The booke of Commentaries con­cerning Religion, vnder the reignes of Henrie the seconde, Fraunces the se­conde, and Charles the ninth.

THe doctrine of Religion, which in our time is amended and reformed, came at the last into Fraunce. But they were hardly delt withall which receyued that doctrine, they were banished, burnt, and with all maner of torments vexed, they were also called Lutheranes, which name then was made a common reproch to the godly. Notwith­standing all this, that doctrine did more largely and vehe­mently sprea [...]e it selfe abroade: and the more that men The name of Lutheranes. were tori [...]ented, the more they came [...]o the same by flocks. Many, to the end they might escape the crueltie of their pu­nishments, [...] might enioy the frée vse of religiō, we [...]t vnto those places [...]n the which y ^• same was purely & publikely set forth: am [...]ng which the greatest part went to Geneua, Geneua a sanctuarie for the godly. From whence many bookēs and letters being written, a great number were brought to the knowledge of that doc­trine. The which dailie increasing more and more, great matters afterwardes came to passe: those things which were done in the beginning with feare and secretely, were afterwarde frée, and common for euery man to vse, vntill such time, as punishments being repressed, torments taken away, and the fierie flames quite extinguished, that doctrine was receyued of noble men, of Gentlemen, and of all e­states: but on the other side, the aduersaries of the reformed religion Resisting y ^• same, there arose great tumults, which by mortall and ciuill warres vexed and much endamaged the great and noble kingdome of Fraunce. But these first beginnings are particularly touched in other bookes, in the [Page 5] which the noble and excellent triumphes of Martyrs are described.

I will therfore begin at that yeare since the which, mat­ters of Religion being more opēly set forth, and more vehe­mently againe resisted, haue more happily and euidently appeared. And then, this was the state of the kingdome.

After sundrie and long warres betwéene Henrie the se­conde King of Fraunce, and Charles the fyfth Emperour, at the length both their Legates, whē they could not by peace ende the controuersies, which were betwéene them, conclu­ded a truce or peace for fyue yeares, the which being shortly after broken by the Cardinall of Lorraine, the warre began a freshe betwene the two kings. And Fraunces Duke of Guise taketh his iourney into Italie with a great armye. And Philip king of Spaine, and sonne of the Emperour Charles goeth into Picardie: who making hast to the towne of Sanquintine, gaue the Constable (which came out to mete him) a great ouerthrow, and toke him with a great number of Gentlemen.

This ouerthrowe and great slaughter of men was called Laurence day, bicause it chaunced at the feast of S. Laurence▪ After this, Sanquintine was taken, and certaine cities nere vnto the same. So that what with the rumor of the sodeine slaughter, & what with the feare of the enimie which now approched to Paris the chiefe citie of the kingdome, all men were wonderfully afrayde.

While these things were thus a working, there began to be a great fame and rumor of the increase of the Lutheranes, by reason whereof there followed a notable persecution a­gainst them, which by the popular and vulgar name is cal­led, The winning of S. Iames streete: and it was so called for Great persecu­tion in the Church of Paris. this cause: When the faithfull perceyued the great perill and daūger that hong ouer the whole kingdome of France, by reason of this newe plague and punishment, they gaue themselues to prayer, and therfore congregated themselues [Page 6] togither by a great number, the fourth daye of Septem­ber, Anno domini▪ 1557. in certaine houses of S. Iames stréete in Paris, and that in the night (for in the daye time they might by no meanes come togither) minding to heare the worde prea­ched, and to haue the supper of the Lorde celebrated. But they being bewrayed, the common sort of people with wea­pons in a great tumult ranne with all haste to this stréet [...] of S. Iames, where the faithfull were assembled, who being in those houses before mentioned, and séeing themselues to be compassed on euerye side with the furor and rage of the multitude, had small hope to escape: howbeit, part of them when they sawe a waye to be made for them through a cer­taine gate (which wonderfully opened for the safegarde of many, when the houses on [...]uery side were beset) repeated their former prayers, and escaped by flight without harme, euen as though God himselfe had gone before them: the greater part were taken of the Magistrates, among whom were many noble women, and women of great parentage, and as they were led away by the officers, were shamefully intreated and vnhonestly handled of the people.

Now, the matter being in question concerning this assē ­bly, it was first founde, that when the people were assem­bled togither, there was a Lecture of the holy Scripture in the vulgar tongue: secondly, that all the congregation knée­ling, prayers were made by the Minister: thirdly, that the Minister expounded the place of the eleuenth Chapter of S. Paules first Epistle to the Corinthians, in the which, y ^e vse of the Lords supper is declared: fourthly, that then prayers were made for the King, for Princes & Magistrates, for all estates of people, & for peace and quietnesse of the kingdom: and last of all, that the breade end wine of the Lords supper was communicated and giuen to those which were not iud­ged vnworthie. For these offences they were taken. Being therefore taken, and cruelly intreated of the people by the way, were notwithstanding very v [...]courteously delt with­all [Page 7] in prison. For théeues and murtherers, and such as by the lawe deserued to die, were taken out of their colde and noysome prisons, and these men put into the same in their steade, all men forbidden to haue any recourse vnto them. Notwithstanding, it was brought to passe by the singular prouidence of God, bicause euery man could not haue a prisō by himself, that some of them were thrust togither into one prisō, & so it came to passe that one of thē receiued comfort of another, in somuch that the prison in the which they were, soūded with the prayers & Psalmes vttered & song by them.

But to make these men the more to be hated, diuers ru­mors were euery where spred, namely that y ^e Lutherans did assemble themselues togither in the night, and being on a heape togither without candle light, did fulfill their wan­dring lusts one with another, killed their yong infants, and committed other wickednesses. The Monkes, they made exclamation of this thing in euery place, to inflame the peo­ple to reuenge the same. And not only the common sort of people were stayed with these rumors, but the same also of these things came euē to the eares of the Péeres of y ^e realm, Wicked slaun­ders deuised a­gainst the faithfull. in so much that one of the Inquisitors, or Commissioners, durst auouch before the King, that Tables spred, and great prouision of daintie cheare was founde in that place, where the faythfull had assembled themselues. The which report, so inflamed the Kings minde, that he sought nothing more than the destruction of the faithfull: yea, and the mindes of all men did so boyle in hatred against them, that he thought himselfe to excell that coulde best conspire the death and de­struction of the faithfull.

At the last a cōmaundement was giuen by the king, that some méete man should be chosen to knowe & consider their causes which were taken. Nowe at Paris there was a Magistrate, a Citizen called Munerius, a man (as it was commonlye reported) verye apt for all maner of fraude and deceyte. At thys time this Munerius was as a Batte [Page 8] in the night, and did seldome openly shewe himselfe, bicause he was accused of falshood, in the matter of the Countesse of Senigana, or Seniguen, the which he pretended to haue com­mitted, Duke Arscotus a Brabantine. that Duke Arscotus, who was then takē and in hold, might escape. Notwithstanding, to this man this office was committed. And bicause by this meanes he hoped to haue pardon, and shoulde be restored to his former dignitie he was so forward in his businesse, that within fewe dayes, many of their causes which were taken prisoners, were brought to haue sentence and iudgement. In the meane time, those reliques which remayned behinde of that vaste and great shipwracke of the faithfull, were cast into great distresse and sorrowe, notwithstanding, they thought it not good to faynt or quayle in those extremities. For they which were the chiefe gouernours of the Church, went a­bout euery mans house, exhorted euery one to be of good chéere, & perswaded that nothing had happened without the singuler prouidence of God, by which also it came to passe, that many escaped that daunger: moreouer, they sayd that they remained to defende the other partes of the Church which were left: and that this calamitie shoulde not be the ruine and quite ouerthrow of the Church: and on the other side, that the same is the waye to increase and inlarge the Church, which God both by his word hath shewed, and al­so by experience approued, for the gathering togither of the Church. And thus when they had exhorted and comforted one another, and had committed themselues and all things else to the prouidence of God, first of al they appoynted that in euery house there should be extraordinary praiers made, and that those fa [...]e rumors shoulde be put away by Apollo­gies and aunsweres of defence, and also that the brethren which were taken, should be confirmed and strengthned, so often as might be, with letters, and also with wordes.

Therefore they write letters vnto the king, and bring to passe, to haue them caried secretly into the Kings chamber, [Page 9] by which they ment to pacifie the kings minde, to remooue the same from the euill opinion which it had conceyued of An apologie for the faithful captiues. them, and to obtaine the hearing of their cause. They af­firme in their letters that they are falsly accused and slaun­dered with such slaunders as are not newly deuised, ‘but with such as long before had bene obiected agaynst the Church, by which Satan went about to make Kinges and Princes to hate the same: and are now againe put forth by those only which desire to haue the truth oppressed, to the ende they may fréely enioy the riches and goods which they haue vsurped and wrongfully gotten by wicked deceit. And that be ought to séeke to haue sure and vndoubted proues of euery matter, specially in businesse of so great weight. For if it were sufficient to condemnation to accuse, who shoulde then escape an innocent? Wherfore, if he would vouchsafe diligently to search out the truth of this matter, it shoulde well appeare that they assembled themselues togither for no other ende and purpose, than to praye vnto God for his prosperitie and the peace of the kingdome. Also that their doctrine did not maintaine sedition, neyther was an enimye to the obedience of Magistrates: the which thing they had alway hitherto shewed, neuer refusing to obey, although they were many in number, when they were euill intrea­ted, onely for following the worde of God. And that thys was their onely desire, that Christ might appeare to be the chiefe and heade alone: and that the inuentions of men be­ing abrogated, God might be obeyed and serued according to his prescript will. Wherefore, if it woulde please him to vnderstande their cause, he might, if he woulde, make some publike disputation betwéene some one of those that were in prison, and the Sorbonistes or others which might dis­pute of those things now in controuersie. In the ende, they doe pray and humbly beséech him that he woulde not suffer the innocencie of good men, their cause not being hearde, to be condemned, séeing that wicked men, and such as do most [Page 10] déepely transgresse, obtain so much libertie, as to shew their cause, and aunswere for thēselues.’ These letters were read before the king, and those also which were then present, but small fruite or profite came thereby, certaine of the Cardi­nals then crying that they were lyes and tales: so that not­withstanding their reasonable suite and request, they had not so much graunted vnto them as libertie to aunswere for themselues.

After this, there was yet another letter sent to the king, the effect wherof was, y ^t all men did confesse that these cala­mities with y ^e which the christian cōmon welth was vexed, procéeded of the iust iudgement of God, being offended that so many he resies and corruptions shoulde take place: But the greatest offence to consist in this thing, namely, that none of those, to whome the care and charge of the Common welth was committed, had any regarde at all, to discerne heretiques, by the worde of God, from Christian maintay­ners of the truth. And yet notwithstanding, that it did be­long vnto the King to applie himselfe to know this thing, according to the example of the good Kings Ezechias and lo­sias. And after certaine notes put downe of true and false religion, it began in maner as followeth.

‘Weye and consider with your selfe your estate, and you shall finde that all things haue happened ouertwha [...]tly vn­to you, euer since you haue gone about to vexe the Luthe­ranes. When you set forth the Edict made at Cast ellobrian, then began warres. But when you inhibited and forbad the executiō of that Edict, and were an enimie to the Pope, in sending a power into Germanie for the libertie thereof, bicause of the afflicted religion, your busines had very pros­perous successe. But what hath hapned vnto you euer since you entred into friendship with the Pope, taking the sword of him, by which, truce being broken, warres might begin a fresh? God vndoubtedly shall turne thy felicities into those calamities which are now ready to fall vpon thée and thy [Page 11] dignitie. To what end went the armie of the Duke of Guise into Italy, when he had serued Gods enimie for hire? went he not to this ende, that when he returned home againe; he might vtterly destroy the Churches of the valleys of Pede­monte, and might so offer and dedicate his victories vnto God? Surely, the ende and successe sheweth, that God doth bring the deuises and counsels of men to naught, when they turne to their own destruction:’ as appeareth by the slaugh­ter which happened on S. Laurence daye of late, at what time he derided and frustrated the proude threatninges The arrogant threatnings of the Constable. of the Constable, which boasted that if he returned home a­gaine a victor or conquerour, he woulde roote out and vtter­ly destroy Geneua.

Thus after the repeating of many examples, in the which the iudgements of God did appeare against y ^e aduersaries of his truth (whose memory also was yet fresh in y ^e heads of al men) this letter at y ^e length cōcludeth: that afflictiōs cannot abolish & destroy y ^e Church of God, séeing that (as Tertullian sayth) The bloud of Martyrs is the seede of the Church: and that it is the office of a King to take vpon him the care of re­ligion, y ^e which all men might sée by diuers ways to be con­taminated and neglected, & that this might lawfully be done by calling a Councell. In the meane time, that their cause as yet being vnknowne, & not certaine, they may be peace­ably, & not cruelly intreated, which protest that they follow Gods truth: and that so holy a name cannot in such wise be cōtemned, but some inquisition must be made: also y ^t iudge­ment ought to be had, not from the deuises of men, but from the worde of God, the only and most certaine rule of truth. Therfore (say they) if we be not conuinced by Gods word, it is neither fire, nor sworde, nor any maner of punishment that can terrifie vs. These shall be the triumph and victorie of our faith, that by being ouercome, we shall be ouercom­mers at the last: by this Chariote, we shall come at the length to the hauen of euerlasting lyfe.

[Page 12]But that Edict which was made at Cast ellobrian (of the which we haue made mention before) was very straite and cruell against Religion, in the which, among many things these were the speciall sentences: ‘First, that all former E­dictes concerning the putting of heretiques to death, should be confirmed: That no man shoulde be admitted to anye publike office, before he had made his cōfession agréeable to the Catholike and Romishe faith: That in euery Parlia­ment, and in the thirde moneth also, there shoulde be assem­blies made, which are commonly called Mercuriales: and that first of all, matters concerning Religion shoulde be handled, and that there shoulde be speciall regarde and eye had to the assembly of the Parliament, least some corrupti­on or heresie might secretly créepe in.’

There was also another Apologie set forth for all men to vse, so written, that the auncient forme and state of the Church being represented, and compared to that which is at this day, the auncient fathers themselues also by their own wordes and writings, might defend and maintaine the ve­rye selfe and same cause which they nowe defended: and in such wise, that they which sayde, that they reuerenced and embraced antiquitie, might heare antiquitie defending and supporting the cause of the reformed Church (so called.)

These things truly, are plentifully set forth in this wry­ting, but the summe is this: ‘That it was against right, that the faithfull shoulde be accused for well doing: but more in­iurious, that they should be condemned, their cause not be­ing heard. Notwithstanding, that the Church of Christ be­fore this time long since, had felt the same iniuries: & ther­fore no maruaile, if they, whose cause was like, were made equall to them in trouble: Howbeit, that Sathan and his Ministers shoulde so little preuaile, that for all their force, the Church shoulde arriue through the midst of their temp­tations to the safe and quiet hauen: and the thicke and dark Clowdes being blowne ouer, the light of innocencie should [Page 13] appeare, and the enimies of the same be founde lyers.’ After this, those slaunders and reproches which were obiected a­gainst them, being particularly examined and considered by them, were also fully aunswered altogither out of the wri­tings of the Fathers, that their Apologie or defence myght plainly appeare to be true and sounde. Furthermore, many letters were written to the brethren which were in prison, yea, and Churches of farre Countries, bewayling their e­state, did comfort them with their letters: so that hereby they were wondefrully confirmed. And among other Chur­ches or congregations, the congregation of Geneua shewed the dutie of the faithfull brethren, insomuch that they did not let, by all meanes possible, to doe them good.

While those things were prouided for of the faithful, the aduersaries on the contrarie part sought by all meanes pos­sible to worke the death of the faithfull which were in pri­son, so soone as they coulde: and in this matter Munerius the ciuill Magistrate was not a little diligent, and the peo­ple for their part gréedily gaped, and continually looked for the same. Now, there came forth a commaundement from the King, that all other matters set apart, for a time the se­nate shoulde wholy applye themselues to vnderstande the cause of the faithfull, and to iudge of them according to the e­uidence that shoulde be brought against them by Munerius the eiuill Praetor. Notwithstanding, the Kings commaun­dement herein, the whole Senate or assembly of the Court refusing and reiecting this Munerius, both for that he with­stoode the auncient custome of the Court, and also bicause (as is before sayde) he was accused of falshoode, concluded that by the relation and report of anye one man which shoulde come forth and giue euidence, the iudgement and sentence of those Iudges that were put in trust, shoulde be ordered. The whole Senate therefore, although they were not a little troubled with the great number of prisoners, yet notwithstanding, what by the expresse commaunde­ments [Page 14] of the King to them, and what with the olde and [...]spyte they vare to Religion, so greatly preuayled within fewe dayes, that their causes in déede came to iudge­ment. Of the which, they which constantly helde the confes­sion of the true doctrine, were condemned by great consent of the people to dye, and were burnt with fire: and suffe­ring most excellent Martyrdome by death, they woonder­fullye triumphed of the crueltie of their enimies. The which thinges, bicause they be specially touched in another Booke, it shall not be néedefull here to speake any more of them.

Many deliuered thēselues from death by diuers meanes and wayes that were not lawfull. But they to whome this charge and trust was commited, boldly doing their office, and being nothing slow to exercise crueltie, certaine of their friendes which [...]in holde, propounded causes of refu­sall against the Iudges, desiring that there might be other Iudges set in their places. This thing for a time stayed the rage of the persecution. Notwithstanding, the king being certified hereof, sendeth letters, by which he declaring those refusals to be nothing, commaundeth that all other things set apart, they giue their diligence only to intende vpon this thing: and that the Nobles which were in authoritie, should choose out, according as they thought good, Counsellours to supplie the places of those that were absent: and that in the Praetor Munerius [...]oume (bicause for the causes before allea­ged he was remooued) other should serue: & to be short, that final iudgement might be giuen of those matters: howbeit, that he might haue warning before any matter were ended. These letters did againe displease and anger the mindes of those iudges, which tooke it heynously y ^t they were refused. So that choller was then set on fire against many: & for this cause séemed as though it would rage and burne in the new yeare following. For the aduersaries went about of late to Anno domini. 1558. establish & bring in the like inquisition that was in Spain, [Page 15] (which they thought was y ^e only way vtterly to ouerthrow the gospel) & letters at the last being obtained frō the Pope, by which thrée Cardinals were appointed chief inquisitors, they wēt about all that they could to set forward this deuise. The king for his part consented. Notwithstanding, y ^e senate of Paris, hauing better consideration of the matter, greatlye withstode this new practise, & alleaged these causes to y ^e king of their withstanding and prohibition, saying: If this thing should be brought to passe, looke how much the power of the ecclesiasticall Iudges and Inquisitors should be enlarged, so much should y ^e supreme authoritie of the king be diminished: Secondly, that it was a matter of great weight, for the na­turall subiects of the king, to be made destitute, and after a sort, depriued of their King, and to be brought to the power of forreine Iudges, and to be made subiect to an Offy ^•ciall or Inquisitor: Thirdlye, that it shoulde be a defrauding of the kingdome, but specially of the subiectes, to be spoyled of the helpe & safegarde of the king, and to be themselues, and all their goodes, iudged & disposed, after the supreme iudgement of an ecclesiasticall Iudge: Fourthly, that it would come to passe, that when they had gotten infinite power, and the greatest part of y ^e kings authoritie, that is to say, when they had gotten power to iudge of life & death as thē listed, with­out further appeale to any higher Court, they might easily abuse their offices. For (say they) the libertie to appeale, is the onely sanctuarie and defence of innocencie: Fiftly and last of all, they say that the King to whō the appeale should be made, is the reuenger, and the defender of violated and wronged innocencie, and that, iniurie shoulde be done, if this thing went forward, not only to the people, but also to Princes, to Dukes, to Nobles, yea, and to the Kings nere kinsemen, who also shoulde be bounde with this bonde.

By this prohibition and resistāce, the matter was delayed for a time: at the length, when the Kings Court was at Paris, the verye same aduersaries of the truth brought to [Page 16] passe that those letters were confirmed of the King, as he went to the Senate or Parliament, for this cause.

Thus when they had gotten the lawe into their owne handes, and had written new Edictes, appointing mortall punishments for the faithfull, (whome they called Sacra­mentaries, Sectaries, and such lyke) euery man looking now for grieuous persecutions, it pleased God for a time to disappoint those cruell practises and threatenings, by trou­bling the kingdome with warre and other businesse.

Neither is it to be buried in silence, by what meanes God shewed his vengeaunce vpon many of those persecu­tors Certayne ex­amples of Gods venge­ance shewed vppon diuers persecutors of the Church. which were the chiefe Capitaynes in S. Iames slaugh­ter. That Munerius the Praetor which was the first that delt with the causes of the faithfull, and had many wayes cruel­ly intreated them: being afterwarde at the length condem­ned of falshoode in the cause of the Countesse of Senigana, suffered by the decrée of the Senate punishment openly in diuers places: and being thus ledde from place to place to be made an open spectacle for all men to behold to his great infamie and reproch, was also banished his countrie. This man while be was kept in prison, sayde, that he knew that the punishments which he suffered, were a iust reward and recompence to him for his euill intreating of the Luthe­ranes: and that he woulde neuer after séeke to do them any harme. In like maner one of the Counsellers which were appoynted to vnderstande and iudge of the causes of the faithfull, not long after died by sodaine death. Another of them likewise being sodenly striken with a most grieuous sickenesse, and being also at the poynt of death, sayde, I see plainly that I haue grieuously sinned against the Lutheranes, which so godly pray vnto the Lorde. In lyke maner, two o­ther whiche were very cruell against the faithfull in the slaughter that was made on S. Iames daye, sodenly dyed in the sight of all men. Moreouer, two other when they re­tourned from the murther of the afflicted faithfull, fell at [Page 17] contention within themselues, and at the last were slaine one of another. Thus the Lorde shewed many examples of his iust vengeance vpon his aduersaries.

Then the Church obtayned peace for a time, and some Persecution stayed for a time. occasion to rest and breath for a whyle▪ by reason of those tempestes. They which were before, as it were discouraged through that former great slaughter, receyued nowe heart and courage againe: many others which were eyther con­firmed by the constancy of those blessed Martyrs which suf­fered, or els were lately brought to the knowledge of God, ioyned themselues to the Church: they also which to flye persecution went aside from out of the citie, were not alto­gither vnfruitful. Among these there was one which came to a towne called Crucillum in Britayne, neare vnto the sea coaste, the which towne was at that time greatly giuen to superstition, but it was brought to passe by his meanes within short time after, that many of the townesmen were called to the acknowledging of truth, insomuch that there was a congregation there. At the which good successe Satan was greatly grieued. Therfore when the fame of this thing Examples of iniuries done to the faithful. was spred abroade, the Bishop of N [...]auetensis or N [...]auntes, with a certaine power of his men, came thither, whome he had gathered togither for this matter: he giueth commaun­dement that clothes of tapistry work and other ornaments be hoong forth of euery house, vpon the solemne daye in the which he with his wandring power shoulde passe through 16. leafe. the Citie, thinking by this meanes to fynde out, who they were that were Lutheranes: then he commaundeth the Drumme to be stricken vp, and a signe to be giuen for men to prepare themselues to sight, and thus he filleth the Citie with armour and tumult.

