto the chief watch, & slue certaine souldiers whom they found asleepe, & some be­twene sleeping and waking. And thus they ranne through the citie, crying, the towne is taken. Thus the greater part being entred in at the hole, not one shot being discharged from the walles against them, opened one gate. Whomsoeuer they met, they slue. Mons. Leuger being waked with the noyse of this tumult, went out of his house, but being constrayned by force to retyre againe, he kept him self close in the same, being lately well fortified. The Catholikes also betooke them to the tower of the greater gate, & to another also of great heigth beside the temple. But such as were found armed in any place of the ci­tie, were slaine by thē of the religion, insomuch that the streats [Page 59] were filled with dead bodies. Many popishe prelates also were slaine, which were come thither from diuers cities therabouts, to hold a Synode. And after they had assailed the two towers & the house of mons. Leuger, to y e hurt & detrimēt of both parts, the said three places were yelded the third day, & mons. Leuger departed, being in great peril of the catholikes, in somuch that he could scarsly be in safety in his house, being accused of treasō. Thus fayth being violated, he is also accused of treason, by false surmise. So great feare came vpon al this countrey, that no doubt, they of the religion might easily haue taken the next citie, but that the souldiers being busied about the pray, would not go else where. A great booty was caryed out of this little town, and much money for raunsomes was receyued, which by the negligence of the captaines, was put to priuate vses.

The Catholikes by this suddaine feare being awaked, held al those cities which were neare vnto them, they which had ta­ken Villeneufe, being gone no further. Notwithstanding they of the religion, tooke certain little townes which bordred vpon them: and fortified Gorce, and Saluasse, that they might haue free passage from Viuijers to Nismes.

D Anuil abstaineth frō war. D'ANVIL hauyng placed the tayle and remaynder of his armies in dyuers townes, from thence foorth mitigated the force of warre.

Diuers cities in Languedoc takē by policieNeuerthelesse, by them of the religion, diuers townes and castels in sundry places of Languedoc were taken dayly, ra­ther by policie, than with y e displaied ensigne. About this time a walled towne called Florensac, being not farre from Narbō was taken: Neyther was there any Diocesse in Languedoc, in the which day by day some newes fell out. The particular repetition of which things, we haue thought more conuenient to defer vnto another time, and for another booke.

Pusis taken.They of the religion also tooke Pusis, a towne bordering vpō the riuer of Rosne, which afore that time by the negligēce of the townesmen, was falne into decay. Cursol also whiche lieth ouer against Valentz in Dauphine, was strōgly fortified.

These things falling out in this order, after the besieging [Page 58] of Sommiron, they of the religion in Languedoc, beganne to looke more seriously about them, & to take better order in their affayres. For in their first beginning of warre, the captaines and ringleaders being none of the nobilitie, but borne of base parentage, euerie man gouerned his souldiers as him lysted, wherevpon many dissentions arose among them, when as one would not obey the others counsell, according to the nature of Frenchmen, which is to like well of their owne gouenment. Therfore the inhabitantes of Nismes (with whom they of Vi­uijers and Seuenatz were ioyned) determined to choose certain of the nobilitie, whose commaundement the other captaynes shoulde not refuse to obey. And to this order of gouernment accorded mons. Sauroman, a noble man, and one deseruing to be loued for his godlynesse and his modestie, who in the verie same gouernment afore time, had verie profitably bestowed great diligence and paynes. Who escaping the cruell slaugh­ter of Paris, fled into Switzerlande. Him, after deliberation had they chose, and intreated him by their letters, Mons. Sanro­man chosen to be generall by them of the religion. to take vpon him that charge. At the first he doubted what he were best to doe, whether he were best to ioyne him selfe with them, being in so great peril. Neuerthelesse after certaine monthes, he came vnto them at the last, as we will declare hereafter.

ABOVT this time the Churches of Languedoc sent into Germanie to craue helpe, that they might be able to sustaine the force of warre, whiche they were assured would shorte­ly be moued against them. For this treatie mons. Calueri, and Valli, strong & wise men, in the midst of the continual assaults of y e enimie were sent. They went especially to y e countie Pal­latine: of whose cōpassion & good wil, in pittying their estate, & in redinesse to help thē, they certified their felowes, & put them in hope of aide. But for the present necessitie, they receiued no­thing. And as they returned home againe, making a longer iourny, bicause of the lyings in waite of y e enimies, mons. Valli came home in safetie: but mons. Calueti was taken by mons. d' Gordes in Dauphine: & being kept in ward certaine monthes, was at the length by reason of a peace which came in y e meane [Page 60] time, and by the intreatie of d'Anuil restored. Al which things we will intreate of together hereafter in one place.

Monbrune ar­meth himselfe in Dauphine.WE spake before of mons. Monbrune, and of the noble men of Daulphine. He lying secretly at home, & seeming to haue no care for religiō, but to prouide for his own priuat ease & profit, & to seke to win the kings fauor, came forth at the last, contrarie to the expectation of all men, and armed him selfe.

Mons. d' Gorges sent vnto him straight after sugred letters, promising vnto him euer and among, in the kings name, both domesticall peace, and also libertie of conscience, feeding him with friendly promises, if so be he would serue the king: or at least if he would be quiet, and seeke his own profite. Neuer­thelesse in the meane time he went about to betray him, seking to spoyle him of al the succours of his friendes, and so to inter­cept him.

Mons. Monbrune being certified hereof, hauing both con­science towardes the religion, and hauing abandoned out of his mynde, the whole conceiued feare of the butcherly murder, and they of Languedoc hauing good successe of their constan­cie: began to persuade with his priuate friendes of the nobili­tie, which fauoured the religion, and kept their houses to come abroade: and after deliberation had, they agreed together to take Valentz, Mōtil. Leucrest, which were noble cities in Daul­phine, by them of the Religion, whiche as yet were in them. And they made their neighbours of Viuaretz acquainted with this matter.

But when their purpose fayled in taking those townes, & certaine bands of the inhabitantes, in the territorie of Viuaretz also, when they were come ouer the riuer of Rosne, being in­tercepted by the horsemen of mons. d'Gordes, the sayde mons. Monbrune tooke certain smal emptie towns of no fame, in the hil country of Daulphine, neare vnto the Diocesse of Dien, as Orpier, Diofet, and Serra, which were kept with no garizons. Mons. d'Gordes being in securitie, and nothing at all fearing the styrring of them of the Religion, and the townesmen whereof fauouring also the Religion.

And then mons. Monbrune hauing with hym a fewe of his friends to the number of eyghteene horsemen, and two and twentie olde souldiers only, wente out of his house, not kno­wing certaynely what to do, & hauing no sufficient trust in the strength of those fewe, so great feare remayned by the remem­brance of that lamentable tyme.

About the same tyme by hys trauayle in the parts of Troiz, whych lieth among the hilles of the Alpes (and yet no barren soyle) these noble men, mons. Ledigner, Champolian, & Morge tooke the chiefe Citie called Meuza, and dyuers other small townes, and gathered togeather a great multitude of the Re­ligious (whyche are many in those parts) which at that tyme lay hyden in secret places after the cruell slaughter committed.

MONS. d' Gordes notwithstanding, not deeming the pe­rill of that hill countrey to be so greate, The securitie of monsieur de Gordes. in so weake and small beginnings, sent out certayne troupes of horsemen only to in­tercept Mombrune and his fellowes, but hee preuayled not. Wherevpon he certifyed the King of a new commotiō. Not­withstanding euen at these fyrst beginnings, Monbrune tooke certayne troupes of Souldiers belonging to mons. de Gords, straggling heere and there, and offered vp the fyrst fruites of greater slaughter to come.

OF these smal beginnings it can scarse be told how great­ly his strength increased within fewe dayes, insomuch that the kings syde had not a more terrible and fearefull enemie in the Realme of France, whiche wee will briefly note hereafter in due tyme and place.

VVE sayde before that the Citizens of Sanferre were in great extremities by reason of domesticall dissentions, and that a Castel was taken from them, and recouered also by them the same day agayne. Of the af­fayres of San­serre. Being taught by this dangerous admonition, they begin more exquisitely to order and appoynt all things in the Citie, and ordaine mons. Ioanneau the Liefte­nant of the towne and a payneful man to be their General and gouernour by his name and authoritie: and their captaynes for [Page 62] the warre they chose mons. Flore, and Mine, and certayne o­thers: they mustered the townesmen and appoynted bands of Souldiers.

Notwithstādyng as yet they were not beseeged by y e kings armie, and many, but especially mons. Ioanneau coulde not be perswaded that the king amidst the extremities of Rochel and Languedoc warres, would beseege the Citie. Neuerthelesse the more wise and prouident sort considered and thoughte that hee would not leaue that vnassaulted, which was in the very harte and middest of the Realme. Thys securitie brought to passe, that they of Sanserre left many necessary things vndone: The negli­gence of them of Sanserre. but especially it caused them to neglect the prouision of corne for the Citie, of whiche they might haue prouided great store in so fertile a countrey, in the which their store houses, so neare after haruest, were replenished almost with all manner of fruites. The pulling downe also of the suburbes and other villages adioyning vnto them was pretermitted, whiche notwithstan­dyng was necessary to be done against the seege, least the same places myghte serue theyr enemies tourne, whyche they dyd afterwarde in very deede to the great anoyance of the towne. But principally their carelesnesse in prouiding corne brought vpon them so great a famine, that the same myght seeme to be nothyng inferioure, nay rather to exceede the famine of Hie­rusalem, and that of Samaria. Besyde thys, they erred in hopyng for succors by whyche they persisted constant to theyr owne hurt and detriment, they whyche ought to haue ay­ded them, eyther not doyng theyr duetie, or els so vnfurni­shed that they could not help. Notwithstandyng both their constancie and also theyr wonderfull industrie is woorthy to be remembred of suche as shall come heereafter, and specially beeyng in a good cause it deserueth great prayse and commen­dation.

Thys history is written in French by one named Lerry, an approued witnesse to bee credited, beyng at that seege euen to the last moment, from whose writing, and others informa­tion we will according to our manner and purpose, set downe [Page 63] that which is only necessary.

After that they of Sanserre had skirmished certayne dayes with theyr neyghbours of Cosne, and had taken from them the pray and bootie, they were beseeged the ninth day of Ianuary of thys presente yeere with a copious armie, contayning fyue hundred horsemen, and fyue thousande footemen, besyde those whych were borne and dwelling in that countrey, who came thither of their owne accord to get them renowne. The Lorde of Chastre, knight of the order, the kings gouernour of y e coun­trey, was general of the Armie. He had for the batterie sixtiene great peeces: and he caused a greate number of trenches and bulwarkes to be made for their defence in the seege.

When they of the towne sawe them selues besieged, The seege of Sanserre. and then too late fearing the scarcitie of corne, they determined to thrust out of the Citie the rusticall multitude. But they to whome the executing heereof was committed, so handled the matter, that the greater part of the common people remayned still in the Citie: wherevpon ensued both to the miserable peo­ple, and also to the whole Citie an intollerable mischiefe. So many groase ouersights coulde not but bring great calamitie to them of Sanserre.

The Lord of Chastre, sending an Heralt, summoned them of Sanserre to yeeld vp the towne: the which if they would doe willingly, he promised that he would perswade the Kyng to deale with them in clemencie: but if they refused, he threatned to shew all seueritie agaynst them. To this the Sanserreans made no answeare, but stayed the Heralt from returning a­gayne, and kept him in the Citie: the whych acte was agaynste the lawe of armes, and committed by the vndiscrete counsayle of the chiefe rulers, which notwithstanding was disliked of the most part of the townesmen. This Acte tourned afterward to the great displeasure of mons. Iohanneau the author of y e same.

Thus the Sanserreans prepared themselues for their defence, The courage of the Sanser­reans in defē ­ding thēselfs. being greatly incouraged by the good successe of theyr former beseeging, of the which we haue spoken in another place. They disquieted the enemie by often eruption, by the good conduct [Page 64] of mons. Flore an expert and valiant Captayne, who both tooke great paynes, and also had happy successe in his affayres. And it is certayne, so farre foorth as we may iudge of humane mat­ters humanly, that if the Sanserreans had prouided in time suf­ficient store of corne, the enemie had had the same successe whi­che he had in the former warre.

All thyngs necessary for the siege beyng diligently prouided by the Lorde of Chastre, the syxteene day of February of thys present yeere, the walles of the Citie began to be battered with sixteene great peeces of ordināce, two of the which were plan­ted vpon a higher place of ground, and bent against the face of the Citie, to the great anoyance of the townesmen.

But before that time of the batterie, there was fled a cer­tayne souldier out of the Kings armie vnto the townesmen, which bewrayed the place, which the enemie by batterie inten­ded to make sauteable: to the which place the townesmen came with speede, fortifying the same with a new countermure: notwithstanding they sawe the enemie bend his force againste another place of lesse strength. Yet neuerthelesse by proofe hee found the same contrary to hys expectation, so well fortefyed, that when he had for the space of three dayes done nothing but batter the same (for in those three dayes space there were cer­taynely tolde three thousande and fyue hundred shot of ordi­nance) they had made a very small breach in the wall.

Also credible persons whiche abode in this seege euen vntill the end of the same, report a wonderfull thing worthy to be re­membred, namely, that amiddest so many terrible thundryng shot, there was not one hurt, except one onely damsell whyche was slayne not with the shot, but with the fyery flame of a peece: howbeit houses in diuers places of the towne were sha­ken and rent, and the weapons in the hands of soldiers broken in peeces, also the helmets taken off from some of their heads, and the rubbish and stone worke flewe about the eares of ma­ny, withoute doyng them any hurt: Also at what time there was a sermon, the house it selfe wherin the people were assem­bled togeather, was fylled with the rubbish of the next houses [Page 65] were beaten downe, whiche things I would not report except they were approued true, that it may appeare that not without cause the Sanserreans almost all perished with famine, which were deliuered out of so great perilles, but that God by his sin­gular prouidence ordered the whole matter, in whose hande is both life and death.

The breach beyng made as is aforesayd, An Engine was a foure square thyng made of boor­des and quar­ters for men to goe vnder to defend thē selues from stones & shot. the L. Chastre deter­mined to approche the walles with Engines, that hee mighte winne the gate Viet which was next vnto the breach. Also at other partes of y e wall the soldiers vndermined, y t with dyuers assalts made together y e Sanserreans might be vnable to resist.

The ninetienth day of March, the Kings armie bente with might and mayne gaue an assalt at the breach, and in the mean time the ordinance whiche was planted on the higher grounde discharged lustely at the face of the towne. The townesmen feared the shaking and blowing vp of the mines, standyng in doubt least they should breake foorth at those places where they were, and fearing least while they were occupyed in one place, on the other part an entrie mighte be made for the enimie. So that they were in sore conflict with dyuers extremities.

Notwithstandyng they had suche successe in the ende, that the enimie was not only repulsed, but slayne also with a greate slaughter, in somuch that he was discouraged any more to giue any assalt vnto the towne, beeyng taught by the example of the former warres.

Wherefore the L. of Chastre perceyuing that it was but lost labour, besyde the great spoyle also of his men, to giue any more assalts to the towne, and beeing warned by the error of mons. Martinenge, who aforetime was generall in the other seege, but in vayne, deuised another way of beseeging, thinking it good to leaue off the assalting of the same, and rather wyth strong bulwarkes to inclose it, that neyther they whiche were within the Citie might come foorth, nor yet those whych were without myght haue accesse to them whych were within: y t so he might cōstrayne the townesmē beyng brought to extreame famine, to giue vp y e towne, the which in deede came to passe.

Therefore the daye following whiche was the twenty of March, he displaced hys Artillerie, and ouerthrewe and brente the fortifications which he had erected about the Citie, and the whole armie almost trussed vp bagge and baggage.

Then the townesmen thought that the L. Chastre, beeyng out of hope to take the Citie discamped, but his intente was o­therwise: for he practised another kynde of strayt seege, as we haue sayd. Therefore the L. Chastre erected seauen bulwarks, seuerally situated according to the conueniencie of the place, in necessary places, fortifyed such places of the hamlets adioyning therevnto, as serued hys turne: hemde in the Citie with broade trenches, that the townesmen myghte haue a narrowe space left them betweene the Citie and the ditche: placed horsemen and footemen in conueniente order, and commaunded a most strayt kynde of watche and ward, in suche wise that it was not possible by any meanes, that any man should goe out or come into the Citie.

The Sanser­reans send for succors.When the townesmen sawe them selues to be thus inclo­sed, they sente to diuers places for succours, but specially into Germanie, and into Languedoc. But what came thereof we will shewe in order hereafter.

Concerning the affayres of the lowe countrey. VVE sayde before that Harlem a towne in Hollande was beseeged by the Duke of Alba, in winning whereof the Spanyards, and contrariwyse in defending of the same the Prince of Orange hys souldiers tooke great paynes. The wall being battered downe with shot, was so fortifyed agayne by the garrison in the towne, that trenches beeyng conueniently made by woonder labor round about within the Citie, the in­ner partes of the Citie were deemed more fyrme and strong than the very walles were before.

Whilest this Citie was beseeged, and valiant actes shewed on both parts, many things in the meane time diuersly fel out.

The seauen and twentie day of Ianuary, the Spanish na­uie was taken by the Flisshiners, notwithstanding it escaped away agayne with great slaughter.

IN THE meane tyme the Prince of Orange laboured by all meanes possible to vittayle them of Harlem beyng oppres­sed with famine: The Prince of Orange vittayleth Harlem. and by due and conuenient arriuall from the bordering Cities ther aboutes, as frō Leyden, and Delfe, and by the benefyte of the hard colde winter, the way beeing frosen hard with Ise, he brought to passe that victuals were conueyed to the townesmen.

In the beginning of March a new supply of Spanyardes to the number of fyue ensignes, came into the Camp. The Flisshiners encountered happily at Ternese, with the nauie of the Duke of Alba.

THE Prince of Orange (according to the variable chance of warre, or rather by the manifolde prouidence of the Lord of hostes) going about to succour them of Harlem with shippes, Countie Bossu the Kings Liefetenant of Hollande, encounte­ring with him and being of more force, tooke certayne shippes, wherevpon ensued a new slaughter vpon the Prince of Oran­ges part, by the meanes of them of Amsterdam.

ABOVT this time also the Reisters whiche were vnder the paye of the Duke of Alba, taking with them the footebande with shot, made an inroade in the territorie of Leyden, rob­bing and spoyling the same, and carying away a greate bootie.

VVITHIN fewe dayes after they of Harlem brake foorth vpon the kings armie as they were triumphing vpon the suc­cesse of their victories, and were celebrating the feast of Ea­ster, and slewe a greate many, and wounded many, and for the good successe heereof, they brake foorth agayne the daye following vppon the Duke of Alba hys campe, and ha­uyng slayne certayne and disturbed the campe, they returned into the Citie agayne. But when they brake foorthe in the euenyng of the same daye, and came in the dead time of the nighte vpon the Reisters Campe, the Reisters were wyth feare so astonyed, hauyng not yet breathed synce theyr late Conflictes, that leauyng theyr Tentes, they betooke them vnto theyr heeles most cowardlye, they of [Page 68] Harlem following the chase and making a great slaughter of their enimies. Notwithstandyng the townsmen, hauing this successe, not mynding to assaile the rest of the army, for that they sawe them selues vnable to make their partie good, retyred into the Citie agayne.

THE Kinges power, wherof the Countie Bossu was generall, and the power of the Prince of Orange striued who should be Lords of the Sea, wherevpon diuers conflictes were had betweene them, bycause the preheminence of the water might eyther helpe or hinder the towne of Harlem. Therefore the Orengians wente about to winne the rampier, thereby to stoppe the entercourse and passage of Amsterdam, by whyche vittayles were carried into the Duke of Alba his campe: But the men of Amsterdam came foorth and skirmished wyth the Orengians: and beholde as they were buckeling togea­ther, a greate number of Rusticall laborers were discoue­red.

The Orengians suspecting that the Spanyards were come, were discomfyted: and so for feare leauing eyght of theyr Shyppes in the power of the enimies, were slayne by heapes by them of Amsterdam, the reste cowardlye ranne a­way.

Thus the other practise to ayde the beseeged in Harlem, was made frustrate, y e County Bossu defending that sea coast with the Spanish nauie.

But when the Duke of Alba had supplyed fresh soldiers in the roome of such as were slayne, picking them out both from among the Reisters, A famine in Harlem. and Burgundians, and also out of the old seruitours of the garrisons of the lowe countrey: and thē pro­curing a more strayt seege notwithstandyng the constante see­king of the Prince of Orange to succour, there came in the meane tyme a sore famine vpon them of Harlem, for it is a Ci­tie both copious of it selfe, and was also replenished with a garrison of soldiers.

The Prince of Orange being only busily occupied in dely­uering of Harlem, leuied so greate an armie as hee coulde [Page 69] out of Hollande and Zelande, minding to breake into the Citie, to helpe the besieged. The generall of this armie vnder the Prince of Orange, was VVilliam Bronchorste Lorde of Battēburge. He came at the last with his power to the duke of Alba his camp, & hauing slayne at the first onset y e rereward of the Reisters, encoūtred couragiously with the rest of the armie: But the duke of Alba his part, taking vnto thē courage, so de­fended them selues, that they did not only repulse the Orengi­ans, but also destroyed them with a great slaughter.

For it is sayde, that there were a thousande and fiue hun­dred slayne: the enimie hauing taken in the spoyle fourtene ensignes, tenne fielde peeces, and thirtie waggons. Also the Lorde of Battemburge him selfe was slayne.

THVS the Duke of Alba hauing a great victorie, Harlem sur­rendred vp to the Duke of Alba. folo­wed more vehemently the siege of Harlem. Then they of Har­lem being brought to great distresse, by the siege whiche du­red eyght monethes, and by the sore famyne, yeelded vp the towne vpon euyll conditions: as that they shoulde submit them selues to the will and pleasure of the conquerer.

And to the ende the souldiers shoulde not haue the spoyle and bootie of the citie, he commaunded two hundred and fortie thousande crownes to be gyuen vnto them. Then the Spa­niardes shewing all crueltie vpon the townesmen, tormen­ting them by all manner of meanes. The Duke of Alba com­maunded sixe hundred of the souldiers to be hanged: Crueltie she­wed at Harlē. three hundred were brought out of the citie halfe naked, and cast in­to the water: a sight most pitifull, and an acte with barba­rous crueltie moste detestable: seeing that the greatest parte of victorie consisteth in lenitie and mercie. This happened the eleuenth day of Iuly.

NOw to returne to Rochell.

The Rochellians perseuered in their defence, notwith­standing that they were nowe by no small occasion weakned. And, as the matter then seemed to require, they committed the whole ordering & charge of the war, to certayne approued mē, namely to mons. Normā, Riuier, Charle, Essarz, & Garguole: re­seruing [Page 70] the name of authoritie and power to the Maior, who notwithstanding did nothing of him selfe, without the aduise of the Senate.

THE same day the kings side prepared a fresh for the bat­terie: the townsmen with no lesse haughtie courage of mynd, discharged the thundring shot from the fort l'Euangile, against the kings campe, to the great annoyance of the same.

The day folowing, the kings ordinance went off so thicke, that the roaring stroakes thereof could scarse be numbred: and so helde on all the next day. The townesmen in the meane while by night left nothing vndone, to repaire and fortifie the breaches of their walles.

Countie d' Retz was stricken behynde in the reynes of the backe with a Calieuer shot, beyng come out of the couent of the Engynes.

The same night mons. Normā made an inroade, euen vnto the enimies trenche, notwithstanding he was constrayned to retyre againe into the citie, with losse of two of his men, beside those which were wounded. The day after he came again to y e same place, purposing by ouerthrowing y e hardels of the eni­my, to kil many of thē: but he had like successe as he had before

BVT for so much as we are to describe greater conflictes in this noble siege, being such as our age hath not seene, and so much the more noble, for that after the finall destruction as it were of the Religious, the wonderfull constancie of the Ro­chellians had most happy successe, by the wonderfull goodnesse of God: we thinke it meete and conuenient to our purpose, to speake somewhat more largely, and particularly to shewe the exploytes and actes of euerie day seuerally.

MARCHE.The sixtene day of Marche the kings parte made baskets, ouer against the bulwarke l'Euangile, planting those peeces of ordināce which were in the fort of Corceile (by which we sayd the passage into the hauen from the sea was stopte) betweene them. The townsmen fortifie that part against the batterie.

Mons. Fontene was chiefe captaine of the watch and ward of the Mines commonly called Cazemates, which were made [Page 71] in the dytch, seruing to make eruptions, and to repulse the eni­mie from the walles. He, taking with him tenne of his soul­diers, came vnto that part of the kings camp, which was neare vnto the Lazerhouse, where he founde twelue noble men sit­ting at supper, whome he slue, notwithstanding that they pro­mised him very large raunsomes to redeeme their lyfe, and when he had doone, returned in safetie vnto the citie agayne. This was doone in the night of the same day.

The seuententh day was spent wholy in giuing an assault. The day folowing, when the kings campe went about by trenches and baskets to approch more neare vnto the walles, there ensued a sore battell, the townesmen comming out of the towne to withstand the enimie.

The next day after, the townesmen came again to the same fortification, and for all that the enimie coulde doe, they ouer­threwe their baskets & burdels, and tumbled great woolpackes full of wooll into the ditch, and slaying at the same place three score of them, chased the rest to the castell Palereau. Palereau. The same day at nyght certaine shot of the kings campe, came into the trench of the bulwark l'Euangile, & taking some of the towns­men vnawares slue them.

The twentie day, the batterie was begon againe with for­tie three great peeces, which were planted in seuerall places: notwithstanding the walles of the city were not much impai­red: the roofes of houses in diuers places were pulled downe, whereat many a vayne shot was discharged. There were told the same day a thousand and fiue hundred stroakes.

The two and twentie day, a newe assault was intended to be giuen, about three of the clocke in the afternoone: but bicause the towne beganne to discharge against them, whereby many of the Kings campe were slayne, they stayed their former pur­pose, and encountred the towne with mayne shot, vntill sixe of the clocke in the euening.

It was told the townesmen, that the enimie had determi­ned the same day to winne the tower, which stoode betweene the gate Rambalde, and the Bulwarke l' Euangile: and [Page 72] the treasons of the citie were feared. Therefore the townsmen prepared them selues for defence, appoynting in diuers neces­sarie places watch and warde.

All this while the townsmen tooke great paines in making bulwarks in the citie of earth, compact with turffes and stakes to bynde the same.

One of the kings mynes was ouerwhelmed, to the greate spoyle of the pioners. That nyght there was in the citie a great earthquake, An earth­quake. the which some say, was the cause of the ouertur­ning of the sayde myne, but in my iudgement it is vnlikely. From the last day of Februarie, vnto the sixe and twentie of this moneth, there were tolde twelue thousand and seuen hun­dred stroakes of the kings gunnes.