There was then present a certaine noble man, who was appoynted by the Kings commaundement to presse and muster men for the warre: this man admonisheth the Bi­shop into what perils he may bring the Citie, the Englishe [Page 18] men their enimies approching neare, who, if they had knowledge of these troubles, might easily obtaine the Cuie: but his perswasion preuailed so little, that he was also in daunger of his life, and hardly deliuered himselfe from the mad rage of the common people. Therefore the franticke people through euery corner of the Citie, are as it were drunken mad by the guidance and leading of the Bishop: and doe besiege and forciblye set vpon the houses, in the which there were ninetéene of the faithfull congregated to make their prayers vnto God. But the faithfull earnestlye beseech the people to be quiet, and if there were any thing to be obiected against them, they were ready to put them­selues into the hands of the magistrate: The Bishop aun­swereth that the cause of their comming was onely to haue the Minister, which they knewe to be among them. The faithfull intreate that the Magistrate of the Citie might be called forth, and he shoulde vnderstande the truth of the matter. When the Praetor or Magistrate of the Citie had entred the houses, and made diligent search through the same, he declareth that the Minister is not there. Notwith­standing the Bishop commaundeth the souldiers to set vp­on and assault the houses: the which thing the people did with all the force they were able to make, seeking also to vn­dermine the houses. But all in vaine: for the faithfull that were in the houses, affirmed that vnlesse they woulde de­part, they would driue them away. And thus they being no­thing dismayed or troubled, commended themselues vnto God in Psalmes and songs. The Bishop hereat being more angry, commaundeth them to yéelde themselues: the faith­full refused not to come forth to him, if the people might de­part, saying that they were ready to make answere to those thinges whereof they were accused. But for all this the gunnes and other instrumentes of warre were set to, and bent against the houses. The faythfull séeing into what straytes and extremities they were brought, thought nowe [Page 19] within themselues, that there was no remedie but that they must defende themselues: but bicause it coulde not be done without great slaughter of the people, if they did rash­lye fall to offer strypes, they thought it good not so to de­fende themselues vntill the verye extremitie came. Not­withstanding, when the people ranne with haste into the houses through the holes of the walles which they had made with Gunnes and other weapons, the faythfull shotte at them with Crossebowes, by force whereof ma­ny of them being stayne, the myndes of the other were so discouraged, that by and by the whole multitude ranne a­waye, and great quietnesse was made throughout the whole Citie.

They therefore being thus miraculouslye deliuered, came forth singing the hundreth and foure and twentye Psalme, as they went through the middest of the Citie, and so escaped. The next daye following, the people be­ing gathered togither againe, ouerthrewe those houses in the which the faythfull had bene, yea, and their hou­ses also whome they suspected to bée fauourers of their cause. The Bishoppe vnderstanding that the Senate of Paris dislyked of this his facte, went to the King, and brought it so to passe by the meanes of them that were companiens and confederates wyth him in the same hys wicked furo [...], that the King allowed all that he had done. So lyttle was the equitie of the cause of the faythfull estéemed.

And very neare about this time also there séemed to be gi­uen a newe occasion to scirre vp affliction. For at Paris in a medowe or fielde nere adioyning to the same, commonly called the Clearks field▪ many of the faithfull, when others were busie at their sport and playe, began to sing Psalmes, little thinking that others would be stirred vp to do the like by their ensample. Notwithstanding, at the length it grewe to this, that when this▪ exercise had bene vsed certayne [Page 20] dayes, many, and men also of great estimation and fame, came togither to heare the swéete and pleasant harmonie of the singing multitude. They which coulde not sing, and which had not as yet the knowledge of God, went into the most conuenient places of the fielde, to heare that which was soong: and hearing the same, confessed that it was wic­kedly done to forbid the singing of so honest & godlie songs. But while this went forwarde, the aduersaries, as though they were vtterly spoyled, went to the king, and declared to him that the Lutheranes had mooued sedition at Paris: that they were ready to thrust his maiestie out of his king­dome: that a great number of them were gathered togither in armour to conspire against him: and therefore they re­quested him to prouide for this mischiefe: for (say they) the Catholike Church, and your whole kingdome is in great daunger. When the King heard this, he commaundeth that there be prohibition and stay made by a publike Edict, that men sing no more in that place, nor in that companie: and also that there shoulde be inquirie made of those which had soo [...]g. They which were the chiefe of the reformed Church, séeing into what suspitious those companies were brought, giue admonition to their friendes, that they neuer againe gather themselues togither in that place to sing as they did before: if they woulde sing, to sing at h [...]me. In the meane time, many for this matter were apprehended, who not­withstanding afterward for the lightnesse of the cause were set at libertie. At the last, when the Bishops preachers saw that the king did fauour them, they perswaded with the people, that it was an atteptable thing vnto God, and a me­ritorious worke (as they call in) for a man [...]o kill a Luthe­rane. And truly, the beastly rage and madnesse of that peo­ple by these perswasions, was prouoked, insomuch that the reynes of temperancie loosed, they ran headlong to commit what mischiefe they could: of the which matter, among ma­ny, we will bring certaine examples▪

[Page 21]On a certaine day, after a Sermon, it so fell out, that two men contended togither by wordes in the Churchyarde of S. Innocentes, the one of them, to the ende he might stirre and procure hatred to the other, by a reprochfull and odious name, cried that the people might heare, which were nowe going out of the Church, a Lutherane, a Lutherane: when the people hearde this, they fell streight way vpon him, and pursued him into the temple, whither at the length he fled as to a sanctuarie and place of refuge. A certaine Noble man by chaunce passing through the Church, with his bro­ther with him, who was a Priest, and hearing that the peo­ple were about to kill a man, ranne in all the haste vnto them, and sought by gentle wordes to turne the mindes of the people from their wicked purpose, that therby he might deliuer the man out of their handes. But a certaine Masse priest crieth out, saying, that he was the man whome they sought for, being one that durst take vpon him to defend a Lutherane, at the hearing whereof, the people run vpon the Noble man, vsing violence, and at the first beating him with their fists. The Noble mans brother, which was with him, began to intreate for him: but the people were more vehement and madde, by his intreatie, insomuch that they bring them both violently out of the temple, least it shoulde be defiled with bloude, or prophaned. One of these two, namely the Noble man, being stronger and better able to shift for himselfe than the other, escaped their handes, and fled into the Curates or Parishe Priestes house harde by. The other, which was (as we saide before) a Priest, was not so soone out of the Church, but he was thrust through with a dagger: of the which, he being nowe lyke to die, cal­leth vpon Saints, and desireth to be confessed of his sinnes, (whereby it might haue appeared of what religion he was) and at the length being wounded with other strokes, he was quite dispatched of lyse. And yet this stayed not their rage and madnesse: for when he was starke deade, they did [Page 22] all to bemangle and cut his deade carcas: yea, and some of them thrusting their handes into the gréene woundes, did afterwardes bragge that they had dipped their handes in the bloude. This man being thus dispatched, they beset the house of the Parishe Priest rounde about, least the o­ther brother shoulde escape awaye, being fledde thither (as is sayde before) for succour and defence: saying that they woulde offer the like violence to the Magistrate, yea, and to the King himselfe, if so be he woulde helpe a Lutherane. But at the length the night comming, they forsooke their siege, and so the noble man escaped.

Not long before this tyme, there happened another thing, which also I thought good here to insert. There was a certayne Sorboniste, or Popishe Doctor, whome men called the Soule of Picardie: This fellowe was a famous blower forth and moouer of sedition: being oftentimes ve­rye vehement to inflame the people against the Luthe­ranes, perswading them that it was a verye good and ac­ceptable worke before God, to shedde the bloude of the Lutheranes, and that they shoulde no lesse deserue at his handes thereby, than did the children of Israel in slaying the Idolatr [...]us Cananaeans: adding moreouer, that in so doing, the handes of the godly Catholikes should be conse­crated and hallowed.

Therefore as this man on a time, was preaching to the people, a certaine deuout man which canie to heate his ser­mon, vpon some occasion, or cōceite that he had in his mind, laughed vnto his fellow that late next vnto him. The which an old womā there present, saw, who cri [...]d that there was a Lutherane in y ^e Church, which did deride & laugh y ^e preacher to scorne. When the multitude that were there assembled, hearde this, they sodenly start vp, & reasoning no further of the matter, they drew the man out of the temple, & putting forth his eyes, and pashing forth his braynes, most cruelly flew him. These were the fruits of these seditious sermons [Page 23] preached by the Sorbonistes and Papisticall Doctors. The The fruites of the sermons of the Papistes. faithfull being thus miserably handled, were accused to the King, and to all the people, of sedition, and were accounted and taken for seditious persons.

About this time also, Andelotius the brother of the Ad­mirall Castillion, or Sha [...]ilion, was taken for religion, and put in holde, by this occasion. At what time intreatie was made for peace, betwéene the Kinges of Fraunce and Spayne, Granuellus Bishoppe of Atrebate [...]sis or Artois, made complaynt to the Cardinal of Loraine (for these were the Ambassadours betwene both Kings) that Fraunce was greatly infected with Lutheranes, in so much that the Noble men of the Realme also were polluted therewith: among whom, he said, that Andelotius had sent a booke to his bro­ther the Admirall, in the which booke he did grieuously con­demne the Masse: the which talke and communication was caried by the same Cardinall of Lora [...]e to Henrie King of Fraunce: and Fraunces Duke of Guise, going with an ar­mie to Thionuilla, sayde vnto the King, that he did not looke to haue prosperous successe of his armie, if Andelotius were Generall of the footemen, which charge in déede was before committed vnto him. When the King hearde this, being desirous to retayne the friendship of the Constable, he com­maundeth the Admiral Castilliō, brother to Andelotius, and Marescallus Momorencius, to perswade Andelotius, that he shoulde giue vnto him a reuerent aunswere concerning the Masse. The King (as hée was instructed by the Cardi­nall of Loraine) demandeth of Andelotius, what he thought of the Masse. To the which question, he answereth fréely, saying: Wheras the Masse is called a sacrifice for the quick & the dead, which only belongeth to the sacrifice of Christ (being once offred for all, and neuer to be offered againe) I think y ^t it is a detestable Idol fained by the brain & inuentiō of men. The King hearing this aunswere, tooke it in very e­uill part, and being angrye, forbad him his presence, and [Page 24] commaunded that he shoulde be put in warde: and another to be made Generall of the footemen in his steade. But af­ter the returne home againe of the Constable, Andelotius was restored to his former office, and reconciled into the sa­uour of the King againe.

At the length the peace before spoken of, was concluded, betwéene the two Kings, the chiefe and speciall point of the which peace was, that the two Kings should procure forth­with a generall Councell to be holden, to the rooting vppe and destroying of heresies. It was reported among the cō ­mon sort of people, that the Kings made a peace to this end, that they might ioyne in force togither to warre against the Lutheranes, who mightilye increased dailye in both their Realmes. They were greatly confirmed in these opinions, by the Cardinall of Loraine, and also by Granuellus Bishop of Atrebatensis▪ commōly called Artois who within a while after was made a Cardinall by the Pope. Notwithstan­ding, the number of the Lutheranes newly increased from day to daye, the blame and fault of the which increase was layde vpon the Iudges, and specially vpon the Senate of Paris, as though they had bene to fauourable in their dea­ling. For the which cause it was apointed that there should be a newe assembly made to consider of the Edict of Castel­lobrian: The parlia­ment at Paris. (of the which we haue spoken before, and that they shoulde first of all deale with matters concerning religion. The company therfore being asse [...] ▪ bled & called togither, the Kings Solicitor propounded vnto them these matters: First, that there were diuers opinions in matters that cō ­cerned Religion, founde lately in the Senate, disagréeing and contrarie one to another: as, when lome condemned heretikes to be burnt, other some woulde not haue them to be burnt, but mittigated the pa [...]ne by banishment: the which woulde redounde to the reproche and shame of the Senate: Wherefore he required that their sentences and iudgements might be conformable and agréeing euer here­after [Page 25] with the prescript and tenure of the Edictes which ap­pointed the punishments of death. The which in déede was the most speedie and readie way to detect those Iudges that were suspected of religion, as after truly it came to passe. For when euery man fréely vttred his minde and opinion, as the custome is, there were diuers iudgementes: some woulde haue no punishment by death, but banishment: o­ther some, before any thing was determined, woulde haue it knowne whether they were heretikes in déede, which were counted heretikes. Also he sayd that it was the Kings will that heretikes shoulde be punished: and the office of the Senate to sée and finde out who they were that were guiltye of heresie. And for this cause he willed them to make supplication vnto the King, that according to the first article of the peace concluded, he woulde cause a law­full Councell to be assembled, to iudge of these contro­uersies: and that they shoulde in the meane time leaue off to punishe. But some sayde that it coulde not be hidde, but was apparant for all men to beholde what greate corruptions had inuaded the Church, and howe néedefull and requisite it was, a reformation to be had, and that by the worde of God, which is the onely rule of veritie, and not custome, antiquitie, or the opinions of men. Further­more they added, that there was daunger, and therefore great héede to be taken, least while they (whome they cal­led Lutheranes) were condemned, Innocentes also shoulde be put to death. For (say they) the Lutheranes (as we terme them) haue probable reasons to defend their doctrine with­all: whose life is irreprouable, and without blame, vsing themselues oftentimes to praye deuoutly and zealously to God, as it hath well appeared to the Senate: to be short, such is their constancie, that thereby they shew themselues not to be such maner of men as they are sayde to be, among the common sort of people. Thus at this time, some spake one thing, some another: howbeit, the greatest part, would [Page 26] haue either the punishment to be mittigated, or else the men to be quite discharged. Many feared least this sentence and determination of those that spake in the behalfe of the Lu­theranes, shoulde take place: wherevpon two of the Coun­cell (as it is credibly reported) namely Egidius and Minar­dus, went to the King, and declared the matter wholy vnto him, before the Court had concluded what shoulde be done (against both lawe and auncient custome) saying vnto him that the matter was nowe come to such a straite, that great remedie must be prouided for the same, otherwise great perturbations and trouble would ensue: adding moreouer, that the boldenesse of some was such, that they durst arro­gantly deride the auncient religion, and as for the Edicts of the King, they made no account of them at all.

The King being inflamed and greatly stirred with this newes, came the next day into y ^e senate: where he declared that he hauing now obtained at the handes of God, the most excellent benefit of peace, & confirmed the same with the so­cietie & sure knot of matrimonie, there wāted yet one thing which he greatly desired, namely, y ^e setting of matters cōcer­ning religion, in a good & vniforme order: & for this cause he said that he came into y ^e Court, namely to vnderstand, both in what state the matter stoode, & also to cōfort & incourage them by his presence. And so he signified by the kéeper of the seales, that he would haue them to follow that order which they had begon, in shewing their opinions. Therefore of thē which resisted, some were more colde, fearing some subtill practise to be in hand, other som notwithstāding▪ spake their fantasies and opinions, with no lesse boldnesse than they did before, especially concerning the lawfull calling of a Crūcel or Parliament. And among others, Anoas Burgaeus, a man very godly & wel learned, when he had first of al giuē thaks vnto God, that he had so wrought in the hart of the Prince, that he would be a witnesse & indifferent Iudge of so weigh­tie a matter, and when he had exhorted the King to bend his [Page 27] minde, and giue good eare to so great & vrgent cause (being in deede the cause of our Lord Iesus Christ, which [...]ught to be defended by the patrocinie & garde of Kings) very boldly and fréely vttered his minde, affirming at the length that he d [...]d wholy giue his cōsent & agrée that there should be a coū ­cel called, & that the punishments then vsed toward y ^e Luthe­ranes, for that time should surcease. Others also after him, af­firmed y ^e like. When the King had heard thefe men, he ma­king first his preamble, said: that to his griefe and sorow he saw corruption to be crept in euē into his Court, being very sorie that any of his Nobles should be stayned therwith: the good he knew, as for y ^e others, he said he wold▪ so punish, that he would therby extirpe & quite pull vp by▪ y ^e rootes that mis­chief which was now a growing. These threatnings ended, & talking a while with those that stoode with him, he cōmaū ­ded that Annas Burgaeus & Lodouicus Faurus should be takē: y ^• which his cōmandement was streightway executed by Mō ­gomerie Captaine of the Garde, After this, others also were taken, as Fumaeus Foixius, & many others. And those y ^t were Foixius. of these opinions, loking to be handled as they were, got thē out of the citie: but afterward they were opēly proclaimed.

About the same time almost, a Synode was helde at Pa­ris, many ministers of the Churches (which were thē called the reformed Churches) being then called togither for thys matter, in the which both the doctrine of the faith, and also Ecclesiasticall discipline, were copiously & largely intreated of▪ & truly as the time required, the forme of discipline which was alredy appointed, which was also afterward by many Synodes and Councels inlarged, and examined by the rule of Gods word, and the approued▪ customes of the auncient Church brought much profit: all which matters here to de­clare, is not our purpose. Howbeit, these thinges following The first sy­node of the Churches of Fraunce. were the principall points thereof.

• 1 First, it is agreed, that the confession of the doctrine, which may testifie▪ the cōmon consent of the Churches, [Page 28] be registred, to the ende that no straunge opinions craf­tily be conueyed in.
• 2 That all things be done in order in the Churches.
• 3 That so often as might conueniently, there shoulde be Councels, Synodes, or Parlings, of those Churches that were not farre oft.
• 4 That there be diligent eye and heede giuen, specially to the doctrine, and also the maners of Ministers.
• 5 That no Minister vsurpe superioritie or principalitie by any maner of meanes among his fellowe Ministers, but that all things bee done indifferently, and soberlye a­mong them.
• 6 That all offences and stumbling blocks be taken away.
• 7 That the faithfull be taught their dutie, and also instruc­ted in the puritie of the worde, and in the chaste rule of discipline▪
• 8 That nothing in this discipline be rashly altered by one man, or by one Church without the authoritie of the generall Councell.

But now when the most excellent and famous Princes Protestantes of Germanie, vnderstoode of the great punish­ments and intollerable afflictions layde vpon the faithfull for the Gospels sake: they sent their Ambassadours wyth their charge and letters vnto the King, beséeching him that he woulde inhibite and staye those grieuous persecutions: of the which their letters, this was the effect and summe as followeth.

When they vnderstoode and weyed with themselues, The summe of the letters of the Princes of Germanie sent to the King. that men in all ages, estates, and times, suffered imprison­ment and bondes for professing the doctrine of the Gospell, which is contrarie to those superstitions which are of the most part obserued: and that for the same cause onely, they were extréemely punished both in body and goodes: ‘they also knowing themselues to be members of the same heade Christ with them, whome they hearde to be so cruelly han­dled, [Page 29] and being perswaded, that they were bounde in con­science to helpe them so much as they might: they thought good for these causes to sende their Ambassadours vnto the King with those letters.’

To these letters subscribed the Earle of Palatine, the Duke of Sax [...]nie, Marchio of Brandeburge, VVolfgangus Earle of Weldentsius, and the Duke of Wirtemberge.

The king when he had suluted the Ambassadours, accor­ding to the maner and custome, maketh a very short aun­swere, in this forme, saying: that he will forthwith sende such an aunswere, that he trusted thereby sufficiently to sa­tisfie them. But notwithstanding, the Ambassadours of the Princes were as yet scarcely departed, but that the fire of persecution, which séemed to be extinguished before, by their comming, burned the faithfull a freshe, Moreouer, the Annas Burgae­us examined, condemned, and iudged to dye. causes of those Counsellers, who (as we sayd before) were taken in the Senate of Paris, came now in question. Iud­ges also were chosen, which shoulde consider the cause of Annas Burgaeus, but not indifferent Iudges, but such as were great enimies to that which he defended. And among others, the Bishop of Paris, and Demochares the Inquisitor were chosen for this purpose: the which Iudges when Bur­gaeus refused, desiring that he might be iudged of the whole felowship and assemblie of the Senate, according to the an­cient and accustomed lawe of the Senate of Paris, he was commaunded by the Kings letters patents to aunswere be­fore those iudges. The which letters when he had hearde them red, he affirmed, that for obedience sake to the King, he woulde aunswere, otherwise he woulde haue made no [Page 33] aunswere at all: therefore, they demaunding of him, he made aunswere to all those principall points of Popish re­ligion, which are at this day in controuersis: as to the tra­ditions of the Church, to inuocation of Saints, to Purgato­rie, to the Masse, and to the rest. All the which he dislyking and gaynsaying, was at the last condemned by the Bishop of Paris, for an heretike: and bicause he had taken certayne orders (as they call them) the same Bishop giueth com­maundement that he shoulde be disgraded, and so giuen o­uer to the secular power.

The which sentence as it was falslye giuen, so Burgaeus appealed from the same to the celestiall Iudge.

And nowe at this time those outragious stormes of per­secution did seeme to beate vpon euery corner of the church of Christ. The King sent new letters to euery Parliament, in the which he commaundeth that the Lutheranes shoulde be most seuerely persecuted. Heretofore (sayth he) in the troublesome time of warres, the Lutheranes greatly increa­sed: but now that he had inioyed and gotten peace, he wold wholy bende himselfe and all his force vtterlye to race and destroy them: wherefore he exhorteth them to vse the same diligence in doing the like. If they want power and stregth, he promiseth that he will prouide for them a bande of soul­diers, to be redy to ayde thē at al néede. In any wise he wil­led them not to be colde in their businesse, as some began to be, for if they were, he woulde first begin with them, and make them féele the smart of punishment prepared for others.

Therefore all the Courtes, Senates, and Assemblies be­ing with this general commaūdement of the King mooued, they thunder out, and shake▪ both heauen and earth with newe threatnings and Edicts. In the middest of this great distresse and troubles of the faithfull, there was great ioye, triumph, solemnitie, and feasting, for the peace confirmed betweene the two Kinges by the knot of matrimonie: all [Page 34] which ioy and pleasure, was by and by, sodenly turned in­to great sorrowe and wo. For King Henrie to solemnise the matrimonie, willed a Iusting or running at Tylt to be prepared, the which being done, and diuers of his Péeres and Nobles armed in a readinesse, he himselfe desired, a­mong all others, to runne against Momgomerie Captaine of his garde: who being very loth and vnwilling so to doe, was commaūded earnestly of the King to run against him, the King himselfe putting a speare into Momgomeries hande: and running togither in a broade way that leadeth to S. Anthonies stréete, not farre from the Castell into the which the two Counsellers (of whome we spake before) were put, a péece of one of the Speares or iusting staues, by the great force and violence of their running, strake the King through the helmet into the eye, and so to the brayne, The death of king Henrie. wherewith he was sore hurt. Then the wounded King, af­ter much bléeding, was caried into the house called the smal towers. Manye men report that he sayde in his greatest griefe and payne, that he greatly [...]eared, that he had com­mitted wickednesse, and done iniurie agaynst his two Coū ­sellers: but the Cardinall of Loraine did labor earnestly to turne his minde from that opinion, often crying and incul­cating these wordes into his eares: The aduersarie of the faith tempteth thee: perseuere constantly in the faith. The King by the earnest and continuall perswasion of that Car­dinall, had bene verye cruellye minded and bent against those Counsellers, in so much that threatening, he spake these wordes: I my selfe will see the burning of Burgaeus. It was noted of manye, that the King was wounded and stayne by him, whome he commaunded to carie Burgae­us to prison: who was (as is sayde before) Momgomerie, a mortall enimie at that time to the reformed Religion, the which he vehementlye persecuted vpon the straite com­mandements and charge giuen vnto him for the same pur­pose. But afterwarde he was brought to the knowledge of [Page 35] the truth, & became a very profitable member of the Church of Christ. And thus king Henrie being weary of his mortall life, through extreme griefe and paine, surrendred the same againe to him that gaue it, in the yeare of our Lorde God. M. D. LIX. the. x. day of August.

By this sodaine chaunce, the ioy and mirth was turned into sorrowe and beauinesse, all men woondring to beholde so sodeyne an alteration and chaunge. The Court which was séeled, pergitted, sumptuouslye decked, and prepared for dauncing, leaping, and other pastyme, to make a plea­sant and ioyfull mariage, was nowe conuerted to another vse: namely, to kéepe the Kings deade bodie. There, be­waylings were made, with dolefull and lamentable songs in blacke and mourning garments, the space of fortie days, and fortie nightes.

But notwithstanding this time of mourning and sorow, the afflictions moued against the Church, which séemed by that wonderfull chaunce of the King to cease, coulde not be asswaged by any meanes: neither did the aduersaries cease to prosecute and follow the law against these two Counsel­lers. Therfore when Burgaeus had oftentimes appealed frō them, his appeales being pronounced by the Court to bée nothing and of no force, he was at the length condemned by the Bishop of Paris, from whome before he had appealed: and was also disgraded. The which he taking in very good part, as might appeare by his cherefull countenance, spáke these wordes: To daye (sayth he) it is brought to passe by the singular goodnesse of God towardes me, that to the ende I might neuer more haue to doe with Antichrist, the badges and markes of that great beast are taken from me.

Diuers thought Burgaeus vsed many appeals to put of his aduersaries, y ^t thereby he might delay the time & prolong his life: notwithstāding, he writing letters to y ^e church of Paris, affirmed y ^t he did it not to preserue or prolōg his life, y ^e which he wold willingly bestow for the gospels sake, but rather y ^e [Page 36] he might séeme not to pretermit any thing which appertai­ned to defende his right. And therfore thinking that he had not done sufficiently by his plaine and manifest answeres, he writeth also a confession, in the which he professeth plen­tifully and plainly what he thought of euery speciall point of religion.

Notwithstanding, afterwarde by the earnest perswasi­ons and importunitie of his friends, he was brought to that poynt, that he propounded and deliuered to the Iudges a certaine ambiguous and doubtfull confession: in so much that then there was great hope that he shoulde be set at li­bertie. Of the which thing when the heads & gouernours of the reformed Church had intelligence, being very carefull for Burgaeus, notwithstanding, being sorie that he should af­ter that maner be deliuered out of prison, and from death, commaunded one of the Ministers, to put Burgaeus in mind of his dutie. And certainely their friendly admonitions did so much preuayle with Burgaeus, that he by and by earnestly acknowledging his sault, desired at the handes of God, par­don for the same: and quite altereth that which before hée had done. Therefore he offereth to his Iudges againe ano­ther suppliant booke, by which he reueketh his doubtfull and last confession, affirming that he standeth to his first confession, and requireth that he maye haue iudgement of his cause thereby, and that the last sentence eyther of con­demnation or deliuerance may stande therevpon.

That confession is truly more large, notwithstanding, so well deseruing to be remembred, that I thought good here The summe of the confession of Burgens. to insert the same▪ And first of all in that confession, he affir­meth himselfe to be a Christian, that is to saye, such a one as embraceth the doctrine of God the father, and his true sonne Iesus Christ, of one substance and coeternal with the father, and also of the holy ghost, who is all one with the fa­ther and the sonne, being the very power of the father and the sonne. Secondly, that God created man after his owne [Page 37] Image and similitude: who notwithstanding by the sugge­stion of y ^e Serpent, that is to say, of Sathan, fell from God, and made not only himselfe, but also al his posteritie parta­kers of grieuous punishmentes, sinne also cleauing to hys séede vnto the ende of the worlde. Thirdly, that there is but one waye to saluation, namely Iesus Christ, who being the very sonne of God, became perfect man, and tooke vpon him all our infirmities, sinne only excepted. This seconde Adam hath fulfilled the lawe for vs, and made vs thereby partakers of euerlasting righteousnesse: he liued here a time on earth, died, and was buried, and after he had ouercome death, he rose againe the thirde daye: ascended into heauen, and sitteth at the right hande of the Father, making inter­cession for vs daily to him, vntill he shall come to iudge the quicke and the deade. Fourthly, that he doth leane and stay himselfe onely vpon Gods worde (that is to saye, vpon the bookes of the olde and newe Testament) penned, pronoun­ced, and vttered by the holy ghost, the Prophetes and Apo­stles being only instruments. And that this is the only and euerlasting rule of truth: to adde vnto the which, or to take any thing therefro, is great wickednesse. Therefore all the lawes and Ceremonies which Popes and others haue made, cannot binde the consciences of men. And when he had layde this foundation, he sayth that he doth detest the constitutions of the Pope, by which he woulde séeme to be more wyse than the most prudent and mightie Lorde: be­ing also most contrarie to all truth: the which thing he ma­keth A comparison betvvene the doctrine of the Gospell, and the Romishe doctrine. more manifest, by comparing the commaundementes of God with the traditions of the Pope. God (sayth he) cō ­maundeth vs to worke sixe dayes, and to rest the seuenth daye: but the Pope to adde thereto his deuise, exempteth certaine dayes in the which he forbiddeth to works. God permitteth vnto vs the vse of all meates with giuing of thankes: but the Pope forbiddeth the same. Our Sauiour Christ commaundeth that they which haue not the gift of [Page 38] continencie shoulde marie: but the Pope most seuerely forbiddeth his Clergie to marie, against the custome of the auncient Church. God forbiddeth Images to be set in chur­ches, but the Pope cōmaundeth the contrarie. And therfore he concludeth that he is very Antichrist, and very liuely de­scribed of the Apostle Paule so to be▪ After this, be answereth 2. Thes. 2. 3. to euery one of the Articles of the interrogatories one by one: as to inuocation of Saints: to the placing of Images in the temples: to the Sacraments: to Purgatorie, and to the rest. I therefore (sayeth he) acknowledging by what su­perstitions and errours I haue bene hytherto ledde and blinded, doe nowe affirme, that I doe vnfeynedlye ab­iure and abhorre them all, euen from the bottome of my heart, as things contrarie to the doctrine of my Lorde and Sauiour Iesus Christ, which is the worde reuealed by the holy spirite of God, and written by the Prophetes and A­postles. The which worde, I receyue and embrace as the rule of my whole lyfe, euen as in olde time, the fierie piller led the children of Israell through the Desert to the lande of promise. I protest that I will direct and frame my whole life according to the prescript rule of that word, by the assi­stance of Gods holy spirit, which shall be with me, & order all my wayes: without the which I can do nothing, and by which all things are possible vnto me. Insomuch that I am perswaded that all things shall happen to the glorye of the Lord, to the enlarging of the kingdome of his sonne, to the building of his Church, and to my soules health, which I commende vnto him: to whome I giue most harty thanks: whom I most humbly pray in the name of Iesus Christ his welbeloued sonne, that he will strengthen and slablishe me by his holy spirite in this fayth vnto the ende: and that it will please him to graunt me-strength, for his mercies sake with my heart and mouth boldly to confesse his holy name, both before the faithfull, and also before Infidels, tyrants, and murthering butchers of Antichrist, euen to the shed­ding [Page 39] of the vtmost drop of my bloud. All my desire is to liue and dye in this sayth, being fully perswaded that the same is grounded vpon the worde of God alone, and that all the Saintes, Patriarkes, Prophetes, and Apostles, did lyue and dye therein. This is the only true knowledge of God, in the which the vndoubted and eternall felicitie of men is placed. This I saye, is the fayth in the which I will both liue and die. To this confession I haue subscribed with my owne hande, being readye also to seale the same with my bloude, for the defence of the doctrine of the sonne of God: whom I pray to open the eyes of your heartes, that at the length (if it be his will) ye maye knowe and vnderstande the truth.

Therefore when he had wholye confirmed that confes­sion, and had with his owne mouth plainely testified the same before his Iudges, then was there no hope left that Burgaeus shoulde be deliuered. For he had great and migh­tie aduersaries, among whome, his chiefe and principall enimie was the Cardinall of Loraine, who left nothing vn­done that might by any maner of meanes hasten his death. For he feared, least at the length he shoulde bée deliuered by the King. For many Noble men, as Fredericke Earle of Palatine Prince Elector, and others, had very earnestly written to the King for him.

All things therefore being so appoynted, as wée haue shewed, hys aduersaries thought that they had manye iust reasons, by which they might condemne him to dye. And therefore on the twentie day of December, they pro­nounce the sentence of death agaynst him: namely, That The sentēce of death against Burgaus. Burgaeus being condemned of heresie, shoulde be burnt with firé, vntill his bodie were consumed to ashes. The which sen­tence Burgaeus heard, and receiued cherefully: and when he had heard it, he gaue thanks vnto God that had suffred him to sée so ioyfull and happie a daye: and prayed also vnto God, that hée woulde pardon and forgiue his Iudges, [Page 40] who had iudged him according to their owne conscience and knowledge, but not according to the true knowledge and wisedome of God. Many wordes be vttered vnto them at that time, which were so rhetoricall, weightie, and senten­cious, with vehemencie vttred, that it might well appeare, the holy ghost rather to speak than he: the which his words here to repeare, shall be nothing from our purpose.

Hath (sayth he) that fraudulent message of hell full of all guile and deceyte, and an abhominable lie, with deadly hatred, still striuing against the truth, so preuayled, that being accused vnto you falslye for those men which we are not, shall so be condemned? We, I saye, are the sonnes of God, whome we knowe to be our father, with whom there is no respect of persons: with whome we are able to doe all thinges, and without whome, nothing: he it is, whome you ought to heare, speaking nowe vnto you, otherwise he threateneth vnto you death and destruction. It is (trulye) the part of great and intollerable boldenesse, for men to dare presume so much against the holy and in [...]tolable com­maundement of God.

Shall we suffer our redemption, and the bloude so plen­tifullye shed for our sinnes, to be troden vnder foote? Shall we not obey that our most mightie King, who woulde haue vs to defende his cause, who séeketh vs, who sustaineth vs, who is also our▪ Captaine in fight? What shall we do then? shall feare make vs vnconstant, or driue vs from doing our dutie? No, we shall rather be strong and valiant, séeing we encounter with so weake an enimie. But beholde what this wicked generation commaundeth? that we suffer God to be blasphemed: that we betray the truth of God, and such like: the which bicause we will not do, we are counted exe­crable and wicked, yes, we are called seditious. Ye are (say they) rebels to Princes: and wherefore? bicause we will not offer vnto Baal. O good God, how long wilt thou suffer the vnbridled lustes, and ambitions willes of men to haue [Page 41] their swaye. In the meane time, most merciful and louing father, till it shall please thée to restraine them, haue mercy vpon vs: leade vs forth, and gouerne vs, in defending of thy truth, to the vtmost of our power. Make it to be knowne (O Lord) that they themselues are rebels in déede to Prin­ces: and I for my part while I haue breath, will not let to tel them so. Is this to play the part of a rebell, for a man to giue vnto his Prince both body and goodes and whatsoe­uer else, to be at his pleasure? Is this the part of a traitor and Rebell, to praye vnto God for the preseruation and prosperitie of the King and the kingdome, and that he and his Ministers, Counsellers, and Magistrates, maye truly and faithfully doe their dutie, that all false worship being taken away, God may be glorified alone, and of all men purely worshipped? Is not this rather, rebellion, to deface Gods glorie, and to giue that honor due vnto him to crea­tures, and to followe the deuises and fantasies of men in worshipping him, to count it a vertue, to rent and teare the name of God with blasphemous othes, to suffer brothell houses and common stewes, and an infinite number of wickednesses mo? I appeale here vnto you ye Senators: if ye beare the sworde of the Lorde only to reuenge his cause, to the punishment of wickednesse and vice, take héede I ad­uise you what ye doe. Will ye giue iudgement and pro­ [...] condemnation against your selues? Weigh and consider I pray you a little with your selues, the wickednes that is layde to our charge, and first of all iudge whether it be more méete for vs to obey you, rather than God. Are ye made so drunke with the Cup of the great beast? Doe ye after this sorte bring the people from falling into sinne, whome ye bring from the true worship of God? If you re­uerence and feare more the opinions of men, than ye do the iudgement of God, consider with your selues what the peo­ple of forroine nations and kingdomes shall thinke of you, when the crueltie of your iudgements shall be spoken of in [Page 42] euery place▪ yea, and that before so famous Princes.

Howe many wickednesses doe ye commit, by the com­maundements of that ruddie purpuled Phalaris, (canst thou By the tyrant Phalaris he meaneth the Cardinall of Loraine. O cruel tyrant, by the cruel death cease our sobbing sighes?) who at his owne pleasure, for his proper aduauntage and gayne, aduanced the authoritie of certaine rulers, to the de­struction of the King and the whole kingdome. At his com­maundement ye so racke and torment our bodies, that ye your selues are constreyned to pitie the same. Howe great is your crueltie? But me thinketh I sée teares fall from your eyes. Why wéepe you? Can you hide the burthen of your consciences. Feare not, hardly, the iudgement of God, although ye be constreyned to tremble thereat. They which are condemned of you to die, reioyce, accounting death to be vnto them life: they are nothing abashed or dismayed at your crueltie, they regard not the iniuries offered vnto thē, and as for death, they count it a sléepe, according to the Pro­uerbe: The conquerour dieth, and he that is conquered, la­menteth. What should it grieue me to be hanged? I know Lorde, that if euer any wickednesse deserued punishment and payne, the wickednesse of those deserueth it euen to the full, which reiect and contemne the benefite of thy sonne Christ. I imbrace (O Lorde God) that saying which thou hast put into the mouths of certaine of thy Martyrs, name­ly, that he is worthy of double punishment which receiueth not the offered redemption of our Sauiour. No man shall separate vs from Christ, what snares of trappes soeuer are layde for vs, and with what paynes soeuer our bodies shall be tormented, I knowe that we were appointed long ago as shéepe to the slaughter. Let them therefore kill vs, let them grinde vs to pouder and ashes: yet notwithstanding, they which dye to the Lorde liue still, and shall so ryse a­gayne at the resurrection of the iust. Whatsoeuer come to passe, I am a Christian, & a Christian will I be. Uerye ear­nestly will I crie, that I may be hearde, dying for my Lorde [Page 43] and sauiour Iesu Christ. Since the matter standeth thus, why do I stay? take me hangman & carie me to y ^e gallowes. And repeating these wordes againe, and that with such ve­hemencie, that he made the teares to come out of the eyes of his aduersaries, he spake these words to y ^e Senators which were then present, namely, that he suffred death, bicause he woulde not acknowledge, iustification, grace, sanctification, merites, intercession, satisfaction & saluation to be in any o­ther, than in Christ: & that therfore he died for the doctrine of the Gospel. And after many other words concerning this matter, at y ^• length he concluded with these words: Put out, put out one day those your flaming fires, come vnto the lord in newnesse of life, that your sinnes may be done away, let the wicked man forsake his ways, & the wicked cogitations of his heart, and then the Lorde will haue mercie. In the meane time, meditate and consider these thinges in your mindes. Beholde, I go now vnto the death.

When he had thus vttered his minde, the hangman tied his handes, and bounde him to the Cart, in the which he was caried to the strete commonly called San-Iani Greuaei, aboue foure hundred armed men garding him: beside this, the whole Citie of Paris, as though it bene at the cōming of their enimies, was furnished with armed men: the wayes that led to the place of execution were stopt vp, & the frequē ­ted places kept. Yet for all this, this godly Martyr, was no­thing abashed, but abode couragious and constant. When he came to the place of execution, he put off his clothes him­selfe, and being stripte naked, fetching great and déepe sighes, he looked vp stedfastly into heauen. And at the length vttered these few words only to the people: I am not come hither, either for theft nor murther, but to suffer only for the Gospels sake. For he had the libertie of his tongue graūted vnto him (which libertie other of the faithfull had not whē they came to suffer, hauing their tōgues first cut out of their heads) vpō this condition, y ^e he should not speak to y ^e people. [Page 44] The which he promised to obserue, that he might the better praye vnto God. Therefore when he had made his prayers to God, and shoulde nowe be sacrifised, he oftentimes re­peated these words with a loude voyce: O my God, forsake me not, least I forsake thee. And being strangled, he was cast into the fire, sealing that with his bloude, and death, which before he had subscribed with his hande.

This was the ende of that good and godlye man being of great fame among the learned, both for his witte, and also his learning, and being also of honorable calling and great welth: who had no doubt in short time attayned to greater honor and dignitie in this lyfe, had not God reserued him, by the pure knowledge of his name, to this greatest prefer­ment and dignitie of professing his truth, which the world counteth reproch. For Burgeus came of an honest familie and stocke, being borne in Rionssius, a towne in Auergne, and brought vp in good letters, who had so giuen himselfe to the studie of the lawe, that he became famous in the pro­fession thereof. Afterwardes, being chosen to be one of the Senate of Paris, he left great fame of wit and learning be­hinde him, among the most noble men. Being therefore in the waye to come to greater honor and preferrement, be­holde, God indueth him with more pure knowledge of hys worde, whereby he fearing no perils of times, ioyned him­selfe to the reformed Church, and woulde be present at the sermons which were then secretly made: and thus dailye he was feruent more and more in godlye zeale: Insomuch, that he had not bene partaker of the Lordes supper passing once or twise, when he spake his mind so fréely before king Henrie in the Senate house in the defence of the Gospell: by whose commaundement he was cast in prison, and from thence (as ye haue hearde) caried to execution. A singular example of the efficacie and force of the knowledge of God, and also of godlye constancie in so worthie a man, at the which, the godly hereafter shall iustly maruaile. His bloude [Page 45] truly was the séede wherby the Church of Christ in Frāce did greatly increase and growe, as may plainly appeare by those things which followe.

Touching the other Counsellers, whom we sayd before were taken togither with Burgaeus, this was the ende: after a while, they had diuers iudgementes giuen of them, by which they were deliuered. And the causes why these so es­caped are these: namely, either the new Iudges, who to vn­derstande their causes, examined them after another ma­ner than the other was examined: eyther the diuersitie of times, in which chaunced many troubles: or else truly the very inconstancie of the captiued Counsellers themselues, relenting somewhat to their aduersaries.

About this time, Nicolaus Durandus, (who altering his name, called himselfe Villegagno, that is to say, a Conque­rour of Cities, as though he had bene a newe conquering Vlysses) obtained of the King a nauie of shippes with men and vittaile accordingly, to sayle to the South Indians, ta­king with him many men which professed the reformed re­ligion: to the ende (as he sayde) that the Gospell might to them be preached, and there planted. And when he was ar­riued into America, he sent to Geneua, that Ministers might be sent vnto him from thence: the which his desire was graunted, insomuch that he obtained two, namely, Peter Richerius, and George Charterius. who came vnto him with a great number of those faithfull Protestantes that fled out of Fraunce in the hote time of persecution. These men when they were come, began to preach the worde of God, and to appoint an order of discipline. There was al­so among the rest, a certaine man called Ianus Contachus, not long before, a Sorbonist or Papist, who came thither after Villegagno. This man being ambitions, desired great­ly to be made a Bishop. Therefore he thought this a verye good way to obtaine his purpose: namely vpon the daye ap­pointed for the ministration of the Lordes supper, to mooue [Page 46] certaine questions: as, whether Copes, and Surplesies, and such Priest like garments were necessary to be vsed in that ministration: also, whether vnleauened breade and the mixing of water with win [...], shoulde not in the same be vsed. The which he did in déede. Howbeit, for all this contention mooued by him, the Supper of the Lord was then purely ce­lebrated. But the controuersies increasing daily more and more among them, it was tolde vnto Villegagno, that there was a fame and report in Fraunce, that many Lutheranes were come into America, by his meanes and guidance. At the hearing whereof Durandus Villegagno being made a­searde, quite altered and chaunged his former minde and purpose, concerning the bringing in and establishing of the Gospell in those regions. And when as on a time Richeri­us ministred Baptisme, and sayd that all those things which were by the Papistes ioyned to Baptisme, after the institu­tion of the Apostles, were depraued and corrupted addi­tions, Villegagno made open proclamation, saying that Richerius lyed, and streight way affirmed that he had rather followe the ancient rites and customes of the Church made a thousande yeares ago, than the new opinions of Caluin, and other newfangled persons: adding also to this, that [...]woulde neuer more haue to doe with them. At the last, af­ter long controuersie, it was concluded among them, that the articles which were in question, shoulde be sent to the Churches of Fraunce and Germanie, to iudge of them, whose iudgement and opinion they agréed to followe. For this cause Charterius was sent into Fraunce. But when Villegagno vnderstoode by rumors that great persecution continued still in Fraunce, he plainly vttereth his minde, and declareth that he would stand to none of all their iudge­ments and opinions, but woulde imbrace the doctrine of the Romishe Church, and forbiddeth Richeri [...]s to preach or [...]o gather togither the congregation to praye any more. Thys was the cause why Richerius and Pontanus returned into [Page 47] Fraunce, notwithstāding, the lets and impediments which Villegagno obiected vnto them: who in déede went about to bring to passe, that so soone as they came into Fraunce, they both might be deliuered into the handes of the magistrate. Many in like maner of the faithfull which abode in Ameri­ca, were very euil intreated for religion, some for this cause being drowned, left a signe and remembrance to the vtmost partes of the world, of their sufferance for the Gospel. And this truly was the issue and ende of the rashe and vndiscrete zeale of Villegagno,

But now let vs here bring in that, which we left behind vnspoken, concerning y ^e death of king Henrie. After that he was buried, & his funerals celebrated according to custome, & the new king Frances set in his roome, the Guises (hauing gotten authoritie and fauour with the King, by the meanes of the Quéene of Scottes his wife) left nothing vndone to aduaunce them to dignitie: séeking all they could to remoue others, to whom the gouernement of things appertained, but specially in this time of the Kings nonage, and at their pleasure placing whome it pleased them, to the great detri­ment, losse, & reproch of those Princes that were the Kings neare kinsemen, being of the same familie and lyne that he himselfe was of. But this their authoritie & power hapned vnto thē chiefly, to the destruction of the Church. Therfore that persecutiō which séemed to end by y ^e wonderfull chaūce Great afflictiō of the Church after the death of king Hērie. of king Henrie. begā now to be more vehement thā before. And y ^e chiefest persecutors were the Guises, both for the olde cankred spite they bare to religion, and also for the vnbri­dled and ambitious desire they had to beare rule, and to get authoritie: the which they saw by no other meanes coulde stande. For the Cardinall of Loraine who also ioyned with the Guises, was greatlye dismayed and made afearde by newe rumours, which were daily brought from for­reine Nations, namelye, that a conspiracie was made a­gainst them, by manye men whiche coulde not bea [...] [Page 48] their tirannie. And therefore the Guises thought it best to proclaime open warre against the Christians.