The same daye by the commandemente of the Maior, one Chale, whose name was famous in Rochell, and whome we reckoned before among the captaynes of the warre, went out of the citie, for that the Rochellians had him in suspition, and so came vnto the kings campe.

The day folowing, the townesmen made an eruption vp­on a troupe of horsmen, which they discouered to stande at Ta­don: and after a skyrmishe, by which both partes sustayned losse, they retyred.

The eyght and twentie day of Marche, the whole armie of the king was set in battell araye, euen as if they woulde haue giuen an assault to the gate of Cogne, and to the bulwarke l'Euangile. Notwithstanding, after they had for the space of one houre discharged shot one against the other, with the losse and hurt of both partes, they sounded the retraycte. About sixe of the clocke in the euening the kings campe returned agayne, and placing a troupe at Sannicolas gate, the rest stoode in bat­tell aray at Cogne gate.

Their purpose was to take the Cazemates, whiche were in the dytche. And for this cause fortie of the kings souldiers went downe into the dytche, notwythstanding, they were so repulsed by the townsmen, that many of the kings campe fell into the ditch. In the meane time the great gunnes thundered [Page 73] both from the towne, and also out of the kings campe: from which fortie shot were discharged.

The day following was spent onely in giuing an assault. But the next day after that there was a sore battaile fought betweene the Rochellians and the kings campe. The cause of the battaile was this. Three souldiers went out of the towne, and set vpō the first watch of the kings camp. Then the whole campe armed thēselues. By & by there came out of the towne others to rescue the first: wherupō the enimie came on by hea­pes, vpon whom the Caliuer shot came as thicke as haile: and such a tempest of great shot droue agaynst the threesquare bat­taile, whiche was set in aray wedgewise to pearce into theyr enimies, that of the forefront of the same, fiue with targettes were slaine, and after them many other souldiers. There ap­peared at Tadon certaine horsmen, at the first but few in num­ber, to allure the townesmen to battaile: but when they sawe that none would come forth to encounter with them, a greater number discouered themselues: ouer whom Countie Luden was generall. These horsemen being within the leuel of San­nicolas tower were a fayre marke: so that their horses and they themselues were ouerthrowne and slaine in great num­ber with the violent shot of the same.

About the euening the kings side to requite the late sustey­ned losse, slue with theyr great Gunnes certaine Souldiers and Captaynes.

The next day the kings scoutewatche was hanged by the decree of the Rochellians: who was sayde to bewray and dis­close the secretes of the townesmen. The same day two soul­diers fled from the kings campe to Rochel. The kings campe in the Euening chaunged theyr accustomed maner of watch: and shot off twelue great peeces agaynst the townesmen.

The day following whiche was the first day of April, April. the townesmen in the deade time of the night shot off a peece of ordinance, which in the day time they had leuelled and bent a­gaynst the tents whiche were pytched beside Palercau, by the which many sleeping vpon their couches were slaine. Where­vppon [Page 74] the kings campe discharged incontinent at them a­gaine a great peale, by whiche two of the Captaynes belon­ging to the towne were slaine. The same day Captain Dange fled from the kings campe to Rochel.

IN the kings campe, by reason of the great multitude of souldiers in the same, and the penurie of the country therabout, vittayles were so deare, that the souldiers priuily stale away: and the horsmen and noble men, which vpon their own charge mainteyned warre, for that prouender was scarce and harde to be gotten, went home to their houses. Vpon this contempt and negligence of warlyke order and prouision, insued also in the campe great sicknesse, insomuch that within few dayes, the sicknesse destroyed more than the sworde had done. The forra­gers of corne were constrayned to cary prouision from Paris, and from the places theraboutes: but, notwithstanding that the king gaue strayt commaundement in this behalfe, it pro­fited little. The king also in this backsliding of the noble men, gaue strayte charge to restrayne the same: but in vaine. Thus whiles delayes of this siege were made, the kings campe was brought into great extremitie: and all men thought that the Duke of Anjou should haue bene constrayned to raise and dis­solue the siege, The extremi­tie of the kings campe. without his purpose. Whervpon the king wrote vnto his brother, willing him to make speede in assaulting the towne: and to winne the same out of hande, or else to rayse the siege. For by this tyme the Duke of Anjou had spent fiue Monethes. Therefore he appoynted the sixth day of Aprill to giue an assault, on the which day the whole armie assayled the towne.

THE seuenth day, about fiue of the clocke in the morning, the kings campe beganne a freshe to batter with greater vio­lence than they had done, before the gate Cogne, and the Bul­wark l'Euangile. Thus after long batterie, that part of y e wall was beaten downe to the ground, The Caze­mates taken and forsaken againe. and the greatest part of the bulwarke l'Euangile battered downe. Therefore the kings ar­mie prepared themselues to enter the breache. Who tooke out of euerie bande onely twentie: and fyrst of all, the fore­front [Page 75] tooke two of the Cazemates from the townesmen: which notwithstanding they enioyed but few houres. For the towns­men lustily discharged theyr greate Gunnes agaynst them, whereby they slewe many of the kings souldiers: and when they of the towne had made a newe supply of men, they con­strayned their enimies to forsake their Cazemates: an act veri­ly at the first assault verie manly and valiant.

In the meane time, about the same houre the kings armie gaue an assault on the other part at the bulwarke l'Euangile, and setting vnto the same a bridge made with proppes and shores, they tooke some part of the same: then to this part they came running by heapes, hauing two hundred Corslettes bea­ring shields and targets before them. At the same moment also the great Gunnes went off as thicke as possible they might a­gaynst the towne, and the townsmen sustayned great losse and dammage. For the accounte being made, it is sayde that there were heard the same day two thousand & fiue hundred blowes of great Gunnes. The townesmen valiantly put forth them­selues for their defence agaynst theyr assayling enimies. The women courageously threw also vpon them fierie hoopes, pitch barrels burning, and balles of fire, and such kinde of fireworke, by which they did greatly anoy them.

Thus the enimies preuayling nothing at all were repulsed. Of the townesmen there were threescore slaine, and certaine chiefe Captaynes also, and many wounded. And of the kings side (as hath appeared by their own writings and report) there were aboue three hūdred slaine, and many wounded. Among the noble men were wounded the Duke of Niuern, the Mar­ques of Neme one of the Duke of Guises brethren, & M. d'Gast, of Daulphine, which was in great fauor with y e duke of Anjou.

The day following about eight of the clocke, the kings ar­mie gaue another assault to the towne: notwithstanding the townesmen repulsed them with like courage as they had done before, & with the same successe. Also they preferring themsel­ues to giue the like assault about fiue of the clocke in the after­noone, the townesmen beeing in like maner readie to receyue [Page 76] them, left off their enterprise.

A signe in the ayre.The same night there was manifestly seene in the ayre a great fire, whiche had the forme and similitude of a Dragon, which fell into the sea in the sight of many.

Smoke made in the Citie.The townesmen to the end they might haue libertie to mend and repayre theyr walles, made a smoke so thicke and darke, that the whole campe was inclosed as it were with a cloude. In the meane tyme there were throwne oute of the Citie in plentifull wise suche fire workes as wee named before, to the greate horror and feare of the besiegers, as they themselues report.

The next day, the kings armie stoode in battaile aray, euen as if they would haue giuen an assault: notwithstanding the Rochellians beeing readie to receyue them, they stayed from theyr purpose. In the meane tyme there were discharged from the kings fortifications fourescore shot of great Gunnes. In the euening the enimies made a great shoute and crie in the campe of purpose, as if they had bene oppressed with some eni­mie (which we call a false Alarme) thereby to entice forth the townesmen.

The tenth day, about foure of the clocke in the morning, the enimie stoode arayed in diuerse pearcing battayles. Which was a signe of an intended assault. Whervpon all the townes­men prepared for their defence, women also were appoynted to their charge, yea children were not ydle: Aboute sixe of the clocke, the kings power with great violence assayled the bul­warke l'Euangile. And on the other part manie of the enimies were discouered to scale the gate Moline.

At Tadon Countie Luden being with his bande, was also come to the tower of Moline: notwithstanding he was soone repulsed thence by the whotte and fearce shotte of the greate Gunnes discharged by the towne. Ladders were set to the walles, The scaling ladders are ouerthrowne. and the townesmen in the meane tyme making no re­sistance, they climbe them: but when manye of them were come to the top of the Ladders, and the sayde Ladders fully replenished, by and by those townsmen which before lay hid, [Page 77] discouered themselues, being prepared with speares and long poales, and ouerthrew their ladders with so violent an assault, that euen with one force, as it were, they being repulsed, the troupes whiche abode at the lower part of the walles were made afearde with the great noyse and crie of those that fell: and being put to flight with the great plentie of shotte, ranne away like madde men, and cast themselues headlong into the Marishes for feare.

Then incontinently the women went forth with spits and shouels, & such like apt weapons belonging to womens war, The victorie gotten by women. with the whiche they layde at those whom they founde ouer­throwne, and easily slue them, and caryed away the spoyle, no man resisting him. On the other part, the townesmen no lesse valiantly behaued themselues in fight at the Bulwarke l'Euangile, insomuch that the showering Gunshot neuer mis­sed the heades of the Catholikes, who were also much annoyed with fireworkes cast out of the towne vpon them. Therefore the kings side was constrayned to retyre, aboue three hundred souldiers of his being lost at that charge.

The next day after the Catholikes fortefyed with a rampire that part of the Bulwarke l'Euangile, which they had taken: and when they had set themselues in battaile aray making a shew as if they would haue giuen a newe charge, they depar­ted without any enterprise, perceyuing that the townesmen prepared themselues for their defence.

They made also a mine for that bulwark: and made a ram­pire ouer against the same to anoy the townesmē: for y e which the townesmen prouided in making a coūtermine with a gate to the same conueniently, belonging for sodaine eruptions.

About sixe of the clocke in the euening the Rochellians cried Alarme vpon this occasion: A certaine woman, whiche was gone downe into a certain Wineseller to drawe wine, hearde the voyce of a man speaking: By which she thought that the enimies had made theyr mynes so farre: and therefore cryed oute. The people at thys crie armed themselues. But af­ter enquirie made of the matter, it was founde oute that [Page 78] certayne of the townesmen, by the commaundement of the Maior, were searchyng for the conducte pypes which serued the towne with water.

The same day great stoare of corne, & great plentie of mu­nition for warre was brought into the kings campe.

The day followyng, another parte of the bulwarke l'E­uangile whiche remayned of the former breache, was beaten downe by a violent batterie: by the fall whereof many bothe of the Townesmen and also of the Catholiques, were slayne, and with them a certayne Captayne whiche had conducted a bande of souldiours to that parte to gyue an assault.

The next day there was nothyng done woorthy to be spo­ken of, sauyng that the townesmen castyng fire into the ditche brente certayne souldiours and pioners. The same day the townesmen brake foorth at the Casemates belongyng to the bulwarke l'Euangile, and slew many of the kyngs souldiers, and brought theyr armour into the Citie. On the other parte the great gunnes went off from the towne agaynst the kings fortes, whereby many of the Catholiques were slayne.

The nientene day shyppes were discryed in the sea appoin­poynted and prepared for warre: Mongomeries nauie within sight of Ro­chel. the whiche roade at anker within a myle of Rochel hauen called Chef-de bois. By and by the Kyngs nauie was prepared: and out of the kyngs ar­mie bandes of soldiers were appoynted to defende the coaste: and others to furnishe the shyppes: and strayte way a nota­ble peale of thunderyng shotte was rung betweene them.

This nyghte at the commaundement of the Rochellians, a Captayne went foorth with one shippe, and notwithstan­dyng that the enemie resisted, he came in safety vnto the Na­uie of Mongomerie, of whome they receyued a signe that ayde was come to them of Rochel. Notwithstandyng those shyppes were diuided in the mornyng. So the Catho­liques returned into the campe. Aboute the euenyng there came a messenger, whiche tolde that those shyppes were not farre off.

Whereas the townsmen wente about with great diligence [Page 79] to repayre the breache and ruyne of the bulwarke l'Euangile, the Catholiques sought to beate it downe with shot. Twoo of the kings armie fled to the gate d'Molines to the townsmen notwithstandyng the showers of shot which were discharged after them.

The townesmen made a countermine, agaynst that myne whiche the catholiques had made for the bulwarke l'Euangile. To this they set fire, but bycause there was not sufficient store of gunpowder in the same, theyr labour was lost.

The nexte day a newe charge was gyuen. The same day there came vnto Cogne, Monsieur Oars, and Rolli, to speake with the Maior in the Duke of Anjou his name. The cause of this parley was, that wayes myghte be taken for peace. To the kyngs Ambassadours came the Maior, Nortius the Pastor of the Churche, and Monsieur Essarz, and diuers o­thers: and when they had spente certayne howers in commu­nication togyther, they returned into the Citie. About eight of the clocke the Catholiques blewe vp the mine whiche they had made at the bulwarke l'Euangile. The earth fallyng o­uerthwartly slewe many of the Catholiques, and fiftene of the townsmen. At this tumulte all the whole citie was armed: but not one of the Catholiques appeared.

The day followyng, a freshe assaulte was giuen, that the pioners whiche made a mine, by the noyse of the gunnes might not be perceyued of the townsmen.

The nexte daye the same Ambassadours came agayne a­boute the treatie of peace: when as notwithstandyng theyr fellowes persisted no lesse vehement than they did before in gi­uing the assaulte.

In the dead time of the nighte of the same day, a piercyng battayle of the Catholiques, beyng conducted by skilfull and valiant captaines wanne the ditche: notwithstandyng they were cōstrayned to retire with great losse of their men. Then began the great gunnes to thunder.

The twentieth day, there was a sore charge gyuen agaynst the bulwarke l'Euangile by the Catholiques: And euen in [Page 80] the middest of the fight, fyre was put into the myne, the which the Townesmen foreseeing, auoyded the daunger thereof, and beguyled the enemie. They fought for the space of fiue houres without staye or retraite. Fifteene of the Townesmen onely were slayne, and thirtie hurte: but verye many Catholiques were loste, who susteyned great dammage by the townesmen at the drawe bridge, out of the Casemates.

The last day the townsmen made an inroade to the forts of the Catholiques, and slew many of them: and then with losse of some of their men, returned into the citie agayne. The Ro­chellians sende their requestes concerning the peace to the duke of Anjou.

Maye.The firste daye of May, the townesmen set vp vppon the walles green boughes, in token of ioy, and sang Psalmes vn­to God, playing with cornets and trumpets, & ioyning ther­to the noyse of Gunnes. In the nyght they burnt vp the grea­test parte of the drawe bridge.

The next day Monsieur Oars brought the kings answere from the Duke of Anjou to the Rochellians concerning theyr demaunds. In the nighte followyng, the townsmen brake out of their countermine into the Catholikes myne, and dry­uing from thence the Catholiques, and placyng watche and warde there, they ouerthrew the same.

The two nexte dayes were spente with two fortunate e­ruptions, & with taking consultation concerning the kings answere: Euery townesman without exception, had leaue to come to this consultation: and the daye and place of meeting was appoynted.

The fourth day of this moneth, the Nauie spoken of be­fore, was more playnely to be seene, at the syght whereof, the Catholiques withoute delaye armed themselues. For it was Countie Mongomerie with fiftie sayle greate and small. And thus it fared with Mongomerie. Mongomerie comming in­to Englande, laboured by all meanes to obtayne ayde at the handes of Elizabeth the Queenes maiestie of England. The whiche hir Maiestie denyed, bycause of the league whiche she [Page 81] had made with the king. Therfore Mongomerie tooke an o­ther way, getting into his handes partly by loane, and partly by gift, of English, Frenchemen, and the lowe countreymen of Flaunders fortie thousande frankes: and got leaue of the Queenes maiestie to furnishe a nauie so well as he coulde. Thus after long trauayle he furnished fiftie shippes. But oc­casion fell out, whiche delayed for a tyme that expedition and preparation. The Earle of Worcester a noble man of Eng­lande went into Fraunce in the Queenes name, to baptize the newe borne daughter of the French king, and to be one of the sureties or witnesses for y e sayd child in hir highnes name. In this passage certayn Frenchmen and Flemings set vppon him, taking from him one of his shippes, and killing certaine of his men. Hir highnesse taking displeasure hereat, comman­ded the matter to be enquired after: for the which inquisition she sent the Lorde Admirall, who setting vpon all the shippes of the Frenchmen and Flemings, toke & caried away whatso­euer came to his hāds. So that twentie of Mongomeries ships were loste. So he came to the coast of Rochell with twentie ships of his nauie diminished. When he sawe the kings nauie prepared, and newe ships also to be furnished with other sol­diours, he durst not procede in this enterprise: wherfore with­out assayling his enimies, he directed his course an other way, and vnloked for at Bell'Isle, and there landed, and took both the Isle and the castel. The Rochellians perceiuing that Mongo­merie was departed, and therfore being without hope of ayde, fortifyed the hauen all that they coulde wyth newe garrisons. Notwithstāding before Mongomeries departure, they sēt out one vnto him in a skyffe, wylling him not to put himselfe in peryll for theyr sakes: for they trusted yet in the goodnesse of GOD, and were of that mynd, that they would rather suf­fer any maner of extremitie, than to yelde themselues into the handes of suche men as were full of all treason, falshood, and periurie. After the which message Mongomerie sent a ship vn­to the Citie with goonpouder and victuall, which came safely into Rochell, notwithstanding the kings force. And after this [Page 82] (as we sayd) Mongomerie tooke a new viage.

After he had taried in the foresayde Ilande certayne dayes, and knew not wel which way to take, his souldiers also being obstinate and disobedient, returned into England, hauyng lost his trauayle, with a fewe shippes, the rest beyng left vppon the sea to robbe and spoyle, one of the whiche (whereof Monsieur Hippinnill was captayne) went to the enimie.

To fortifie the siege of Rochel there came into the kyngs campe the fifth day of May foure thousand Switzers. Therfore certaine dayes following were spent in skyrmishes, losse of men beyng sustayned on both partes. And amongst the chief­taines that were slaine, Mons. Cossine slayne. Monsieur Cossine captaine of the kings garde, beyng one of those whiche slew the Admiral, was one.

CERTAINE Catholiques got vp vnlooked for vpon the bulwarke l'Euangile, and tooke the watch of the same, the war­ders being a sleepe, The forte l'Euangile al­most wonne. some of the which they slew. Whervpon if the townsmen had not succored them in time, and resisted the other, or if a greater number of the Catholiques had bene pre­sent, the citie had bene in great daunger.

The next daye the townsmen gaue a woorthy charge vpon the Catholiques of whom they slew many. There brake out of the citie fiue hundred at Cogne gate, and charged the enemie being intrenched and suspecting no such thing, by reason wher­of they slewe many of them, and put the rest to flight, & choked three of their great gunnes by driuyng into them crosse barres of iron. As they were thus occupied, there came succours from the kings campe: and then began a sore skirmish. Notwith­standing the townsmen brought with them into the citie eight of the catholikes Ensignes, & great plēty of armour & apparel:

There were slayne in this skyrmish two hūdred catholikes, or thereabouts, & twentie only of the townsmen were wāting. The townsmen with great triūphe set vp on their walles those Ensignes which they had taken from their enemies.

The sixe and twentie day of this moneth the Catholiques began a newe batterie, after the whiche they giue a freshe as­saulte to the towne, beyng the most notable of all the reste that [Page 83] happened in this siege. The commyng of the Switzers was the cause of this assaulte: who craued leaue of the Duke of Anjou that they might gyue an assaulte to the citie, thereby to declare theyr loue towarde the king.

Therfore al theyr bandes set themselues in battaile aray be­twene the well & le Rouze, about seuē of the clocke. The which they of Cogne perceyuing, discharged fiue great peeces, the shot wherof fel among the thickest of them, to theyr great damage. Therefore they shyfted their standyng. Also other bandes of the Catholiques were set in battayle aray in diuers places, euē as if they would giue an assault. In the meane tyme the great gunnes went off lustely on eyther part. But the greatest hope of the Catholiques rested in their mines, which were made in three seueral places. The first myne hauing fire giuen vnto it, did small hurte, makyng a breach no bigger than for twoo men to enter at: whiche breache the townsmen stopte with greate diligence. Straite after the second was blowen vp with great force: and the thyrde made a greate noyse ouerthrowyng a great parte of the wall: notwithstanding so that the rubbell & matter of the wall fell into the towne: by the conuenient fal­ling wherof the passage into the Citie was stopte agaynst the Catholiques. The Duke of Anjou was present himself, that by his presence he might encourage the souldiers. And the firste onset was giuē by Mons. d'Gaste: but the townsmē so receyued him, that he was constrayned to retire with great losse of hys men. After him followed Mons. d'Goaz, who with his bande entring the breach with a violent charge, at the first enforced the Rochellians to gyue backe: but yet they persisted so valiantly in fight, that they slew Mons. Goaz, and diuers other chiefe ca­ptaines and souldiers, and caused the rest to retyre. Then came the thyrde bande, who gaue the thirde assault with like successe as the other had done. During these assaultes, the women tooke suche great paynes in castyng downe fire woorkes in such abundant manner, that they deserue a great parte of the prayse of that victorie. And by the miste of a certaine smoke which y e townsmen made of purpose, they fought with smal losse of mē, [Page 84] the number being fortie onely. But of the Catholikes, there were aboue foure hundred slaine, most of the which were cap­taynes, and souldiers of great skill, which fought in the fore­front. At Tadon also the townesmen had as happie successe in their fight agaynst the Catholikes at the time, as they had be­fore, going nowe aboute to winne the Citie by scaling the walles at that part. The walles of the towne were shyning bryght with the flame of the burning fyrebrandes which lay in the ditches.

The next day the townesmen to scorne the enimie, armed their scullyons and slaues, and brought them forth at Cogne gate, with naked swordes in triumphant wise in their hands. The Catholikes armed themselues: and they streight way re­tyre into the Citie: the townesmen in the meane time calling the Switzers to battaile in dirision.

The Catholikes put into y e ditches certain gunnes, to shake downe the Casemates: but in vaine. By the commaunde­ment of the Maior threescore men, and women, and children of the rascal sort of people, were brought out of the Citie. The Rochellians were solicited to peace, Letters con­cerning peace. a Harault being sent vnto them with letters of certaine of their familiar friendes which were in the kings campe. In fine, the kings singular good wil to be at peace with them, was declared: they were also ex­horted not to depriue them and theyrs of so good an occasion of peace. The townesmen went forth to displace the fortes which were made ouer agaynst the gate of Sannicolas, wherevpon ensued a great tempest of shot as thicke as hayle, to the annoy­ance of both partes.

Iune.The day following, whiche was the first of Iune, foure townesmen making those afearde which lay in the next tren­ches, and thought no doubt that there had bene a greater num­ber, and putting them to flight, no man making resistance, o­uerthrew their baskets and bulwarkes.

There entered into y e Citie two Souldiers with letters from Mongomerie: in the which he gaue them to vnderstande that he was constrayned to returne into Englande, to bring a [Page 85] greater power, with the which he woulde shortly come vnto them: Letters of Mongomerie to the Ro­chellians. Incouraging them to goe forwarde in the same con­stancie, in the whiche they had by the goodnesse of God conti­nued vntill that day.

The Catholikes fortifyed the trench which was at the bul­warke l'Euangile, and that part allo whiche was somewhat nearer to Sannicolas. A certaine Souldier crauing leaue of the Maior to go forth of the Citie, vnder pretence to assayle the enimie, fled into the kings campe. The Casemates were day­ly assaulted, but in vaine.

BVT the townesmen were not onely vrged with external enimies, but also with domestical and inwarde extremities. Many were wearie of the war: and many feared the famine, by whiche the townesmen feared greate destruction. Diuerse men diuerslye communed togither, mislyking all that they coulde of those extremities: there were manye of the rycher sorte whiche were greeued for the wasting and losse of theyr goodes: insomuche that by all maner of meanes they desyred peace. Therefore they withstoode the whole assembly. And certaine also had determined to take the gate, and to goe oute of the same. For this cause certaine of the wellbyer sorte by the decree of the Senate, were put in prison. As yet the penu­rie of corne did not grieue the townesmen, and yet notwith­standing their store was greatly diminished, which they feared dayly more and more. But the Rochellians had store of Salt­fishe and wine. And it is wonderful which certaine honest and credible persons do report, which were at that siege, how that a certaine kinde of fishe came into the hauen in such plentifull maner, contrary to their woonted custome, A new kinde of fishe in the time of the siege came to Rochel. that the poorer sorte vsed to eate them in steade of breade, and that the same plentie went away almost the same day, when the kings army depar­ted vpon the conclusion of peace. On the contrary part, no lesse extremities vrged the king, as the scarcitie of money, and the impaciencie of the nobles, whiche were wearie of the warre, coulde by no meanes be restrayned. And the king was vnable to hemme in or inclose the towne of Rochel, the same being so [Page 86] large and populous, and the sea coast being so neare vnto the same. Therefore both partes were fully determined to con­clude a peace. And to further this matter the, Duke of Anjou, had ioyful and acceptable newes concerning the kingdome of Polonia. Duke of Aniou chosen king of Po­lonia. For the Duke of Anjou, by the meanes of the nobles of Polonia, was made king of Polonia, in the place of Sigis­mond, the former king of the same.

MONLVCE Bishop of Valence, had solicited the mat­ter to the noble men of Polonia with great diligence, and with golden sermons: the whiche also he caused to be put in print, thereby seeking to win vnto his maister a kingdome.

A great scruple and doubt was obiected about the murders of Paris, the causes whereof by open rumors were layde vp­pon the Duke of Anjou. Notwithstanding Monluce so or­dered the matter, that in the name of the Duke of Anjou, hee perswaded the states of Polonia: Concerning the successe of the which election we will speake in another place.

Occasion of peace.This therefore was a special occasion to rayse the siege. All this while the Catholikes came oftentymes to Cogne gate to intreate for a peace.

Amidst these communications of peace, the Citie was very neare intercepted, through the great securitie of the townsmen. For a hundred Catholikes with Ladders clymed vp to the toppe of the walles, and tooke a viewe of theyr Fortes: the which being discouered, the townesmen cryed Alarme, and with speedie dispatch they were repulsed and put to flight: but fiftene of them were slaine by falling from the walles into the Citie.

For ioy of the newes of Polonia, there were triumphant shouts, and thundring peale of great gunnes, both in the kings campe, and also in the nauie. There fell downe twentie cu­bites of the walles at this peale. To the ruyne and breache whereof the townesmen ranne out of hande, suspecting that the enimie was come, and stoode armed in a readinesse for cer­taine houres.

After long contentions it was at the last agreed betweene [Page 87] the kings armie and the Rochellians, that the sayd Rochellians should go and submit themselues to the Duke of Anjou, and desire peace of him. Wherevpon the Rochellians receyued in the name of the Duke of Anjou assurance of truce, and were cleared of the name of Rebels, with the which afore time they were called: the Rochellians complayning of the same vnto the messengers that were sent vnto them.

The same day the duke of Anjou went downe into a mine. A souldier knewe him, who by and by discharged at him his peece: The Duke of Aniou is in peril of his lyfe. with the shot whereof he slue a noble man which stoode hard by him: and some of the haile shot ran through the ruffe of the shirtband of the duke of Anjou, and yet he had no harme: but not without great peril of his life.

The Rochellians had intelligence giuen them that treason was a working agaynst them vnder the colour of a parley, whereby they were admonished to looke diligently about thē, and to be in a readinesse. Notwithstanding the Ambassadors of peace come at the day appoynted, and by common consent truce is taken: the which notwithstanding was not obserued, the townsmen complayning that the kings souldiers had ta­ken a view of their ditch to their dammage. So that the truce being broken, a freshe battaile began betwene them, Truce bro­ken. wherein seuen of the kings side were slaine, and of the townesmen, one yong man. About the Euening, by the Maiors commaunde­ment, al the Citizens and other townesmen which were there present, were called togither to heare the principal poynts and conditions of the kings peace.

There came into the kings campe Ambassadors from Po­lonia, for the ioy of whose comming, many peales of greate gunnes were shot off. mons. l'Noe returned to the parley with the townesmen in the name of the Duke of Anjou, the kings ordinance shooting off in the meane time. Shot also was dis­charged from the sea coast into the Citie: and at a window a nurse with a yong infant was slaine.

The Ambassadors concerning the peace making, returned agayne. But the purpose of the Catholikes was in time of [Page] the parley to blowe vp a myne. This the townesmen vnder­stoode: wherevpon all men at the Maiors commaundement were readie in armour. Therefore they determined to deferre the matter vntill the parley were ended. They had great hope to preuayle in the breaking vp of the myne. About the Eue­ning fire was set to the myne, the whiche beeing blowen vp, o­uerthrewe the wall, notwithstanding to such aduauntage for the townesmen, that the enimie could not so easily enter as be­fore he might haue done: also one of the kings great Gunnes fell into the ditche. In the meane time the ordinaunce in the ships vpon the sea coast were not vnoccupied.

Peace con­cluded be­tweene the king and thē of Rochel.The cause of another parley was, for that the Rochellians sayde that they had not theyr owne cause alone in hande, but the cause of other of their brethren also: requyring that they which had borne armour for the same cause, might bee proui­ded for by the same benefite of the Edict.

They of Nisme, and of Montauban, and others whiche had taken their part, were easily admitted to the same benefit. But at the first the Duke of Anjou excluded them of Sanserre, and Daulphine. He greatly withstood the Sanserreans, whome he thought might easily be ouercome, being farre set and separa­ted from the helpe of theyr fellowes. About that time the ry­sing of them of Daulphine hauing Mombrune and other no­ble men theyr captaynes, was very weake and of small power. Notwithstanding he promised that he would haue considera­tion of them both, and that they shoulde bee partakers of the same benefit with the Rochellians. Neuerthelesse in the Edicte it selfe, of the which we will make mention anon, he speaketh nothyng at all of them, notwithstanding the condition of the Rochellians. This also was the kings drift, namely that by priuate Couenants and agreements, he might diuide the reli­gious one from another. Therfore he thought it good to take peace with the Rochellians, to shune the reproche of the foyle, as though by constraynt he had raysed his siege. Also the pre­sence of the Ambassadors of Polonia vrged him, before whom he thought it not conuenient for his dignitie to sustain so great [Page 89] dishonour: and therefore he prouided for the same by a speciall remedy: least with shame, his armie should be constrayned to depart after so long a siege: specially such honorable & famous personages of a strange countrey being present. The Duke of Anjou sayd, that both at their instance, and also at the interces­sion of the Rochellians, he forgaue muche. The Rochellians both earnestly desired to be deliuered from the extreame trou­bles of the long siege, and also were very carefull for that which should folowe afterwarde. Therefore at the last they concluded with the Duke of Anjou. The couenants where­of ye shall heare anon.

THE Duke of Anjou sendeth to the King, the agreement made with the Rochellians, that he might confirme the same by his authoritie, & might cause it to be drawn in forme of an Edict. In the meane while, truce was taken for sixe dayes. The townesmen come into the kings campe, bring wine vnto his souldiers, and receiue meate and other food of them again: they saluted also & talked friendly one with another. Notw t ­standing, watch & ward was kept diligently within the citie, & to awake those which were secure vpō trust of a large peace, a tumult was raised of purpose by captaine Norman, euen as if the enimie had bin come. At the last the kings forts and bul­warkes were ouerthrowne: and the great gunnes caryed a­way. The townesmen also for ioy made bonfiers in diuers places of the towne: and certayne noble men had free leaue to go from the kings campe, and to enter into the citie.

The tenth day of Iune monsieur Biron, hauing certayne Heraldes of Armes attending vpon him, The Edict proclaymed. entered into the ci­tie: and in euery corner and principal streate of the town, pro­claymed the Edict of peace in the kings name. The same day Shippes laden with Wheate, and other victuall came into the hauen, with the scarsitie and penurie whereof, the Rochellians beganne nowe to be vrged.

The tenure of the Edict now foloweth, as it was set down and signed by the King.

The Edict of peace, made the .11. of Au­gust An. 1573 CHARLES by the grace of God, king of France to all present, or to come, greeting.

Our intent hath alwayes bene, and is, after the example of our predecessours, to rule and gouerne our realme, and to receiue of our subiectes their obeysance to vs due, rather by gentle & by louing manner, than by force. Wherefore our most deare and welbeloued brother the King of Polonia, hauing full vnderstanding of our will and plea­sure, hath appoynted and deputed certayne of the chiefe perso­nages of our priuie counsell being with him, to heare and vn­derstande, the complayntes, griefes, and supplycations, of the Maior, Sheriffes, and Counsellers, dwellers, and inhabitants of our towne of Rochel, Gentlemen and others that are there abyding. And for as much as it is so, that now in the end, our most deare brother the sayd king of Polonia, according to our pleasure and good will, hath (by the aduice of our most deare and welbeloued brethren the Duke of Alencon, and King of Nauarre, & our most deare and welbeloued cousins, the Prince of Conde, and Prince Dauphine: the Dukes of Langueuille, of Guise, Neuers, and of Vzes: the Lorde of Monluce, Count of Retz, of Biron, of Villequier, of the chappell Auxursins, of Los­ses, of Vanguion, of S. Supplice, of Malicorne, of Suze, the graund▪ Prior of Champaigne, and other great & notable per­sonages being with him) made agreement with the sayde in­habitantes of Rochel, Gentlemen and others retyred thyther, vpon the poyntes and articles that shall be hereafter specified, as well for them selues, as for the inhabitantes of our townes of Montaubane and Nismes, the gentlemen and others retired vnto thē, & others our subiectes, for whom they haue made sute.

We let you vnderstand, that, considering we cannot do bet­ter, than to folow the counsel which is giuē vs by our said bre­thren, & others aforesaid, who for the zeale they haue to the ho­nor of God, with the experience they haue in many things, & the affection they beare towardes the well ordering of our af­faires, haue more knowledge than any other in those matters, what is meete & necessarie for the profite and cōmoditie of our [Page 91] realm. We by the aduice & coūsell of y e Queene our most ho­norable lady & mother, & our priuy coūsel, for y e matters & cau­ses aforesaid, & for other good & great considerations thervnto specially mouing vs, haue said, declared, decreed & ordained by this our present Edict: and our wil & pleasure is as foloweth.

I FIRST, that the remembrance of all things that haue hap­ned, by occasion of the troubles and styrs in our sayd realme, since the .24. of August, in Anno MDLXXII, shall remayne wholy quenched and appeased, as things that had neuer hap­ned: neyther shall it be lawfull or permitted to any of our Atturneys generall, or any other person eyther publike or pri­uate, in what time so euer, or for what occasion so euer it be, to make any mention there, nor any processe or sute therevpon, in any court or iurisdiction.

II Forbidding also all our subiectes, of what estate or qualitie so euer they be of, that they renue not the memorie thereof, nor to contende, nor to reuyle, nor to prouoke eyther other by re­proching them with things y t be past, in disputing, rehearsing, quareling, or doing outrage or offēce one to another, in word, or in deede, but to forbeare, and to liue peaceably together as brethren, friendes and felowe citizens, vpon payne to them that shall doe the contrarie, to be punished as breakers of the peace, and disturbers of the common quiet.

III We ordayne that the Catholike and Romishe Religion be set vp againe, and established in all places and quarters of this our realme and countrey, vnder our obedience, where the exer­cise of the same hath bene left off, and that it may be freely and peaceably exercised without any trouble or let, vpon the paines aforesaid: and that all those which during these present wars, haue entred vpon houses, goods, and reuenues belonging to the Churchmen, and other Catholikes, and such as holde and oc­cupie the same, shall leaue vnto them, the full possession and peaceable enioying thereof, in all freedome and safetie.

IIII And for to giue occasion to our subiectes, abyding and in­habiting in our sayde townes of Rochel, Montaubā & Nismes, to liue & remayne in rest, we haue permitted, & do permit vnto [Page 92] them, the free exercise of the religion, called Reformed, within y e said townes, the same to cause to be exercised w tin their own houses, or place to them appertayning (except alwayes publike places) for thē, their families & others that wil be there present.

V And to all others of the sayde Religion, (called Refour­med) which haue continued therein vntill this present, we doe permit to retyre into their houses where they may be, and re­mayne throughout all other partes of our Realme, to goe and come, and to liue in all libertie of conscience: And to the Gentlemen and others, hauing hygh iustice, which in like ma­ner, haue hitherto remayned till this present time, in the sayde religion, bearing Armes with the said inhabitants, in the said townes, since the said. 24. of August last past: We do also per­mit to liue in the same libertie of conscience in their houses, & there only to baptise and marry after their accustomed maner, not hauing any assembly (beside the kinred, Godfathers, and Godmothers) aboue the number of tenne persons, and that not within our Court, nor within two leagues about the same, nor in the towne, Prouostshippe, and Vicount of Paris, nor within tenne leagues about the same towne.

VI We charge our Baylyffes, Seneshals, and ordinarie Iud­ges, or other Substitutes, each one in his libertie and iurisdic­tion, to prouide for the burial of the dead bodyes of them of the sayde religion (called Refourmed,) in the most commodious maner they can, and without offence.

VII If any of the sayd religion, haue bin constrayned to make promise and bonde, and to giue assurance to change their reli­gion: we haue discharged the same to be admitted, and of none effecte or value.

VIII The schollers, sickmen, & poore, of what religion soeuer they be, shal be indifferently receiued into the vniuersities, common scholes, hospitalles, houses for sicke persons, and almes houses.

IX We do permit to al our subiects being of the said religion, that they may sel or alienate their goods, and go freely with al their money, and other moueables, whether it shall seeme good vnto them, or to enioy the cōmoditie & benefit thereof, in what [Page 93] place soeuer they shall resort vnto, be it within or without the Realme, so that it be not in the landes of suche Princes, wyth whome we may haue warres.

X Our sayd subiects of Rochel, Mountaban, and Nismes, and other before named, shall remayne quit and discharged of all summes of money, goodes, deptes, arrerages of rents, profites and reuenues of Ecclesiasticall persons, and others which they shall sufficiently make apparant to haue bin by them taken or leuied, since the sayde. 24. of August, so that neyther they nor their committies, nor those that haue fournished them with any thing, or delyuered the same vnto them, shall any wayes bee charged nor condemned therfore at this present, nor for the time past, nor at any tyme heereafter.

XI Likewise they shall remayne acquitted and discharged of all actes of hostilitie, leauying & conducting of men of warre, coyning of money, casting and taking of ordinance and mu­nitions, making of Poulder and Saltpeter, Prizes, fortifi­cations or enterprises vpon townes, pulling downe of Chur­ches, houses, or other places, prizes of Shippes, Galleys, and goodes vpon the Sea, establishment of iustice and iudgemēts, and the executions thereof, as well in caces ciuill as criminall, voyages, intelligences, treaties, and dealings had for theyr ayde and conseruation, and generally of all that hath by them bin done, wrought or committed to that effect, as well within as without our Realme, since the sayd. 24. of August, as wel as if the same were particularly expressed and specifyed, so that for none of the thyngs before named, or others past and done, shall be imputed to them or to theyr posteritie any cryme of Rebellion, disobedience, or treason.

XII We do declare, that we holde and repute all those aforena­med for our good, loyall, and faythfull subiects and seruantes, so that they do sweare vnto vs all obeysance & fidelitie, and do leaue off and desist wholy from all suche associations as they haue within or withoute our Realme, and that they doe not hereafter make any gatherings of money without our permis­sion, nor enrolments of men, congregations, or assemblies, o­ther [Page 94] than those whiche are aboue to them permitted, and that without Armes, vpon payne to be rigorously punished, as cō ­temners of our commaundements and ordinances.

XIII All prisoners taken in warre, or others that bee holden in prisons, galleys, or els where, for the cause of Religion, and by occasion of these present troubles, shall bee enlarged and set at libertie, withoute paying of raunsome, not meaning heereby, that the raunsoms which are already payed, may bee asked a­gayne, of those that haue receyued them.

XIIII Those of the sayde Religion shall not bee ouercharged, or burdened with any charges ordinarie or extraordinarie, more than the Catholiques.

XV We haue declared and doe declare, all defaultes, sentences, iudgementes, Arrestes, processes, seysures, sales, and decrees made and gyuen againste those of the Religion called refour­med, which be or haue bin within the sayd townes of Rochell, Montauban, and Nismes, since the sayde .24. of August last past: which haue bin giuē without hearing the parties, or their Proctors by them appoynted, since the sayd .24. of August last past, also the execution of the same, as well in caces ciuill as criminall shall be voyd, reuoked and adnulled. And the pro­cesses shal remayn in y e same estate as they were before, and the foresaid persons shal enter again vppon their temporal goodes, whatsoeuer seysures, sales, and iudgementes haue bin made by vs or otherwise, without making any recōpence for the same.

XVI And touching heires, widowes, and other hauing any right or title frō such of the sayde Religion, as are deceassed within the sayd townes, y t haue bin there or borne Armes for them, in what part of our Realme soeuer it be since the said. 24. of Au­gust, we permit to them to reenter into the possession and en­ioying of the goodes, left by the sayde persons deceassed, and we do mayntayne them in theyr good fame and reputation.

XVII All officers of the sayd townes of Rochel & Nismes, as well partayning to the Crowne as others, of what religion soeuer they be, y t haue bin put out thereof, by reason of the same Reli­giō, & of these present troubles, shal be set again in their estates, [Page 95] charges, and offices, and other officers of other townes & places shal obserue our declarations therevpon made and published.

XVIII And to y e end y t iustice be ministred without any suspition to our subiects of the sayd townes, and others that be retyered into them since the said .24. of August, we haue ordeyned and doe ordeyne, and our will and pleasure is, that all processes, and differences moued, or to bee moued betweene the parties of contrary Religion, as well on the parte of the demaun­dant, as of y e defendant, what matter so euer it be, ciuil or cri­minal, shal be heard at y e first instāce before our Baylifes, Se­neshals, & other our ordinarie iudges, according to our ordi­nances. And where any appeale shall happē in any our courts of parliament, ther shal be prouided for thē by vs only within the space of one yere, (accompting from the day of the publi­catiō of these presents) Iudges vnsuspected, such as shall seme best vnto vs (except always the court of Parliament of Tho­louse) in respect of those of Mountauban: and in the mean time they shall not be constrayned to appeare personally.

XIX And for as much as many particular persons haue receyued and suffered so many iniuries & domages, both in their goodes and persons, as hardly they can forgette the remembraunce of the same, so soone as were requisite for the execution of our in­tent, we willing to auoyd all inconueniences, & to giue some mean for those that might be in some feare, that vpon their re­turne to their houses they should not be at rest, til such rancor & enmitie might be aswaged, haue graunted & do graunt to them of y e sayd townes of Rochel, Mountauban, and Nismes, y t they shal enioy their priuiledges, both auncient and lately granted, and their authorities of iurisdiction and other rites, in whyche they shal be mainteyned & preserued, without hauing any gar­rison, neyther shall be made there any castels, fortes, or Cita­dels without the cōsent of the inhabitants of the same townes. Who for a demonstration & suretie of their obeysance, obserua­tion & mainteyning of our will & intentiō, shall deliuer for the space of two yeres, four of y e principal burgeses & inhabitāts of each of y e said towns, being of y e said Religiō called reformed, y e which shal be by vs chosē out of those y t they shal name vnto [Page 96] vs, and those to be changed euery three moneths, or in suche o­ther time as shall seeme good vnto vs, and they shall be put in such Townes and places as shall please vs to appoynt within fyftie miles off at the farthest from the sayde Townes, except in our Townes of Paris and Tholouse. And to the ende there be no occasion of complaynt or suspition, we will set in y e sayd Townes for gouernours, good men and well affectioned to our seruice, such as shall be vnsuspected, willing neuerthelesse, that the keeping of their Townes, Towers and Fortresses, shall remayne in the hands of the sayd inhabitants, accordyng to their auncient Priuileges.

XX We will likewise, that incontinent after the publication of our present Edict made in our Camp and Armie, Armes shal be altogeather generally layd downe, the which shall remaine only in our hands, and in our most deare and most welbelo­ued brothers the King of Polonia. We doe ordeyne that the forces as well by lande as by Sea, shall be withdrawen from before the sayd Townes, the Fortes made as well of the one part as of the other, shall be raced and ouerthrowen: the free traffique and passages shal be open agayne in al the Townes, Burrowes and Villages, Bridges and passages of our sayde Realme: the Forces and Garrisons which haue bin placed by occasion of these present troubles (since the sayd .24. of August) in Townes and other places, houses and Castels, appertey­ning to our subiects of what religion so euer they be, shall de­part incontinent, to leaue vnto them free and entire enioying as they had before they were dispossessed of them.

XXI Such moueables as shall remayne in their nature, & whiche haue bin taken by way of hostilitie since the sayde. 24. of Au­gust last past, shall be restored to them to whome they belong, so alway that they pay to the buyers the price of suche as haue bin solde by authoritie of Iustice or by other commission and publique commaundement. And for the execution of the afore­sayd, the withholders of the sayd moueable goodes shall be cō ­strayned and subiect to restore them incontinent and withoute delay, notwithstanding all obiections or exceptions, to yeelde [Page 97] and restore them to the owners, for the price which they payd.

XXII And as touching the profites of vnmoueable goodes, as wel each man shall enter agayne into his house and shall enioy on each part the fruites of the collection of this present yeare, not­withstanding all seasures and lettes made to the contrary, since the sayd. 24. of August, as also euery one shall enioy the arre­rages of the sayd rents, that haue not bin taken vp by vs or by our commaundement, or the permission and ordinance of vs or of our Iustice.

XXIII Likewise that all titles, writings, instructions and euiden­ces which haue bin taken away, shall bee rendred and restored on eyther part, to those to whome they belong.

XXIIII We also ordeyne that those of the sayde Religion shall bee subiect to the politike lawes of our Realme, that is to saye, the Holydayes shall be kept, and they of the sayde Religion shall not worke, sell, or make any shew on the sayd dayes with open shop: and on fasting dayes in which the vse of flesh is forbidden by the Catholike and Romish Churche, the Butcheries shall not be open.

XXV And to preuent all doyngs to the contrary that may happen in many of our townes: The Bayliffes, Seneshals, or theyr Lieutenants, shall cause the principall inhabitants of the sayde Townes to sweare to the mayntenaunce and obseruation of this our present Edict, and the one syde mutually to gyue assu­rance to the other, and to binde them selues enterchangeably, and by publique Act, to answeare to such disobediences as shall be committed against the said Edict within the sayd Towns, by the inhabitants of the same, or at the least, to bring foorth and deliuer the offenders into the hands of the Iustice.

We also charge all our welbeloued and faythfull people holding our Courtes of Parliamente, Chambers of our ac­compts, Courtes of Assistance, Bayliffes, Seneshals, Pro­uostes, and other our Iustices and officers to whome it shall appertayne or theyr Lieutenants, that they cause this our pre­sent Edict and Ordinance to be read, published, and registred in their Courts & Iurisdictions, and to keepe, maynteyne, and [Page 98] inuiolably to obserue the same in all poynts: and that all those to whome it shall appertayne, maye enioy, and fully and pea­sibly vse the content thereof. Ceassing and causing to be ceas­sed all troubles and empeachments to the contrary, for such is our pleasure. In witnesse hereof, we haue signed these presents with our owne hand, and to the ende it may remayne a thyng sure and stable for euer, wee haue to the same caused to be set our Seale.

Signed, CHARLES.
And more lower was written, By the King beyng in his Counsell. Signed, DENEVF-VILLE.

And sealed with a Labell of red and greene silke, and with greene waxe, with the great Seale.

Signed, DE HEVEZ.
Collation made with the originall. Thus signed, DE HEVEZ.

THIS was the end and successe of the warre of Rochell, at what time the kings power being complete, and they of the Religion of small force, and as it were vtterly vanquished, there seemed to be a perfect victorie and conquest offered: the which if it had come to passe (as by Gods wonderfull proui­dence it fell out otherwise) according to the kings will, there woulde haue bin no lesse outrageous murders committed in [Page 99] all parts of the Realme, to destroy those that remayned of the Religion, than afore time: in somuch that the bloud of y e same would haue flowed euen into forreyne nations also. But cō ­trary to all hope and reason it fell out otherwise, the ministers and instruments of the murders them selues, comming to thys warre to receyue the iust vengeaunce of God for the innocente bloud which they had shed. So that certayne noble men, and also of the common sort were slayne in greate number whyche came by heapes to this warre.

CONCERNING the Sanserreans wee haue spoken be­fore, howe that the Lorde Chastre leauing off to assalte the towne any more, intrenched the same rounde about, and made diuers bulwarkes and rampiers, placing in the sayd trenches a very strong garrison to hemme and inclose the townesmen on euery side: Also we sayde that by reason of their negligence in prouiding corne & vittayle aforehand, ther ensued a wonderfull & almost incredible famine, whiche the translator thoughte good to set down at large as y e same is described by mons. Lyrre, who serued in the towne euen vntill the same was yelded vp, as is sayd before.

Therefore whereas in the moneth of March vittayles be­gan to waxe shorte and skante within Sanserre, and specially Beefe and such other fleshe whiche men vse to eate ordinaryly. The xix. daye of the same moneth a Carthorse of Monsieur le Vailly de Iohanneau gouernour of the said towne, being killed with the shot of a Canon at the assault as he was drawing of fagots and Earth to the Rampire was cut in peeces, slayne, carried away, and eaten by the common people and the poore laborers and handicrafts men, who made report to euery man that they neuer eat better beefe in their liues, which thing made diuers that could not easily come by other fleshe to be desirous of it: who y e fourth day of April next folowing killed an Asse, which was sold presently for .iiij. pound Turnois a quarter, & foūd to be good meat of al such as did eat of it boiled, rosted, or baked, & specally y e liuer of it being rosted w t Cloues was like the liuer of Veale. Truely at the first, some feeding more of it [Page 100] thā they were wont to do of other meates, were sory that they had eaten of it. But within few dayes after, and before the .xx. day of the same moneth: it was a common food euē among the dayntiest sorte.

And although there were many Asses and Mulets in San­serre by reason of the high situation of the place, whiche was il for Charets to come vnto: yet within one moneth they were all killed, dispatched and eaten in sted of Beefe, so as ther was not one left.

By meanes whereof hauing made too greate wast of theyr flesh, in hope they should not haue indured so long a seege: they were very sory afterward y t they husbāded the matter no better.

In the month of May they began also to kill their horses, which thing was the cause that aswell to preuente the stinche and infection that mighte ensue, by reason of the panches and dung in seuerall houses where euery man killed them at theyr pleasure, as also to take order that the flesh shoulde not bee de­uoured so in corners nor sold at excessiue price, the councel toke order that the Horses should bee killed and sold in the ordinary shambles, Euery souse is .i. peny ob. Englishe. appoynting the fleshe of a fat horse to bee solde but at iij. sowses the pound, and the leane at two sowses, which thing was don by reason of the extreame couetousnesse of certayne persons, who felt not the hand of God fierce vpon them in that so miserable time.

For as shall bee declared heereafter in Iuly and in the be­ginning of August, a pounde of Horseflesh was solde at eygh­teene, twenty, and two and twenty sowses. And notwith­standing all the order and pollicy that could be taken, the best chepe was betweene tenne and thirteene sowses the pound, and the offals thereof were yet much more excessiuely deerer, whi­che thyng did maruellously greeue the poore people. And I must heere tell you that horse fleshe (by the reporte of suche as tasted well of them both) is better than the fleshe of Asses or Mules. For although it be more nesh rawe than sodden: yet is it more fyrme and substantiall, and it agreeth better with the nature of it to be boyled than rosted. And if a man [Page 101] will make good pottage with it, whether he put it into the pot fresh or poudred, he must giue it longer seething, than to beef. The taste of it is somewhat like Porke, but yet somewhat nea­rer the taste of Beefe. If a man wyll bake it, he must neyther perboyle it, nor seeth it before, but season it with salte, vineger, and pepper, and let it bake sokingly in the crust. The fat of it is like the fat of Porke, and byteth not the delicate tong, and the lyuer is yet delicater than the rest.

But the famine increased more and more, and the Cats also hauing their turne, were within a little while all killed, slayne and eaten vp as Conyes, in somuch that the store and increase of them fayled, and in lesse than fiftiene dayes they were solde at .xv. sowses the quarter.

Moreouer by reason of the penury wherewith many men were pinched, they fell to catching of Rats, Moles, and Mice, and the hunger that pressed them, made them to deuise, inuent, and finde out all manner of traps: and ye should haue seene the poore children glad and well apayed when they had caught any Mice, which they broyled vpon the coales most common­ly, without fleaing or bulking of thē. By reason of the great scarcitie of them, men did rather deuour them than eate them, and there was neyther tayle of beast, feete nor skynne, whiche was not suddenly gathered together, to serue for sustenance to a great number of needy people.