Then was there newe Edicts deuised and set forth more cruell than the other that were before, with newe punish­mentes added to the same. In these, it was forbidden so make any secret or priuie assemblies vpon payne of death: and also promised to the bewrayets of such as should make the assemblies, the one halfe of the confiscation or forfey­ture of their goodes, beside manye other great rewardes. There was also commaundement giuen to the ouerséers and searchers out of such, to receyue diligently the accusati­ons brought vnto them: to take those that were accused: daily to search houses: and to certifie the Senate of the Ci­tie what they had done in the premisses.

Furthermore, there was authoritie giuen to the Prae­tor, to hang and drawe, at his pleasure: that he might giu [...] sentence of death against such as were before him accused for heresie, the benefite of appeale denyed and taken away from such as were condemned.

The U [...]cars and Curates also of euery Parishe were commaunded not to be slacke in excommunicating those whome they knewe to be Lutheranes. Besides this, there was impunitie and pardon giuen to the accusers, if so be, it fell out that their accusation were founde false.

About this time Sathan (who séeket [...] all that he may the An example of two false brethren. destruction of Christes Church) to the ende nothing might be left vndone that might by any meanes hurt the same, ta­keth newe wayes in hand: as ye shall heare by this which followeth. So it was, that two false brethren fled from th [...] Church of Paris. One of them was a Goldsmyth by his oc­cupation, whome the Lorde had sometime vsed (as he doth oftentimes other hypocrites) as a meane in bringing many men to the knowledge of him: the other was a certaine Painters seruant. The first of these two, which was the Goldsmith, being for his wickednesse and euill life excom­municate [Page 49] from the Church, came to Democharis the In­quisitor, and tolde him that he knewe many things concer­ning the Lutheranes, and that he for sooke their companie for this cause, that he might so much as lay in him, worke their destruction. And so whatsoeuer he knewe might be hurtful to the faithfull, the same he declared to the Inquisitor: gi­uing vnto him the names of such as were chief of y ^e church, and burdening them with grieuous crimes. To be short, he left nothing vntold, that might serue any maner of way to be hurtfull vnto them. To this fellowe, the Inquisitor gaue diligent eare, and encouraged him with great com­mendations to procéede in his well doing, promising vnto him great things: and to the ende he might not séeme to dal­lie, he gaue vnto him a summe of money for an earnest pe­ny: and for the newes he brought him, he called him Saint Paule the Conuert. To be short, this fellowe perceyuing some fruite and profite to come vnto him for his treacherie and playing the Iudas part, added yet to his former wicked­nesse another mischiefe. So many as he knew to be weak, and not fully se [...]led in the Christiā profession, he perswaded to go to the Inquisitor, and to desire his friendship, that they might be absolued and discharged of the punishment ensu­ing. Also he caried with him Catchpoles to so many of the houses of the faithfull, as he knew, that by them they might be apprehended. By this his secrete treason he made all the chiefe of the Church to flée. Nowe the other, which was the Painters seruant, enuying his maister for due correction ministred vnto his deserts, went and tolde the Iudges that he had frequented the Lutheranes companie by the com­maundement and will of his maister. Whome the Judges séeing to be so readye to accuse, inticed him by many faire promises, to bewraye such as he knewe to be Lutheranes: The which request of theirs he satisfied to the vttermost, saying that the common report was true, namely, that they satisfied their filthie lustes one with another: and saying al­so [Page 50] that he himselfe had to doe with diuers yong maydens, whome he named. For the which cause he required that those Maidens with their mothers might be brought before the Judge face to face, and the matter throughly examined. The which matter at the length being manifestly proued false, this wicked accuser was constrayned to confesse that he was procured by Democharis the Inquisitor, and one of the chiefe of the Senate, to forge these things. Howbeit, this slaunderous rumor did much harme, for it was noysed abroade, that all maner of wickednesse was committed by the Lutheranes when they came togither. The same wherof being brought to the eares of the yong King, made him more cruell against the faithfull. And so persecution waxed hote and vehement againe, the Iudges Flyes (for so were the Inquisitors called) flying abrode in euery corner. Insomuch that for the space of nyne monethes the faithfull were cast Grieuous af­fliction. in prison, banished, murthered, and their houses and goodes confiscate. Notwithstanding all these things, God preser­ued the remnant of his Church: and suffered not, for all this, the preaching of his worde to be taken away. Manye therefore were then burned for the Gospels sake, whose cōstancie wan many to the same. And among the rest which suffered for the testimonie of the Gospell, there was one Margaret Riche. woman, called Margaret Riche, a booke sellers wife, of won­derfull constancie. This woman by the falshoode & deceit of hir husband was betrayed into y ^e hands of the Judges, who notwithstanding was the first that instructed hir in y ^e truth, & brought hir to know & reiect hir former errors. Annas Bur­gaeus affirmed that he was much encouraged by y ^e constancy of this woman, which was kept in bonds when he liued.

Thus, the Kingdome of the yong King Frances being go­uerned as it pleased the Guises, who hauing gotten the su­perioritie, thought and deuised nowe howe to bring two things to passe, which séemed to be so necessary for thē, that without the obtaining of them, they could not get their pur­pose: [Page 51] the which two thinges were these, the extinguishing and taking away of the libertie of Fraunce, and the libertie of the Gospell. But while they went about to bring these things to passe, many complaintes of them, and libe [...]s that touched the practise of these things were cast abrode: name­ly, that y ^e Guises did not secretly go about to conspire against the kingdome: that they went about in the dayes of King Henrie by subtil & sinister meanes, to subuert and wast the Duchie of Andegauensis and the Countie of Prouince: that they oftentimes complained that the King had do [...]e them iniurie in this thing: that they went about to proue by lear­ned men whō they had taken to search the Chronicles, that they came by true lineall discent of Carolus Magnus: that Hugo Capetus (of whom come the kings of Vales that now raigne) vsurped the kingdome: that they sayd that they ho­ped for a time to come at the length, when they should haue more cōuenient time to reason & iudge of this matter: And therfore that the Guises hauing practised these things in the dayes of Henrie y ^e King, had now greater hope in these days of the yong king, to bring their purpose to passe: that it was done against all the lawes of the Realme, that they shoulde arrogate to themselues the gouernement of the Kingdome, séeing the same pertained to the Princes which were the Kings neare kinsmen, whom notwithstanding they had ex­cluded frō that lawful dignitie appertaining to them: y ^t the kingdome could not be committed vnto them without great daunger, specially séeing they contended for the same: that it wanted not great suspition, that they banished the auncient kinsfolks of the king frō the Court, to the intent they might do al things as thē listed: y ^t they did chaūge the gouernors of Prouinces and Cities, to the ende such might beare office as would be ruled by them: that it appeared by manye things that their gouernment was pernicious and hurtfull for the kingdome: as both by the freshe memorie of the late wic­ked acte done in the dayes of King Henrie, concerning that [Page 52] notable viage to Naples, by which the one was minded to make himselfe Pope, and the other purposed to make him­selfe King: and also by the sundrie exactions with the which the people were oppressed, when they shoulde rather haue bene eased, considering the great warres and charge that they had bene at before, being charged with warre a freshe, carying the souldiers that were wearied in the former warres into Seotlande, and all vnder the pretence of reli­gion. And here for examples sake, the dealings of those were brought in, who vnder the colour of custodie, prote­ction, and wardship, had inuaded the kingdomes of Or­phantes. These were the contents of those libels dispersed abrode, cōcluding also that it was no offence at all, but well done, with the sworde to resist the tirannie of the Guises.

While these things were published abrode, and on both sides writings of defence dispersed, manye rumors were brought from farre Countries to the Guises, but among the rest, this in especiall, namely, that manye had made a con­spiracie to set vpon them euen in the Kinges house. The Guises therefore being moued with these writings and ru­mors, layde the cause of all these things to the Lutheranes charge, and went about to perswade the King that the Lu­theranes disdaining to be so greatlye afflicted, had made a conspiracie to destroy him. And for the more safetie of the The descriptiō of the tumult of Ambaxia. King, they caried him to Ambaxia, being a litle towne, and fortified with a Castell: appointing watch and warde to be in euery place through which the King should passe to Am­baxia, commaunding also to take so manye as they founde armed, or by any maner of meanes suspected. This done, the Kings power and authoritie was committed to Frances Duke of Guise, to supplie the Kings roome, for confirmation whereof, he receyued the Kings letters patentes. Notwith­standing all this, the Guises as yet were vncertaine of the reported conspiracie, as, from whence, after what maner, by what waye they woulde come, and who the conspirators [Page 53] were, vntill the Cardinall of Loraine was plainly certified thereof by a certaine lawyer of Paris: to whome were gi­uen for his rewarde in reuealing this matter, ten thousande French Crownes, out of the Kings treasurie.

But nowe, what maner of conspiracie or practise this was, ye shall heare: There were verie manye which dis­dained and repined at the authoritie committed vnto the Guises, but specially the Noblemen, which tooke it in euill part, that the libertie of Fraunce shoulde be defaced by the tirannie of straungers. Againe, many of those which were of the reformed Churches, being wearied with sharpe and grieuous afflictions, and laying the burthen and blame of all these cruelties vpon the Guiles, as the chiefe and princi­pall enimies of religion, thought if they might be repressed and put downe, they shoulde finde the King more mercifull and readie to heare their petitions: and they should defend their cause before the Magistrates, if they were there vnto lawfully called. Yea, the matter came so farre, that they thought they had iuste causes to put downe the Guises, the which shoulde turne to the profite both of the King and countrie. And this counsell and practise was enter­prised at Nameta, which is a towne in the lower Bri­tayne, by certaine which came thither, vnder the colour of méeting togither at a mariage. The chiefe perswaders and procurers of which matter, were Godfridus, Barreus, Re­naudius, and Garreus, being Noble men. Whose determi­nation and purpose was to compell the Guises to giue an account bowe they had discharged their offices: and to re­moue them from that dignitie, which (they sayde) they had vsurped, and to place the Princes which were the Kinges neare kinsemen in the same. To bring the which thing to passe, they determined, if néede shoulde require, to take the sworde in hande. And thus they concluded their purpose, the summe whereof was: That nothing shoulde be done a­gainst the King, against the Kings kinsemen, and against the [Page 54] state of the Realme: and that their dignitie, and the libertie of the countrie shoulde bee defended so much as might bee from the violence of straungers. And to bring this thing to passe, Renaudius was chosen Captaine, to whome they ioy­ned sixe other, whose counsell he might vse in any matter: and thirtie men also very skilfull in feates of armes, to at­tende vpon him in seruice of warre. The time and place al­so of méeting was appointed. And so euery man diligentlye went about the thing concluded: they prouided money and artillerie, and appointed souldiers.

Notwithstanding, the manifolde rumors of their doings, and the exquisite diligence of the Guises (or rather the pro­uidence of God which had a greater worke to finishe) be­wrayed their counsels & deuises. At that time the Earle of Sansserrensis was lieutenant of Turon: who hearing that the Lord Castelnouan and certaine valiant captaines with him, abode there certaine dayes, came to them, & séeing the Lord Castelnouan, whom he knew, very earnestly inquired of the matter, but at the last they fell togither by the eares. How­beit, they escaped, and fled to the castle called Nozeus, to the which, they had before determined to come: & there, by the industrie of Renaudius, were gathered togither the number of fiue hundred horsmen. But the Earle of Sansserreus went without delay to Ambaxia, & told there al the whole matter. Whervpō captaine Nemorosius was sent to Nozeus with prepared souldiers, to take a view, & also to knowe their in­tent and meaning. Whither, when he was come, he desired to talke with thē. The which being graunted, he demaūded what cause they had so to deale, asking also, if they by their disloyall disobedience woulde bring infamie & reproch to all their countrymen, who were wel knowne to be euer faith­full and true to their Kings. To this they answere by Barō Castelnouan, that they ment nothing against y ^e Kings ma­iestie, but were armed to defend the King, & the state of the Realme, & intended to shew his Maiestie the fraude and de­ceyte [Page 55] of the Guises, which they practise to destroy the King and the kingdome: and that they were therfore gathered to­gither with a great companie of Nobles, to resist the tyran­nie of the Guises, their manifest violence & oppression both of lawes and auncient institutions: Affirming also that they woulde retaine the name of faithfull subiectes in the middest of these troubles, whatsoeuer they were thought off. To this Nemorosius replyed, saying that it became not Subiectes to come vnto their Prince with weapons and armour. They on the contrarie part sayde: that they did not beare armour against their Prince, but against the Guises, his vndoubted enimies, who will suffer none of his subiectes to haue recourse vnto the King. And therfore they sayde they were armed, that they might haue accesse vnto the Kings maiestie: to whome they knewe and woulde giue due honor and reuerence.

This cōmunication passing betwene them, Nemorosius at the last fel to intreating & beseching them, promising that if they would vpon trust yéelde themselues into his hands, and go vnto the king without armor, they should sustain no harm. Who at y ^• length being perswaded, yéelded thēselues into his handes, counting it a great good turne, if so be they might haue frée accesse vnto the King, without the vse of weapons and armour. Notwithstanding, so soone as they were come to Ambaxia, they were cast into prison, & hand­led, euen as they had bene traytors to the kings Maiestie. The day folowing, the band of footmen, not knowing what had happened, went through the woods to Ambaxia & being euery one of them inclosed and taken by an hoste of horse­men, were the same daye put to death, some being hanged, and some drowned in the riuer. The thirde day, the bande of horsemen (among whome came Renaudius) hauing tra­uailed all the night, by the conducting and skill of Champ­deus, a Noble man, came by the breake of the daye, to the Castell gates of Ambaxia. But béeynge betrayed, [Page 56] they fled away, & were scattered here & there. And this was the ende of this enterprise, & thus it was stayed. They whō Nemorosius had persuaded to yéelde, which were takē, were diuersly put to death, some had their heades chopt off, some were hanged out of the Castell windowes, and some cast into the riuer. And among others that were taken, Castel­nouanus was one, of whome we spake before, being a man of great fame, both for his birth, and also for his bringing vp. This man hearing himselfe to be pronounced giltie of treason against the Kings maiestie, cried out, that he was giltie in no respect of that crime, neyther that he coulde so be proued by any meanes.

This one thing he cōfessed to be true, that he went about to resist the tyrannie of the Guises, with a great number of the Nobilitie of Fraunce: if this were to offende the Kings maiestie (sayde he) they must be called Kings, before I and they can iustly be condemned of treason. And séeing they might not haue libertie to appeale to mortall Iudges, he sayde that he appealed to the celestiall Iudge for so vniust iudgement giuen vpon him, the which ere it be long, will take vengeance on innocent bloude so vniustly shed. The like also many others affirming, and committing their in­nocencie to God, caused manye to lament their state with teares. And among the rest, one whose name was Ville­mongius, Villemongius bathing his handes in the bloude of his fellowes which were newlye slayne, lifted vp his handes imbrued with bloude to heauen, crying: Lord this is the bloud of thy seruants: thou shalt take vengeance.

Nowe therefore these horrible slaughters, a man woulde thinke had bene sufficient to make Renaudius forsake his former purpose, but he notwithstanding continued in the same. Wherefore he went about to gather togither againe his men which were dispersed, as you haue heard euē now: the which while he assayed, he met with a horseman of hys enimies side, who shot of at Renaudius his dag, but missing [Page 57] him, was at the last by Renaudius slayne. But Renaudius by a souldiour standing by, being the seruaunt of the horseman that was slaine, was also wounded to death with the shot of a Dagge: whome notwithstanding, before he died, Renau­dius also manfully slue. But streight after by the grieuous­nesse of the wounde he dyed. Whose deade carcas being brought to Ambaxia, was hanged vp with this title: RE­NAVDIVS captaine of Rebels, and Author of Sedition. After this, it was deuided or quartered into foure partes, and set vp in diuers places, and his heade set vpon a forke. A wonderfull and straunge thing it was, that so many men should come togither from all parts of the Realme, and yet be séene of none. But this was not the ende of this tumult. The Guises, against whome this conspiracie was made, made great search and inquiry for those that were suspected to be guiltie of this conspiracie. Moreouer, the King of Na­uarre: and the Prince of Conde, in this contention tooke part against the Guises, as hereafter shall be declared. The Constable, at the commaundement of the King, went to the Senate of Paris, and there opened the whole matter concerning the tumulte of Ambaxia, commending the great diligence of the Guises in pacifying of the same: But bicause he sayde, that this conspiracie was made a­gainst those that were in chiefe authoritie about the King, the Guises tooke the same in very euil part, who would haue had all men perswaded, that it was made for the destructi­on of the King and the whole Realme, that all good order being taken away, euery man might rule and gouerne as him lysted.

At this time, Oliuarius the Kinges high Chauncelour, who had condemned those that were taken in the tumult of Ambaxia, was grieuously taken with sickenesse: and be­ing very extréemely handled therewith, sayde that he had iustly deserued the same, for that those whome he had con­demned, had great iniurie done vnto them. Moreouer, hée [Page 58] made exclamation against y ^e cardinal of Loraine, (who hea­ring of his extreme sicknesse, came to sée him) saying: Thou (O Cardinall) art he that bringeth destruction to vs all: And so fetching déepe sighes & grieuous grones, be ended his life.

Nowe there came forth a newe Edict very cruell against those which followed the newe Religion, as they termed it. Notwithstanding the late conspiracie being founde to come through the cruell punishmentes layde vpon men, whereat they boldly repined, brought to passe that the Gui­ses being afrayde, thought it best to temper and mittigate those punishments. Therefore there were sent abrode let­ters of pardon, in the which y ^e King declared that he would not in the first yere of his reigne begin with the miserable he Kings [...]rs of par­ [...]n. slaughter of his subiects (although they had deserued y ^e same) but wold rather folow y ^e example of our heauenly father, to retain his seruāts by his lenitie & mercie, than by seueritie and punishments. Therfore he sayd he sorgaue all offences concerning religion, and gaue generall pardon: notwith­standing, vpon that condition that they which enioyed the benefite therof, should liue catholikely as others did. More­ouer, the same that came by the conspiracie, troubled also the Cardinall of Loraine, being a man by nature verye fearefull and wauering, insomuch that now, after a sort he shewed himselfe very gentle toward the fauourers of the Gospell: yea, and hearde willingly many of the Ministers of Gods worde, which were not afearde to talke with him concerning the chiefe pointes of the Religion nowe in con­trouersie, affirming also that he himselfe did agrée with them in many points.

But the Quéene, to the ende she might vnderstande the true causes of the tumult of Ambaxian, and might sée also what remedies might be had for those troubles which were nowe readie to come vpon the kingdome, sent for one cal­led Planchaeus, bicause he was sayde to be a man that had by long vse, great experience, who being come, and brought [Page 59] into hir priuie chamber, she declared that she had sent for him to this ende, that she might vnderstande by him what were the causes of the troubles nowe at hande, and also what remedies might be prouided for the same. Of which, she sayde, no man coulde better satisfie hir than he. Who, when he coulde by no excuse shift off or denie this request, at the last affirmed that for his obedience sake, he woulde take this thing vpon him, and so farre as he coulde satisfie hir request. First, therefore he began thus, saying: there are two sortes of them, who hauing their names altered, were no more called Lutheranes, but Huguenotes. I saye of Spirituall [...] guenotes a Temporall Huguenote these, there are two factions: the one of religious persons, the other of Ciuile or politike persons. Of the whiche two factions, the first for their afflicted Religion, the other, for that the gouernement of the Realme was put into the handes of the Guises (the Princes, the Kings neare kinsemen beyng defrauded of the same) were greatlye displeased. These were the verye causes of these troubles: to remedie the which, there is no waye, but to satisfie both their wylles. The first, namely, the religious persons may easilye be perswaded, if so be, godly and learned men were gathered togither, and disputation made of those arti­cles nowe in controuersie. But the others, which were of the Temporaltie, can not be so easilye pacified, bicause they thinke that they haue iust occasion to put themselues in armour, and to resist. This therefore is the onely re­medie, if the Princes the Kings neare kinsemen be kept and set in their owne proper degrée and dignitye: and the Guises by some faire and gentle meanes remooued from gouerning the Kingdome. For the Nobilitie will not suffer the Princes which are the Kings neare kinse­men, to bée in lesse estimation than Straungers. And althoughe the Princes throughe their humanitie and great modestie woulde suffer them selues to bée so aba­sed, yet notwithstanding, the Nobles woulde not beare [Page 60] it, nor abyde the gouernement of Straungers. And to confirme this which he had spoken, he brought in manye examples, that the Guises being Straungers, were neyther in the number of Princes, nor at anye time so accounted: The names of Princes did not appertaine to the Guises, in the king­dome of Frāce and that therefore it was not lawfull for the Guises, to ar­rogate vnto themselues the titles and authoritie of Prin­ces, which onely appertained to the Kings bloude, as the auncient custome of the kingdome woulde declare. This (sayth he) to pacifie those of the temporaltie, whose do­ings were the more to bée feared, for that the greater part of the Nobilitie was of that side, sauing such as were woonne and procured awaye by the Guiles for the Kings money.