Those that were not dryuen to so great necessitie, did eate rosted Rattes, howbeit, they are much better stewed. Yea and which thing (I would not haue beleeued, without I had had experience of it, or at least wise were well assured of it.) Dogges were not spared, but without lothing or mislyking, they were killed as ordinarily for meate, as men kyll sheepe at other times. Some of them were snetched, kylled, and solde for an hundred sowses, and for sixe poundes Turnoys a peece, The pounde Turn ys, is a­bout two shillings sixe pence Eng­lish. and it was noueltie to buy a quarter of a Dogge for .xx. and xxv. sowses: suche as did eate of them sayde, that the fleshe of them is verie good, and they made great cheare with the feete, the inwards and bellyes of them stewed with spices and herbs. [Page 102] In so much that the heads of Calues, Horses, and Lambs, and the legges of Greyhoundes and Houndes, being rosted, were thought to be fine meate, and eaten as the inwardes of an Hare. But specially the yong sucking and the little whelpes, were taken for yong Rabbet suckers. Neuerthelesse (to say what I knowe, by tasting thereof my selfe) Dogges fleshe is very flashe and wallowish sweete.

About the beginning of Iuly, when there remayned yet twentie Horses of seruice, which were spared against the vt­termost extremitie, the belly whiche hath no eares, and neces­sitie the Scholemistresse of cunning, made dyuers men to try whether the skyns of Oxen, Kyne, Sheepe, and other cat­tell, whiche hung a drying in mennes store houses and Gar­rets, could supply the place of theyr bodyes. And out of doubt, after that men had assayed it, and well washed, scraped, and scalded them: they found such sauour in them, that as soone as it was knowne, as many as had any skynnes, dressed them after the foresayde manner, and roasted them vppon a Gre­dyron like Trypes. Such as had any suet, greace, or tallow, made Fricases of them in a pot, and other some dyd eate them with vinegar.

Howbeit aboue all skynnes, the Calues skynnes were founde to be exceeding good, and I haue eaten of them so de­lycate, that if I had not beene tolde of it, I woulde haue thought that I had eaten of the beste Trypes in the worlde. Afterwarde, the skynnes of Horses and of all other beastes came into the play: and the eares that remayned vpon the Asses skynnes, were not lefte behynde, but were helde and esteemed to be as tender and good meate as Hogges souse. The beste manner of dressing all sortes of Hydes and skinnes, is not to pyll them and scalde them (as I sayde afore) but to nayle them, and strayne them vpon a boorde, and so to sindge and scrapt off the hayre of them more easily, as men do sindge Bacon hogges. Afterwarde they must lye soaking a daye or twayne in water, and the water must be chaunged often times, and then they must be dreast and sodden, as we dressed [Page 103] them at oure returne from a voyage whiche I made into the lande of Brazilie, called America, in the yeere of oure Lorde 1558. where hauing continued fyue monethes vpon the sea, without setting foote on lande, when as the hunger lasted still, whiche we had indured by the space of a moneth before, we were dryuen to eate the drye Hydes of beastes, as bigge as a Bullocke of a yeere olde, whiche the wylde people call a Tappirowson, for we dyd but lay them vppon the coales, and had not the skill to soften them, as men dyd the dry skynnes at Sanserre.

The dearth was so great, that one foote of leather, or one pounde wayght of any maner of beastes skynnes whatsoeuer they were, was solde for twelue or fyfteene Sowses, and some skynnes were retayled for more than thyrtie Frankes, A Franke or pounde is a­bout two shillings sixe pence Eng­lish. sel­ling them vpon Tallyes and Skores, as in a Caterie or vic­tualing house. And for as much as the prouision of skinnes fayled, by reason of the narowe searche of suche as were pin­ched with hunger: The finer witted sorte beganne to worke maisteries with Parchment, which taking good successe, made the people fall to it as to other things before, in so muche that not onely the skynnes of cleane Parchment were eaten, but also the Letters, Scrolles, and Bookes, as well prynted as in written hande, were eaten without any stoppe, and the oldest and auncientest Bookes of an hundred or sixscore yeeres olde, were sought out euerie where, and eaten vp wythout seething of them.

The manner of the dressing of them, was to steepe them a daye or twaine as neede required, chaunging the water of­ten, and to scrape them with a knyfe, as I tolde you afore of the skynnes. Then they boyled them a day or twaine till they became soft and tender, which was perceiued by this, that in drawing them out, and in breaking of them with ones fingers, they were seene to be clammy, and men fryed them as Tripes. Other some boyled them with Hearbes and Spi­ces after the maner of a hotchpotch. Other some broyled them vpon the coales.

And I haue seene men eate the verie letters, in so much that the printing and written hande appeared still, and a man myght haue read the morselles in the platter, when they were readie to be eaten. And to omit nothing wherewyth the famished people might be relieued, the horse hooues that were cast vpon the dunghilles, and the olde hornes and clees of Ox­en and Kine, being gathered vp in the streates, were eaten and deuoured of diuers folke, who left nothing behynde them among the dung, no more than if Duckes and Hennes had scraped and pecked them, and the very hornes hornes of Lan­ternes were not forgotten: nowe if the streates and lanes were so narrowly sought and searched, to fill mennes bellyes with the things that Swine and dogges would haue refused, and made none account of: the houses also were ransacked throughout, wher any moist or sauerly sustenāce was thought possible to be had.

And for the better verifying of the thing that I spake at the beginning, the headstalles, raines, poytrels, croupers, and all other horseharnesse, specially of Whitleather, howe olde so euer they were, were dressed, sodden, broyled and fryed. And ye should haue seene al kynd of dressing of them vpon the stalles, where the retaylers of suche victuals solde them very deare. Also the yong children that had any leather gyrdles, flocked together, and broyling them vpon the coales, brake their faste with them, as it had bene with Chitterlings made of guts. The greasie leatherne aprons of Shoomakers, and other arti­ficers, and the synnes of Oxen and other beastes, that had ser­ued foure or fiue yeeres for wanties and packsaddles, vpon Asses and Mules, and for such other vses, were put to the same purpose. Moreouer the leather Bottels, wherein vineger had hung a long whyle, the feete of Stagges, Hindes, and Gotes, whereat kayes were hanged, and the feete of great Swyne were not forgotten, but being boyled, roasted, and fryed, dyd serue many men for sustenance.

This is not all, for the pilches made of olde leather, whiche the Vinedressers of the towne vsed in plashing the Vines, and [Page 105] the olde shoosoules were also sodden and eaten. Furthermore the parings and scraps of poyntes, and the shreddings, and o­ther such Pedlery stuffe, were not cast vpon the dunghils, but were fryed as Tripes. The skinnes of Shepe, Gotes, Lambs, and other things that were to be conueyed to Fraunce, vnto Lions and other places, notwithstanding, the leathersellers had dyed them, serued in steade of steakes of mutton, and in steade of guttes to make puddings in, and suche other Galimaw­freys made of such scrapings and parings, wherewith they fil­led them together with hearbes and spices, and sold them ve­rie deare: which thing I speake to make you perceyue that no maner of thing that could be found like the things aforesayd, hauing any moysture, taste, or sauour, were lefte behynde. As for hearbes, they that had any Gardens, made more account of them, than of a good Farme.

For besides that, they founde them selues with them, dres­sing them after all fashyons that they coulde deuise, if any of them had hearbes to sell, (and specially myngling them with a little Bran) they made breade of them. If any man had of it to sell, he had what he would aske for it, and there was not a lease of Colwortes giuen for lesse than a Liart or four De­niers. Other hearbes were solde after the same rate, A Liard is the fourth part of a souse A Deniere is the twelfth part of a souse and the poore people eate greedily, of al sorts of rootes and wild weeds, yea and euen of Hemlocke rootes, through the eating whereof, aboue a hundred persons became swolne, and were poysoned and dyed. And yet notwithstanding, if a man that sawe them gathering of them, and plucking them vp, had shewed thē the danger wherin they did cast themselues, he had spoken to deaf eares, for their bellyes wold not consent nor hearken to it.

Paradine in his Story of our time, sayth that in the dearth which fell in this realme of Fraunce, in the yere of our Lorde God. 1528. many men poysoned themselues with the rootes of Hemlocke. And Matheolus in his Commentarie vpon Dios­corides saith, that he sawe a countryman and his wife almost out of their wits, by eating of it vnwares.

About the beginning of Iuly, when corne was so scarce in [Page 106] Sanserre, that more than three parts of the people had no bread at all to eate. Such as had or could come by any Linseede, or Hayseede, or by the Hay it self, or other seedes that were neuer earst thought vpō to be eaten, did grinde them and poune thē, in a morter, and made breade of thē, according also as they did of all other sorts of hearbes, yea & euen of the straw of wheate brayed, pilled, steeped, and finely shred. Also Nutshels were stamped in morters of yron, and being beaten into pouder, ser­ued for Meale to make paste & breade of. Moreouer, men did also bray Slats, & made bread of thē stieped in water, salt and vinegar. The old refuse of talow, candles, and smeery greace, and olde fat & kitchinstuffe, serued to make brewesse & fritters.

The .viij. day of Iuly they began to fall to the residewe of the Horses that were left, whiche were soone killed and eaten, and they were sold (by report) at theyr weight of Golde: in so much that the last weeke of the sayd moneth, a poūd of horse fleshe was solde for twenty and two and twenty sowses, the heads of them at .vij. pound, tenne Sowses a peece, the feete at sixe pound, which is .xxx. Sowses a Foot, a pounde of the Li­uer at .xxviij. sowses, & a Liuer was found to wey wel neere ten pound, which amounted to .xiiij. pound the whole Liuer. The hart of a horse was sold at .xxviij. sowses the pounde, and there were of them that weyed more than seuen pound, so as the whole hart came almost to ten pound. The Skinne was solde for meate at .viij. pound and .x. pound, and the inwards at .xv. sowses the pound: whereof many folkes made Sawsa­ges, whiche were founde to be better than the Sawsages that are made of Hogs flesh. And a pound of the Greace was solde at thirty sowses. Howbeit yee shall heare yet a more owgly thing: which is, that the bloud of a Horse made in Puddings, (wherein was a fifth or sixth parte of herbes) weying fortie pound, were sold for .xiiij. sowses the pound, whiche amoun­teth to .xxviij. pound Turnoys. And therefore I cannot but say that the vnsatiable couetousnesse of such as solde them so deere to the poore soules that were too much pinched otherwise alrea­dy, shall not scape vnpunished. For (as it hath bene tolde them [Page 107] often times by Gods word) the end of such bloodsuckers is al­wayes to burst when they be once full. It seemeth that there could not any thing be added to set out the miserable state of a towne beseeged, and so narrowly beset and hemmed in on all sides with strong Bulwarkes, and trenches, as it was very harde and in manner impossible to goe out of it or into it, and much more to bring or conuey any vittels into it.

For alas, the same thing fell out in Sanserre, whiche is re­ported by the Prophet Ieremy in the fourth Chapter and fifth verse of hys Lamentations, to haue happened in the seege of Ierusalem, where suche as had bene woont to feede of fine and dayntie meates, perished for hungre in the streetes, and yet were fayne to eate the dung of men, and other beastes. For I am able to saye that the excrements, dung and offals were gathered vp and eaten, and men were seene to fyll theyr disshes with dung and to feede of it, and they sayde they founde it as good as Bread, and moreouer they gathered vp all kynde of fylth and vncleannesse in the streetes, scraping abroade the dunghils to seeke for olde bones, olde hornes and other things incredible to such as saw it not, and which had bin able to haue poisoned mē not onely in eating them, but also euen with the stinch of them.

But O eternal God, behold yet further the fulnesse of gods iudgemēt, for as he protesteth in the .xxvj. of Leuiticus and in the .xxviij. of Deuter. that if they disobeyed his worde and cō ­maundementes, he woulde bring them to suche an afterdeale, that when they were beseeged the mothers shoulde eate theyr owne Children: the poore people of Sanserre hauing not yet throughly profited by the knowledge that God sent them, nor fared y e better by his scourges and chastisemēts, fel to y e cōmit­ting of an ougly barbarous & vnkindly crime w tin their wals.

For the .xxj. of Iuly it was discouered & complayned of, y t a Vinekeeper named Potard, & Eugenie his wife, and an olde woman that dwelt with them named Philip Ienillie other­wise called Lumeroy had eatē y e head, braines, Liuer & intrails of a yong daughter of theirs about the age of three yeeres, [Page 108] which had dyed of hunger for want of foode, which happened not without the great astonishment and terrour of all such as heard of it. And surely whē I my self, going to y e place of their aboade, had seene the bones and skull of the heade of the sayde dead childe dressed and gnawed, and the eares of it eaten, to­gether also with the tong of a finger thicknesse, sodden and ready to be eaten, at the verie time when they were appre­hended: and the two thighes, legs and feete, in a kettle with vi­neger, spices, and salt, ready to be set vpon the fire to boyle: and the two shoulders, armes, and handes, cleauing together, but yet clyued and opened in the bulke of the brest, ready likewise to be eaten: I was so abashed and dismayed at it, that all my body quaked. For although I had dwelled ten monthes toge­ther among the beastly Americanes, in the lande of Brazilie, where I sawe them oftentimes eate mans fleshe, for they did eate the prisoners whom they tooke in the warres: yet did it ne­uer trouble my mynd somuch to see them do so, as it vexed me to behold the sayd rufull sight, the like wherof (I beleeue) was neuer earst seene in our realme of Fraunce.

The father, the mother, and the olde woman being taken and put in prison, confessed the fact without denyall. The mo­ther said it was greatly to hir griefe, that hir childe was so elit in peeces, and that where as she had put vp the body in a win­ding sheete, and left it vpon a beere, while she went into the towne about a certaine businesse, minding to haue buried it when she came againe: at hir retune, she founde it vnlapped out of the sheete that she had wound it in, the body of it ript, and the bowels taken out of the belly, and the head, purtenance and tong boyling in a pot vpon the fire, which thing she shew­ed to hir husbande, and hee tolde hir that the sayde Philip had moued him to doe it, testing him that it were pitie to let the flesh rot in the ground, and moreouer, that the liuer was very good to heale a swelling which he had, and thervpon they eate the broth of it, and gaue hir likewise of it also, who did eat of it to. The olde woman dyed the same morning in the pryson. And for as muche as the Iudges founde by searche, that this [Page 109] ouerbeastly crueltie was committed rather of wantonnesse than by extremitie of famine, and that the selfsame daye afore the sayd Potard and his wife and the olde woman had giuen them in almes a messe of herbpottage and a quātitie of wine, for there was as then no talke of bread: To the intent to cut off the practising of suche horrible deedes within the Towne, the sayd Potard the father was condemned to be burnt quicke, and his wife to be hanged, beeyng fyrst drawen vppon a Hardle to the place of execution togither with the body of the olde wo­man which was yet vnburied. Vpon the mans words in that he tolde his wife that the olde woman had perswaded hym to eate of his owne child, it came to my remembrance how I had marked that the old women of the wild Americanes aforesaid, are more desirous, greedy and longing to eate of mans fleshe, than the men, or the yong women, or the Children are.

For when they see any Prisoner taken, they neuer leaue till they haue caused him to be slayne with such solemnitie as they obserue there, whiche I haue described in the discourse that I haue made concerning that Voiage. When the fleshe is layde vpon a Bouean as they tearme it, that is to say vpon a Gridi­ron of a three foote high, they throng about it to licke vp the fat that droppeth downe the staues of the Gridiron, saying in their tung Vgaton, that is to say, good, good.

And I beleeue that the old folkes desirousnesse to eate mans flesh after that sort, is for that they woulde by that meanes be­come yong againe. But I will leaue the discoursing of that matter to Phisitions, and declare vnto you for a conclusion of this rufull Story, that about the .xxv. of Iune, one beyng sore pinched with the rage of hunger, asked of me whether that in that extreme necessitie it were euil or offensiue to God, to eate of a dead mans buttocke that he liked well of or no. Whyche demaunde seemed so odiouse vnto me, that leauing him in the dout and remorse of his owne conscience, I tolde him that the Wolues and wild beastes did not eate one another.

In the moneth of Iune, by reason of the greate dearth and scarcitie of vittailes, many poore people were thrust out of the [Page 110] Towne, which thing was done many times after. These be­ing not suffered to passe the trenches and standings of theyr enimies that beseeged them, nor to returne into the Towne agayne: were fayne to eate the buddes of Vines and Mulbery trees, gray Snayles and redde Snayles, and weedes: and af­ter long pining, the most part of them died betweene the sayd trenches and the towne ditches. Howbeit among other piti­full things, one is, that a Vinekeeper and his wife were found dead togeather in their Vineyard, and two yong Children of theirs lay crying and wayling by them, whereof the yonger was not past a sixe weekes olde, whiche were soughte out and sent for by a noble Lady of the Towne, who did put them out to nurse, or else they had dyed out of hand. And as there dyed many in the Vineyards by the counterscarf, and in the town­diches: so there died many moe in the houses, and they tum­bled downe thicke in the streetes, in somuche that some tymes there were buried .xx or .xxx. in a day.

But specially the Children that were vnder twelue yeeres olde dyed almost euery chone. I beleeue that the naturall ap­petite and heate that is in youth, wherthrough they be alwayes desirous to feede, bycause their stomacks are warme and better able to digest than elder folkes, and therewithall haue not lyke patience and discretiō, hasted the death of the sayd silly childrē, which lay drawing of their breath, euen til their bones peered out of their Skinnes, & made wofull mone, crying out w t la­mētable voice before they yelded vp their Ghost, alas we starue for hungre.

That mans hart must haue bin harder than the stony rocke, & his eares deafer than the Adamant, which shuld not haue bin moued at the hearing of such things. There was a boy of ten yeeres olde, who lying in the pangs and extremitie of deathe, whē he heard & saw his father and mother lamenting by hym & handling his armes & legs which were as drie as a sticke, sayde vnto them: Why weep ye thus to see me dye for hūger? I aske no Bread of you, for I knowe ye haue it not. But sith it is Gods will to haue me die so, it behoueth you to take it in good [Page 111] worth, did not the holy men Iob and Lazarus suffer hunger as well as I? haue not I red of it in my Bible? And so hauing made his poore father and mothers hart to cleaue and theyr bo­wels to irne and sorow so much the more, bycause they percey­ued that God had giuen him so noble a mind: he gaue vp the Ghost and yeelded his soule vnto God.

The .xxx. day of Iuly and more than .xv. dayes before, yee should haue seene great numbers of poore folke lye staruing in the streetes, with grisly countenaunce resembling rather dead bodyes of earth than liuing persons, which with an hollowe & piteouse voyce made lamētable mone, saying. Alas, if I might eat but one bit of bread of hey I shuld do wel. Alas, although I had any chaffe remaining (for sometimes they had chaffe gi­uen them) yet were I not able to pill it and to temper it, for I am ouer far spent. The wretched mothers carying the bodyes of their dead Children to the Churchyard (and dragging those after them by the hande that were left aliue) woulde saye vnto them, alas my poore Babe it will not be long ere thou folowe thy brother or sister that goes afore thee.

Neuer was there any thing heard of more pitifull and la­mentable. But the greatest greefe y t nipped such as heard & saw these things, was y t they had not for the most part wherwith to remedie it, but wer fain to behold y e sore & yet had not any me­dicin or plaister to lay vnto it. Neuerthelesse, euen in the midst of this great distresse & calamitie, ye shuld haue seene wonder­ful cōstancie, in somuch that they cried out vnto God still, say­ing: Alas Lord delyuer vs frō the scourges & rods wherewith thou doest iustly beate and chastis vs for our sinnes sake. Haue pitie vpō thy poore people, & in the midst of thy wrath remem­ber thy mercy. Or if it be thy pleasure that we shall dye after this sort, graunt vs thy grace to trust in thee euē to y e last gasp.

About the .xv. of Iuly and so foorth to the ende of the same moneth, and the beginning of August. the penurie grewe so greate that they began to kill the rest of the Horses that had bene reserued for the saide extremitie. For the outcry of the people, and specially of the Souldiers (howbeit that some [Page 112] which were most needy cryed not) was so greate by reason of the famin, that the owners of them had muche a doo to keepe them from them. Neuerthelesse they solde them exceedyngly deere. For the horses that were killed in Sanserre to be eaten, which could not haue bin solde at other times for ten crownes a peece, were now solde for threescore, fourescore, yea and a hū ­dred crownes a peece, and some at a hūdred and fifty crownes. Last of all there was kylled a Gote, whiche was solde at tenne pound Turnois the quarter, which amounted in al to fyue and fiftie pound, as the woman that caused it to be killed confessed. Herewithall the bloud also was solde at sixteene or seuenteene Crownes.

Also sixe Kine, and all the rest of the Gotes that had bin cō ­tinually reserued to haue milke to feede Children with, were killed likewise, and I beleeue there was not left past one Cow alyue within the whole Towne. A pound of the sayd Cowe Beefe was solde for thirteene and fourteene Sowses, and for twentie Sowses.

The eyghteenth day of August, a pound of the Tripes was solde for tenne Shillings Turnoys, where as in time of peace, halfe a pound was worth no more but a Liard. A pounde of newe Corne (whiche the morrowe after that they were sure of peace was sold for sixe Blanks) was nowe fold for eyghteene Sowses and eyght Deniers, whereas it had bin sold afore for xxv. sowses: and fiue quarters of Gotes flesh was sold for .xx. Sowses. A Hen was solde for a Crowne and three frankes: and a Cocke or a Pullet for as much: and an Egge for fyue or sixe sowses. During the moneth of Iuly and the firste part of August, for asmuche as there were certayne feeldes of Corne betweene the Towne and the Trenches of the enimies, suche as were dispersed in the Vineyards, (namely such as had bene put out of the Towne) togyther with certayne venturers and others that stole out in the nights, wēt as closely as they could in greate danger of theyr lyues, to cut downe and gather vp the sayde Corne. But fewe of them escaped, bycause that they which kepte the Trenches hauing their Scoutes set by them, [Page 113] discouered them immediately, and some dispatched them with Hargubusse shot, so as they wēt no more out of the field. The little that was brought home was sold exceedingly deere: in­somuch that a little sheafe wherin there was not past an hand­full of Corne, was sold for .xij. or .xv. sowses, and it was seene that fiue sowses were refused for fiftie eares of corne, and hap­py was he that coulde come by it for any price, how great soe­uer it were.

For we practised that which is sayde in Iob, namely that a man wil giue skin for skin, and all that he hath for his life.

The season of sowre grapes whereof many folkes lyued, came now in very good time. Some did eate them rawe, some baked in an Ouen, some boyled in water, and othersome fryed and sawced with Mustard and spices.

The ripe Bullaces and other wylde frutes that coulde bee gathered among the Vines and Bushes about the Towne, were narrowly sought for and solde at the pleasure of suche as brought them. Also the Thistles serued vs in steede of Or­tichoks, and Nettles in stede of Spinage. To conclude this small discourse, in lesse than three moneths during the siege of Sanserre, there was eaten moe than two hundred Horses, Mares, Colts, Asses, Mules and other beasts of burthen, so that of all the number that were in the Towne after the besee­ging of it, there was but one left alyue, in stede whereof there was slayne an Asse that was caught among the Vine­yardes.

At the beginning of August the dearth and famine had kil­led more than foure tymes as many in Sanserre in sixe weeks as the sworde had done in seuen moneths and a halfe, duryng which time the seege lasted. For in the Muster booke kepte of all the Souldiers and other people that were slayne from the begynning of the seege to the twentie of August, as well with shot of Canon and Hargubusse as otherwise, wer found but fourescore and tenne: and I am sure that the number of such as died for hunger in the Towne and of suche as were a­bout those that were shut vp in the same, was more than foure [Page 114] hundred persons.

Who would not quake now at the hearing of such iudge­ments which God executed vpon the towne of Sanserre? For they that were beseeged felt by experience how true the saying of the Prophet is, that such as scape the Swoord shall be ouer­taken with hunger, and that the hande of GOD (as the Psalme writer sayth) stretcheth out whether soeuer he listeth. Neuerthelesse let not suche as reade thys Booke thynke that they which were beseeged in Sanserre, were the wickeddest and most abhominable sinners in the worlde. For although they acknowledge theyr synnes before God, and haue sufficient warning to walke better in hys feare heereafter: yet is it not to be concluded, that suche as are chastised most roughly are therefore moste wicked. For as it is sayde in the Scrip­ture, the Chylde whome the father loueth shall not be exemp­ted from the Rod.

And as our Lorde Iesus Christe sayde to the Iewes of hys tyme. Those vpon whome the Tower in Silo fell, and those men whose bloud Pilate mingled with theyr Sacrifice, were no greater sinners than other men. But if they that haue knowledge of these things amend not theyr lyfe, they shall all perishe miserably. Whyche thyng I speake by the way, to the intent that the seege and famin of Sanserre may serue for an example, not only to suche as were at it, but also generally to all men, and specially to those that are Protestantes, who haue iustly lost a parte of theyr libertie whiche they hadde to serue God openly, and so hathe almost the whole Realme, by­cause they vsed it not to theyr profyte. And therefore I must not rest so muche vppon seconde causes, nor take vpon me to discourse of diuers thinges that haue come to passe in thys Realme, within one yeere, against the intent of our King.

For God who gouerneth all things by his wonderfull pro­uidence, hath guyded and directed the whole in suche wise, ac­cording as he sayth in his worde, that it is he that smiteth and maketh the wound, and it is he that healeth it againe There. is no more for vs to do, but to profit our selues by the things that [Page 115] are past, by amending our liues heereafter.

IN these great extremities the chiefe gouernours of the towne knewe not what to doe, and to yeelde them selues into the hands of the enimie seemed vnto them more cruel than deathe it selfe: they had sente messengers into dyuers places, to craue ayde and succour of their fellowes, but in vayne. They which had some abilitie to helpe the miserable beseeged Sanserreans, therefore refused to ayde them, not that they misliked of theyr cause, or thought them woorthy of so greate miseries: but by­cause they wanted money, the whiche in this vnhappy tyme was hard to come by. Notwithstandyng, the Kings treasure was spent in leuying bands of horsemē and footemē, to destroy the remaynder of miserable men. They whiche had a good wyll to helpe, were in so greate extremities, that being brought them selues into greate perill, were scarse able to withstande their assayling enimies. When they sawe that theyr fyrst mes­sengers could not speede of theyr purpose, they sente agayne at the last (namely the .24. of Iuly) Mons. Flore, Mine, and Cru­cian, the chiefe Captaynes, to prooue whether their presence might preuayle more to get help & succors, than their fellowes had done before. These wente out of the Citie with greate pe­rill, & within certayn dais wer taken & slaine by their enimies.

AFTER newes herof was brought to y e Sanserreans, they notwithstanding determined with them selues, to continue constant vnto the ende, being still in hope to receyue succours. Thus, whyle they armed them selues to perseuerāce with new promises, tidings was brought them, that the king had taken peace with them of Rochell and Languedoc, but that there was no mētiō made at al of them: so y t ther seemed to be no hope at al of ayd. Therfore while contentiōs arose among y e townes­men, some thinking it best to persist, other affirming y t so to do was mad wilfulnesse, and y t they had rather dye once with the sworde, than to make a long death w t famine: The Sanser­reans come to composition. Mons. Ioanneau the gouernour of the Towne, came at the last to parley with Mons. Martinenge a noble man, in whome the Sanserreans re­posed great trust. The townesmen could scarsly be perswaded [Page 116] that they should escape with lyfe. But when the Lord Chastre had at the fyrst by Mons. Martinenge, and afterward by letters perswaded the Sanserreans, that euery one shoulde haue theyr lyues pardoned, then all men were glad hoping for peace, and that so greate miseries would haue an end at the last. There­fore after certayne dayes conference with the Lorde Chastre, they agreed together vpon these Articles.

I FIRST that the Sanserreans, and those which were come vnto them out of other cities of the Realme, shoulde be vnder the benefyte of the pacificatorie Edict, made the fourth day of August with the Rochellians, that is to saye, that they shoulde haue the free vse of the Religion, which others expressed in the same Edict, had.

II Secondly, that the townesmen shoulde be pardoned for all those faults which were committed in the time of this warre, with faythfull promise made vnto them by the Lorde Chastre, that no manner of dishonest violence should be offered to theyr liues, wiues, and daughters.

III Thirdly, that they shoulde bee restored to the possession of theyr goodes: that they shoulde bee free from confiscation, and that all sentences of confiscation already pronounced, shoulde be reuoked.

IIII Fourthly, that the townesmen shoulde pay vnto the Lorde Chastre forty thousand frankes, for the payment whereof, they shoulde haue theyr goodes preserued from the spoyle of the Souldiers, and it shoulde be lawfull for them to carry or sell the same else where at theyr owne pleasure, the whiche money was distributed to the Souldiers by the appoyntment of the Lord Chastre.

V That the Kyng should confyrme thys agreemente, by hys authoritie.

VI And last of all, that the townesmen should promise vnto the King al obedience euer after. And that they shuld giue twelue such hostages as the Lorde Chastre shoulde name, vntill these things were fully perfourmed and accomplished.

Therefore the last day of August the Lorde Chastre entred [Page 117] into the citie, with a greate trayne of armed men. And by & by were taken away from the Sanserreans, their drummes, trumpets, and ensignes. Mons. Ianneau, within certayne days after was secretly slayne, and neuer knowne how. There was placed in the towne a verie great garrizon. And ouer and a­boue the foresayde summe of fortie thousande Frankes, they were very straightly charged to pay newe tributes. And con­cerning the vse of Religion, the which notwithstanding was promised in the first article of the agreement, there was ney­ther speach nor performance to this day.

The king sent the armies of the Switzers into Daulphine, to terrifie the inhabitants of Languedoc, and mons. Monbrune that they might receiue the couenant of the peace of Rochel. Notwithstanding, when they had remayned certayne weekes in Daulphine, when also Monbrune had trauelled diligently to and fro to withstande them, and could not rayse them of Languedoc, in so much that a great masse of mo­ney shoulde haue bene spent to no purpose, those returned againe into their countrey, which were returned from the siege of Rochel, & had escaped the perils of their iourney.

¶The twelfth Booke of Commentaries, concerning the Tem­porall and Ecclesiasticall state of the King­dome of France, in the raigne of Charles the ninth.

THE Rochelleans had made a peace with the King, withoute the knowledge of them of Nismes, and others of Languedoc, although they also were expresly contayned in the co­uenants of agreemente. Notwithstanding the Edict beyng read did not satisfye them, but affyrmed, that the experiments of the former tymes reple­nished with diuers murders, did proue, that these pacificatorie meanes were snares, to intercept and intangle those with the pretence of peace, whome they coulde not by force of Armes, & with warre ouercome. Therfore they thought good to con­sult and participate this matter with their fellowes, and per­ceyue it needefull to prouide for the same by a common assem­bly of the Churches whiche were left. So that after tydings was brought vnto them of the Edict made, they sente into the Armie a messenger to the Duke of Anjou, to giue him thanks on their behalfe, beseeching him, that for so muche as the cause in hand was generall, and bycause it belonged to many of the reformed Religion to know these things in conuenient time, that he would giue them leaue to assemble them selues toge­ther in a fit place, and that to the same ende he woulde graunt them his letters patents for their assurance.

These letters patents were graunted and made, and all they of the Religion, to whome knowledge might be gyuen, were warned to be at Milliaud in Languedoc. Wherevpon there came many from all partes of the Realme, according as the tyme would suffer them.

THIS was a notable occasion to prouide for thinges a­gaine time to come. For in this assembly they considered and [Page 119] scanned how they might order their affayres afterwarde: and so prouided for thē selues both lawes ciuill and also martiall.

In the large prouince of Languedoc there are many pro­uinces, the which were replenished with a great number of the Religious, whiche helde diuers cities and Townes in sundry parts of the same, hauing also amongst them the Catholiques, in somuch that the keeping of those places was very perillous, by reason that their enimies were so mixed with them.

Therefore to the ende their affayres might euer afterwarde be ordred after a more firme & constant maner, they appointed two generalties or Lieftenantships for the territorie of y e Re­ligion, in the whiche all the Religious of that prouince were contayned, namely y e Liefetenantship of Montauban, and the Liefetenātship of Nismes. Montauban, to haue y e preheminēce ouer those parts of y e higher Languedoc, and Nismes of the lo­wer: in y e which the territorie of Seuenatz and Viuaretz were coprehēded. They apoynted to euery Liefetenantship a Liefe­tenant which was some famous noble man. And they appoin­ted y e office of these Liefetenantships to endure, so lōg as y e ci­uill war should hold eyther opēly or secretly, that they might haue the chiefe authoritie in martiall affayres: notwithstan­ding so, y t their power might be subiect to the iudgemente of y e Senate. Euery coūtrey or diocesse had his senate, according to the ancient maner of France, and they continue in vse, especi­ally in that part, euē vnto this day: these Senats they call par­ticular states. But the Liefetenātship, in the which many di­ocesses are contayned, is called the chiefe or high Senate, whi­che consisteth of certayne choice men out of euery countrey or shyre: notwithstanding so, that the sentences of euery Senate in matters of great waight were examined and straightly o­uerlooked. It was also ordeyned that by the decree of that high Senate or court the Lefetenant shuld rule and gouerne those affayres which belonged vnto the warre. These Liefetenants had a certayne stipend assigned vnto them, the whole rule and charge of the treasure belonged to the Senate, the Liefetenant by his office hauing nothing to do with the same.

AND to mayntaine warre, they tooke these wayes: name­ly, that the people might be restrayned, so muche as might be from martiall robbing, and that countreys might not be wa­sted and spoyled: they charge the townes and villages by a writ out of the kings Excheaker to pay tribute, yea and those townes also in the whiche the Catholikes inhabited, lenying suche a summe as might be sufficient to mayntaine garrizons in them. They call for a Cōtribution. Thus they were gently intreated, which payed the commaunded tribute: husbandry also was permitted and mayntained. So that those places in­habited by the Catholikes, did obey, for feare of robbing, spoi­ling, and burning. Thus they went about to cut off all occa­sion of martiall libertie, so much as might be taken away a­mong so many outrageous furies of warre: and they proui­ded for the continuance of longer warre, if so be no reasonable and indifferent condition were offered by the king. Further­more, they gathered the tythes and reuenues of the priestes, and appoynted collectors for the same.

Hytherto all occasion to holde warre, seemed after so great slaughters of men made, to be taken away from the Religi­ous: but this way which they nowe deuised, brought to passe, that they of the Religion were able to mayntaine garrizons in diuers places: the which when neede required, being come together in one, by the commaundement of the Lieftenant, woulde haue made a sufficient armie: by this meanes also the catholikes power was weakned: Vicount Pauline was made Lieftenant of Montauban: and mons. Sanroman, (of whome we spake before) being come from Switzerland to Nismes, was made Lieftenant of the same, after he had taken his othe. The comming of Sanroman brought to passe, that the discordes of the captaynes disagreeing among them selues hitherto, being appeased, their affayres had more happy successe in Nismes, and in the cities adioyning therevnto: all men obeying with all their heartes the commaundement giuen by him, and also by the Senate.

Therefore nowe at the last necessitie and experience, the [Page 121] schoolemistresse of fooles taught y e religious for their neces­sary defence, a new kind of order, not vsed in the time of the former warres, and more conuenient: And these things wer handled very well in the assembly or conuocation at Mil­liaud.

These things being thus prouided to establish a certaine order, the men of Languedoc also determined in this conuo­cation, to require certaine things of the king for the confir­mation of peace: for the former Edict did not satisfie them, as we saide before, neither did the name of peace so moue them by and by, that without consideration and respect all conditions were receiued, bycause the light credit of the Princes afore time, taught them to beware.

Therefore they sente vnto the king, Mons. Yolet, Philip, Cherenac, and others whiche were actiue and prudent men. The summe of their message was, To giue thanks vnto the king for singular good will, which he declared that he had to establishe peace in his kingdome. That the same remedy was so necessarie, the kingdome by so long warres being in decay and almost ouerthrowen, that it could not be any longer deferred without present destruction. That they were minded to shew all obedience to their Lord & king. But bycause the tragicall and lamentable memorie of the murders lately committed on S. Bartholmewes daye, doth shewe how dangerous a thing it is for the king theyr soueraigne to be ruled by the euill counsayles of wicked counsaylers: they most humbly beseeched his maiestie not to thinke it strange that they, to whom it specially belon­ged, sought the most conuenient wayes for the establishing of peace. That it was lately broughte to passe, that the king by the practises of euill counsaylers, contrary to hys good nature, declared him selfe by his publique letters, to be the author and chiefe cause of that wicked fact, the whi­che notwithstanding a fewe dayes before he openly dete­sted: the contrary shew whereof was too shamefull in the [Page 122] sight of al nations. That they were perswaded of his own good will towards them: but they greatly feared, least his mind shoulde be led by his counsaylers as aforetime: and that therfore they would prouide for them selues, and seeke to saue their liues and the liues of their friendes, beeyng taught by the pitifull example of their fellowes.

1 THESE things being vttered, First of al they require, that for the securitie of peace, and to auoyd newe troubles, they might keepe those Cities, whiche they had already in possession, with their owne garrisons of men, and the same to haue their wages payed them out of the kings treasu­rie. 2 Secondly, that beside those Cities, the king woulde giue vnto thē two Cities in euery prouince of y e Realme, which might be thought most meete and conuenient in the iudgemente and opinion of foure men, two of the whiche foure to be Catholiques, and the other two Religious: and the same two Cities also to haue garrisons of the Riligi­ous maintayned in them by the kings pay. 3 Thirdly, that the vse of the reformed Religion bee free through out the whole Realme without exception of any place, for al those which shal require the same of the king. 4 Fourthly, that they of the Religion may haue graunted vnto them new par­laments in euery prouince, and that by suche iudges as im­brace the reformed Religion. 5 Fifthly, that to maintayne the ministers of their Churches, they may haue leaue togather those tithes which arise of their lands. 6 Last of all, that they whiche were the authors of the murder commit­ted on Saint Bartholmewes day, mighte be punished as murderers, spoylers, and disturbers of the common peace.

These seemed to bee large petitions: and in very deede their speech to the king extēded farther, in so much that the Queene saide in displeasure and anger, That the prince of Conde him selfe if he were aliue, and were euen in the very middest of the kingdome with twenty thousand horsemē, and fiue hundred thousand footemē, & had also in his hands [Page 123] the chiefe Cities of y e Realme, would not craue y e one halfe of those things. Wherefore shee came to euery one of these messengers, & sought to win thē, sometime by faire promi­ses, & otherwhile by threatnings. But it was so prouided in the assembly at Milliaud, y t the messengers of themselues should do nothing, but only offer the letter vnto the king, & should refer the kings answeares vnto the Senate, y t the whole matter mighte bee allowed by the authoritie of the same. Dayes of respit wer takē for a moneth & a halfe: & so the messengers being honorably receyued into euery Citie, returned home againe. The Catholiques coulde scarsely be perswaded, but that the most mightie princes fauoured the cause of the Religious, and pretended that the great li­bertie which the Religious had, was the cause why they so thought. The king was said to desire peace, being warned by the successe of the warre at Rochell, and in Languedoc.

In the meane time, Preparation for the viage into Polonia. preparation was made for the voi­age into Polonia, the Queene and the new King prouiding al things for great magnificēce, notwithstanding they had not money according to their wil. About y e same time in y e which the Ambassadors of Polonia wer at Paris, a very bold & wicked fact was cōmitted. Ther was a certayn Citizen in Paris of greate wealth named Nantoilet, Nantoilet robbed by the new king of Polonia. a Catholique & one of the chiefe magistrates of the Citie. To this mans house came y e new king, of whom he was very courteously entertayned. But y e Duke of Aniou being in y e house begā to quarel w t the said Nantoilet, first with words, at y e whi­che the other had great marueile: Then his seruāts begā to spoile, caried away his plate & iewels, brake opē his cofers, and caried away a greate masse of money. Thus the out­rage of murders brake the raines of shame, running into all impudent boldnesse.

AFTER that Harlem was taken the Prince of Orāge tooke Alcmar a Citie of Holland, The affayres of the lowe Countrey. the Citizens being deui­ded within thē selues: at what time one gate was takē by that part which held of y e Duke of Alba, and bāds both of [Page 124] horsemen and footemen sent from the said Duke wer now within the vew of y e Citie. Notwithstāding the Prince of Orange putting to flight the sayd power enioyed the Citie. The Flisshingers tooke the Castell Ramekins the fifth of Au­gust. The Rame­keins Castell taken by the Flissinners. Also the sayd Flisshingers, the thirtenth day of y e same moneth, encountered with the nauie of the Duke of Alba, which loused from Antwerpe, to carrie victuall to Middel­burge, part whereof they chased away, and the rest came to Middelburge. Furthermore the Prince of Orange tooke the towne of Mounts in Brabant.

The twentith of September the Orangians fought wyth happy successe vpon the coast of Amsterdam: in the whiche fyght the Duke of Alba had a great ouerthrow, with losse of a great number of his Shippes, and also of his men.

The eleuenth day of October, the Orangians after a long battayle fought vpon the sea, got the victorie of the King of Spaynes nauie, of whome they slue a great number, and tooke the County Bossu, Lord Admirall of the whole nauie.

In the beginning of December the Duke of Alba for­saking his authoritie of gouernment in the low countrey being Brussels, by the authoritie and cōmission of the kings letters, put ouer his said office to Lewis de Requizence great Commaunder of Castile, and then prepared for his returne into Spayne.

THE new King of Polonia, notwithstanding that the Ambassadors of Polonia made great hast, found dayly new delayes to deferre his iourney, whether it wer for the plea­sure and delight which he had in his owne countrey, or for greefe to leaue a more noble kingdome, the assured posses­sion whereof his mother had promised vnto him. The king him selfe vrged his departure: in somuch that it is re­ported he sayde in anger, That eyther he, or himselfe must needes goe into Polonia. For the secret grudges of emula­tion which was in eyther of them, could not be so couertly restrayned, but that often times they brast foorthe. The [Page 125] Queene loued the Duke of Aniou more than the king, whose great towardnesse she greatly feared. It is certain­ly reported, that the Queene sayde to Henry, beeing very carefull cōcerning his departure, Be of good cheere, only goe, thou shalt not remayne long in Polonia. By the rumor heere­of, many thought that the Queene meant little good vnto the King, and that hereof that euill which happened with­in a while after vnto him proceeded: the whiche verily I would not set downe, if so be the same had not bin obiec­ted vnto the Queene hir selfe by letters written by cer­tayne Courtiers, whiche knew well ynough the affayres of the Court. Yea it is most certayne, that the Quene was so addicted vnto hir sonne Henry, that she hated hir other two sonnes.

HENRY hauing couenaunted and agreed with hys brother concerning those thinges whiche appertayned to their affayres, departed at the length from Paris, the eyght and twenty of September. The king sayd, that he would bring him on his way to the boundes and limits of hys kingdome.

The which he could not performe, for that he fel sicke of a soare feuer at Vitri a towne in Champaigne: most menne thinking that he was poysoned. Therefore the king tooke his leaue of his brother and went no further: who wente through Germany, as his iourney lay, and was curteous­ly entertayned of the Princes of the same: notwithstan­ding he hearde them in euery place greeuously detest the murders of Fraunce, the principall cause whereof was layd to his charge in obeying the wicked counsayles of hys mother.

About the same tyme Frauncis Hotomanus, a famous Lawyer, a man endued with godlinesse and singular lear­ning, published a booke, which he intituled Francogallia, and dedicated the same to Frederic Countie Palatine. In the same booke, the sayde Hotomanus declareth with exquisite [Page 124] [...] [Page 125] [...] [Page 126] reason, what was the state of y e kingdome of France in olde time, bringing the same to memorie againe out of the an­cient antiquities of the historie of France. Bycause the countrey of France was called in olde time Gallia or Gaule: and was after­ward by the Francones of Germany cō ­quered, he ca­leth it here by the name of a compounde word Franco­gallia, and the people Franco Galli, that is to say, French Gaules. And he declareth, that although the Frenche Gaules, tooke in olde time theyr kings from the Nobilitie, and therefore chose them suche kings as were come of kingly race, & had bin royally tray­ned and brought vp, whether the same were of the number of their childrē, or of their neere kinsmen: yet neuerthelesse y e kingdome of France of olde time was wont to be gyuen not by right of inheritance as a priuate patrimonie, but by y e iudgemēt & free electiōs of y e people. For proofe wherof he bringeth many things out of the expresse words of y e Te­stamēt of Charles the great, & out of the elections of Phara­mund, of y e sonnes of Pipin, of Charles, and of Charlemain, of Chilperic, of Clothar, of Ottho, and of other kings, of whome he hath made a lōg catalogue: alleaging y e very wordes of y e histories, notwithstāding so, y t the kingdome shuld be de­uided by y e decree & consent of y e states, one while to one, & sometime to moe of y e sonnes of the kings. And that as the authority to choose kings, so also the power to displace and depose them from their rule, was in old time in the handes of the states of the people & in the publique assembly of the Realm. Therefore y t kings wer created in France by fyrme lawes, & not tyrāts ordeyned, with free authoritie & power to do what soeuer them listeth. For the which matter he bringeth many examples, namely of the two Childerickes, which kings were deposed frō y e kingdome by the decree of y e states: of Theoderic which was displaced with Ebroin his Lord great master: of Chilperic, of Charles the grosse, also of Ottho which was chosen king in stede of Charles y e sonne of Lewis the stutter: and he taketh the credite of their iudge­ments, and most vrgent causes, out of the very midst of y e historie. He sheweth also what things were specially hand­led in the solemne assembly of y e states: and also what was the authoritie of the same. And first of al concerning y e cre­ating or displacing of a king: secondly, concerning peace & [Page 127] warre, and common lawes: thirdly, concerning greate ho­nors, high offices, and gouernments of the common welth: Fourthly, concerning the assigning of the patrimonie in part to the children of the king being deceased, and concer­ning the appointing of dowry to daughters: finally, con­cerning al those things which appertayne to the weale pu­blique. The power of y e sayd assembly of States was such (saieth he) that without the authoritie or sentence of the same, the king coulde determine nothing, but must folowe the authoritie and will of the States: which said authori­tie and will, were called The decrees of the states.

And now when as this kingdom of France hath cōtinu­ed almost a thousand & two hūdred yeeres, ther are said to be in al this time only three houses of kings, that is to say, of the Merouins, who taking their originall of Meroue, con­tinued y t stock two hūdred fourscore & three yeres: of Char­louins, who springing frō Charles y e great grew in y t stocke three hūdred thirty & seuē yeres: & of Capenites, who begin­ning at Hugh Capet, haue now held y e kingdome fiue hun­dred & fourescore yeres. The which Hugh Capet got y e roy­al dignitie, y t Charlouins being deposed, namely Lewis y e fifth the .xxxj. king of France, & the .xij. king of the stocke of the Charlouins, his children being dead in warde. And then hee proueth by many examples, y t the royal dignitie stood fyrme by the decree of the States in the times of the firste raigne both of the Merouins, & also of the Charlouins, & was conti­nued also in the house of the Capenites. And first by that no­table cōtrouersie celebrated and made famous with y e mo­numēts of the French histories, and with the great warres which rose of the same, betweene Philip Valoys, and Edward borne of Isabel the sister of Charles. Who, when king Charles the fayre, dyed without heires male, contended for the kingdome. When the matter grew thus to contenti­on, it pleased the States to preferre Philip Valoys being of royall line, to whom the kingdom was adiudged. Another example he broughte from the lamentab e tyme of King [Page 128] Iohn, who ioyning battayle with the English men neare vnto Poictiers, was taken & carried prisoner into England. So great calamitie being receyued, the hope was left in the authoritie of the states alone. Therefore by the decree of the saide States, there were approued men of all sortes and conditions chosen, to whome the charge and affayres of the Realme were committed: howbeit there were three of the Kings sonnes, namely Charles, Lewis, and Iohn: of the whiche three the eldest was of lawfull age to gouerne. A third example he bringeth from the yeare of our Lord. M.CCCLXXV. at what time Charles the fyfth surnamed wise, appoynted by his will and testament Philip Duke of Borbon his wiues brother, to bee the tutor and gardian of his sonnes: and Lewes Duke of Aniou his brother to be the gouernour of the Realme, vntill such time as Charles hys sonne came vnto his full and lawfull age: neuerthelesse it was decreed by a counsayle, holden at Paris, that the will should be frustrate, and the gouernmente of the kingdome committed to the sayd Lewis the childes vncle, vpon condi­tion that in his gouernment he woulde do nothing with­out the aduice and consente of other honest and approued persons in the sayde counsayle: and also that the wardship and education of the childe shoulde bee committed to the Duke of Borbon. A fourth example he bringeth from y e yere of our Lorde .M.CCCXCII. at what time Charles the sixth sonne of the said King sodaynely fell madde, it was decreed by the authoritie of the states, that the gouerne­ment of the Realme should be committed to the Dukes of Berry, and Burgundy. Also he fetcheth a fifth example from the yeare. M.CCCCXXVI. when as Philip Duke of Burgundy, and Humfrey Duke of Glocester, were at mor­tall debate to the great detriment of the common wealth: and at the length agreed betweene them selues, to make an end of all controuersies by combate. In this contention the States were vmpiers, and decreed, that both of them [Page 129] should put off their armour, and rather ende their controuer­sies by lawe, than by dinte of sworde. Then he alleageth a sixt example from the yeare M.CCCC.Lxxxiiij. when as Lewis the .xj. being dead, and leauing behinde him his sonne Charles of the age of thirtene yeares, it was decreed by an as­sembly of States at Towers, that the education of the childe should bee committed to Anne the kings sister: and that the gouernment of the Realme should bee set ouer to certayne choyse and approued persons in the sayd assembly: notwith­standing that Lewis Duke of Orleans being the next of kinne required the same. He setteth downe also a seuenth Argument taken from that warre, which was helde in the tyme of the sayd Lewis the eleuenth, which was of all other kings the most craftie and subtill, which also greatly diminished the au­thoritie of the States, at what time the kingdom was so go­uerned by him, that in many things the duetie of a good prince and of one louing his countrey, was wanting, the authoritie of the States began to be required, that by the same the com­mon wealth might be prouided for: and so by the ayde of ma­ny Princes and noble men warre was holden, which was therefore called, the warre of the common wealth. And vere­ly, at that tyme the authoritie of the States began to decay▪ the which notwithstanding Lewis fayned to haue in great e­stimation. Finally, he handeleth that question. Whether the gouernmēt of the kingdom of France, by the lawe of France, ought to come to the Distaffe: and by many reasons and ex­amples he sheweth, that women ought to bee remoued from the gouernment of the Realme no lesse than from the inheri­tance of the same.

And thus disputing he offereth to the secret iudgementes of men by the state of the auncient kingdom, an expresse Image of those calamities, by which all things at the last in the king­dome of France, are come to great disorder and confusion, the authoritie of the states of the Realme being ouerthrowen and suppressed, and a straunge woman hauing gotten into hir handes the royall gouernment.

M. Mombrune tooke about this time Monerb, a walled town in the County of Venaiz: & Nium, a towne bordering vppon the Countie of Daulphine, and new small townes & bandes of men, specially out of Prouance came dayly vnto him. And he inuaded the territorie of Grenoble, to the great terror and feare of those that dwelt in the same. Hee tooke also the riche Abbay of Viri, and slew the Garrisons which kepte the same. The Monkes of the great Charterhouse fearing to haue so ill a neighbour, fortifyed themselues with Garrisons of Soul­diers. Thus M. Mombrune was feared in all that countrey rounde about.

Againe truce was taken for a moneth and a halfe. Neuer­thelesse the burning desire of warres was great in Languedoc and in Daulphine. And vnder the pretence of that truce, the King & Queene, made a great shewe that they desired peace: but in deed they practised nothing els but bloudy warre.

Puygallard of Poictou to get Rochell, byred with the kings money and by the kings commaundement certayne Souldi­ers of Rochell to betray the Citie. And the chief of this con­spiracie in the towne was mons. Grandfiefe a famous man, who valiantly behaued himselfe in the tyme of warre for the defence of Rochell. Thus it was agreed amongst them, that a Bulwarke and one of the Gates should bee taken, to the which Puygallard should come incontinent with certayne bandes of Souldiers. The conspiracie was discouered. They of Rochell tooke many of the townsmen. M. Grandfiefe was slayne. And when enquirie was made of this conspiracie, the conspirators answered, that they had done nothing without the kings commaundement, mons. Puygallard being the au­thor: the which also certain letters found about Grandfiefe did plainly testify. They of Rochell made complaint hereof to the king. The king denied the said enterprise to be taken in hand by his commaundement: willing them to punish those that were founde giltie of the conspiracie, saying that he gaue them leaue and authoritie so to doe: only he willed them to beware that they did nothing contrary to the Edicte.

Therefore they of Rochell, according to their maner of ex­ecution put many of the Conspirators to death by the while: of the which many were Citizens. This was done about the the ende of the moneth of December.