Thus Planchaeus largely and fréely vttered his mynde. But all the whyle that he had this talke with the Quéene, the Cardinall of Loraine, was hydde behinde the Ta­pistrie clothes that h [...]ng before the wall of the Closet. Who, when Planchaeus had leaue of the Quéene to depart, came forth, and talking with the Quéene, appointed that Planchaeus shoulde be called agayne, and commaunded to procéede in his former declaration, and to shewe who they were that were the authors and Captaynes of she late con­spiracie: the which, except he woulde promise to doe, that he might be caried to prison. Therefore Planchaeus being called againe, began to vtter his minde as fréely as he had done before, shewing the parentage and stocke of the Gui­ses, and also howe they were Straungers, and nothing ap­pertaining to Fraunce: adding moreouer, that it was very euill done to commit the gouernement of the Realme to Straungers, and speciallye to such, as did contende ambi­tiouslye for the Kingdome, and thought it shoulde apper­tayne to them. The Quéene being offended with his bold­nesse, and speciallye, séeing he affirmed that he knewe no­thing of the conspiracie, commaunded that he should be ca­ried to prison.

[Page 61]All which Planchaeus spake, was euen as it were the voy­ces of the people speaking by the mouth of one man.

After this Michael Hospitall the Kings Chauncelour, af­ter the death of Oliuarius, of whom we spake before, a man verye well learned and wyse, was sent to the Senate of Paris, to consult with them about many matters that be­longed to the gouernement of the Realme, and among the rest, concerning the prouiding such remedies as might take away the tumults alredie begon. And thus afflictions wax­ed Afflictions af­ter a sort cease. more easie than they wers before: and remedies were prouided for so generall a mischiefe. But the fame and re­port of the increasing of the multitude of the faithfull day­lye, was in euery place of the Realme: and bicause great troubles séemed to be at hande, all men had regarde vnto them, more than to the report of the increase of the faithful, the most part endeuouring themselues to staye and pacifie these troubles.

And at this time, this was the state of France: the Gui­ses A description of the Scotres warre for Re­ligion. sent the same prouision of warre, with the which they withstoode the religion in Fraunce, into Scotland, ouer the sea, to the intent they might there deface and put downe the religion newly begon. For the Nobles of Scotland with a great multitude of the people beside, had cast off the Popes yoke from of their neckes, & had plucked downe their Ima­ges, their altars, and abolished the ceremonies of the Papi­sticall seruice: causing the Quéene to get hir into a little towne by hirselfe, for that she was sore offended at that which they had done. Therefore lacking helpe, the Guises brought to passe to haue an hoste of men sent out of France, to the number of foure thousande. Of this bande of men, Brossaeus was Generall, with whome was ioyned the Bi­shop of Ambianensis, to the ende, the one might fight with the sword, and the other with Papisticall power. Therfore they toke their iourney with these cōmandements, namely, that they should seuerely punish the Rebels, and the chiefe [Page 62] authors of sedition: and that they shoulde restore the won­ted and vsuall obedience of the Pope.

Wherfore, so sone as they were come into Scotland, they made proclamation that euery one should go to Masse, & de­test and forsake the new religion. The Bishop wrote vnto the King, that he woulde bring all the people within fewe dayes to the catholike faith. Brossaeus wrote, that he woulde destroy all within sixe moneths which woulde not come to the auncient Religion. But it came otherwise to passe.

For after the death of Marie Quéene of England, the Gui­ses made claime and title to the Crowne of Englande, for their Néece the Quéene of Scottes, as though she had bene the lawfull heire. Whereat the moste gracious Quéene Elizabeth hauing great disdaine, sent worde to the King of Fraunce, of this great iniurie done to hir Grace by the Guises, and biddeth battaile.

Nowe the Scottés to the ende they might abide the for­ren power of the Frenchmen, féeling also that they stoode in néede of helpe and ayde from some other place, went to the Quéene of England, beséeching hir that although they were hir olde enimies, yet that she woulde vouchsafe to ayde them in so iust a cause of Religion, saying that they had ra­ther to abide any extremitie, than the tyrannie of the Pope. To whom the Quéenes maiestie willingly and gladly pro­mised and graunted helpe. The Scottes therefore being encouraged by this ayde, did so withstande the French power, that they made great slaughter of the French men, and draue them to such a strayte, that except the matter had bene taken vp by peace, it shoulde séeme that they had bene all vtterly destroyed.

Peace therfore was concluded, and the reformed Religion there established. And so that tumult was turned to the peace and quietnesse of the Church, notwithstanding, the subtill practises and cruell threatnings of the aduersaries.

There were also at that time grieuous afflictions layde [Page 63] vpon the Church in another place. For in the townes of Sixtus, and Guardia, in the countrie of Calabria, there were Calabria, a countrie ioy­ning to Na­ples. manye, yea, to the number of a thousande, which by the Popes commaundement were put to death for Religions sake: and many horrible cruelties also committed, by the meanes of one Marchion Buciane.

In the Kingdome of Fraunce also in diuers places, as at Paris, and Rhoane, many of the faythfull were murthered, vpon the solemne feast daye of the Bishops deambulation. For the faithfull began more and more to assemble them­selues togither: and exhibited vnto the King a little booke containing the confession of their faith, requiring to haue libertie graunted vnto them, to declare their cause. Wher­fore, it shall not be disagréeing from our purpose, to put downe here the same their confession: to the ende we may therby sée what a notable consent and agréement there was in the doctrine of faith, among the Churches of Fraunce, notwithstanding the [...]oysterous tempestes of the first af­flictions.

¶ The seconde Booke of Commen­taries of the state of Religion in the king­dome of Fraunce.

IT was prouided and appointed (as we haue shewed before) by the kings Edict, that there should be a Parliament, by which, the great perturbations which at that time all men sawe to be imminent and readye to fall on the kingdome, might be appeased and mitti­gated. Therefore at the daye appointed, diuers of the kings priuie counsel & other noble men came togither. The which assembly being made, the King declared the cause of their comming togither at that time, and commaūded that euery man should freely declare his mind both for his owne pro­fite, and for the benefite of the kingdome also. The rest (he said) they should heare more at large of his Chauncelour, of the Duke of Guise, and of the Cardinall of Loraine. Then the Chauncelour stoode vp & made a large discourse concer­ning the state of the kingdome, shewing that all men ought most chiefely to endeuour them selues to finde out the cau­ses of so great perill & mischiefe as the whole Realme now stoode in, the causes wherof being knowne, the remedyes might be the more easily prouided for. And, to this end and purpose he said, this assembly was made, namely, to finde out the causes of this mischiefe, & to prouide remedyes for the same. Adding moreouer that all things were done for the safetie of the people, for whom the King had most deepe and especiall care. And after hym the Duke of Guise brief­ly shewed the cause of his gathering together of an Ar­mie.

These things onely were done that daye: the next daye [Page 79] those which before were assembled, came together againe into the same place. And then the Chauncelor declared that it was the kings pleasure that euerye man shoulde freelye vtter his minde, but firste of all they of the priuie counsell, that by their example and beginning the reste might more boldely and cheerefully goe forwarde. Then Ianus Monlu­cius, Bishop of Valentia, the last coūseller being commaun­ded first of all to vtter his minde: Gasper Castillon the Ad­mirall strait way stepte vp, came to the king, and when he had reuerently saluted him, he deliuereed vnto hym two supplications, written in their name, which called themsel­ues, The supplica­tions of the faithfull deli­uered by the Admiral to the King. The faithfull Christians dispersed through diuers places of Fraunce. Both the whiche supplications at the Kyngs commaundement were read, the summe and effecte wher­of was: that they had good occasiō offered them by this their assemblye to offer their supplications and their humble re­questes to the King, praying and beséeching him that he woulde haue regarde to the greatest parte of his subiectes, who were euill intreated euen vntill that present time, and that for this cause onelye: for that they mynded to frame their lyues according to the prescript rule of the pure word of God. Affyrming also that they soughte for nothing else than to haue their doctrine examyned by the same rule of Gods worde, and that their cause might throughly be way­ed and considered: that all men mighte knowe for certaine howe greatly they did hate and abhorre those seditious and heretical opinions with the which hitherto they were false­ly burthened. Seyng they were thus euill intreated and oppressed, they flée vnto his maiestie for succour, beseching him that he would not disdaine but vouchsafe to behold and way their cause, & in the meane time y ^t it would please him to omit the punishments, by which their blood had béen shed in euery part of the kingdome, by the wickednesse & crueltie of many of the Iudges: who hauyng no regard to the peace and welfare of the Subiectes, but séeking rather to sa­tisfie [Page 80] their owne fantasie, lust, and desire, had shed the blood of poore men vndeseruedly and most vniustly, & had brought to passe to make a stay, that their requests and supplicatiōs might at no time come to the kings eares. Wherefore they humbly beséeche his grace that he would maintaine and de­fende his poore subiects against the wicked crueltie of these men: for which cause, they acknowledge him to be their King, and will render vnto him, according to Gods com­maundement, all due and seruisable obedience: and doe commit them selues wholy with all theirs, vnder his pa­trociny and safegarde, and also doe account him, their bul­warke, refuge and staye. Protesting before God and hys Maiestie, that they neuer intended any thing against hym, or to omit that loyall duetie and obedience, which they owe vnto him, for whose prosperitie, they daylie make their prayers vnto God. Adding moreouer that they sought for no euill libertie, or to haue sinne vnpunished: but rather that they might haue libertie to liue so néere as they coulde, according to the Gospell which they professed: and that in this thing they might not feare the iudgemēts of their chie­fest aduersaries. Againe therefore they beséech and praye his Maiestie that it would please him to graunt them leaue to heare the worde of God, and to receiue his Sacraments, vntill the matter were more fully wayed and considered of the Counsell: and that to this end and vse, they might haue Churches graunted vnto them, least their congregation or assembly being priuate and secrete, might come into false and euill suspicion.

This libell being red, the Admiral desired the King that he would take it in good part, bringing in diuers testimonies of his faithfulnesse towardes the kings Maiestie: As, when he was in Normandy to prouide things necessarye for the Scottishe warre, and was appoynted by the Quéenes com­maundement diligently to inquire out the dealings and be­hauiour of those which were called Faithfull▪ and perceiuing [Page 81] that they rendred certaine reasons of their doings, he pro­mised vnto them to offer their supplications vnto the Kings maiestie. To this the King aunswered, that he had diuers good and notable testimonies of him, and of his deserts, and also that he did take all things that he had done in very good part. And then the King commaunded againe the Bishop of Valentia to speake his iudgement. Who in effect vttered this which followeth.

DIOCLESIAN was wont to say, that the state and The sentence of the Bishop of Valentia. condition of those Princes was miserable, which were of­ten deceyued by those, in whome onely they reposed their trust: bicause they forsaking the gouernement of the com­mon wealth, and being as it were, drowned in their plea­sures, might so be easily deceyued. The which hath not happened vnto the King, forasmuch as there was diligent prouision made against those perilles by the prudent wise­dome of the Quéene, and by the diligence and care of the Guises; by which it was brought to passe, that the tumultes alredy raised were suppressed. The which being appeased, the King did wisely foresée howe to prouide for the like to come, and that for this cause he had caused this assembly to be made, in the which there were so manye good men that sought the Kings quietnesse and profite, that it coulde not be but that his Maiesties desires should be satisfied in euery poynt. For so great is the confusion and trouble in euerye place of the Realme, that it coulde not be more expressely described by the Prophete Esay, to be the dissipation of all things, of all orders and gouernement, than it is. The do­ctrine which hath so drawne away the mindes of men, was not s [...]wne lately, as it were, two yeares ago, but for the space of fortie yeares since, or thereabouts; by many Mini­sters of the same doctrine, being men verye expert in the knowledge of holy Scripture: who, by their great mode­stie, grauitie and godlynesse, hating all vice, and specially couetousnesse, and contemning their owne life for the ren­seruation [Page 82] of their doctrine, and hauing alwayes in their mouth that moste swéete name Christ Iesus, finding al­so the people going astray without a shepehearde or guyde, were easily hearde, and receyued, and brought great in­crease to their doctrine: and no mar [...]ayle, seeing they left nothing vndone, that might be done eyther by preaching, by writing, or by any other meanes, to publish and spreads the same abrode. But to come vnto those vsurped meanes and wayes which were attempted to [...]ynder and suppress [...] Bishops of Rome. that doctrine: if we shall begin first of all with the Bishops of Rome, we shall find that they haue very diligently gone about to sowe discord, and to make warre betwéene Kings and Princes. But our Kings, moued with godly zeale, haue appoynted paynes and punishmentes by Edictes, thin­king by that meanes to driue awaye those opinions, and to bring the people to one onely kinde of Religion: but in vaine. For the Iudges, both greatlye abused those E­dictes, and also oftentymes executed them after their owne euill disposition and pleasure, to gratifie those which craued the confiscation and spoyle of their goodes which were accused.

Of this matter we haue a manifest example shewed not long ago, of a man of no meane calling, which desired to haue the confiscation and spoyle of one which was accused of heresie, whose iudgement he tooke vpon him to order and appoint. If any Magistrate, Counseller, or Lawyer, Lawyers. had bene an euill or wicked person, to the intent he myght hide his former faultes and wickednesse, his maner was, by and by to séeke that these causes of Religion might bée brought before him, and that he might be put in office and authoritie to deale in these causes: the which authoriti [...] when he had rashly abused, vnder the colour of zeale, he shoulde streight way haue a name, and all that he had done before, shoulde be forgotten and forgiuen: as though that Religion ought to be defended by these supportations. So [Page 83] that it ought not to séeme straunge vnto vs, that these exe­cutions haue no better successe, and also if the people cannot abyde and suffer such wicked and cruell practises. On the o­ther Bishop [...]. side, the Bishops haue bene slouthfull and negligent, and haue had no consideration and care, to giue an account of their flockes committed to their charge: but haue rather sought all that they coulde to maintaine and encrease their yerely reuenewes, which they consumed vpon filthy, vaine, & vnprofitable things: insomuch that at one time forty Bi­shops togither were at Paris, banquetting, & satisfying their filthy pleasures, and liuing ydly, while al disorder and wic­kednesse increased in their Diocesses. Moreouer, we know that Bishoprickes, or the office of a Bishop, hath bene be­stowed vpon children, vpon Infantes, yea, before they were borne, vpon vnlearned and simple men also, which neyther knewe howe, nor woulde discharge their office. And thus the eyes of the Churches, that is to saye, the Bishops, were blynded, and the pyllers of the Church cast downe to the grounde. The Ministers therefore of this and that sect, vsing the occasion of these perturbati­ons and troubles, haue omitted nothing to winne the peo­ple vnto them. And as for Curates, they are couetous, Curates. vnlearned, and conuersant in all things sauing in doing of their dutie: and as the most part of them haue gotten their Priesthoode by wicked meanes, so doe they most vn­godlily retaine the same still: for Cardinals and Bishops let not to make their seruaunts, their Cookes, and horsekée­pers, Priestes, whereby Ecclesiasticall persons, are be­come a ieast and laughing stocke to euery man. But the onely meane and waye to prouyde for, and to remedie these mischiefes, is to flée vnto God, who in his iust iudge­ment is wroth with Ecclesiasticall persons, insomuch that he séemeth to intende their destruction, as hée did once the destruction of the Iewes. Also, certayne godlye men must be sought for, and called togither from all partes [Page 84] of the Realme, to consider of these and the lyke wickednes­ses, and to deuise meanes and wayes to extirpe and root [...] them out: and the King for his part must sée with all dili­gence that the name of God be not polluted and blasphe­med, as it hath bene hitherto: and that the holy Scriptures may be purely and plainly expounded to the people: and al­so that they may haue daily in their houses godly sermons, and exhortations: the which shall be able to stop the mouths of slaunderous persons, which shamefully sayde, that God was not once named or spoken of in the presence of the King.

And you (sayth he) O Quéenes, graunt me this one thing, He speaketh to Queenes, namely to the Kings mother and the Kings wife. I beséech you (if I maye be bolde to beséech you) that you woulde bring to passe, that in steade of prophane and vn­semely songs, all your traine and retinue maye sing godlye and vertuous Psalmes to the prayse of God: Knowe ye for a suretie, that God doth allowe or like of no companie or congregation, in the which he is not praysed and extolled. To this he added much more, by which he proued▪ that it was against reason, that the singing of Psalmes shoulde be The singing of Psalmes. forbidden, if the interpretation of them, which was noted about them, were not allowed, he sayde, it was better that the errors were noted, than that the whole worke shoulde be so reiected. And he shewed also that the Psalmes were made, not only for the publike vse of Churches, but also to be daily and priuately vsed. And therfore in forbidding the singing of Psalmes, there is iust occasion offered to sediti­ous persons to calumniate and speake euill: For nowe in this we striue not against men, but against God, whose The seconde remedie to appease trou­bles. prayses are so hindered and let. The seconde remedie is a generall Councell, the which the Fathers alwayes vsed as a remedie to pacifie and appease the dissentions of the Church. I sée not howe the Popes conscience can be quiet, nor to be in rest the space of one houre, séeing he séeth so ma­ny soules to perishe through the diuersitie of opinions, and [Page 85] yet for all that séeketh no meanes how to remedie the same. But if it shoulde come to passe, that the Generall Councell shoulde be let or hindered, then the King shall doe his dutie in calling a Councell of his owne Nation, after the ensam­ple of his auncetors, the Kings of this Realme, as of Caro­lus The example of the kings, Carolus Mag­nus and Lodo­wicke. Magnus, and Lodowicke his sonne. Nowe, they must be called to be of this Coūcell, which are counted to be the best learned men among them of that sect: and learned men of the contrarie part also, that they maye dispute togither of the principall groundes of Religion nowe in controuersie. Thus did Theodotius the Emperour at Constantinople, a­gainst the Arrians and Macedonians, although they were iustly condemned by the Councell of Nice and others: and afterwardes the Emperour woulde haue the actes of the Councell handled before him, to be openlye publyshed a­broade.

But concerning the paines and punishments which were The Gospell of diuers men diuersly re­ceyued. hitherto appointed, this (he sayde) was his opinion▪ and iudgement: That doctrine, for the which, all this trouble a­riseth, is of diuers men; diuersly receyued. Some, so soone as they hearde of the same perfecte and approued doctrine, and had in no poynt imbraced & receyued the same, thought it sufficient to knowe this one thing, namely, that no man ought to heare Masse: and that it was lawfull to eate fleshe in Lent: that men were not bounde to Auricular confessi­on: and that it was lawfull to speake euill of Priestes. These men vndiscretely went about to defend that doctrine by force of armes: but to be short, these men vnder the pre­tence of Religion, were mere seditious, and are by no mea­nes to be excused. For if these kinde of men were Christi­ans, or by any maner of meanes true receyuers of the Gos­pell, they ought to remember, that the Apostle commaun­ded to praye for Kings, and to render all obedience vnto them, yea, though they were cruell and wicked: also they ought to call to minde, that neuer in the Church, specially [Page 86] in the time of the twelue great persecutions, in the which an infinite number of Christians were put to death, there was any one man founde, which went about to defend his cause by force of armes: but rather ouercame the crueltie of their Emperours, with their pacience. Another sort of men there are also, which imbrace this doctrine, and retain the same, with such zeale, loue, and obedience towardes God and the King, that they woulde in nothing offende them. By the life and death of these men, it is manifest, that they haue a desire to attayne saluation, and to finde the way that leadeth to the same: and when they haue founde that way, they neither feare losse of lyfe and goods, nor any ma­ner of punishment, but to y ^e vtmost of their power prosecute that way. Wherfore, they are not to be counted among the number of those wicked professors before spoken off, nor to be numbred in the companie of seditious persons. As yet we see it playne inough that those punishmentes which haue bene deuised, haue done no good: but on the contrarie part, their patience which they manifestly shewed in the middest of the fierie flames, hath stirred vp many to haue a liking, and to fauour their cause. Herevpon it came to passe, that they which neuer hearde of the same doctrine for the which they suffer, were desirous to vnderstande what do­ctrine it was, and at the length hauing intelligence of the same, they did receiue it with no lesse affection & zeale, than others had done, being ready by the ensample of others, to suffer death for it. Therfore set before your eyes and consi­der With what weapons in time past the Bishops resi­sted heretikes. the examples of the thrée hundred and eightene Bi­shoppes, in the first Councell of Nice: of the. 150. in the Councell of Constantinople: of the 200. in the Councell of E­phesus: and of the 630. in the Councell of Chalcedon: who ne­uer vsed any other armour than the worde of God, against the Arrians, Macedonians, Nestorians, and other heretikes, conuicted of blasphemie against the holy Trinitie.

Constantinus, Valentinian, Theodosius, Martian, being [Page 87] Christian and godly Emperours, did vse no greater punish­ment against the authors of sects, than banishment. And, as touching assemblies and multitudes gathered togither, they were always forbidden, for the daūger that séemed therof to arise: y ^e king also hath sufficiently prouided for this thing by his Edicts. And thus this Bishop made an end of his oratiō, adding this one thing: (by the Kings leaue) that it was mete in punishing to haue a prudent consideration of the place, of the time, of the wils of men, & of the cōpani [...] called togither.

After this man, Carolus Marillacus. Bishop of Vienna in Dolpheny, vttered his opinion in maner and forme folowing.

Although that matter which is propounded vnto vs to de­liberate The oration of the Bishop of Vienna. vpon, is very hard & long: bicause it is left at large, and is general, & therfore the more vneasie to be concluded, séeing we must come frō that which is generall, to particu­larities: in discussing wherof, the diuersitie of Iudges will bring (as it is likely) great varietie of opiniōs: yet notwith­standing, we must hold this as a sure & certaine rule in the discussing of all matters: namely, that after long consulta­tion & debating of things, some certaintie at the length must be concluded: & that there cannot be a more pestilent mis­chiefe, & mortal plague in the gouernment of common wea­les, than to wander among the diuersitie of opinions, & to appoint and retaine no certaine thing. And if this rule, so greatly commended of wise men, & so prudently obserued of Kings, of common weales, & of Princes, which euer at any time florished, ought to stirre vs vp to follow the same way and rule: truly, the necessitie & the extremitie in the which we are, hath brought vs into such a strayt, y ^t we cannot do o­therwise though we would▪ And as all men of sound iudge­ment wil confesse, y ^• matter cannot abide in that state, in the which it is now, any lōger. But lest I be tedious vnto you▪ I will come to the matter. The tumults which of late haue hapned, the feare of newe things, the complaintes and dis­pleasure of many men, and the feare also and dreade that is [Page 88] among men, ought to stirre vs vp to séeke and prouide for remedies in time, which may defende vs from these great troubles, which else wil make a great alteration of y ^• state. And that I may briefly conclude this matter, I thinke that there are two things, as it were two pillers, by which, the Two pillers of the kingdome state of the kingdome may be fortified and borne vp: name­ly, the integritie of Religion, and the good will of the peo­ple. The which, if they were stable and firme, we néede not doubt the safetie of things: but if they be once cast downe (as it is to be scared) there must néedes followe great ruine and destruction of that hie and notable building. These two things therfore must be stablished and confirmed to prelient that ruine which is like to come: and to this ende (as both common profite and necessitie requireth) all our Councels, reasons, deuises and deliberations ought to tende: séeing herevpon both the due obedience to the King, and the con­seruation of the people dependeth. The which things are so ioyned togither, that the one of them by anye meanes can­not stande without the other. As concerning necessitie, we must measure and wey the same by hauing a respect and consideration of the King, and of his principall members or ministers, which vnder him gouerne the people, and of others also who ought to obey. First of all therfore, it is the The office of a King Kings duty to wey & cōsider whervnto he is called, & wher­fore y ^e Lord hath giuen vnto him y ^e rule of so great a people. In so doing, he shal find that the Lord hath chosen him to be a King to this ende, that he might kéepe the people vnder the knowledge, feare, and obedience of God, that he might gouerne them by good and wholesome lawes, and also to saue and defende them from the enimie: and in all thinges to shewe himselfe so studious and carefull for the common wealth, that he may be honoured and be beloued as a father of the people. For this is the onely difference betwéene a King & a Tyrant: The King reigneth and ruleth with the A Tyrant. good will, loue, and consent of the people: but the tyrant [Page 89] ruleth by violence and force. In a King therefore a man may behold the ordinance of God, the author and preseruer of Common welthes and humaine societie: In the tyrant the force and violence of the Diuel, who goeth about to per­uert that ende to the which God hath ordeyned Kings and Potentates. Herevpon it commeth, that as the King is lo­ued of all men, and hated of none, but of wicked men and Rebels: so the tyrant is feared of all men without excepti­on, and therefore hated of all, according to the olde Pro­uerbe, Quem metuunt, oderunt, him whome men feare, they hate. Therefore if the King will be loued, and obey the commaundement of God, and retaine the obedience and loue of his subiectes, he must of necessitie stablishe Religi­on, he must heare the complaintes of the people, and must prouide for them remedies, as a father prouideth for his children: séeing that he is set in the kingdome to that ende, neyther can he doe otherwise, except he will make himselfe vnworthy of the grace of God, by which he confesseth that he doth reigne: as both examples of holy Scripture, and do­mesticall examples also do plentifully declare.

The first bond therfore which confirmeth, knitteth, and Religion. retaineth the obedience of kings, is Religion: y ^e which is no­thing else than to know God, as it becommeth vs, that is to say, according to his prescript wil. And now séeing we ought to acknowledge him, to be y ^e creator, author, & preseruer of all things, it must néedes folow, that al our actions ought to tende to the setting forth of his glory. Whervpon it cometh to passe, that Religion, which is y ^t most assured bonde of hu­mane actions, and of the true obedience of subiects towards their Kings, ought to be reformed, preserued, & maintained. But bicause that bonde is dissolued and broken in these our dayes, both by the malice & wickednesse of some, and also by the doting madnesse and folly of other some, and by the cor­ruption of our time: it is no doubt, an euident demonstra­tion and token of the wrath of God, which threateneth [Page 90] vnto vs great destruction, not farre hence, vnlesse it be pro­uided for out of hande. For besides the varietie of doctrines, who euer sawe the ancient discipline of the Church so mise­rably abused, contemned, and deiected: errors so dispersed and rooted euery where, offences and stumbling blockes so common, the life of Priests so corrupt, and so much to be re­prehended, and also so many and great tumultes among the people. The way to remedie this great euill and mischiefe, is a generall Councell, the only ancient & vsuall meane: but as it plainely appeareth, that is not to be hoped for, and that Why a gene­rall Councell is not to be looked for. for two causes: The one is, It is not in our power to bring to passe, that the Pope, the Emperour, the Kings, and the Germanes, shoulde by & by agree, of the time, the place, and maner of holding of a Councell: in which things there are oftentimes great cōtrouersies. The other cause is this, Such is the disease and mischief, & it so grieueth euery part of the kingdome, that there is small hope of any remedie: Like as if a man troubled with a cōtinuall feuer, or with some other grieuous disease, which requireth letting of bloude, or some other present remedie, cannot tarie to haue the Phisitions help which dwelleth farre of, bicause of y ^e great vncertainty of his cōming. Therfore we must bring to passe to call a coū ­cel A Parliament. of our Nation, as it was before concluded, the which also the King hath alredy openly promised: And this parliament must of necessitie be called, both for the necessitie which so vrgeth the miserable Church, being brought to so great ex­tremities, & also for the kings estimation and credit, who by his owne letters hath openly giuen forth & declared y ^• same: but specially bicause there hath nothing happened since that time which might let or hinder the same: but on the contra­rie part, there grow new things & occasions daily, which do vrge and driue vs to séeke to call a Parliament, vnlesse we could be contented to lose all that we haue. The Emperour Charles the v [...]lately deceased, whē he came to Bononia, and had conferred with Pope Clement concerning matters of [Page 91] the Church, he willed his Chauncelor to talke with y ^t Pope The contro­uersie betwene Charles the v. and Pope Cle­ment. concerning the calling of a Coūcell, both to reforme the ma­ners of Church men and also to establish the doctrine which was in controuersie. The Pope vehemently withstode this thing, affirming that there was no néede to call a Councell, neither for doctrine, séeing that al new opinions are refuted & condemned of the ancient Councels, neither yet for Eccle­siasticall discipline, which was so wel appointed, that it was sufficient only to obserue & kepe the decrées written concer­ning the same. But the Emperour being not satisfied with this answere, replied againe, that it coulde not be, but that the great assembly of the generall Councell, shoulde bring great profit, & doe much good, both to cut off that euill which daily increased more and more: and also to repaire and con­firme those things which were very well already receyued and allowed, & to hinder & cut off that which might abolishe them by discontinuance and want of vse. And in this minde concerning the procuring of a Councel he continued, so lōg as he liued: In the which matter he founde no greater ad­uersaries than those, who shoulde haue set him forwarde in so commendable an enterprise.

Our auncetours were woont euery fiue yeares to call ge­nerall Councels, as it is to be séene in the decrees. But as touching priuate Councels, or Councels assembled out of our owne Nation, we shall find in the histories of the Kings of Fraunce, that they were called in euerye Kings tyme, beginning at the raigne of Clodouaeus, vntill the tyme of Charles the great, and so forth, vntill we come to Charles the feue uth his dayes. The which Parliamentes, or assem­blies, were sometimes gathered togither from euery part of the whole kingdome, sometimes from one halfe of the Realme, sometimes but out of certaine Prouinces onely. By which Parliaments it was sildome séene but that there ensued great fruite and profite to the reformation both of do­ctrine and maners.

[Page 92]Let vs not staye therefore any longer at the matter, but followe the examples and wayes of our elders: and let vs not be afrayde to be accused to be bringers in of newe cu­stomes, séeing that we haue so many examples to followe: but let vs assure our selues, that there must néedes follows thereof prosperous successe, séeing that God is alwaies pre­sent with those which assemble themselues togither in hys feare and name. Neither let vs defer the time any more, sée­ing that necessitie doth so vrge vs, and séeing spéedie reme­die Forewarnings of delolation to come. is so greatly required. We haue many sorowful and la­mentable examples to set before our eyes, which are fore­warnings vnto vs of great desolation to come, as the mise­rable state and condition of the Churches of the Jewes, of the Greekes, of the Egyptians and Africans, the which in time past florished, but at this day they scarsly retain a chri­stian name. For these causes I conclude that we must defer the time no lenger to call a Parliament, to remedie these things, without hauing any consideration or respect to those things which the Pope maye obiect as lettes against the same: séeing that both it is lawfull for vs so to doe, and also bicause our conseruation & safetie is now in hazarde. For if any one part of the kingdome were lost, it is not in the Po­pes power to restore the same vnto vs againe. Whatsoeuer my happen or befall, we must not perish to fulfil the Popes minde: but must rather follow (at this time specially) that rule which God hath giuen vnto vs, and which our elders haue so oftentimes folowed. But yet truly while this Par­liament shall be a preparing, I think it shall serue very wel for the purpose, if we prouide thre or foure▪ remedies, which may greatly further this our enterprise. The first is, of the Churches that Prelates maye remaine and abide in their Diocesses: and in this point let no man be borne withall. And here I think it good to put you in mind of the Italians, who enioying and occupying the thirde part of the benefites & spirituall promotions of this kingdome, draw vnto [...] [Page 93] selues great profit, & like horseleaches suck out our bloude, hauing no care at al to dwel vpō their benefices. And laugh­ing vs to scrone, we are so blinde that we cannot sée it: And if we chaūce to espie it, we are pacified againe by their flat­tering words. If the King should hire a great multitude of souldiers, and giue them wages, and if they should abide stil at home, & haue no care of their martiall affaires in y ^e war, had not then (think you) the King iust occasion to depryue them of their wages, & to dismisse them? And thus truly doe our Prelates behaue themselues, who in the troublesome time of the Church, when heresies & such like wickednesses were in diuers places sowne abrode (y ^e which in dede is the greatest warre of the Church, being so much greater than the earthly warre, as y ^e helth of the soule surpasseth & excel­leth the helth of the body) sate notwithstanding in the midst of their pleasures, voyde of all care of their flockes cōmitted to their charge. The second remedie is, to shew & declare by some notable & manifest act, that we are fully perswaded, & bent seriously to séeke a reformation, least the aduersaries should cauil & say, that we call a Councel, not to reforme the Church, but to séeke our owne aduantage, & to stablishe and confirme our owne prerogatiues & priueledges. In y ^e which matter nothing séemeth to me more méete & conuenient for vs, to declare that we haue an earnest care for the reforma­tion of the Church, than if we looke diligently about that nothing be done in the Church for money and bribes: to the ende that Babilonicall beast Couetousnesse, which hath Couetousnes the Babiloni­call beast. brought so many euils & corruptions into the Church, may at the length vtterly be ouerthrowne. And so we shall finde a more easie waye to controuersies: and shall also stop the mouths of those that slaunder & backbite vs. If any man ob­iect & say, that so great a matter cannot be brought to passe by so small a number of men as we are, without the deter­mination of the Generall Councell, we make vnto thē this answere: namely, that there is no new or vnwanted thing [Page 94] brought in by vs, but we séeke to bring those things to passe which Christ hath plainly commanded, Councels determi­ned, & Kings the executors of Councels confirmed, & which in our time also they which haue ben the best learned in the Romish Church, by their iudgementes haue allowed. The authoritie of this voice abideth for euer, Freely ye haue re­ceyued, Math. 10. Giue freely. Spirituall things are giuen fréely: ther­fore it is not lawfull to buye & sell them: and are in that or­der that they were giuē to be distributed, that is to say free­ly. Herevpon they are called Simoniakes, which take vnto Symoniakes. themselues that vnlawful and forbidden game: of the which simonie or forbidden gaine, we haue so many examples both in the scriptures, & also in the historie of y ^e ancient Church, that we shall not néede at this time, to make any longer dis­course of the same. And to say somwhat of the Coūcels, how oftentimes was this forbidden, namely, that not onely cor­ruptions, but also suspition of corruption, should be taken a­waye? Inso much that they which distributed & gaue the al­mes, were forbidden to giue it in the time of the sacramēts, least they should séeme to giue their almes for the receiuing of the sacraments, as ye may reade in the Councel of Ancy­rane, and others. In like maner king Lodoicus, séeing that confusion créeping by little and little into the Church, com­maunded that the Clergie shoulde abide and dwell in their Diocesses, and that no money euer after should be caried to Rome: shewing how greatly this chopping and chaunging did displease him: & yet there was neuer any man that was counted a greater Catholike than he. Also Pope Paulus the Pope Paulus the thirde. third, himselfe, in our time, séeing that many departed & for­sooke the Church of Rome, and fearing that this mischiefe wold grow more & more, was constrained by the continuall cries of the Protestantes, to confesse that there were many errors got into the Church, & therfore commaunded certain men that were coūted notable in learning, to note diligent­ly what things were worthie of reformation, & swore them [Page 95] to hide nothing thereof from him: threatning them, that if they did not discharge their office throughly, they should in­curre the penaltie of excommunication. Among the rest to whome this charge was cōmitted, were these, Contarenus, Contarenus. who was made Cardinal in Germanie, for his dealing in y ^• notable cōtrouersie: cardinal Theatinus, who after the same Paule the third was made Pope: Cardinall Sadoletus, & car­dinall Sadoletus. Poole the Englishman: & fiue others also, which for Cardinall Poole. their great learning were chosen to this office. These men, whē they had diligētly examined y ^e matter, gaue forth their sentence & opiniō in publike writing, the first article wher­of was this: Nothing ought to be done for money, in the vse and administration of the keyes, that is to say in the power of the Church. Notwithstanding, that Pope Paule the thirde which was so hote in the matter with his thundering threat­nings, did nothing at all therein when it came to the pinch. Neither would Pope Paule the fourth his successor, whē he was yet but Cardinal, establish that which he thought to be mete & necessary. I omit that which Bernard & other learned fathers haue said: only this I say, except we aply our minds, & put our hāds to the tearing vp of this roote of al euil, Jesus Christ will descend from heauen with a whip in his hand to Math. 27. The thirde remedie. expel vs as buiers & sellers out of the temple. The third re­medie shal be, to confesse our faults, the which in dede is the first step to helth, & to make the same manifest by publike & generall fastings: the which maner was alwayes obserued in the olde Church, whensoeuer any great perill or daunger was like to come vpon the Church, as plague, famine, or warre: the which thrée euils in these our dayes inuade the realme togither. For what greater plague can there be, thā that which slayeth mens soules? What greater famine can therebe, than the famine of Gods word? Or what warre cā be more mortall or cruell, than the corruption of pure do­ctrine? By which we being drawn frō God, are depriued of the eternal kingdom which Christ by his bloud hath purcha­sed for vs. Let vs therfore turn vs vnto those old accustomed [Page 96] remedies, as to C [...]mmon praier, to fasting, and to wéeping: Olde accusto­med remedies. and first of all, we must take into our handes the sworde of God, that is to say, his word: the scahard wherof we scars­ly retaine: neither must we thinke that Myters, Croziers, Cappes, Garments, and other ornaments (the which in old time were outwardly worne, to shewe that which was in­warde, that is to say, that godly doctrine ought to be ioyned with a godly life) can deliuer vs frō the cōtempt of the peo­ple: seeing that which is eternall is wanting, & there onely remaineth an outward shew & feined sight. Let vs set before our eies this horrible sentence which John the Baptist pro­nounced against the Jewes, saying: Nowe is the axe put to the roote of the trees, euery tree therefore that bringeth not forth good fruite, is [...]ew [...]e downe and cast into the fire.

The fourth remedie shall be, while the Councel is a pre­paring The fourth remedie. & gathering togither to stay seditious persons, & so to restraine thē that they break not by any meanes the cōmon peace & tranquilitie: & let this be kept as a law ratified and inuiolable, y ^t it is not lawful for any subiect, vpō any occasiō, or for any cause, to take armes, & to lift vp y ^e sword without the cōmandement or leaue of the Prince, y ^e only moderator & gouernor of warres. This I speak for y ^e sorowful exāples sake which hapned, & are like to happē, except we take heds. Of the one part we saw the tumult of Ambaxia: on y ^• other part, there were certain Preachers, which stirred vp y ^e peo­ple to tumult, & violently to set thēselues to destroy & banish those protestāts, vnder a pretence of godly seditiō: as though that Religion coulde or ought to be established by sedition. And thus there was greate offence committed on both parts, insomuch that many were slaine, which were thought to be Protestants. Moreouer, those protestants did greatly offend, enterprising many things rashly, to put away these iniuries offred vnto thē, taking armes, therby violating the law of y ^e magistrate, which belōgeth to no priuate persō For the end of y ^e law is, to liue according vnto Gods wil, to hurt [Page 97] no man, and to obey the lawe of Armes. Therfore the king is the maintainer of Gods law, and the moderator of wars, the which he may and ought to vse to the authoritie of the lawe, and to the punishing of rebelles and traitours. To be shorte, he counteth him selfe a king, who, although he be not ordained of God, yet of his owne will and authoritie moueth warre. And truely herevpon it followeth that he ought to be counted of all men as an enimy, and to be puni­shed as a breaker of Gods ordinance and publique power. For this cause I thinke it good that commaundement be gi­uen to inferior Magistrates, that they diligently attend vp­on their charge and offices, least some newe thing happen by their carelesse negligence. Hereby therefore it euident­ly appéereth that the first bonde to preserue the kings estate is, so to establishe Religion, that no man may abuse y ^• same at his owne pleasure, against the authoritie of the law, and the ende thereof, which is, that both God and the king maye be obeyed.

But now to come to the seconde principall point, as con­cerning The seconde principall point. the ordering and kéeping of the people in due obe­dience, we thinke this to be the waye, namely, to heare the complaintes of the subiectes, and to vse conuenient reme­dies for the same. Notwithstanding there is great differēce betwéene priuate & open complaintes, for if the complaints be made of priuate persons to priuate persons, the diligence of the Judges which are appointed to ordinary gouernemēt, is a spéedie way to remedie and helpe them.

But when there are generall complaints, or when ey­ther the confirmation or alteration of things commeth in question, we must straight way haue recourse to those aun­cient The state of the kingdome which consis­teth of these three, namely of the n [...]bili­tie, clergy, and communa [...]tie. constitutions and orders by whiche the safetie of the kingdome standeth: the which are nothing else than those thrée orders which we call the states. That is to saye, that those things being made manifest and opened which maye bring any confusiō, and the remedies which were prouided [Page 98] to put away the same, being diligently sought for, the king for the loues sake that he beareth to his people, maye deter­mine and appoint that which is iustly required to the ho­nor of God and the cōmon profyte of all men. Of the which thing, the good will of the people wholy dependeth, that ha­uing done that duetie which he oweth vnto God, he may in lyke maner satisfie the mindes and willes of his subiectes.

And so he shall not onely kéepe the name of a king, & the gifts of nature appertaining to a kingly name, but also may rule and gouerne by peace: seing that gentlenesse may al­lure them of their owne good wils to do more, than force or violence can extorte from them.

And to the ende it may euidentlye appéere that the com­plaintes are such y ^t they ought to be heard and examined of the assembly of y ^e States, I will shewe vnto you a generall reason, namely this: The extraordinarie taxes, tallages, & Tributes. tributes haue so increased, that now the subiectes not onely are not able to beare this great burthen, but also not able to satisfie & discharge those old duties which were before time accustomed to be payde. Is not this a complaint to be consi­dered & talked of in the assembly of States? Seing the grea­test part of y ^e people complaineth of the same, and are by no maner of meanes any thing disburthened: but specially se­ing that to heare the afflicted & oppressed, is the beginning of consolation, & to declare a readinesse and good will to ease thē, is the greatest & principall point to heale: the which at the least may stay thē least dispayring they shoulde séeke an alteration & remedy. If on the cōtrary part, the king aledge for him self, the calamitie and trouble of the long continued warres, the diuers and manifolde charges and costes that grewe thereof, the scarsitie and emptinesse of his Treasu­rie, and also the greate arrerages and debte in the which he founde the Crowne when he came first to the same: Is not this a complaint to be considered and talked of in the assem­bly of States?

[Page 99]If the people alledge that the King oughte to maintaine himselfe and his traine by his yeerely reuenewes, and that he ought to hold and maintaine warres with his subsidies, and to set forth armies with his customes and tributes, the which things were for this cause graunted in time paste.

If in like maner the king declare that he found almost al his demeines distracted, deuided, and conueyed awaye, the greatest part of the subsidies taken vp before hande, and yet he himselfe, greatly burthened and indebted, to the ende he might obtaine by the consent of the people, that those bur­thens being somewhat eased, mighte remaine as yet for a time, vntil meanes and wayes, which are dayly deuised to recouer againe his demeines, may be brought to effect.

But is there no other better waye to be had to bring things to passe than by y ^e assembly of the States? To speake briefely, if there be anye maner of complaint whatsoeuer, pretenced or otherwise, where can it be better put forth thā in the generall assembly of the States? and if it be a iuste The commē ­dation of the generall assē ­bly of the States. complaint, where can he haue a more present remedie than y ^t which shal be deuised by so many men? but if it be vniust where can the same be sooner found out thā in y ^e assembly?

There is also another consideration of necessitie, wherof there arise great daungers, seing in these straites and ext [...]e­mities, there is no ordinary remedie vsed. First of all, the King is scarcely obeyed in his Edictes and statutes: y ^e which is one of the greatest signes of sedition. For when the peo­ple are not heard in those things wherof they do complaine, it commeth therevpon that they cast away all hope to haue redresse, and so they fall into such desperation, that they dare enterprise to ease and vnburden them selues, without the hauing of any consideration of the kings cōmaundement or his officers: yea they arme & prepare thē selues against all perils, as though nothing were more sharpe & intollerable.

On y ^e other part, they which say y ^t they are greued, capti­ously take this cōplaint of y ^e people, & increase y ^• same: & do al [Page 100] that they can, to amplifie and enlarge that with newe lyes which they haue once falsely tolde and reported for a truth. Herevpon commeth the vnhonest publishing and casting Slaunderous bookes. abrode of slaunderous bookes and publique writings. And the people being exulcerated and vexed with their owne di­sease, willingly receiueth that which appertaineth to their disease, and by the ignorance of the kings matters, doe flyde and fall into these sinister and wrong opiniōs. Of the which things to haue so great and manifolde destructions arise, is great daunger, many examples whereof we see dayly. To auoide which destructions, it séemeth most necessarie to call an assembly of the states. And although the causes hytherto spoken of shewe no necessitie, yet not withstanding the ne­cessitie of the assembly of these men is such, that it ought to be wished for of all men. For what is more to be desired, & méete for a yong King to gouerne his kingdome, than to be taught the things that concerne his kingdome, that he may know the maners of his people, and those things also which A lesson for Kinges and Queenes. belong to the order and gouerning them. Therefore let him learne to spende as he may and not to excéede: and let hym play the part of a good shepherd, who in shearing of his shepe doth not flea and pull of skin and all, but leaueth the skinne that he maye receiue the fléece at another time againe, and let him consider that whatsoeuer he spendeth more than his ordinarie reuenewes, tribute, custome and tallage, is as it were the substance and bloud of the people whome he is set to gouerne by Gods appointment.

Herevpon shall come honest and godly education: here­vpon shall come, both good beginnings and happie successe of all things: and at the last the king shal get vnto him that Magnificent name with great glorye, as, to be called, Pater Patriae, The father of the countrey, as King Lodowic y ^e twelth Lodouicus. xii. pater pa­triae. was, which leaueth a notable memorie behinde to all the posteritie, & is more to be desired than the Laureat crowne for victorie in warre. Another commoditie also will ensue [Page 101] and that is this. The people of Fraunce, being chéered vp and comforted by this demonstration, they will séeke all that e­uer they be able to ease those burthēs: for they once vnder­standing their kings businesse and néede, will imploye all that euer they haue to doe their king seruice. But we must take héede least that prompte willingnesse, being to often styrred, doe not turne at the laste to impacient and brutishe madnesse.