ORANGE was helde by Berchon in the name of the Prince of Orange: and Berchon with the inhabitants of Aui­nion which bordered about him, and of Venais also, abstayned of purpose from warre. Notwithstanding many of the Citi­zens of Orange, hauing M. Glundag a valiant man of Daul­phine their Captayn, tooke the Castell and towne of Orange, Berchon mistrusting no such thing, who wēt straight way to Cortes, a litle towne in the territorie of Orange. After this M. Glandag warred very sore against Auinion, & against the in­habitants of y e countie, robbing & spoyling them, yea and the marchantmen as they went about their affayres were robbed in the common high way. The sayd Glandag him self for all this boasted, that he did not like of the reformed Religion: and that only the poynt of his sworde was religious: meaning therby that he did not embrace the doctrine of the religion, but the cause of y e religious. By such like examples great offence was taken against them of the Religion.

Anno. M.D.LXXIIII.

THIS newe yeere comprehendeth the beginnings of newe and waightie matters, with diuers successe both of king Charles the ninth, by whose strong and florishing youth infi­nite victories to the vtter destruction of the religiō were prog­nosticated, and also by the death of Charles Guise Cardinall of Lorhayne, a notable auncient enemy of the reformed Chur­ches, which we will set downe according to our maner and purpose.

MANY of the noble men enuyed the gouernment of the Queene, (for whatsoeuer was done by king Charles was at­tributed vnto hir) for y t she (as it is said) being through effemi­nate and rashe hastines moued to displeasure, one whyle a­gaynst some, another whyle agaynst other some, sought [Page 132] by all meanes possible to hurt those, which might in any case withstand hir gouernement and for that she being a woman, and (which was more) a straunge woman, should haue the gouernment of the state so many yeares already, against the ordinance of the auncient lawes of France. and to the great reproche of the realme of France. Therefore she had prouoked many of the noble men to hate hir: especially bicause the au­thoritie of the nobles, to whom the prerogatiues of the realme pertayned, being by hir taken away, and translated to hir selfe alone, she aduaunced base borne men and straungers to great honour and to large riches and possessions, & especially Coun­tie d'Retz, who being the sonne of a Florentine Promoter called Gordes, and his mother a famous harlot, himselfe also at the first being but a seruant to a Forraiger, came to so great riches and authoritie, that he was not only checkemate with princes and noble men, but also far excelled them. Now, bi­cause these large promotions & gifts could not but be drawen out of the kings treasurie, that is to say, from the bloud of the miserable people, lately oppressed with intollerable burthens of tributes, many of the noble men dayly complayned, that the common wealth was betrayed and troden vnder foote. And the foule troubles of new warres, did greatly amplify and en­crease complayntes: through the which warres y e Citizens be­ing armed w t mortal hatred one against another, by y e instiga­tion & incouraging of a straunge woman, w t shamefull mad­nes killed & destroyed one y e other, to satisfy the wicked appe­tites & desires of an vngodly Italian. Hetherto she had preten­ded y e cause of Religion: notwithstanding she sought this one thing only by these ciuil discords, namely, That when she had destroied y e Frēch mē, she might bring in Italians into y e king­dome of France, and so she might easely raigne alone, hauing gotten such men about hir as stoode subiecte & bound vnto hir.

Also the great misliking of the murther on Saint Barthel­mewes day, made hir to be the more enuyed and despised, ad­ding all that might bee to that notable hatred▪ conceiued a­gainst hir: bicause by the same fall, not only many noble hou­ses, [Page 133] were depriued of their brethren and kinsmen, the more no­ble sorte of them of the religion being slayne: but also that the death of the noble princes and peeres was sought, notwith­standing that they alwayes had imbraced the Romish Reli­gion: and that a manifest way was made to the vtter destruc­tion of the nobles of France by this enterance, and that, bicause this ambitious woman would leaue nothing vndone to shew crueltie, that she might rule and gouerne after hir owne will.

Amidst the garboyle of the murthers, they which suspected their bloud to be sought, were at rest, and were gone at the kings commaundement to the warre, to destroy those which remayned of the Religion, who being but fewe and weake, seemed to be brought easely to destruction within few dayes. But when the Queenes counsailes and deuises tooke not ef­fect, and newe murthers were made, when there was prepara­tion of warre against Rochell & Languedoc: then men more freely began to speake against those murthers, and to detest those ciuill warres stirred vp by the commaundements of the Queene, when as the contrary successe had frustrated and de­ceyued euen as it were in the very entry, the imagined victo­ries concerning the vtter destruction of those of the Religion. And there was none which did not greatly cōdemne the cau­sers & workers of those murthers. Peace was earnestly desi­red and hoped for all men, when as the space of two yeeres, had almost drowned the memory of the former troubles and iniuries, and after so many spoyles made by warres, new ca­lamitie was feared, insomuch that all men feared the cause of newe troubles. And the remembrance of the pretended mari­age celebrated with falsehood, was most detestable, to the e­uerlasting reproch of France.

Therefore in steed of tryumphes for the destruction of the remaynder of the religious, there sprang vp new enimies from among the Catholiques themselues: and that of them also which were present in those murthers, and were instrumentes of the same: who being taught by tyme it selfe, and by the e­uent and successe of the matter, did not only detest that wicked [Page 134] facte, but also prepared them selues to reuenge the same.

And there was no small number of these new enemyes: but the factions were copious and plentifull, hauing ouer them noble and famous Captaines. So many as could not abyde to fayle their countrey in extremity, being now at the last cast, and which being free from y e Queenes liberalitie & prefermēt & which misliked of the insolent promotiō of straūgers: so ma­ny, I say seemed to be called, euē as it were w t y e soūd of a trū ­pet, to y e societie of this new counsail. The greatest iniury see­med to be giuē to y e king of Nauar, for y t his mariage was dis­honored & polluted, w t the funerals of his friendes & familie: and he himself had come in perill of life, except by a foule and shameful shift he had forsaken y e religion, in y e which he was brought vp & instructed, & for y e which, by y e ayde & furtherance of his mother he had held war. The Prince of Conde was w t no lesse prouocations allured: & beside y e olde causes, y e late pe­rill of his life in the furious murthers, & the remēbrance of the war of Rochell to destroy those who had valiantly behaued thēselues vnder his cōduct to defend his house & stock. Also ve­hement causes stirred vp y e house of Momorencie. For by the death of y e Admirall which was so cruelly slaine, the bloud of Momorencies brethren no doubt was sought: & they were not ignorant y e their names were valde in y e nūber of those which were slayne on Saint Barthelmewes day & that if they might haue bene shut vp altogether they had dyed with the Admiral and his fellowes. For the Queene enuied the authoritie of the house of Momorencie. And it euidently appeared y e Marshall Cosse, and all other which by consanguinitie, affinitie, or by a­ny other meanes belonged vnto these houses, were appointed for the same slaughter. Yea, there was occasion of these newe matters sowen in y e kings own lyne. The Duke of Alancō the kings yongest brother being hated of his mother, greatly mis­liked his in others gouernment, and detested that wicked and horrible facte of the bloudy mariage. So that the Duke of Alancon seemed to be of their side. Therefore for this cause hee was hated of his mother. These were the beginnings of [Page 135] great matters, the which what successe they had we will shew hereafter.

The countreys being wearyed with long calamities of warres, required of the king that there might be an assembly of the States, that extreame necessitie at the last might pro­uide a remedy for so great troubles. The Queene answered that the king & she did like very well of this request: (for the king being dayly more and more sicke, the Queene of hir selfe had the gouernment of all things) and shee appoynted the as­sembly of States at Compien.

The Prince of Orange helde the greatest parte of Zealand, as we sayd before, except Midelburge, the chiefe Citie of that countrey and Armac, the most famous hauen of that Citie, and of the whole Isle. The same he beseeged with all the forces of the inhabitants of the Islelande, and with other succors ap­pertayning to the same.

The kings Nauy to succour them of Middelburge loosed from Andwarpe the xxv. of Ianuary. In this preparation, the kings Souldiers sustayned great dammage and hurte. For sodaynly a great Iron peece brake in the Ship, by the violent breach wherof thirtie mē were slain, & certain also which stood vppō the shore. The Ship it self was by and by dasht in peeces vppō the flat: another ship after this was ouertakte w t waues. And when they came within the sight of the towne of Moun­tes, the Souldiers of the Nauie to salute the kings Garrison, gaue them a peale of shotte. By occasion whereof fyer being vnwittingly cast into the goonpoulder which was in one of the shippes, most horribly brent all the Souldiers that were in the same. For all this they went forward w t their iorney to­ward Middelburge. The Nauie of y e prince of Orange encoū ­tred w t thē, y e Duke Reguisence y e kings Lieftenāt in the low coūtrey loking vppon thē frō the shoare of the towne of Bar­row. Then began a fierce battaile betwene them, both partes manfully quiting thēselues. Notwithstanding .v. of the kings Shippes being at the first ouercome, the Admirall hir selfe also was constrayned to flee, and to forsake hir fellowes. [Page 136] The chiefe Captayne whose name was Iulian Roman, a man of great fame among the Spaniardes, sliding out of the ship by a roape into a skiffe, forsooke the Nauie. The Prince of O­range his Nauie being conquerers, pursued the chase, & tooke ninetene Shippes of warre. The Admirall himself was slain. All the Spaniardes, and spectally the olde Souldiers of ser­uice, which were taken, were cast ouer boorde to feede fishes. Then the Prince of Orange more vehemently vrged the siege of Middelburge, and so within fewe dayes it was brought to passe, that Moundragon, being without all hope of helpe, yel­ded vp the Citie of Middelburge and Armac. This was the ninetene of Februarie of this yeare. The trueltie shewed at the seege of Harlem was not here recompenced. The Prince of Orange rather conquered with lenitie and gentlenes, than o­therwise, he graunted lyfe also to the morrow masse Priestes: but the Captaines & Centurions he sent prisoners to Elishing, hauing giuen leaue to Mountdragon their chief Captaine to redeeme them, for the which cause he, leauing behynde him as­surance of faith, and twelue hostages, went to Andwerpe, that he might make exchaunge of Captiues. This Mountdra­gon so highly commended the humanitie, clemencie, & fayth of the Prince of Orange vnto the kings Lefetenant Regnisence, that he brought himselfe in suspicion with him, and also into great perill.

ABOVT this tyme Mongon an experte Captaine, in the fyrst ciuill warres of great name & fame for killing of Mot­tecondrin, tooke certayne small townes in the countrey of Velay, and certayne strong Castelles: and he was now appro­ched to the Citie of Puij, which was full of riche Marthants: hauing already taken the Castell Espaule; which was within see sight of the Citie, by the subtill practise of Guiard of Puij, a man of no religion and yet pretending to be of the religion. Now the spoyling Souldier being made rich with the praye, bought of the Souldiers of the Castell of Espaule, one of the Captaynes being corrupted with money by the men of Puij, both the head of mons. Guiard, and the Castell it selfe. Also [Page 137] M. Mongon himselfe on the other parte, was by treason slaine. And thus within fewe dayes, they of the Religion were dri­uen out of the countrey of Velay, by the treacherie and wic­kednesse of the spoyling irreligious Souldiers.

There standeth vppon the bancke of the Riuer of Rosne a Castell called Perand. This Castell did the Lord of the same (who from the tyme of the slaughter at Paris fayned the abiu­ration of Religion) take, & a little towne also called Andace, fortifying the sayd Castell with a Garrison of Souldiers of the Religion. About the same tyme also by his meanes was taken the Castell Maleuall, in the countrey of Forrest. By rea­son whereof the entercourse of them of Lions was much en­dammaged. Therefore they being styrred vp by this their a­noyance, beseeged the Castell Perand: and within certayne dayes assalted & wonne the same, M. Sanroman making small hast to succour it [...] and then ouerthrew all the forces thereof, that it might neuer anoy them afterward.

CONCERNING the assembly of states appoynted to be holden by the Queene, we haue spoken before. The aunci­ent manner of France is, that before the generall assembly of States, the perticular assemblies of the states of euery prouince Assie together, that by deliberation they might determine, what should be handled in the generall assembly. This man­ner the Queene shunneth of purpose, and geueth charge to certaine exquisite persons; to go into euery prouince, and to heare the complayntes of the people, and to bring the same vn­to the king and to hir. The same authoritie she gaue also to them of the Religion, for whose affayres special prouision see­med to be made. Notwithstanding hee to whom this charge was committed, was taken at Lions, by the Lifetenant Man­delot, and was kept in warde certayne monethes.

THE Queene was much troubled in mynde, and very carefull for the auoyding of diuers dangerous straytes. For she did perceiue that they of the religion were not only sproong vp in great number, but also that they were more wyse, and by the late successe also of matters, more constant and coura­gious: [Page 138] and that therefore shee should haue a sore conflict with them. To these were added new enemies, who hauing no re­gard to religion, but only a care of ciuil affayres, would haue the gouernment reformed and in better state. And she was not ignorant how that the most famous of the nobles, were both authors and also instruments of that counsaile. Shee knew that hir sonne the Duke of Alancon was an enemy vnto hir gouernment: furthermore, that the King of Nauarre and the Prince of Conde were very angry with the perill and dammage which they had receyued in their owne persons: therefore the ambicious woman suspected that they also were of this counsaile, to remoue hir from the gouernment of the Realme. The Kings health bring past all hope of recoue­rie, and the neere approachyng of his death, was giuen out by his soothsayers (whose helpe and counsaile the Queene greatly vsed) which caused hir to feare least according to the custome of the lawes and ordinances of the Realme the gouernement of the same should bee set ouer vnto the Duke of Alancon: whereby the counsailes and deuises of hir e­nemyes, had an open way made for them to take ef­fecte.

To take away these inconueniences, the woman by long experience of matters and by gouernement in great affayres being more circumspect and subtil than the wisest, purposed to prouide all meanes and wayes. She ioyned pollicie and force together, that she might not faile to bring hir purpose to passe. She pretended the kings name in all causes & in euery place, whom notwithstanding shee made very seldome priuy to hir counsailes, bicause he was sicke, as she pretended. She ve­ry carefully prouided, that the kings armies should bee in a readines at hir commaundement, vnder the colour of warre against Languedoc, the which was certainly sayde to be pre­pared, excepte they of the Religion in Languedoc would re­ceyue these conditions commaunded in the Edicte of Rochell: And the Countie D'Retes hauing receiued a great summe of money, gathered souldiers together in Germany. Also y e end of [Page 139] hir policies was, that the authors of the new sturres should be destroyed by a new murther. Aboue the rest d'Anuil withstood these mischeuous deuises, who being far from the Courte, see­med plainly to make delay, notwithstanding that he was of­tentymes commaunded in the kings name to come: at what tyme he being in a great and large countrey most fitte & con­uenient for his purpose by reason of y e power of them of y e re­ligiō, seemed to be in possibilitie to enioy both y e kings armie, and also the noble cities therin, he beheld dayly other enemies, whō the queene sawe to be lesse appliant to do iniurie. Ther­fore there came oftentimes letters of the king to d'Anuil: that eyther setting all excuse asyde & leauing the prouince in peace he would come vnto the king, or els veryly that he should be apprehended amidst these communications of peace. And for this purpose M. Sansulpis, and M. Villeroy were sent to d'Anuil vnder the colour of peace, speciall commaundements of the Queene concerning this matter being giuen to M. Suz and Mongeron, who in those partes were of great autho­ritie among the Catholiques.

On the other parte the Queenes enemyes had their secret counsailes, the ende whereof was, that an assembly of States might bee had euen by meere commaundement, and that the gouernement of the Realme might be restored to a bet­ter state: concerning the which matter what we know, wee wil speake anon. Therfore while the Queene sent often mes­sengers into Languedoc concerning peace, both d'Anuill was diligent in his affayres, and also they of the Religion wished peace.

Neuerthelesse they of the religion made new delayes dayly by those cōmunicatiōs of peace (which they called a collation) and messengers were sent to and fro from the Courte into Languedoc. These things thus continued from Ianuary vnto the moneth of March.

AT THE laste, Henry Valoys came into Polonia, and was receyued with great pompe of the Polonians. And after that the royall Funeralles belongyng vnto [Page 140] kings was celebrated for Sigismond, The Coro­nation of the King of Po­lonia. who notwithstanding dyed in Iune in the yeere M.D.Lxxij. the newe king was crowned in a great assembly of the nobles and people of Po­lonia, at Cracouia, by the Arche bishop of Guesuen, the eigh­tenth of February of this present yeere.

M. Mombrune towarde the ende of the moneth of March, came with his armie into that parte of Daulphine, which ly­eth vppon the coast of the Riuer of Rosune, and tooke certayne smal townes, as Loriol, Liberon, Ale [...], Gran, and Roynac, and repayred the decayed walles of Liberon and Loriol. After this, he made an inroade and inuasion of all that countrey, violent­ly assayling the gates of Valence, of L'Crest, and of Montile. And he conspired against the most noble Cities, and specially against Montile the which conspiracies the Catholiques tur­ned to the destruction of many. Vppon this occasion the no­ble men of the Religion, which lay in corners vntill y e tyme, seeing the present perill that king ouer their heades, came and ioyned themselues with Mombrune.

VVE SAYD before that Orange was taken by Glandag, to giue occasions of warre. Whilest he was absent, Berchon by the helpe & industrie of certayne of the Citizens of Orange tooke the Castell and the Citie: notwithstanding parte of the townsmen were sore afearde, and they also of the Religion which dwelt there aboutes, as if Berchan would haue resto­red the Romishe Religion, and euil entreated them of the re­ligion. Neuerthelesse he going about no new thing, gaue thē to vnderstande, that hee helde the Castell and the Citie in the name of his Prince, that all Citizens, without difference of Religion might liue peaceably according to the forme of the Edicte. And so their neighbours of Auinion which seemed to be in possibilitie to get that Citie, to the which they bare al­way a priuie grudge, were put out of all hope to obtayne the same. Berchon was sayd to be very familiar with Cardinall Arminiae the Popes Legate, but not without great suspicion of a summe of money receyued.

ABOVT the same tyme, the Catholiques thought that [Page 141] they had occasion offered them to get Nismes by treasō. There is a little towne neere vnto Nismes called Margaret, of the which M. Santaial a noble man, had the gouernement with a strong garrison, who by the meanes of certayne of the Ca­tholiques of Nismes, delt with a certain captayn of the towns­men named Deron: and promised a great summe of money to tell him by what meanes he might get the Citie. The cap­tayne by and by bewrayed this matter vnto M. Sanroman the Liefetenant, who commaunded him to offer diligently hys traueile vnto Santaial, to couenant with him for his rewarde, and to appoint the day and the manner of the enterprise. Then Deron without delay, vnder colour of a priuy escape, spake with Santaial, receyued his reward, and prescribeth the day, & the manner how hee might bring his purpose to passe. The which being done, he enformed Sanroman of the whole mat­ter. The manner of this treason should be thus, namely, that one of the gates of the citie should be lefte open for Santaial to enter. Therfore the gate was left open according to couenant on the day appointed, the warders vsing greate silence: not­withstanding all things were prepared to receyue the enemy. But none of the Catholiques appeared, hauing intelligence of deceyt, notwithstanding that for this purpose bandes of the catholiques were come out of the countrey of Viuaretz & Daul­phine, and from diuers other places. About the same time also D'Anuill should haue bene taken by treason, which was be­wrayed, and the traytor hanged. These were two practises of great wayght to furder the Queenes purpose, if they had suc­cesse according to hir mynde.

ABOVT the same time, they of Villeneufe (of whom we spake before) slue certaine bandes of the Catholiques, without losse of any one of their men: and tooke a little towne called Aubenac not far from the Riuer of Rosne: and slue the Gar­rison almost which remayned of those that were slayne of Lions.

CHRISTOPHER sonne of the Counte Palatine, ioyned himselfe with Graue Lodowic, who vntill that day [Page 142] had borne no Armour, accordyng to the forme of the othe whiche hee tooke at Mountes. Who brought an ar­mie of two thousand horsemen vnto his brother the Prince of Orange. And while he taried at Mastricte the space of two monethes, looking for his footeband of Gascoines, and practi­sing by counsail in the meane tyme to take the Castel of And­werp, was at the last very sore charged with the kings po­wer in the territorie of Mokens, within the dominion of Cleueland, two myles from Nijmegen. And hauing vntill the euening valiantly withstood their force, tooke Sig. Lasso, a man of great fame among the Spaniardes. The daye following, about the breake of the day, the kings partes gi­uing a freshe assaulte, at what tyme the Graue Lodowic had sent away parte of his horsemen to prouide forrage, and the Launce knightes came on very slowly to the battaile, the Spaniardes gotte at the laste the victorie, but not without bloudshed, the chiefe Captaynes Christopher and Lodowic being loste in that conflicte: whose death was doubted a long tyme. Notwithstanding this is certayne, that they had re­ceyued so many woundes before they were slayne, that they being diligently sought for among the deade bodyes of suche as were slayne, coulde not bee knowen. Thys slaughter happened the seuentene of Aprill of thys present yeere.

About the beginning of Februarie, there brake forth newe bandes of newe men in the countrey of Poictou, which called themselues Politikes and Malecontentes: of the which some professed that they sought the reformation of the realme: other some the reuenge of their parentes and kinsmen which were slayne in the furies on Saint Barthelmewes day. These ioyned themselues with those of the Religion: who almost about the same tyme had begoon warre a freshe in the conn­trey of Poictou, hauyng Monsieur L'Noe theyr Cap­tayne.

ALSO at the same instante almoste Countie Mon­gomeri, comming out of England into Normandy, tooke [Page 143] Sanlo, and Charent, townes neere vnto the Sea coast: and in Normandy the lower he tooke the towne called Donfro. Therefore these newe commotions of the Politikes and of the Religious caused newe musters of men in those partes, and it was sayde that this was the beginning of great matters, and that many noble men would come vnto this warre. But whereunto this came we will shewe by and by.

Almost at the same tyme, namely the last of February, there was great feare in the Courte. It was tolde the Queene that there was certayne troupes of horsemen seene ryding to and fro neere vnto Sangerman, where the king at that tyme lay. This so sodayne feare caused the number to bee thought the greater. M. d'Guitri a noble man, was Captayn ouer those troupes, which cōtayned fiue hundred horsemen. The Queene tolde the king hereof, being at the poynt of death, and caused him to bee remoued out of hande from Sangerman to Paris. And shee sent messengers vnto M. d'Guitri, to know of hym in the kings name, what his entent was. Who deliuered vn­to the messengers certayne petitions concerning the reforma­tion of the Realme, and the restoring of the authoritie of the states: and so within fewe dayes after, departed, not know­ing what would ensue thereof. In the meane tyme the Queene apprehended many in the Courte, and in diuers pla­ces of Paris, whom shee thought to bee giltie of this conspi­racie: among which, of the nobilitie was M. Coconass, and d'Mole of Arles, one of the familiar frendes of the Duke of Alanson.

Also, at the same tyme the Marshalles Momorencie and Cosse were in the Courte. They within certayne dayes after, were at the commaundement of the king and Queene appre­hended by the Kings Garde, and were openly in the sight of all men, caryed into the Castell of Bastill.

The Queene also caused Rumors to be spred abroad, that they were the authors of a bolde conspiracie, concernyng the intercepting of the King, and the settyng ouer of the kyngdome to the Duke of Alancon, to the ende they [Page 144] might rule all things as they themselues lusted. Therefore she commaunding the household seruants of the king of Nauar, and of hir sonne the Duke of Alanson to be taken away, cau­sed them to be kept close prisoners, that they might go no whe­ther nor do any thing without keepers. She depriued D'Anuil also of the gouernment of Languedoc as accessarie to the sayd conspiracie: and she sent the Prince d'Alphine the sonne of Monpenser into Daulphine with great power to bee gouer­nour of Languedoc and she wrote vnto the Senat of Tholose concerning the same depriuation of d'Anuill. Also shee com­maunded the Lord d'Acier by hir letters, who was an enemy to d'Anuill, to ayde d'Alphine in the custody of Languedoc, & to bring vnto him all the power hee was able to make. All these things were done in the kings name.

Mombrune, about the very comming of the Prince D'Aul­phine, slew fiue Ensignes of footemen at a towne called Pon­tereaw.

In the meane tyme D'Anuill lay still, doing all things in the kings name: neyther did he enterprise any thing any whit the more when he vnderstood of the imprisonment of his bro­ther. But the kings letters which Prince d'Aulphine sent vn­to the lord d'Acier, were intercepted at Pusin, and came to his handes, and by that hee perceyued the treason wrought a­gainst him: then began he more openly to deale with them of the religion, and to talke also with mons. Sanroman, & to take certayne cities: but somewhat to late. For he lost the more noble cities by his long delay. But he tooke Mountpellier, Boucar, Lunell, and Pozenac and from Pozenac he was repul­sed by the treason of a certaine Captayne, to whom hee had committed both the Citie and also his daughter which was but two yeeres olde.

Two noble men beheadedAt the last, by the kings commaundement, M. Coconass, and d'Mole were arayned in the Senat of Paris, and were con­demned of high treason against the kings person & the state: for which they were put to death, and their goods confiscate to the King Rumors were spred abroad that the Momorencies [Page 145] and Marshall Cosse, were the chiefe authors of their conspira­cies: and yet notwithstanding it is euidently knowen, that neither Cononas nor d'Mole, nor any of those which were ap­prehended, had committed any such thing. Men sayd that the Duke of Alanson sought to flee vnto Lodowic Nassau, bicause he knew that treason was practised against him. The Senate doubted to condemne them for this cause: for that the house of Nassau were called by the king in his Edicte, his frendes. But to the ende the treason might appere by the confession of those that were apprehended, the king pronounced Lodowic Nassau to be his enimy. And so the Senate gaue sentēce against them. Amidst these domesticall confusions of the courte, all things were ordered either by blinde treason, or els by mad violence. Wyse men blamed much the lingering delay of y e Marshals, who deferring the tyme, loste all occasions to bring any thing well to passe: and so behaued themselues, that they seemed ne­uer so much as to haue those matters in their thought. Not­withstanding it was certainly reported, that a great number of the nobilitie of France, abhorring long ago the gouerne­ment of the Queene, and of straungers, bicause they were not only reiected, but were also in daunger of their lyfe to fill vp those furies on Saint Barthelmewes day, had determined to reuyue againe the authoritie of the States, and to reforme all things according to the prescript of the auncient lawes of the Realme. To this also there was added a newe cause, namely the dispayred health of the King. Therefore he being dead, it was sayd, that their purpose was to giue the gouernement of the Realme vnto the Duke of Alanson, in the absence of his brother, which was next heire vnto the Crowne. It was also necessarie for the peace and tranquilitie of the Realme, that Religion should be prouided for. We will in another place set downe the forme of that protestation, in the which d'Anuill declareth the causes why he armed him selfe.

Treason also was practised against the Prince of Conde. Who at that tyme was at Amiens, the chiefe citie of Picardie. And hauing intelligence of the treason, went out of Amiens a [Page 146] hunting, as he pretended, according to his woonted manner: and so comming home to his house, & making M. Tore one of the brethrē of Momorencie acquainted with his purpose, came with all posting speed into Germany, where he was very cur­teously receyued.