And these commodities are ioyned with great honestie, for that the king, if it please him, maye in the beginning of his raigne, examine olde customes and lawes, the which is the onely waye to correct and amende matters that are out of order. For althoughe the king alone be the author of the law, & he onely can rule, yet notwithstanding those things which he hath constituted and ordained by this assembly of the states, are of greater force and efficacie: and those will the people more willingly obey and kéepe, bicause they vn­derstande that they were confirmed by many mens opini­ons and Judgements: wheras otherwise, onely a fewe be­ing assembled together, they Judge that the matter was done according to the mind and phantasie of a fewe, the rea­sons not examined & wayed which might haue bene brought against the same. For by these meanes the Frenchmē haue preserued them selues and the kingdome vnto this daye: neither is there anye well ordered kingdome, in the which this order of assemblies is not obserued: the which ought to be of great waight and highly estemed.

For seing so many kings do confesse that they féele and perceiue so many commodities to spring and growe of thys good order, and that they doe counte the same the staye and strength of their scepter, we can not certainely well and ho­nestly departe from so ancient & commendable a custome. And as for the contrarie reasons which were wonte to be broughte to hinder these assemblies, they can preuaile no­thing at all, seing the perill of those things which happened [Page 102] at another time are by no meanes to be feared, the Kings authoritie at this day being so firmely established, and con­firmed by the counsell of the Quéene, and by so many con­sents of Princes and Nobles, that if these reasons might be receiued and take place, there is no doubt but that all their practises would be voide and frustrate which thinke it good and persuade themselues that it is necessary to haue a new alteration of the common weale, and shoulde be a most spe­die remedy to mittigate & take away al perturbations. The The ende of this oration. which one thing we muste with all diligence possible pro­uide for.

And thus he made an end of his oration: In the repeating whereof we haue béene some what long, but yet for all that the matter is worthy of repetition, and not disagreing from our purpose.

The day following the rest declared their Judgementes, and first began the Admirall, and the Cardinall of Loraine, The sentēce of the Admirall. made an ende. But this was the sentence of the Admirall Shatillion▪ namely: that he would haue had that those sup­plications which he had offered to the king, shoulde be sub­scribed of those in whose name they were put forthe: who answered, that they were readye either in a small or great number to subscribe those supplications which they had ex­hibited: yea, they sayde that they would assemble themsel­ues together to the number of fiftie thousand before y ^e kings Maiestie, if so it pleased him. But there can nothing be de­uised more pestilent, thā the Prince to stand in feare of his subiectes, & to be in perill of them: & in like maner the sub­iectes to haue an euill opiniō of their Prince, and to be sus­pected of their king. Also he saide that it was ill prouided to bring vp a yong prince in that feare, & also to giue those oc­casions to y ^e subiects of fearing. At the last he concluded that his sentence was, that the errors of the Church shoulde be taken awaye, that the garde lately giuen to the king should be remoued, and that there shoulde be called forthwith an [Page 103] assembly of the States.

Thus when the Admirall had made an ende, the Duke of Guise taking occasion vpon that which he had spoken, be­gan thus, saying, that it was not wel saide of some that the The sentence of the Duke of Guise. king ought not to be so & so brought vp, when as he is so ex­cellently ordered, & specially by the Queene his mother by whō he is indued, as it were with a certaine fulnesse of all vertues. And as touching that which was spoken concer­ning the increasing of the Garde, he said that he himself did mislike alwayes of the same, vntill certaine did moue a se­dition & put them selues in armes, which seemed to be en­tended altogether against the kings maiestie. But wheras it is commonly reported that this sedition was not moued against the king, but against manye of his ministers & offi­cers, that is a vaine cloake, & nothing answering the mat­ter. For there is not any one of vs that euer hurt one of thē by priuate offences, or harmes. But they beare all that ha­tred against vs for the executing of our offices, which we haue by the kings authoritie and leaue: and therefore to speake more truely, they hate not vs but the king.

Wherfore he said, he sawe no reason, why that number which was newly added to the Garde shoulde be remoued and taken away.

And as touching Religion, he saide, that he stoode to the Judgement of more learned men thā he him self was: how beit this one thing he would protest & professe, that no coū ­cels at any time should so preuaile with him, y ^t they should bring him frō the ancient Religion of his elders, & specially frō his beliefe of the holy sacrament of the Altar. Finally, he said concerning the assembly of the States, y ^t he wholy re­ferred the same to the kings maiesties will and pleasure, & to like or dislike of the same with him.

The Cardinall of Loraine begā his sentence vpō those con­fessiōs which were offred to the king by y ^e Admiral, saying, y ^t they were nothing lesse thā obedient & faithful, howsoeuer [Page 104] they boasted them selues. For so long as the King will like The sentence of the Cardi­nall of Lorain. of their opinions and sects, or at least wise suffer them, they will shewe them selues obedient to the king.

But I appeale (sayth he) to the Judgements of all men in this matter, whether it be more méete to follow the opi­nions of these Jolly fellowes, thā the authoritie of the king. To graunt them Churches, were to allowe their Idolatry, which the king could not doe without manifest perill of de­struction. And as concerning a generall Councell, or a Coū ­cell assembled together out of our owne Natiō, I cā not sée (saith he) by any meanes how it should be necessarie, seing that it should be called onely to reforme the maners of cer­taine ecclesiasticall persons, the which might be done with lesse businesse a great deale, namely by particular admoni­tions. And as touching that which else appertained to Re­ligion, he saide that the same had bene so oftentimes esta­blished and confyrmed, that he wished that onely to be fol­lowed which had béene hitherto obserued and appointed, for so much as all assemblies of Councels whatsoeuer, can ap­poynte no more than the obseruation of those things that haue béene kept alreadie. And where as it was sayde that they which should subscribe their names to those supplica­tions which they had put forth, would assemble them selues together to the number of fiftie thousand, to that he answe­red, y ^t the king might set against thē ten thousand mē of his Religion. But it is manifest (saith he) of what minde they are, by their railing libels which they scatter abroade in all places against euery man. Among which great number of The Cardinall of Loraine ho­peth to get ho­nor & fame by keeping libels that were scat­tered abroade. libels, he saide, that he had in his handes fiue and twentie, which he diligently kept, as a testimonie of great honour, bycause he was euill spoken of by those villanous knaues, trusting that they should be Monuments of his eternal and euerlasting praise. Therefore he wished that those sedici­ous & troublesome persons mighte be most seuerely puni­shed, and specially they which woulde put them selues in [Page 105] armes as many had begon. But, he said he thought it good that they should sustaine no punishment which frequented those sermons withoute armour, and onely for consciencs sake of Religion, which sang psalmes, & went not to Masse, and such like: Adding moreouer that he was very sorie for the sharpnesse and crueltie of those punishments which had béen hitherto vsed, protesting that he would most willingly spende his owne life, if it might doe any good, to bring them into the right way. Affirming also that Bishops and other learned men oughte to indeuour them selues to bring this thing to passe, according to the commaundement of our sa­uiour Christ in the Gospell, saying Reproue thy brother be­tweene The reforma­tion wished for by the Cardinall of Leraine. thee and him. &c. Also he wished that the Gouer­nours and other Lieutenants of the Prouinces, would di­ligently attend vpon their offices, to see that none seditious­ly put thē selues in armor: in like maner that the Bishops and curates, and other Ecclesiasticall persons, would haue a care and diligent eye to their charge, to note and marke the abuses and errors of the Churche, and to cert [...]e the King A Nationall counsell, is as much to say as a counsell ga­thered onely cute of the French nation, which I gasle we maye call a conuocatiō of the clergy, whereas a ge­nerall counsell consisteth of diuers nations. within the space of two monethes of those things whiche they knowe, that thereby it may be knowne how necessary it is to haue either a generall counsell or a Nationall coun­sell. For it is verye profitable to call and assemble all the states together, that all men may perceiue and sée how wel the Realme is gouerned. And thus he made an ende.

When they had thus vttered their sentences and minds, the King and Quéene gaue thankes to the whole assembly, whose Counsell they saide they were readye to followe, graunting vnto them that, whereupon they had concluded, namely, That all the states of the Realme, should be assem­bled togither, and that if there coulde not be a generall coun­cell, there shoulde be with all speede a Nationall Councell. Therefore they determined and concluded that the states of the Realme should be at Meldis, the tenth day of y ^e moneth of December nexte comming, excepte it shoulde please the [Page 106] kings maiestie to appointe some other place. And that the States belonging to euerye prouince should make in their prouince, an assembly and consultation particular before that time, to the ende that those things which should be de­bated of in the general assemblies, might be vnderstoode. Al­so that bycause it was in a maner agréed, of a generall Coū ­cell, betwéene the Pope, the Emperour, and the Christian princes, the Bishops should come the tenth day of Ianuary next comming to the king, that they might agrée & conclude of the sending to the generall Councel, or else of the hauing of a particular and Nationall Councell.

And that in the meane time the Bishops should get them to their Diocesses, both to prepare them selues, and also di­ligently to note and marke those things which lacke refor­mation. In like maner that the Ciuill and substituted Ma­gistrates, shoulde kéepe the people in peace and obedience, sparing and omitting neuerthelesse, paynes and punish­mentes due to offenders, excepte it be to suche as put them­selues in armes and moue sedition: and yet notwithstan­ding the King to reserue vnto him selfe his power and au­thoritie to punishe those which are counted the authors of seditions and tumultes.

This was the conclusion of that consultation, the which shall appéere wonderfull if we consider the state of the for­mer times. For that libertie, which as yet is but little, but before lesse, being restored frō fiery flames, and from death it selfe, so preuailed before the King, that it increased more and more.

But for all that the aduersaryes ceassed not their wicked Councels and practises, what faire and paynted wordes so euer they vsed, who by and by againe burst forth & shewed them selues, by these occasions.

There was a certaine seruant belonging to the King of A tumulte a­gainst the Prince of Conde. Nauar, whose name was Sagua, who being come to a place called Fontisbellaquaeum, and méeting with a certain souldier [Page 107] called Banna, talked with him, & earnestly persuaded with him that he would not serue vnder the Guises, for (sayth he) there are wayes deuised, to punishe and handle them as they haue deserued: and at the laste made rehersal of cer­taine things more particularly.

Banna the souldier hearing this, went and tolde the whole circumstance to Marshall Brissacus, who exhorted him to goe to the Duke of Guise. To him therfore he went, and tolde him all the whole matter in order. Then the Guise desired him to faine friendship and familiaritie toward this Sagua, and to fawne vpon him, & often times to repeate their for­mer communication, also to shewe him to one of his house­holde seruants. The which this Banna did. And Sagua was apprehended by the Guise. There were also taken in the Letters sent to the Prince of Conde taken. hands of Sagua, certaine letters of Monsier Vidam of Carnu­tum, to the Prince of Conde, in the which he declared: That if the Prince would take any thing in hande, worthy of king­like seruice, he was ready to serue him, and for his sake to spende both goods and life. Upon the onely occasion of these letters, the king gaue commaundement that Monsier Vidā Monsier Vidā apprehended. of Carnutū shuld be takē. The which was with all diligence broughte to passe by the Guises. In the meane time, there came from Lions frō the Abbat Sauignius, letters concerning the bewrayed & frustrated practises of Malignius, who was said to go about to take Lions. Sauignius for his rewarde re­ceiued the Archbishopricke of Orleans.

By the meanes of these newe tumultes the king came from Fontisbellaquaeum, to the Citie Sangerman. But the cause and mischiefe of all these things was layde vpon the Prince of Conde, who was openlye accused to séeke the alteration of the state of the common weale, and also to be the author of the tumulte of Ambaxian. Then was Cursolensis sente The king of Nauar, and the prince of Cōde are sent for to the king. to the King of Nauarre to commaunde him to come vnto the King, and to bring his brother the Prince of Conde with him.

[Page 108]In the meane time Monsier Vidame althoughe he was very sicke, yet was he very straitly imprisoned, in so much that his owne wife might not come to visite him. And being straitly syfted by those whiche were appointed to examine him concerning the meaning of his letters, he still made this answere, namely: That he did write expresly of those things which appertained to the obedience of the king, and of whatsoeuer else that shoulde be done by the kings com­maundement: Also he saide, that he was a néere kinsman and friend of the Duke of Guises, yet for all that, if there were any priuate controuersie betwéene him and tho King of Nauar, and the Prince of Conde, he woulde rather take part with them thā with him, in so much that for them two, namely for the King of Nauar, and for the Prince of Conde, he would spend both life and goods.

On the other part, the familliar friends of the Prince of Conde, with whome he was thoughte to haue conference and consultation, were dayly caste in prison: and the suspi­cions of y ^e Huguenotes dayly increased more & more, for by this newe and straunge name were the faithfull of the re­formed Church then called.

Then was there a newe Edict made That no Prince, or A new Edicte against the re­formed Reli­gion. any other man whatsoeuer shoulde contribute money, armor, horses, and such like to the setting forth of Souldiers: and that he which shoulde be founde to doe this, should be counted a Traitor to the King.

There was yet a seconde messenger sent to the King of Nauar, that he and his brother should come with all spéede. This Messenger was Cardinall Burbonius their brother. Publique supplicatiōs for the peace of the kingdome, were euery where forbidden.

And wheras the assembly of States was determined be­fore to be holden at Meldis, it was now translated and remo­ued to Aurelias, Marshall Termensis, being sente with two hundred armed men to kepe the citie.

[Page 109]At the feast of Saint Michaels order, Monsier Vidam, be­ing one of the foresaide order, put vp a certaine supplicati­on by the Cardinall of Loraine, as by the Chauncelor of that order, desiring that according to the auncient custome he mighte be iudged of all those that were of that honorable order of Saint Michael, and that for those causes onely for the which he deserued, to be dismist of the same.

This thing at the length was graunted through the ear­nest sute of the Constable: and the selfe same day that Mon­sier Vidam was dismist of the order of Saint Michael, there were xvij. into the same honorable order, by a newe and vnacustomed maner chosen by the trauaile and meanes of the Guyses▪ to the intent they might bynde many vnto them by that benefite or promotion.

While the king of Nauar, and the Prince of Conde, were loked for, commaundement was giuen to the Gouernour of Poictiers, to goe to Pictauium, and not to suffer the King of Nauarre, and the Prince of Conde, his brother to come into the Citie. But for al this, at the length by the kings letters and commaundement, the King of Nauar was receiued of the Marshall Termensis into Pictauium, with all his trayne: being neuerthelesse on euerye side beset with armed men: the which suspicions the King of Nauarre toke in verye euill part.

Then the King came frō Sangermane to Paris with a great The king cō ­meth to Aure­lias. armie both of footemen and horsemen in battaile aray, the Duke of Guise and the Cardinall of Loraine attending vpon him. From thence he went to Aurelias, with the same army, and in warlike order entered into the Citie: being reported abroade that the King came thither for two causes, the one was to kéepe the Citie from the treason of the king of Na­uarre, the other was, to call and summon a Parliament.

Many therefore were made afearde, but speciallye they which were chosē to be of the assembly or Parliament, whē they hearde that so greate an armie of men came with the [Page 110] king. Then cōmaundemēt was giuē that euery one should rehearse & confesse the confessiō of his faith according to the prescript & rule of those articles which were set forth by y ^e Papistes, in the yéere of our Lord God, M. D. XLII. and it was reported for truth that y ^e Cardinal of Loraine had drawn forth in writing those things which shoulde be inacted and established in that assemblye. There was also watche and ward throughout the whole Citie appointed to be kept, e­uen as if the enimie had come to assaulte the same.

Againe commaundement was sent to the King of Nauar, that he should come with al spéede, and bring his brother the Prince of Conde with him, many also were sent into diuers partes of the Realme, to take the names of all those that were noted to be of the reformed Religion.

At the length the king of Nauar, & the Prince of Conde his The prince of Conde taken at Aurelias. brother came to Aurelias, there to salute y ^e King. But so soone as they had saluted y ^e King, the chiefe & principall of y ^e kings Garde, as they were cōmaūded layd hands vpō the Prince of Conde & caried him to y ^e next hold prepared for y ^• same pur­pose. The which holdes were forthwith fortified and made strong with Irō grates in euery window, & a Castell was hard vy the same erected & built to receiue the footemen.

Thē were there certain mē chosē to watch & kepe y ^e King of Nauar, whose Chaūcelor also was taken, & by & by with al spéede was the Lady Roye, mother in lawe to the Prince of Conde, takē and arrested & brought to the citie Sangerman, to whose charge it was layde that she was giltie of treason.

The Magistrates were ready to take & receiue hir & ope­ned the prison dores to bring hir in. Straight after this also was Hieroine Grostotius the Gouernour of Aurelias taken, in whose house the king lodged, being accused of negligence and stouth in searching out the heretikes: Howbeit he was quit and discharged of this matter by the decrée & Iudgemēt of the Senate of Paris. But the Andelote, whē he had saluted the King and the Duke of Guise, & had excused himselfe by [Page 111] the disobedience of the French hoast of footemen, departed in very good time, otherwise as the most likly report went, he should haue bene taken with the Prince.

In the meane time there were subtile deuises and craftie meanes inuented to assault and trouble the Prince of Conde. And when Iudges were chosen oute of the Senate of Paris, as Fagus, and Viollaeus, & the Lieutenant of Thou, the kings Solicitour was commaunded to open the cace now in con­trouersie, and to procede with the same. But the Prince al­leaging for himselfe his noble bloud & princely state, stan­deth with them vpon this point, y ^t he ought not to be iudged of them, but rather of the king him selfe & of no other, in the Senate of Paris, the Peeres and Nobles of the Realme beyng assembled together. Therfore he saide that he appealed to the King. Then the appeale was brought vnto the Priuye Counsell, the which appeale, they said was nothing, and of no force: And this was done often times. But at the laste they concluded, that excepte the Prince woulde answere before those Iudges, he should be condemned of hie treason.

Then the Prince of Condes wife desired of the King that so much libertie might be graunted to hir husband, as to cō ­sult w ^t learned counsell. The which was graūted vnto hir, in so much y ^e he was permitted to take y ^• coūsel of two law­yers, namely of Petrus Robertus, & Frāciscus Marillacus, coū ­lellers in y ^e court of Paris, but he was no otherwise permit­ted to haue them, thā vpon this conditiō, that whensoeuer he cōsulted with then the king to haue vmpires & indifferent mē, to be present at their talke. The Prince also required y ^e it might be lawful for him, beside these two counsellers, to consult & confer w ^t his two brethrē, the king of Nauar, & the Cardinal of Burbō, & also with his wife, & to ioyne with thē what vmpires & witnesses soeuer it shoulde please y ^e King, affirming y ^t he was very loth to doe any thing without his brethrē, specially in a matter of so great waite. The which request notwithstanding was denied him: only he obtained leaue to write vnto them his minde. [Page 112] At the length being come to the matter in controuersie, he said to his counsellers that were present, that the affliction which he now suffered, was not laid vpon him by God, for that he had gone about to worke any thing against y ^e kings maiestie, but rather that by this affliction he might trye his constancie. Also he said that he did not thinke him selfe to be Captiue, seing that he inioyed the fredome of minde, and a pure and sound conscience: but rather that he thought those to be captiues which had their mindes & consciences bound and clogged with the burthen of their sinnes and wickednes­ses in a body set at libertie.

When he had thus spoken he gaue certaine notes of the defence of his cause vnto his Counsellers. For king Fran­ces by the subtill meanes and false persuasions of the Gui­ses, was fully persuaded that the Prince of Conde conspired his death, and that therefore he was giltie of treason and worthy to suffer condigne punishment for the same.

Therefore while the bloudy slaughter was a preparing, and whilest all men loked to sée great things come to passe, beholde sodaine and vnloked for alterations happen. For the king had a ceataine paine and disease in his eares: Of the which after he had bene sicke a while he dyed, the fifth The death of king Frances the seconde. day of December in the yeare of Lorde God. M. D. LX. At the which sodaine alteration the Guyses were not a little dismayde.

When King Fraunces was deade, the Quéene his mo­ther sent vnto the Constable, (who had detracted the time to come to Aurelias) assuring him of hir friendship, and promi­sing vnto him that neuer hereafter none should intrude him selfe into an other mans office, and praying him also that he would come vnto hir with all spéede. There the Constable came to hir to Aurelias, without delay with Martiall Momo­rencius his sonne, and saluted the newe King. Neuerthelesse the Prince of Conde was kept in holde still, but not without greate reuerence of his kéepers shewed towardes him, and [Page 113] continusd in prison after the death of the King by the space of ten dayes, denying to go out of prison, vntill he knewe his aduersarie in this matter layde to his charge. But all the matter was layde vpon the King deceased. Therfore by a wonderfull and straunge way or meane, as by the death of the King, the subtill practises of the aduersaries were brought to naught: whose funerall was so slenderlye cele­brated, that he was depriued of that vsuall pompe which Kings commonly haue at their buriall, all men wondering that the Guises woulde suffer the same: the which also was very wel noted by a publike Epigram or libel sent abrode.

There were truly, within a short time, wonderfull & ma­nifest signes of Gods iust iudgemēt against many Princes: the which al mē at that time did plainly sée & acknowledge. Concerning the which, these verses folowing were made.

[Page 114]Thus rumors were spred euerywhere abroade, that so wonderous a thing had happened, the lyke wherof was ne­uer heard of before: namely, that they which were brought to that passe, y ^t they should haue bene put to death, were now A wonderfull alteration after the death of King Frances the seconde. aduaunced to great honor. And contrarywise that it was come to passe, that they which thought their authoritie to be confirmed for a long time, sawe the same taken awaye, and were brought to their former state and degree.

They which were of the assemblie of States, trembling and quaking before for feare, tooke now vnto themselues a bolde courage, and with one consent make petition that the king of Nauar may be the ruler & gouernor of the kingdome during the time of the Kings nonage & minoritie: & also that the Princes the kings nere kinsemen, with the Constable, the Admiral, y ^e Andelote, & with y ^e rest of the Nobles, might be always of the kings Coūsel [...] & that Cardinals & Bishops should be sent to their diocesses, to discharge their Ecclesia­stical offices, according to y ^e rule of the canōs in that behalf.

The Kinges mother tooke it not in good part that so great The priuy displeasure of the Queene, against the Prince of Na­uarre. good will and fauour should be shewed to the king of Nauar, whom she demed not long ago to be hir enimie: & they in­creased these suspitions, which went about to cōfirme their authority by their dissentiōs, working hatred & spite against the king of Nauar, through y ^e sentence of the assembly of the parliament, which wished him to haue the rule of the king­dome. And thus the minds of the Nobles being diuided into two factions: one part helde of the Quéene, & another part with the king of Nauar. Insomuch that a man might sée, the Constable, y ^e Admiral, & his two brethren alwais in the cō ­pany of y ^e king of Nauar: On the other part, y ^e Guises, Nemo­rosius, y ^e Marshal Santandrae, & y ^e Marshal Brislac, & the cardi­nal of Turnō always were about the Quéene, & stode w ^thir.