Within few dayes after, y e king of Nauar published a bil, by which he clered himself from all suspiciō of the said cōspiracie against y e king. Men said y t this was made by the subtil prac­tise of y e Queene, y t the hatred & spite of y e whole matter might light vppō the heades of y e Marshals. And thus he beginneth.

‘Bicause I vnderstand that certaine deceyuers haue disho­nestly and wickedly spred abroad false rumors concernyng mee, by the which to the dishonour of my name, that duetie which I owe vnto my soueraigne Lord the King, is brought in doubt, as though I were partaker of that conspiracie lately reuealed at Sangerman: I haue (I say) for this cause intrea­ted the Kings maiestie to giue me leaue to write these things, thereby euidently to signify my will vnto all men. Therfore my desire is that all men know, that the same matter is most false & fayned, & such as neuer came in my mynde. And I am so far from being giltie of this facte, that I am rather perswa­ded (according to the bonde both of nature, and also of deuine and humane lawes) to spende my lyfe and goods, and to loose my frendes, for the dignitie of my soueraigne Lord the King and the safetie of his faithfull subiectes, and by all manner of meanes to withstand their enterprises, who being Rebelles to the King, doe trouble the peace and tranquilitie of y e realme. The lyke bill also was seuerally published by the Duke of Alanson.

VVE spake before concerning the comming of Countie Mongomerie into Normandy. And, hee was not long in the towne of Sanlo, but M. Matigon the Kings Lefetenant of the lower Normandy beseeged the same. So soone as Mongome­rie sawe that the same was beseeged, after deliberation had, he went out of the towne with a hundred and threescore horse­men, (for he had not two hundred in all) and came to Danfro, [Page 147] which, as we sayd before, he had taken. Danfro is a little town of the lower Normandy, in the territorie of Passi the Duke of Alansons dominion, which towne was hitherto obscure, and now by the calamitie of Mongomerie made famous, beyng walled rounde about with a weake wal, yet notwithstanding fortified with a strong Castell: all along the same ran the ri­uer of Meisne. Mongomerie purposed for the refreshing of his horses to tarry there certayne dayes, and then to ioyne him selfe to the succours of his fellowes, which came dayly out of diuers partes of Normandy and of other quarters therabouts. So soone as Mons. Matigon heard hereof, how y t Mongomerie was within the walles of Donfro, he came without delay to Donfro, leauing parte of his armie at the seege of Sanlo: and with the sounde of Trumpets gathered together from all partes a great number of those countrey men, and sent vnto the King for more ayde. There came therefore vnto him of the Kings Souldiers from all places: the citie was beseeged, and the walles sodenly battered with great guns. Mongomerie at the first sought to deliuer him selfe out of the towne: the which when he could not doe, hee lefte the Citie, and tooke the Castell. He had with him scarce a hundred and fyftie Souldiers: who being out of hope, sought all oc­casions, eyther by colour of eruption, or by parley to flee vn­to the enemie. The Castell was battered with ordinance. The fyrst charge Mongomerie valiantly withstoode, to the great hurte of his enimies: but when he sawe that his men fell away from him, and that hee wanted things necessa­rie for the defence of hym selfe and the Castell, hee desi­red to parley with M. Matigon: and yelded him selfe and his men vnto hym vppon certayne conditions: namely that hee and his might departe with their lyues: that for certaine dayes hee might go whether hee would: and that hee should departe without losse of lyfe in safetie so soone as he had de­liuered vp the Castell. And thus hee yelded vp the cas­tell and hym selfe to M. Matigon. Then the Kynges Souldiers runnyng through the breaches of the walles [Page 148] into the Castell, slue whomsoeuer they met contrary to their fayth and promise. And Mongomeri was by and by brought vnto the King. But what was decreed concerning him, wee will shewe hereafter. And within fewe dayes Saulo and Cha­rent were yelded vp to the King. This was the successe of Mongomeries warre. He was taken the xxvij. day of May of this yeere.

THE King was sicke dayly more and more. And being sore greeued and payned certayne monethes, The death of king Charles dyed the thirtie day of May, being Whitsunday, otherwise called Pentecoste: he being of the age of xxv. yeeres. All monumēts and chroni­cles will for euer declare that his raigne and tyme of gouern­ment, was most disquiet and troublesome with cruell & out­ragious garboyles of ciuill warres, notable with examples of vnspeakeable treason and crueltie, and most lamentable to all the inhabitantes of France, all order being troden vnder foote by the subtill practises of straungers. His sicknesse was won­derfully cloaked and in secrecie couered: wherefore I cannot perticularly expresse any thing for certayne. Tyme shall dis­couer and bewray euery circumstance. Most certayn it is, that he was sicke of a bloudy flixe. And it is reported for truth a­mong the greater parte, that y e bloud issued from diuers partes of his body, that in his bed hee tumbled and tossed and could take little rest, horribly cursing and blaspheming the name of God, which he had vsed to doe euen from his childehood, and that in great fume and anger hee called and repeated often­tymes the name of the Momorencies. And bicause it was ve­hemently suspected that he was poysoned, to make him with more ease to vomit (men say) that hee was bolstered vp with pillowes that his feete might lye hyer than his head, whereby he cast out such abundant store of bloud, that hee dyed within fewe houres after: And he did nothing but blaspheme vntill the last gaspe. Concerning his last will and testament, as the Queene offered the same to the Senat of Paris, we wil speake in another place.

VVE spake before of the victorie gotten ouer the Prince [Page 149] of Oranges parte at Neijmegen. The Spaniards being proud­ly puffed vp with the successe thereof, foure thousand of them, to whom Don d'Auila, Liefetenant of the Castell of And­werpe, and also Captayne of the armie had promised the paye of xxxviij. monethes, which was due vnto them, if they gotte the victorie against Lodowic: these foure thousand, I say, ray­sing sedition against the Citie of Andwerpe (being the most famous and rich towne of Marchantes in all Europe) brake foorth in the night by a bridge which they had set to the wals, the Spaniardes which were in the Castel suffering the same. Then comming into the market place, & placing watche and ward in diuers places, made a great crye for payment of their money: threatning the general spoyle of the Citie if they were not satisfied out of hande. Concerning the which matter, while the Citizens of Andwerpe consulted with the Kings deputie, the Spaniardes in the meane tyme by the space of two mo­nethes spoyled and tooke their pleasure of the Citie in moste shamefull manner. The Duke Reguizens the Kings deputie, fayning that he was greatly displeased with this sedition of the Spaniardes, (for there are some which beleue that he was the author and cause of all that tumult, bicause the states of the low countrey had before that tyme refused to pay that money which he often tymes required of them) hauing at the last ob­tayned of the Spaniards y e summe of CCCC.M. Crownes, pardoned the Spaniardes for the sedition, and professed with taking an othe that he would neuer for that matter eyther ge­nerally or particulerly execute any punishment vppon them: whereat all the States were not a little offended. For of this tumult this happened, that the Prince of Oranges parte be­ing greatly abashed with the slaughter at Nijmegen, receyued now agayne courage and boldnes, all the whyle that the Spaniardes continued the tumult in Andwerpe. Moreouer it happened that while the Spaniardes were occupied in recey­uing & paying of money, on Whitsunday in Saint Michaels house, which standeth vppon the key or shore of the Riuer of Scelde, the Prince of Oranges Nauie, tooke and caryed out of [Page 1410] the chanell of Schelde in the sight of many standers by vp­pon the shore, foure and twentie shippes of warre, laden with gunnes, armour, and victual. This is most certayne, that there could happen nothing more conuenient to promote the af­fayres of the Prince of Orange, nor any thing more ef­fectuall to ouerthrow the force of the Spaniardes, than that tumult raysed in Andwerpe. The which shal dayly more and more appere by the suc­cesse of the same.

Yea come Lord Iesu.

¶TO THE READER.

FOrsomuch as in this histo­rie we haue in diuers places briefly touched the affayres of the low countrey, wee thought it necessary to adde to the ende of this worke this Epistle fol­lowing, which contayneth a summe of the tumults of the low countrey: The same being at the first publi­shed in the Dutch tong in the yeere of our Lord. M.D.LXXIII. in the moneth of September, & afterward by a certaine Dutchman turned in­to Latine, and sent vnto vs with this title as followeth.

¶A Supplication to the Kings Ma­iesty of Spain, made by the Prince of Orange, the States of Hol­lande and Zealand, with al other his faithful subiects of the lowe Coūtreyes, presently suppressed by the tyrannie of the Duke of Alba, and Spaniardes. By which is declared the original beginning of the commotions and troubles hap­pened in the saide lowe countrey.

MOst Soueraigne Lord, your Maiesties most obedient and lamenting subiectes of the lowe Countreyes, as they haue often pondered with them selues, the natural affectiō and fatherly good inclina­tion, whiche your Maiestie hath (since the time that your grace by the power of almightie God receiued the domini­on and regiment of the sayde countries) alwayes and con­tinually shewed: so haue they had a sure hope and vndoub­ted affiaunce, that your Maiestie as well vppon their daily complaintes and lamentations, as vpon the pitifull decla­rations and remonstrances of some christian Princes and Potentates vnto your Maiestie, mercifully haue conside­red of our pitiful and most miserable suppression, wherwith wee by reason of the great and vnsupportable force, arro­gancy, and wicked regiment of the Duke of Alba are sup­pressed, and mercifully haue regarded the most miserable ruine and destruction of these your natural lowe coun­treys, who alwayes haue bin most faithfull and obedient, both to your Maiestie, and also your Graces predecessours. Not doubting but that your Maiestie woulde greeuously haue been moued, that hee vnder pretence of protecting and defending the Romish religion, vnder the colour of your Maiesties name, shoulde presume to frustrate and breake all y e priuileges, customes, & rightes, wherunto your Ma­iestie [Page] and your predecessours haue sworne, persecuting your faithfull subiectes in body and goodes, and destroying your countries, in none other sort, but as if he had declared himselfe to bee an open enemy of your Maiestie and the subiectes of the same.

Therefore haue they alwayes earnestly attended, that your Maiestie no longer suffering the sayde force, woulde haue prouided some conuenient meanes for y e safegarde of your countreys, and deliueraunce of your poore and sup­pressed subiectes, and haue a respect to the duetifull office of a king, whom the almighty God, the king of all kings hath placed and ordeined as a protectour of the righteous, and a fatherly pastor of the people vnder your subiectiō, to defend and preserue them from all force and violence: and like­wise to remember the manifolde and faithfull seruices, which your saide countries and subiectes, haue from tyme to time most faithfully don to your Maiestie and your pre­decessours.

But they nowe (to their extreme greeke) considering that all their former supplications are as nothing regarded and in vaine, and that all other the remonstrances of sun­drye Princes and Potentates, haue sorted no such effect as might haue turned to their comfort and consolation, and they in their consciences assuring themselues, that your Maiestie hath no reasonable occasion vpon euil wil or dis­pleasure, so to alienate and turne your selfe from your la­mentable subiectes: can not but vndoubtedly suspect, that through malice and false information of some, who ha­uing more regarde to their priuate lust and appetite, thā to the seruice of your Maiesty, haue dayly laboured to bring your Maiesties countryes into your displeasure, Wherein they haue alwayes most manifestly and vnfainedly preten­ded and trauayled, not onely by letting and defending that our humble supplications and faithfull warnings shoulde come to your Maiesties eares, misconstruing the same to [Page] the worst, and peruersly accusing them to your Maiestie, therby to bring the countrey into dissention and commo­tion, and so vnder your name to suppresse and make deso­late the same, and so with the goods and bloud of your sub­iectes to quench their greedy and vnsatiable appetite.

This is that (O most soueraigne King) which your sayd subiectes do, and haue not without occasion esteemed to be the greatest calamitie that might happen vnto them, as cō ­sidering that the way and meanes wherby they might complayne and shewe their griefes to your Maiestie, as to their bountiful and natural Protector (so by God appoin­ted as a refuge in their extremitie) is by the vngodly dea­ling of their enimies taken away from them: a thing whi­che alwayes hath bin permitted to vnreasonable creatures: namely to suffer them in their extremitie and neede to sue for remedy and redresse.

And therfore although they had resolued & taken in hand with patience to attende the time of redresse, thinking y t your Maiestie would at last haue opened your eares and eyes to heare and see their miserable estate, frō which your Maiesty by reason of their said euil willers is now letted. But now considering in the end their suppression, the lon­ger the more to encrease and to become more vnsufferable, tending not onely to their damage and destruction, but also of your maiesties heritage & countries, which in times past haue florished in all prosperitie, & now come to ruine: they could not for the faithfull obedience and aliance sake wherin they are bound to your Maiestie and their natiue countrey, but nowe once againe by writing, request your Maiestye to consider and weigh the originall occasion of the desolation of your countries, and by whose meanes the same is come to passe, and consequently execute the office of a true King, in defending the righteous, and deliuering your countries from this tiranny and oppression.

And first wee humbly beseeche your Maiestie to call to [Page] minde and consider, that these your countries in times past hauing bin deuided amongst sundry Lordes and rulers, are since by mariages, agreementes, and mutual treaties, in time, and orderly by lawfull succession and conueni­ences come vnder the house of Burgondie, and afterwardes, by meanes of mariages contracted with the most famous house of Austria, and consequently allied with the moste mightie kingdome of Spaine, yet alwayes with expresse condition, that euery and singular the countries and pro­uinces should possesse and enioy their owne policies, rights and liberties in tymes paste accustomed, without that any prouince or countrey should be burdened of the domi­nion of the other, or by any meanes be depriued of their customes or liberties, but be bound ioyntly to lyue one with another vnder one Prince and head, as many chil­dren vnder one father, to the intent with one accorde to defende their Prince and common weale against al stran­gers and forraine force.

Also the Princes of the countrey willing as fathers to shewe and declare their loue and affection to euery one, did at their solemnizatiō and entring into their dominion and rule, by a solempne othe bynde themselues to vse and kepe eche country in their rightes and franchises, without suffering that any of them should be enfringed or demini­shed, or that y e one Prouince shold haue dominion or rule o­uer the other, much lesse be subiect vnto any foraine domi­nion or power: vppon which conditions he is accepted and taken as a supreme Lord and Gouernour ouer the coun­tries, and thereuppon receyueth the othe of obedience and faithfulnesse of his subiectes.

Of which the premises needeth not any further or larger rehersal, whilest that vndoubtedly your maiestie doth suf­ficiently remembre, howe that the Emperour Charles, of most noble memorie, following the presidentes of his pre­decessours, and acknowledging that the sayde othe of so­lemnization [Page] is the onely and right fundation, vpon which doth consist aswel the might and authoritie of a Prince, as the faith and obedience of his subiectes, did in his life time, & presence of your maiestie, cause your Maiestie to receiue the sayde countries vnder the sayde othe, and sware your Maiestie to the ioyful income in al the landes & most of the townes, as next successour and onely heire of his emperiall maiestie: and afterwardes the same Emperal maiestie de­parting out of these countries, and your Maiesty receiuing the full dominion, and administration of the Lande, did once againe, in presence of the deputied of the countries then assembled, rehearse & strongly confirme the saide pri­uileges. So that in al times past the sayde countries haue enioyed & bin ruled by their former priuileges & liberties.

Out of which hath followed such faithfulnesse and obe­dience of the subiectes towards their Prince, and such vni­tie and loue amongest eche other, that the countries by god his prouidence, haue florished with most happie prosperitie, the Princes then adorned with all honour and high digni­ties, and greatly redoubted and feared of their enimies.

And because it needes not to rehearse any thing out of the olde histories, being notwithstanding explenished with many presidents, it hath appeared in all the warres of the Emperiall maiestye, what earnest care hee had to the de­fence and mayntenaunce of his countries in rest and qui­etnesse.

Likewise your Maiesty can wel remember, that he ta­king his leaue of these coūtries, did specially and earnestly recommend the state thereof vnto your maiestye: Yea your maiestie being at his arriuall burdened with gree­uous warres and extreeme charges, hath by experience founde that all your subiectes both great and smal, euerye one to his state & abilitie, haue bin readie to venture bothe life and goods in seruice of your Maiestie. Wherein aswell the Lords and nobles, as commons, haue so acquited and [Page] behaued themselues, that your maiestie hath vanquished and ouercome your enimies, gotten great prayse and re­nowne of al kings and potentates, and made a finall end of al warres & dissentions, wherwith many yeares before your auncetors and countries were troubled.

Now if it might please your Maiestie, (which your la­mentable and faithful subiectes do most humbly require) to enquire of and consider the original occasions of the altera­tions of such & good quiet prosperitie, into such miserable commotions and extremities, wherwith the countries are now suppressed: your maiestie shall find them to spring out of the malice and enuie whiche some (being about your Maiestie) do beare to the prosperitie and welfare wherwith God almightie hath blessed your countries and subiectes.

Which enuie and cancred malice, being further incen­sed & stuffed with vnsatiable auarice & vnmeasurable prodi­galitie, hath brought thē to such crueltie and tirannie, that they altogether forgetting al affection & seruice which they did owe vnto the countrey wherein they haue gotten great honour & benefites, haue (to y e great preiudice of the seruice of your Maiestie and common wealth of these countries) prooured by all meanes and practises this most haynous fyre of commotion, to thintent to aspire to the dignity sur­passing the states of the lande, yea of your maiestie.

And knowyng wel that to compasse that deuise, it was a matter impossible, the customes and liberties of the coū ­tryes remayning in force, which do altogether contrarye their wicked pretence: considering besides, howe diligent and faithfull they of the saide countries were euery one in his vocation (according to their othe) to stand to the main­tenaunce of the same: they attempted in peruerse manner to interprete to your Maiestie the doings and procedings of the Lordes, gouernours, and states of the land, ten­ding to the mayntenaunce of the sayd rightes, and liber­ties, in suche sorte as if they tended to disobedience or re­bellion [Page] towardes your Maiestie.

Amongst which, specially some being spirituall persons, haue by all meanes attempted and sought, vnder pretence and shadowe of religion to confederate wyth other fo­raine prelates, and so by secret attempts and practises, to bring the countrie in hatred of your Maiestie, to thin­tent that they with their confederates which are by oth al­lyed not with your Maiestie, but with straunge rulers and countries in Italie, and else where, specially with the Pope of Roome, might here beare rule and gouernaunce, &c. and as possibilitie and commoditie serued, to enlarge and con­firme the same.

For when they first, perceiued that in all the countries here abouts yea ouer all Christendome, their rude and manifest abuses, and errours, by reason of the negligence and auarice of the priestes were discribed, and specially whē it began to greeue the chiefe & notablest persons, that they which ought onely to meddle with instructing of the peo­ple, in the faith and feare of God, and to execute his seruice with all fidelitie, according to the example of the Prophe­tes and Apostles, did in steade therof, not onely contrarye to God his commaundement, but also to the decrees of the former Popes, and to al ordinances of the old counsels, yea against all statutes and vsages of Princes and countries take vppon them to deale in worldly and Ciuil pollicies: yea also in matters touching warfare and rule of countries, seeking to suppresse all degrees, and to reserue the generall gouernement too themselues, taking in hande too bring all estates in disdaine and hatred of the Princes, aswell the subiects of your Maiestie, as of diuers other kinges and Potentates, accusing them slaunderously with sedi­tion and rebellion: whereby they haue styrred and pro­uoked in all cuntries, troubles, and dissention, warres and bloudshed, setting the subiectes at discorde with their [Page] rulers, and the rulers against the subiectes, and generally turned all things vpside downe, and brought in execrable confusion & errour, not esteeming who was endamaged, so as they might atchieue the accomplishment of their rule and dominion, and bring all things vnder their rule and aucthoritie.

And to that intent, haue they sought, to plant in this countrey the inquisition, deuised and inuented in Spaine, by certaine Iewes, and Renegados, by that meanes to breake all priuileges, rightes, and auncient customes, and to make frustrate all sworne contracts, vsages, and counselles, and so to get a full power and dominion ouer all your Maie­sties faithfull seruants, which stand to the othe whiche they haue made to your Maiestie, not acknowledging any fo­raine Lords, spiritual or temporal, which might seeke by false accusations to impute vnto your subiectes, heresie & rebellion, to the intent thereby to attaine to their purpose.

For better accomplishing whereof haue they by force vrged and brought in the newe Bishops, contrary to all landrights, and sworne priuileges, to the empairing of your Maiesties aucthoritie: chosing them not for vertue, prudēce, or learning (being most of them, of the most rude and vn­learnedst sort) but onely for that they take them, as faithful and true assistentes, in the executing of their tiranny and crueltie.

Their saide vngodly enterprises and consequences of the same being the longer the more espied, haue the most nota­blest Lords, Gouernours, and Gentlemen, with the tow­nes and countrey, giuen intelligence & knowledge to your Maiestie by continuall supplications, remonstrances and other possible meanes, howe much the aucthoritie of your Maiestie should be empaired, shortened and deminished, by the said Inquisitors and Bishops, being most of them strā ­gers and outlanders, by othe bound vnto foraine Princes, and (as they pretende) exempt of your iurisdiction, and [Page] by the same haue alleged the euident impossibilitie to bring in such innouations, and nouelties, but that it would tend to the vtter ruine and destruction of the whole countrie: seing that it was most apparant that the bringing in therof was but a borowed cloake to shadow their doings, in abusing of your Maiestie, and suppressing of suche as would controle their wicked and moste notorious procedings and abuses, whiche they themselues can scarce conceale. Of which the number in these countries is so greate and manifolde, and dayly doth yet more encrease: that if your Maiestie would haue bin ruled by their persuasions and counsel in executing of rigour and extremities, they would haue made your Ma­iestie a king without subiects, and your subiects without rulers, as is most notorious by the innumerable number of those, which in these countries haue vnder pretence of reli­gion bene executed and murthered, aswell with fyre and water as with the sword: besides an infinite multitude whi­che are fled out of the countrie, bearing with them all occu­pations and notable sciences to the instructing of others, & vnspeakeable preiudice of your Maiestie and countries.

Whereupon your Maiestie was in the ende occasioned to a myld moderation of the placardes, by the same decla­ring that your meaning was not to bring in the Inquisi­tion: which likewise was by the Duchesse of Perma, and the Lordes and Gouernours of the countrie in the behalfe of your Maiestie, solemnly promised to all the Townes and subiects, and accordingly published by open proclamations, by commaundement of the Magistrates. But shortly after, all that was ouer turned by meanes of the aforsaide per­sons, who in deed seeme to haue firmely perswaded your maiestie, that such was to the diminishing of your maiesties reputation and dignitie, vniustly alleadging, that your sub­iects woulde withdrawe them selues from the duetifull o­bedience of your maiestie. So that it is euident that your maiestie vpon their informations, was moued to sende the [Page] Duke of Alba out of Spaine into these countries, to the in­tent with armes and force to compel your Maiesties sub­iectes, to that whiche they of them selues haue with al hu­militie and obedience at all times offered.

And notwithstanding that the aforesaide Lordes and Townes of these countries had good occasion to thinke that they shoulde be greatly wronged through force of foraine souldiours, and rule of a straunge Gouernour, not being of their Countrie, nor of your Maiesties kinred or descent, but such a one as did beare towardes them a most cancred hatred, had meanes sufficient to preuent his comming into the countrey: yet because hee came in the name of your Maiestie, and to make euident that they had not rebelled or declined from the obedience of your Maiestie, trusting to their cōscience and right, haue willingly and honorably receiued him with all suche as it pleased your Maiestie to sende with him, opening to him the gates of the Townes, deliuered into his handes the fortresses and strong holdes, and entertayned garrisons, onely for that he declared, that such was the will and pleasure of your Maiestie to be ther­by assured of the fidelitie and obedience of your subiectes, which were accused to your Maiestie as rebels and tray­tours. Therefore, reason would haue required, that the a­foresaid Duke of Alba should by al meanes and diligence haue informed your Maiestie of such your subiects true o­bedience and inclination: and before hee had proceeded to the executiō of rigour, taken good & ful information of their complaintes: and chiefly touching the bringing in of these newe Bishops and Inquisitors, contrarying God and all rightes, and that vppon good and true report therof made to your Maiestie, redresse and remedie might haue bene had.

But nowe cleane contrarywise, so soone as he was re­ceyued and was in possession of the force and rule of the Countrey, hath without keping of any order of Iustice, or [Page] hauing regarde to the landrightes and priuileges wherun­to your Maiestie is sworne: not onely put to death and chased away the most part of the Lords and gouernours of these countries, by your Maiestie elected and placed, but al­so generally declared all the priuileges and liberties to bee forfaited, and the Countrie to be vsed as a countrie newly conquested by force of armes, to the vse of him and his as­sociates, and so consequently freely to deale with the liues and goods of your subiectes, as their lustes and appetites shall require.

And if possibly might be layde before your Maiesties eyes the excessiue force and not heard off cruelties which here haue bin vsed since the beginning of his gouernement, by spoyling, robbing, chasing away, and desolating: by ap­prehending, taking, banishment, and confiscating of goods, yea by burning, hanging, heading, hacking, racking, & most horrible and not before heard off tormentes and murthe­rings of the Subiects of your Maiestie, aswell Noble as innoble, poore as rich, yong as old, widowes and orphanes, men, women, and yong maidens, of what state, qualitie, or condition soeuer they were: we doubt not but that your Maiestie would be amazed to heare the rehearsall thereof: yea and woulde be greeued at the same, that vnder your name such vnnaturall crueltie and tyrannie should be vsed as neither Phalaris, Nero, Pharao, Herode, or any other Hea­then Tyrant could haue inuented the like, as now is vsed towardes your faithfull subiects, which with their liues & goods haue alwayes laboured to keepe the Crown on your Maiesties head, against al your enimies.

And that your Maiestie would also haue taken remorse of so many innocent infants chased away out of their na­tiue Country into straunge lands: so many poore widowes and orphanes, and also vppon the lamentable cry of the whole Countrie whiche nowe are suppressed by this moste horrible tirant.

For there is none whiche could defende or preserue his goods from their auarice, their wiues or daughters from their filthy lustes, or their liues from their bloudthirstinesse. Nobilitie, Riches, manhood, or good seruice done in times past, coulde nothing preuaile, if once he was entred into hatred of them. And without taking regard to the Iu­disdictions or ordinarie courses of the countrie, hath stop­ped the Iurisdictions of all Iustices, either in ciuil or cri­minal causes which in any wise concerne the confiscations pronounced in his bloudy Counsel, in such sorte as neither spirituall or temporall persones, widowes or orphanes, hospitals, Spittels, Lazarous houses, or other whiche had good and deuable reuenues, amongst that confiscated goods, coulde get any payment or satisfaction. But the Duke of Alba hath gotten all into his hands, without any minde to discharge any the premisses, notwithstanding the diuers and earnest solicitations and requestes to him made in that behalfe by the states of the Countries, delaying the poore agreeued subiectes with dilatorie and vnfounded a­postillations, the one alwayes contrarying the other, and without sending ouer the matters to the prouincial Coun­sels or ordinary Iustices, to the intent to make thē despaire of any satisfaction to be made by the courte, where by pro­ces they haue bin summoned to their excessiue charge, and vppon summes of small value haue bene forced to grea­ter charges than the principall hath amounted vnto, not suffering any lawful transport to be made of any one debte for the other. To consider what number of honest wo­men and yong maydens they haue with force and violence rauished, and that the one after the other: yea misused some euen to the death. Howe often haue they compelled the husband to remaine with the wife, and the father with the daughter, to force them with their eyes to beholde their most vilanous filthinesse, and made them as instrumentes to the accomplishing of their luxurious luste, vsing suche [Page] vnnatural and beastly fashions, that wee are in a manner abashed and astonied to declare the same to your Maiesty. Howe often hath it happened, that the husbande seeking to defende his wife or daughter of their rauishment, that they haue altogither as furious curres, run out of the house to­gither crying Spania, Spania, murthering a number of the poore commons. How m ny women gret with childe haue they ript vp the bellies of, and murthered the fruite in their wombes.

Haue they not fleyed and pulled off the skinne of some men being aliue, and headded their drummes with the same skin? others haue they not tosted with smal fires, nipped thē with red burning tongs euen to the death, and consequent­ly murthered a number, and made them dye a hundreth deathes? How many women haue they chased from their husbands, and children from their parentes: yea what is there vnder the heauens so honest or holy which they haue not defiled and troden vnder foote? Verily amongest all o­ther Nations, yea amongst the cruellest. the burying of the dead, hath alwayes bin permitted and reuerenced.

But this Tirant in the despyte of God and nature, is so obstinate and peruerse, that hee hath caused to be taken out of the graue the carcasses of the dead, and conueied vn­der the gallowes, vnder pretence that some of them dying without shrifte, & others without houseling, had forfaited their goods, which he tooke as confiscated. What is there a­mongst men more holy and honest, than is the state of Ma­trimonie being the only and true foundation of all mutu­al loue & frendship, the original of the loue, bond of peace, & the direct way of al dealings amongst men: wherof this Tyrant maketh so little accompte, that hee seuereth the men from their wiues, and the wiues from their husbands, being ioyned togither in the congregation before God and his Angels, cleane contrary to the commaundement and institution of almightie God, and rightes, & al vnder pre­tence [Page] that they were ioyned togither in the way of heresie: but to say truth, it is onely in spoyling manner, to matche the beautifull and riche Matrons with his Souldiers and ruffians, and finally by his crueltie burst in sunder the ori­ginall bande tending to the intertayning of all mutuall loue: murthering and killing the women which in time of extremitie had releeued their husbands, and the children for succoring the necessitie of their parents, yea those which had only with a letter comforted any of them. And to the ende that nothing should by him be left vndefiled, hath he troden in most despitefull manner vnder foote the most holy Sa­crament of Baptisme, whereby we are incorporated in the body of Iesus Christ and communion of God his Church, willing and commaunding that those children which were Christened openly and lawfully according to the instituti­on of Iesus Christ, in the name of the Father, Sonne, and holy Ghost, should once agayne be baptised, vnder pretence that they were Christened as Heretiques, and repugnant contrary to all godly and naturall rightes, ordinances of the Church, and decrees of Councels.

Furthermore it needeth not to rehearse to your Maiesty, the greeuous exactions inuented by him, one after another, and without measure doth vrge of the poore commons, as the hundrethes, twenties, yea the tenth penie, of all goodes, mouables and immouables, of all goodes bought and solde, demaunding, yea and vrging by execution contrary to the aduice and counsell of all estates in these countries, not of the cleare gaines of the same, but the tenth, and twentie pe­nie of the capitall summe of all sales. Whereby not only all trades and trafficques, are abandoned out of the land, but likewise the subiects of the same, depriued from the getting of the liuing, of them, their wiues, and children. And not­withstanding that the states, haue at sundry times done their endeuour largely to infourme the said Duke of y e in­conueniences which might follow vpō the said demaund: [Page] and requested that he would in their behalfe aduertise your Maiestie thereof: woulde not hearken to them but shaked them off without any comfort: although he was by inter­cession of the counsell and estates of the lande therevnto most earnestly instanced, and so thereby caused the decay of al marchandise, compelled the inhabitants through misery to flee away into other countries. And yet it is apparant, y t when any necessitie is towards for paymēt of the soul­diers, no money is to be had, in such sort that the Spanishe souldiers are at after dele in their payment xxviij. moneths and the Dutch most of them constrayned to goe a begging from dore to dore: of whiche some haue by famine and mi­serie perished. Notwithstanding the great summes which the states haue leuied & paid to the paying of the said soul­diers, and yet neuerthelesse haue his garnisons consumed and eaten out the most part of y e townes, and suppressed y e same with y e Seruitio, which they haue bin forced to minister to the said Spanish souldiers, and those which haue gyuen most money, as well to him, as to Don Frederico, or any of theirs, haue bin the first that were discharged of the sayde bondage of Seruitio. With whiche garrisons he hath most vexed y e townes situated within the hart of the countrie: leauing the borders and other places of importāce without any garison, wherby in some places, things are come to al­teration: besides that by reason of lacke of pay, his Spanish soldiers are fallen into a most licentious and vnspeakeable order of life, threatning, beating, robbing, spoyling, & by all maner of cruell exactions vsing your subiects: whereby is manifest, that vnder pretence of your Maiesties name and religiō, he setteth nothing but to fyll his greedy and bloud­thirsty appetite, being to the contrary most notorious that he hath so litle regard to the seruice of your Maiesty, as to the maintenāce of the commō weale of the low countries, which he suffereth vtterly to perish and goe to ruine.

But what nedeth it w t words to expresse this, as if he had [Page] not sufficiētly manifested wherunto his proceedings haue tended, shewing it being blinded with his most vnsatiable presumpteousnesse, and desire of vaine glory: as in a token of a Tropheum, or signe of victorie in his notorious procee­dings, as before rehearsed hath caused to be erected within the castel of Andwerpe, a brasen Image standing vpon the nobilitie and states of the countrye. Wee leaue nowe vnrehearsed what his meaning was thereby, but when, or where, hath it bene seege that any Tirant in his life time hath caused any such Image to be erected. Wee find that the Romaine Emperours & Kings, which in a maner had brought the whole worlde vnder their subiection, haue sometimes caused to be erected Images of brasse & stone: as at this presēt the Popes of Rome, who pretend to he gods vicar, yet it is done by ordinaunce and consent of the coū ­sell and commons, or at the least by their aduise and suffe­raunce: but that they in their life time haue done such, is not to be found by any examples or Cronicles, considering it to be a manifest token of madde arrogancie and insup­portable prid. We finde onely that Nabuchodonozar, who caused himselfe to be honoured as a God, set vp the like I­mage, commaunding all men to kneele and bowe vnto the same: yet durst hee not do it but by consent of the chiefe and nobles of his countrie.

But this Tirant doth aswel in his presumpteous arro­gantie as in execrable tirannie surpasse all other tiraunts: who as though he woulde not onely aduaunce himselfe to the roome of theking, but likewise in God his place: hathe without the aduise, counsell, or ordinaunce of any, in his life time erected this proud Image, to the defacing and em­paring of your Maiesties dignity, shewing therby his force and tyranny wherewith he hath subdued and brought vn­der foote these countries.

And in like manner he hath not bene afraide, following the example of the tirant Herode: to place himselfe vppon [Page] the market place of Andwerpe, in your Maiesties stoole and cloth of estate: which neuer had bin touched by any Lief­tenant before, sitting there representing the absence of your Maiestie, as an Idol, and vnder pretence of publishing of a pardon: which neuer Queene, Duke, or any Gouernours or Gouernaunts of these countries haue done the like: ten­ding to the manifest disestimation and abasing of your Maiesties honour and dignitie.

These proceedings, most soueraigne king are become so apparant and euident vnto all the worlde, that all straunge nations, and Potentates, haue a terrour and execration therat, insomuch as euen the Duke of Alba his souldiours, and seruantes, doe protest and say, that they can not esteeme such for good, much lesse that the seruice of your Maiestie, and welfare of the countrie, should therin consist.

Besides, that we can not thinke that your Maiestie be­ing therof sufficiently and truely infourmed, would permit such forces and violences, for it was neuer heard that any King or Potentate, hath so vnmercifully dealt with his subiects. Your Maiesties auncetours of most famous me­morie, haue in most milde and Gentle maner behaued them selues towardes their subiectes, that they haue therof giuen a most laudable example not only to their successours, but also to other Christian Princes, Dukes, and rulers, that when so euer any dissention was risen betweene the sub­iects and Magistrates, by reason of misgouernement, and taken armes in hande: and being againe brought vnder o­bedience by their Lordes and rulers, were neuer molested with these examples of crueltie, but by expresse capitulation from word to word, confirmed all their priuileges and li­berties, and the same to enioy their full effect.

So as wee shoulde greatly wrong your Maiestie, if wee should perswade our selues that your Maiestie were so far diuerted from the example of your predecessours, and from the duetie of all other Christian Princes and Potentates, [Page] that in stead of ministring right and Ius ice to your obedi­ent subiects, and giuing audience to their most pitiful com­plaintes, should sende such a tirant in such sort crueltie to murther them, destroying the country, and burthening your subiects w t most intollerable slauery, seruitude, & thraldom.

And nowe the saide Duke presenting vnto vs his fay­ned pardons, vnder the name of your Maiestie, for our re­bellions and misdemeanours (as he termeth them) we could not accept the same without depriuing of your Maiesties dignitie.

Knowing wel, that your Maiestie will not, before ha­uing heard the iustnesse of our cause, condemne vs of rebel­lion. Where is there any that iustly haue informed your Maiestie of our dealings, or when did euer your Maiestie giue eare vnto any, but such as were our manifest enimies? Reason requireth both partes to be hearde, before sentence should be pronounced. And therefore in the Cronicles of Alexander the great, is much cōmended: who whensoeuer he heard any parties, leaned with his head vpon his shoul­ders with one of his eares closed, and being asked why he so did, answered that the latter party ought as wel haue audi­ence as the first, which order hath alwayes bin had in esti­mation of all nations, as being conformable to all natural rightes. So as no offendour, what greeuous crimes soeuer he had committed, shal be iudged or condemned, but that he shal first answere vnto such accusations as are alleged a­gainst him.

Now most mercifull and soueraigne Lord and King, we do most humbly prostrate our selues vnder the foote of your Maiestie, most hartely requesting the same, y t it would please your Grace to bend towards vs one eare, & (as in a ballaunce) equally to wey our estates. Your Maiesty hath by postes letters & other meanes, bin informed of this presēt estate, & our mouthes haue bin closed vp, our tongues pear­sed with red burning Irons, and our lippes seared vp with [Page] burning tongs, because we shuld not giue our necessitie to vnderstand. The waies haue as yet bin taken from vs, so that our lamentable cries could neuer come vnto, or pearce the eares of your maiestie.

How then can your Maiestie condemne vs of rebellion (which alwais we haue had in hatred) bicause that y e Duke of Alba, doth seeke to bring vs vnder his subiection with his letters of pardon, & we nothing esteeming of the same: which he perceiuing, and that with force he can not (by god his prouidence) preuayle, we cannot therfore accept his said letters, as being direct to vs who neuer strayed from your obedience, except it were that we wold take & acknowledge the Duke of Alba for our king: for him onely haue we re­sisted and not your Maiesty, whom we with life and goods (so long as it shall please God to permit vs the same) will faithfully serue and obey. And therfore his pardon doth no­thing touch vs, which tendeth onely to the Townes which haue bin seduced from the Kings obedience. But we marke his intent, knowing that either he would be king himselfe, or else that we by enticement of his subtile pardons shoulde condemne our selues. For we receiuing pardon, muste ac­knowledge our selues gilty of commotions & rebellion a­gainst our King, of tumult and sedition, yea of heresie and declining from the Christian faith, and in fine, to the depri­uing of the honour of God and the kings Maiestie. This is his seeking, that by receiuing of his false and fained par­dons, we should by our subsignations & seales confirme the same, to the intent that he hereafter might therby defend & excuse himselfe of tyrannie, before your Maiestie and al o­ther christian Princes and Potentates, saying, that if wee had not found our selues culpable in these greeuous offen­ces for which we were punished and tormented, we would neuer haue receiued any remisse or pardon.

Wherein wee take God, the searcher and knower of all hartes, and your Maiestie to witnesse, that if wee haue [Page] committed any such offences, as by the said pardon are layd to our charge, that we do altogither refuse all pardon, but desire as the most wickedst and vilest creatures on earth to make satisfaction for our offences with our bloud, and doe not refuse, O most mercifull King, one after another, to suffer most extreeme torments, if it may be found that wee haue offended in such order as is presumed.

And do request the Duke of Alba, (if any petition will take place with him) that all such as come to him for pardō, acknowledging the pretended offence, that hee wythout shewing of mercy, doe entreate them in such sorte as their offences (according to right haue) deserued, commending him therin in giuing or maintayning any faith or credit with him as one so vnfaithful to god & his king, as hath not bin abashed so greatly to abuse & contemne their maiesties.

But what is it, it shall not be found that euer we haue thought any such matter, much lesse in effect shewed y e same. We haue alwayes bin faithful & seruisable to our King, & sought to serue God, the father of our Lord Iesus Christ in spirite and truth, according to his word and commaun­dement, so farre as our feeble nature would permit, euen to the last droppe of our bloud.

But considering that the Duke of Alba in stead of exe­cuting equitie and Iustice, and hearing of their complain­tes and greefes, and persecuting of your Maiesties promi­ses, hath contrary to all right and reason, & our rightes and priuileges, suppressed vs with most cruel tyrannie, destroy­ed our Countries, and vsed vs more seuerely, than euer Iewes or Turkes haue don against their vaquished ene­mies. And in the meane space hath hee accused vs to your Maiestie, and all other christian Potentates with false accu­sations of rebellion and heresie: and we neuer could come to our answere, or receiue any comfort in the vniuersall world. So as by necessitie we haue bin forced to take the armes in hand, & by all meanes possible sought to defende [Page] our poore natiue Countrey from suche execrable tyrannie: and rather with one accord to spend our lyues, than to fall into the hands of such a Tyrant: wherin we meane to per­sist, except that it please your Maiestie with mercifull eares to attend to our complayntes, and minister to vs Iustice against such oppression and tyrannie. For God be thanked, we are not so ill instructed in his word, but that we knowe very well, that aswell our life as deathe consisteth in hys hands, and that this death which no man can escape, is but as a ready path to the life euerlasting.

Therefore, seeing our death may be a pleasure to other, we choose rather to dye an honorable death in the behalfe of the liberties and common weale of our Countrey, than to fall into such seruitude, and become footestooles vnto moste arrogant aliants, who alwayes haue hated vs. For at the least we shall therby leaue to our succors such a good fame, as it may be sayd, that their Predecessours had rather with renowne to dye with honour, than lyue in all bondage and shame.

We contende for the libertie of our consciences, in de­fence of our wiues and children, our bloud and goodes, that is to say, whether the Duke of Alba with his complices shall according to his selfe will be a Lord and Gouernour, or that we to the behoofe of your Maiestie, O most Soue­rayne King, shall defend it from him. We knowe that the limites of our liues are set, and shall not by the pardon of the Duke of Alba surpasse the same. Therefore we onely desire your Maiestie, that it may please the same to weye and consider our cases, and not to suffer, that we by accep­ting such pardons, shoulde for euer be reputed as rebels to God and our King, which we neuer thought.

For we are fully perswaded, that although we had re­ceyued those pardons, yet would it nothing haue preuayled for safegard of our lyues, for thereby the Duke of Alba might haue had the better action againste vs to proceede [Page] with most seueritie, & might better haue answered for him­selfe, if we had confessed our selues gilty of rebellion, both against God and the King his Maiestie. For then no man would haue moued vs, although we had bene slaine & mur­thered as disturbers of the peace and common wealth and not worthy to liue.

And although it were not so, yet it is apparant by all the Duke of Alba hys proceedings, that he meaneth to obserue no fayth with vs, for seeing that he hath openly perpetra­ted the othe which the Duches of Parma, with all the Lords and gouernours of the countrey, in the name of your Ma­iestie, had sworne so solemnely to these townes: yet hath he in these latter warres, sufficiently expressed his per­uerse meaning in diuers townes, as at Monts in Henauld hath he contrary to his othe, caused a number of Burge­ses to bee hanged, at Naerden he hath executed his crueltie in such sort as in a towne of like bignes hath not ben hard of: and now at Harlem hath he or at the least in his name, Don Frederico assured the souldiours of their liues, & there­vnto certaine Lordes as pledges they bounde themselues: and yet hath he euen to the young pages: caused them to be murthered one with another, and their naked carkasses to the scandale of all women, and virgins, left lying vpon the scaffold a day and a night. And such as had consented to the deliuery of the towne, & were entred into his seruice, hath he caused to bee caried to the Galies, and vpon the Fuycke before Harlem when he had promised the souldiours their liues, suffred them to perish with hunger, saying: y t he had assured them of their liues, and not of meate and drink. As also the Burgeses of Harlem, whom hee had assured their liues, hath he compelled to be Myners before the towne of Alkmer, where they are by the inhabitantes slayne: which doth passe all barbarous tiranny and crueltie, and is a most manifest token wherewith he seeketh to maintaine his vn­true proceedinges.

So y t it is euident y t he meaneth not to obserue any othes or promises, but for a small time: to y e entent he might the better haue his will of others, & because he might the better hereafter defēd his case, against your Maiestie, & other Prin­ces, doth produce this pardō: for if we do accept y e same we must needes acknowledge our selues giltie of such offēces, as he layeth to our charge, & is not bound to the obseruing of any oth: for by y e counsel holdē at Constance, it was aboue ij. hūdred yeres enacted y t no faith is to be kept w t heretikes.

For wheras he doth in his pardō subtilly alleadge y t suche offēces as haue ben cōmitted, were don more vpō euil sug­gestiō, & euil will, thā of their own nature and inclination. This is but a subtil pollicie, wherwith he mēt to deceiue y e simple, & bring them vnder his yoke: & to furnish himself of power to suppresse all such as he thinketh good, & that with­out reproch of any, seeing that it standeth in his iudgement who hath offended the premisses or not.

But once consider most soueraigne King, how that the righteous God hath deceyued this subtile dealer in his pro­ceedinges, for in this pardon wherein he pretendeth most greeuously to accuse vs, he doeth by expresse wordes con­fesse, that he can by no meanes think that we could not haue bene so altered or chaunged, but vppon euill suggestion, or els wee should haue continewed in all fayth and willing­nesse, which we alwayes haue shewed to your Maiestie.

For if it be so, that we before this last offence (as he ter­meth it) haue shewed to your Maiestie all obedience as hee himselfe witnesseth? Why hath he then vsed such crueltie and persecution? Wherefore hath he in such sort destroyed the townes, burned the villages, and places: murthered the inhabitantes, and spoyled them of all their goodes: hath not he by his souldiours by fyre consumed Catwicke vpon Zea, Sandwicke and Alfen, & that long before these trans­gressions, whereof hee complayneth, were begon. Did not they pretend to set fyre on the towne of Vtretcht, which was [Page] so well addicted vnto them, haue not they in Rotterdam, whereas they were receyued as friendes, cruelly murdered a nūber of Burgeses, was there not fōnd by Pachecho a bil of innumerable number, aswell of the nobilitie, as most sub­stantiall commons in sundry and diuers townes, which by commaundement of the Duke should haue bin murthered, if matters by Gods prouision had not altered. And where­vnto tended the demaund of the tenth peny, to none other ende but that we should at his hands buy our goodes, whi­che he pretended to be confiscated: wherby it appeareth that he and his adherents are sworne enimies vnto your Ma­iestie: whilest he doth in such sort execute his tirannie, mur­ther, burning, and with suche force and seruitude, dothe a­greeue vs your subiects, whome he him selfe doth alleage to haue bin most faithfull vnto your maiestie. So as tho­rough necessitie we haue bin cōpelled to enter into armes to resist his force and tirannie: which his seruants could not denie, who diuers times haue sayd that they would so long vexe and trouble this countrey and inhabitantes thereof, that in the end they shoulde be forced to rebell, and so haue occasion to bring it vnder subiection, and spoyle the same of all their substance: whiche is to be approued by some let­ters, whereby was written, that this it was for which they longed. It is very true most soueraigne King, that y e Duke dothe here alleage, as that your subiects would neuer had rebelled, but vppon suggestion of certayne euill disposed, which euill disposed are none other than the Duke hymself, with his bloudy counsell, and sanguine adherents, which of meere set euill will, and vnsatiable auarice, haue sucked the sweat and bloud of your subiects, and of long time so earnestly persecuted, and greeued to the vttermost, that they for defence of themselues, their wiues, children, and al that whiche in this world they do esteeme of, haue bin forced to take armes in hand. Therefore where as he presumeth that he hath so louingly dealt with other townes: take example [Page] by Tourney, Valencien, Lysle, Ipre, Maestricht, Deuenter, and likewise by Machlin, Oudenard, Dermonde, & Naerden, where they haue by murthering, robbing, hāging, rauishing of women, & with diuers outrages persecuted y e poore commons.

Besides this, hath there bene murthered at Bruxels at sun­dry tymes aboue CC. and .xxx. Burgeses, and that long before the beginning of these warres, as also in a commo­tiō at Gaunt, which happened amōgst y e Spaniards, wher­of the commons haue bene slaine lx. or lxx. besides an infi­nite number of men & women, which at sundrie times haue bene murthered: which wee leaue to enlarge heere, seeing those their proceedinges are accompted mercifull dealings, besides other most wicked insolēces vsed in y e said townes.

And therefore he needeth not to threaten vs, that if wee doe not accept his pardon, that no rigour which may bee deuised, shalbe left vnexercised towardes our persones, by desolation, hunger and sword, in such sorte, as no remem­brance shalbe left of them present For we are certaine, that here about he hath sought as much as is to him possible: and would vndoubtedly haue vsed further crueltie (where­of he boasteth so much) if the feare which hee hath, that the Countreys would not any longer abyde his crueltie, had not letted him.

Hee doth not so much esteeme the seruice of your Maie­stie, nor regardeth your heritage and countries, as that he would abstaine from ruining and destroying the same: yea vtterly to roote out the reliques and memories thereof, so farre as it were to him possible, as the burning and deso­lating which he before these warres, hath vsed, doe suffici­ently beare witnesse. But we trust that the almightie God will neuer suffer that your Maiestie should permit your Countries altogither to fall into the force of such a Tyrant and destroyer.

For, whereas hee here alleadgeth that we haue put on armes agaynst your Maiestie: that we vtterly deny. For [Page] we protest before your Maiestie, yea before God & his An­gels, that our meaning or pretence was neuer such. For we wil aduēture our selues and all that we haue in this world, as likewise we haue done towardes your Maiesties prede­cessours, with life and goods to stand to the defence of your maiestie against all your enemies and ill willers.

But this wee will acknowledge before the vniuersall world, that (being thervnto extremely constrained) we haue taken armes in hand agaynst the tyranny and abuses of the Duke of Alba and his complices, to deliuer our liues and goods, wyues and children from the bloudthirstie hands of his ministers: and if hee doe preuayle agaynst vs, ra­ther chuse to dye an honorable death, and leaue a fame to our successours, than to yelde and bowe to suche a tyrant, and suffer our countrie to liue vnder vnsupportable slaue­rie. So els we should be abashed and ashamed to shewe our faces in any other Countries, as hauing neglected the seruice of your Maiestie. And therefore haue all the Tow­nes ioinctly and seuerally taken in hand and sworne the one after the other, to abyde all sieges, if neede bee, to the vttermost▪ though to the losse of their lyues and goods, yea rather set fyre of our owne howses, than to yelde to the force of this Tyrant.

For wee are well assured, that at the hands of such a Ty­rant, as regardeth no othe, and hath so often and cruelly threatned vs, there is no more to be looked for, but that hee would rather colour the riuers & streames with our bloud, and to be hange the countrey with our bodyes, to satiate his bloudthirstie lust and appetite.

Therefore we prostrate our selues before the feete of your Maiestie, desiring the same for God his sake, who hath set the Crowne vppon your head, and giuen the Scepter in­to your hande, once to bowe your eares to our reasona­ble complayntes. Wee doe not desire to bee dissolued from the obediēce of your Maiestie, but onely that we may [Page] haue our consciences free to Godwarde, to heare his holy word, and to follow the same, to the intent to giue an accōpt at the day of Iudgement of our soules, and that wee may atchieue such discharge for our miserable natiue Countrie, which alwaies hath done such faithful seruice to your ma­iestie, from the yoke and bondage of foraine Nations and Spanish Souldioures, and to suffer the Countrie to enioye those liberties, priuileges and customes, as your Maiestie, and the most puissant Emperour Charles, your Maiesties most noble father (of famous memorie) haue to your Sub­iects solemnely sworne.

Then will we at the commaundement of your Maiestie lay downe our weapōs and armes, and wil venture body, goods, and all that we haue in the world, in the seruice of your maiestie by water or by land, where and when so euer your Maiestie shall commaund the same: and your Maiesty shall finde that we are not altered or abastarded from you, but rather that we doe excel in faithful seruice all our pre­decessours, which hereby we do promise and sweare to your maiestie, beseeching euen as we doe faithfully meane it, so to take mercy of our soules.

Desiring that this our declaration and othe be openly published and declared to all Kings, Potentates, Lordes and Nations, to the intent they may knowe that we are no Rebelles towards our King, for we neuer learned such of our predecessours: But that we of meere force and ne­cessitie haue bin constrained to take on armes against the enemies and vsurpers of his maiesties name.

Requesting therfore all christen Princes & Potentates, that they wil be moued with a pityfull compassion of our miseries, (and much doubting that this our supplication, & declaration shall be kept backe and suppressed, as other our former Requestes haue bin, and not come to our Kings handes:) that they wil thereof informe his Maiestie, to the [Page] maiestie, to the intēt our iust cause may come to light, & that his Maiestie may be acquited of the innocent bloud, which this Albanish Tyrant doth shed. This we hartily desire, and we al wil pray vnto almigh­tie God, for their pro­speritie to re­maine for euer.

FINIS.

IMPRINTED AT London by Henry Bin­neman for Humfrey Toy. Anno Domini. 1576.

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