So that now, there was great daunger of present seditiō: The King of Nauar yeldeth authoritie to the Queene to gouerne the Realme. but the king of Nauar, by his courtesie & suffrance, put away all this daunger like to arise, yéelding vnto the Quéene au­thoritie [Page 115] to gouerne the kingdome. Then the Quéene being somewhat appeased, plainly saide, that she knew nowe the causes of all the troubles past, namely, that all the Princes which were of the Kings blouds, were displeased, that they were not accoūted off, according to their worthinesse, which thing, she said, she woulde sée reformed euer afterward. By this occasion the stomacking and taking of parts betwéene them, séemed somewhat to be repressed.

There folowed therfore a wonderful alteration & chaūge: and all men began to talke one to another, & to say, that the companies of armed mē were prepared & gathered togither to some other vse & purpose, than for y ^e safetie of the King: & that their coūsels and meanings were otherwise, which had arrogated vnto themselues authoritie: also that their The peace of the Church af­ter long af­fliction. practises shoulde not so easily haue successe nowe. But the churches now, which before were in great perplexity & fear, obtained peace: and all men hoped nowe for a better state.

For amidst those sundrie troubles and manifolde affli­ctions which happened vnder the raigne of king Frances, the administration of the sacraments, & the preaching of Gods worde neuer ceased in the reformed Churches, although the number that were assembled, were but small, & though also the same was not done without great daunger & warinesse. For at that time there were cruell conspiracies against the Church, which woulde haue done great harme to the same, had not the Lorde by his prouidence tourned them away. Then did the reformed Churches cōmaunde solemne pray­ers with fasting to be vsed: and they which were the go­uernors and chiefe of the congregation, exhorted their bre­thren to be of good chéere, and comforted them, willing them paciently to looke for helpe from the Lorde. So that after so great afflictions and feare, there followed excéeding ioye, and the sodennesse of the chaunce made the matter to seeme more wonderfull.

Then was there newes brought of the death of Monsieur [Page 116] Vidame of Carnutum, who was kept at Paris in holde for The death of Monsieur Vi­dame. those causes whereof we haue spoken before. Whose death many of the Nobles tooke very heinously.

Then were certaine thinges appointed and determined, concerning the gouernment of the kingdome: & the imperie and rule was deuided betwéene the Quéene and the King of Nauarre: and that in such order, that the chiefest authori­tie to gouerne the Realme, was giuen to the Quéene, a­gainst all law and auncient custome of France. Wherfore by reason of this sodaine chaunge, the assemblye of States were interrupted and brake vp for a certaine space.

But they were assembled togither againe in the same A conuocation of States, or of a Parliament in king Char­les the. ix. days place, the. xiii. daye of December, Charles the King, the Quéene, and the Princes, according to the maner accompa­nying them. Then the Chancelour at the commaundement of the King declared, that there was no lesse willingnesse in the King, than there was in his brother before him, to The oration made by the Chauncelour. haue an assemblie of States: and that the rather bicause the King himselfe was newlye come vnto the Kingdome. And he procéeded speaking very seriously and plentifully, of the cause, ende, and vse of calling an assemblie of States: and why the same being omitted for the space of eight and twentie yeres, shoulde nowe againe be brought in vse. And when he had shewed the King and the Subiectes also their duties, he came to speake of those causes more particular­ly, which brought to passe, that there should be an assembly of States: that is to say, of the Seditions, which he wished might be taken quite away, for that they were like to bring so great troubles to the whole Realme. And to finde out spéedye and profitable Remedies for the same, he sayde, the causes of so great euill must first of all bée noted and knowne.

We must (sayth he) in euery respect and condicion, disa­lowe Sedition what it is, and wher of it commeth and vtterlye condemne sedition, the which is nothing else but a separation, and a pulling awaye of the subiectes [Page 117] from the Kingdome and Common wealth. And it sprin­geth of diuers causes: First, of feare of some imminent e­uill which may come by iniurie and oppression: and also of the expectation of great things, to put awaye penurie and scarcenesse. But the speciall cause is Religion. And this is very straunge, and most wonderfull: bicause God the only true author and preseruer of Religion, as he is an enimy to dissention, so is he the defēder and preseruer of peace. Chri­stian Religion néedeth not the defence of Armes: neither doth the beginning, or conseruation therof stand vpon force of armes. Neither is their aunswere to be allowed, which say, That they take not armes and force in hande, to offend any man, but to defende themselues. For by no meanes is it lawfull for the subiect to ryse against the Prince, yea, it is no lesse vnlawfull for him so to doe, than for the children to resist their parents, whether they be good and courteous, or sharpe and cruell. Thus did the godly Christians in tyme past set forth and maintaine Christian Religion, namely, by long sufferance and pacience, & also by deuout prayer for wicked Emperors, which ouercame their crueltie. The ve­ry Ethnikes truly praysed & highly cōmended those, which had suffered iniuries and reproches for their countrie. But we which are Christians, ought not to allowe the opinions of the Gréekes and Romaynes, concerning the killyng of tyrantes.

If men were such as they ought to be, there should neuer come any strife or contention for Religion. But it is mani­fest, that there is no greater force than the first conceyued opinion of Religion, whether y ^• same be good or euill. There The force of Religion in the [...]of men. is no peace to be hoped for betwéene men of contrarie Reli­gion. There is nothing that doth more violently assaile the hearts of men, and that doth more inuade them: there is no affection that is of greater power, and more violent, either to bring friendship, or to bring hatred, than Religion. The Jewes hated all other Nations as prophane: And all other [Page 119] Nations hated the Jewes. But wherefore? for Religion. What and howe great hatred was there in time past be­tween the fathers, and the Arrians? But I omit such ancient examples, and I will come nearer, euen to our selues Eng­land, and France, embracing al one Religion, shall be more surely linked and knit in frendship and loue one towardes another, thā they which disagréeing in Religion, are of one Countrie, kinred, and name. Diuersitie of Religion dissol­ueth all the bondes of loue: it setteth the father against the children, and the children against the father: brother against brother, the man against the wife, and the wife against hir husbande: according to this place of Scripture, I came not to sende peace▪ but a sworde. Herevpon it commeth to passe, that in all Realmes there are oftentimes grieuous sediti­ons. For if it come to passe, that there be variāce & disagrée­ment betwéene those that are by nature so fast linked togi­ther, by the meanes of Religion, what maye we thinke of others? Not the diuersitie of tongues but the diuersitie of Religion, maketh diuision of Kingdomes, and of Com­mon weales. Herevpon commeth that olde Prouerbe, Vna Fides, vna Lex, vnus Rex, that is to say, One fayth, one Lawe, and one King. Among these diuisions and discordes, howe can it be that violence and force of armes shoulde not be v­sed? For warre followeth alwayes discorde and dissention, according to these verses.

Therefore the principall and chiefe cause of this disease and mischiefe, is the discrepance and varietie of Religion. To cure the which mischiefe, there is not a more present re­medie, than to haue a Councell, as it was lately conclu­ded at Fontubellaquaeum, and we haue nowe great hope to ob­taine the same at the hands of the Pope. In the meane time [Page 118] let vs shewe our due obedience vnto the yong King. Let vs not, for Gods sake, receyue newe opinions according to our owne fantasie. Let vs in time with wisedome consider of the matter, and let vs diligently seeke to vnderstande the same. It is no trifle that we haue in hande, but it is the saluation of our soules that is in question. If it maye be lawfull for euery man at his owne discretion to receyue what Religion him lysteth, take héede that there bée not so many Religions as there be men. Thou sayest that thy Religion is better than mine, and I defende that which I embrace, whether is it more meete that I followe thy opi­nion, or thou mine? Who shall ende our controuersies, but the holy Councell? In the meane time let vs not alter any thing rashlye, least by seditions we bring warre into our Kingdome, and so there followe a confusion. The King and the Queene will leaue nothing vndone that may procure a Councell, and if this remedie maye not be had, they will séeke other remedies. And nowe our Prelates and Ecclesiasticall persons (if they well consider the weigh­tinesse of the matter) will looke better vnto their office and duetie than they haue done heretofore. Let vs knowe, that the dissolution of our Church, was the first begin­ning of heresies: but it is to bée thought, that a Reforma­tion will take them away againe. This victorie must not be sought for by violence, or by force of armes, but by god­lye exhortations, and by godlynesse of lyfe. Wyth these weapons, the Heretikes in tymes past, were ouercome. We must not hate the menne, but the vyces and wic­kednesses that are in men: and wée must goe aboute, all that wée maye, to bring them into the waye that are in errour. Let vs therefore put awaye all factious and seditious names, as the names of Lutheranes, Hugue­notes, Factious names. Papystes, and suche lyke, and let vs retayne and kéepe still the names of Christians. But bicause there are manye founde, whyche wyll not bee satisfyed, [Page 120] desiring tumult and confusion, enimies to peace and the cō ­mon welth (and as it appeareth) contemners of God and Religion: the King which otherwise of himselfe is gentle and long suffering, hitherto hath vene constrayned, and per­aduenture shall be hereafter vrged, to indeuour himselfe to punishe the frowarde obstinate. It may seeme a very sharp remedy, but if we looke well vpon the disease and mischiefe yet a growing, we shall find it very necessary for the same. Notwithstanding, it is so come to passe as yet, by the good­nesse of God, and the clemencie of the Prince, that there hath bene no greater punishment layde vpon any man, nor no greater destruction followed, as the subuersion of Ci­ties, the burning of houses, the disfraunchizing of Cities of The accusatiō of forreine Princes. their priuiledges, and the restraint of their liberties: the which, other Princes that dwell about vs, haue oftentimes vsed, euen within the compasse of our remembrance, for the punishing of seditious persons. And bicause it is to be fea­red, least the armies of souldiers being dismist, the seditious will begin to practise and conspire a freshe, of two things the one is to be done, namely, that either the armies be kept and maintained still (which cannot be done without the great cost and charge of the Subiectes) or else that the Ci­tizens of euery Citie, endeuour themselues to punishe such seditious and seditious persons: and he that shall be first founde to go about to alter the state of the common welth, let him by his seuere punishment be an example to all the rest. The King to this ende and purpose will giue you a power of armed men. Consider with your selues which of these wayes is most for your profite, either that you main­taine garrisons of souldiers to kéepe the cities for the king, or that you your selues in your owne persons, do it at your owne costes and charges. As for all other things the King will prouide and sée vnto them by his officers.

In the meane time, let such as are Ecclesiastical persons, doe their dutie by prayers, by Sermons, and by diligent in­structing [Page 121] of the people. And so it will come to passe that the King shall be obeyed, and you shall enioye peace & tran­quilitie. Whē the Chaūcelor had procéeded thus far forth, and had spokē somewhat concerning the Kings substaunce and great erpences, exhorting the Court of Parliament to ease the same, he declared that it was the King and the Quéenes pleasures that euery man shoulde fréely put forth his complaintes and sutes: for that their Maiesties inten­ded with all clemencie, as it was meete, to prouide for all thinges. And this only was done the first day.

In the next méeting the assemblye of States chose out thrée men to speake for them, the which thrée stoode before the King and made their seuerall orations. The sum wher­of I will briefely repeate, so far forth as they shall séeme ne­cessary for our purpose.

The speaker for the thirde order of States, that is to say, for the Commonalty, was named Angell, a Counseller and The oratiō of the cōmenal­tie, made by Angell. a pleader of causes in y ^e Senate of Burdeux in Gascoyne. This man declared by many reasons, that for the due putting a­way of perturbations and troubles it séemed good and most necessary to the people, first of all to remoue and to take a­way the causes. Which causes (he saide) were partlye the corruptions among Ecclesiasticall persons: among which corruptions (which were very many in number) there were thrée notable and more pernicious than the rest: namely, Couetousnesse, Ignorance, and Luxurie. Ignorance (he sayd) The ignorāce of prelates. was so manifest that no man néede to doubte of the same: and so great also that among that sorte of men it was to be séene from the hyest to the lowest. Which ignorance is the mother and Nurse of all errours, as both experience, and also the testimonies of learned fathers aboundantlye de­clare.

To remedie this, he saide, Canons and decrées woulde be prouided but in vaine. For so great is the contempte and negligence of preaching and instructing the people, (which [Page 122] is notwithstanding the office of a good pastour) that Bishops at this day counte it a shame and reproch vnto them to féede the flocke of Christ.

And such as are Curates, and other masse priests, follow­ing the euill example of Bishoppes, doe also euen abhorre their office, and doe commit the same to vnlearned vicars: who singing Masses for their rewarde, haue onely some one slender bosome collation or other, which they alwayes vse without discretion, as one plaister to all maner of soares. The seconde vice is Couetousnesse: the whiche as it is no Couetousnes. lesse pestiferous than Ignorance, so is it no lesse to be séene as well in the heades as in the inferiors.

And as for Luxurie & the pompe and pryde of Prelates, he fayde it was suche, that it was a great stumbling blocke and offence to all men. For they are painted and set for the as though by an outwarde shewe in the world they should represent the maiestie of God: when as they shoulde rather expresse the same by godlynesse and integritie of life. How greatly haue our Bishoppes of late dayes degenerated from the meane estate, puritie, and godlynesse of the true By­shoppes of olde time? All these corruptions (saith he) must be taken away by a godly, and lawfull Counsel called, and also by the kings authoritie.

The speaker for the Nobilitie was one Iacobus Sillius. The oration for the nobi­litye. This man began first to speake many things concerning the power, authoritie, and office of Kings, and largely also concerning the order of Nobles, which he saide was verye profitable and necessary to preserue and maintaine the dig­nitie of the king.

In speaking of matters concerning Religion, he founde this fault aboue all others, namely, that hytherto there had béene great ouersight, in suffering Ecclesiasticall persons to haue so great power and authoritie, and so large lyuing and reuenewes: who haue incroched vnto them selues y ^e houses of Noble men, & do wickedly abuse all that euer they haue. [Page 123] Wherfore (saith he) it is necessarye that these sortes of men shuld he reformed. Also he wished that it might be diligent­ly foreséen that the office of an Ecclesiasticall person might not be committed to an vnlearned, vnapte, and ignoraunt person, affirming it to be vnlawfull for them to dwell from their flockes in other places at their owne pleasure, and so giuing them selues to worldly businesse, wholy to neglecte their offices: but (sayth he) it is the Kings duetie to cal them to their office againe.

And in the ende he made earnest peticion that there might be wayes taken in time to stop the seditions at hande: and also that it wold please the king to haue regard & considera­tion to his nobles, as his auncetours had done before him. When he had thus spoken he put vp a Supplication, in the which peticion was made in the name of the nobilitie that temples might be graunted, for the vse and seruice of the re­formed Religion.

After this man, one Quintinus Heduus, who was chosen The oratiō of the Clergy. to be the speaker for the Clergie, when he had commended the king and Quéene to their face, saying that the kings of Fraunce, were specially chosen, euē as if they had béen borne and appointed, to be defenders of the Churche of Rome, and that therefore they had that moste auncient name from all ages, as to be called Most Christian Princes, he sayde that this assembly of States or court of Parliament was verye well called. The causes of the which assemblye (saith he) is that the complayntes of the people mighte be hearde and holpen, and that meanes and remedyes might be prepared for the scarsitie of the kings treasure and substāce. But this (saith he) is the greatest cause of all, whiche I speake with great sorrowe and griefe, and yet notwithstanding muste néedes speake the same, namely, that the corruptions and notable faultes of Ecclesiasticall persons myghte bée re­fourmed and amended. For (sayth he) the matter is nowe come to thys passe, that they thē selues which shuld declare [Page 124] this Ecclesiasticall holynesse by their life, are more afrayde The faultes of persons Eccle­siasticall. of the kings Edictes than they are of Gods word, and of the Gospell of Christ. Notwithstanding we muste therefore thinke (saith he) that the reformatiō of the Church is sought for, which hath not erred, neither can erre: but a correction only of those most greuous faults in those men which were the chiefe gouerners of the Church, which correction must procéede from the king: but so notwithstanding the king must vse correctiē, that he follow the steppes of those kings that haue gone before him, who alwayes fauored y ^e Church. Adding to this also that those kings his auncetours woulde neuer haue suffered the wicked practises of these newe fel­lowes, which falsely and wickedly of late time take vnto them selues the profession of the Gospell, that they mighte therby both refuse all ecclesiastical order, and also abolishe, if they might, al Ciuill power and authoritie. For (saith he) the king ought to this ende specially to exercise his authori­tie, and draw his swerde to punishe and vtterly to roote out all heretikes giltie of criminall punishments.

Therefore he desired that Churches might not be graun­ted Churches. to those horrible men (for so he termed them): and that they also might be counted & punished as heretikes, which durst offer the supplications of Heretikes to the king. This truely (saith he) hath bene the olde subtill practise of Sathan to bring this libertie to heretikes, that they might the more securely and without feare of punishment destroy the Gos­pell, the which subtill practises he hath nowe also in hande, and therefore the more diligent héede (saith he) ought to be taken. In like maner also he desired the king that according to the doyngs of his Auucetours, and also according to the example of Charles the great (whose name he bare) he wold constraine all his subiectes to liue according to the Canons & rules of the fathers. For detestable (sayth he) is the bold­nesse of these new heretikes, which scoffing at the authori­tie of the fathers, and reiecting the doctrines and Canons of [Page 125] the Churche, saye that they will haue nothing but the true Gospell onely: as thoughe y ^e promise of Christ were vaine and to no effect, who promised that he would neuer forsake his Churche: and as thoughe that they were wiser than so many Fathers, which left so many godly Canons behynde them in writing: also as though they alone vnderstoode the word of God. Horrible boldnesse & reebllion is that (sayth he) which casteth of the yoake of the Church: and what else will they do at the last but murmur and grudge also against the power and authoritie of the Ciuill Magistrate?

Moreouer he said, that the notes & badges of the Church were not obscure, which these new men wanted: as the e­uerlasting and continuall successiō from the Apostles time, and the Canons and rules which the Fathers left behinde them: which badges the Church of Rome hath.

Therefore (saith he) that they may neuer hereafter abuse the name of the Churche, we must plainely pronounce and affirme. That the Church of Rome is the Catholique, or vni­uersall Church. But if these newe men take vnto them the name of the Church, we will not denie it them, but we saye that they are not of the True Catholique Church, but of the Malignant Church. Also he made petition that they which had fled the Realme for Religions sake, might be banished men for euer: that they might loose all maner of priuilege, and that they mighte, be handled euen as if they were for­raine enimyes.

Furthermore he saide, that aboue all things, that drow­ning floud which had flowed out of the diches of Geneua, was most pernicious: and therfore he exhorted the king that he would to the vtmost of his power roote out all such as came from that place, and not to holde the yong childe excused, if so be he came from thence: seyng that God would call him to an accounte for the doing of his duetie: And perswaded Euse booke 51. [...]the lyfe o [...] Constantin. Queene Katherine also (the kings mother) by the example of that Katherine of whome Eusebius maketh mention, to [Page 126] ouerthrow and roote out these newe Heretikes. Therefore he sayde that this was the onely cause of the great mischief at hande, that there were so many heretikes in euery place to the destruction of the Realme and all estates. Moreouer he desired of the King that Ecclesiasticall persons might be defended and maintayned, accordyng to the commaunde­ment of God, bycause they are The Lordes Christes, or an­nointed, Shauē crowns the badges of Christes an­ [...]. as their badges, that is to say, their shauē crownes doe declare. Also he complayned that the authoritie to chose Prelates was taken from the Clergy and giuen to Kings, saying that it was done against Gods word, against the ho­lye Canons, and againste the approued examples of the Elders: and that euer since that tyme, (namely, from the yeare of oure Lorde God. M. D. XUII. when the same was first vsurped) all things haue had euyll successe.

For (saith he) in that very yeare, in the which that law­full right was abrogated from Ecclesiasticall persons, be­gan that damnable heresie of Luther, whiche afterwarde soke suche rooting in euerye place: and herevpon followed an infinit number of mischiefes. He intreated therfore that the same authoritie might be restored againe to Ecclesiasti­call persons: and that the king woulde take away no more the reuenewes of Churchmen, for that they were consecra­ted and halowed, and coulde not be taken away withoute some manner of sacrilege, séeyng that men of the Churche ought carefully to be fed and maintained. This thing if the king would doe after the ensample of Charles the great, he should get a most glorious name, and at the length be called Charles the greatest.

And last of all he made petition that al the Clergy might neither pay tribute nor tax: for that was the prorogatiue of the Church which oughte not to be taken from it. For saith he it is the chiefest part of the Kings duetie to defende the Christian faith and doctrine, and to maintayne Ecclesiasti­call persons. The whiche if he did, (he sayde) that he pro­mised [Page 127] vnto hym in the name of the Clergye, all prosperi­tie in thys worlde, and in the worlde to come euerlastyng lyfe.

Thus much concerning his oration, which we haue tru­lye reported according to the written coppie of the same. Many maruelled what he ment so vndiscretely to inueye a­gainst the protestantes of the reformed Church, seing that he him selfe sometime had approued the same, and for that cause was constrained to depart from Pictauium.

Moreouer bycause he wished them to be taken and puni­shed as newe Heretikes which shoulde offer supplications to the King, (all men at those words loking vpon the Admiral as though he had openly noted him) the Admiral made com­plaint hereof to the king and Quéene.

Therfore Quintinus was called to come before the king, to gyue an accounte of that which he had spoken. Who ex­cusing him selfe by the instructions gyuen to hym of the Clergye, promised that he would openly in the assembly or courte aske the Admirall forgiuenesse: the whiche also he performed. But after thys, ballets, and scoffing Libelles were set vp agaynst him in manye places in so muche that he was openlye derided. Wherevpon at the length, part­lye The death of Quintinus orator for the Clergy. by the impaciencie of these contumelyes and repro­ches, and partlye by the griefe of hys owne mynde for his euill déede, he fell into a sickenesse and gaue vp his life.

After this there beganne to aryse certayne quarels, com­plaintes and controuersies againste the Guyses. For the Burgeses of the Parliament that were chosen for Burgundy and Dolphiny, of the which Prouinces the two brethren the Guyses were gouernours and chiefe, went aboute to bring to passe that the Guyses mighte be counted as honorable, as anye of the Princes the Kings neere kinsmen were: to the whyche notwythstandyng the greateste parte of the Burgeses of other Prouinces woulde in no wyse con­sent. [Page 128] At the whiche, the Guises beyng offended, called those that hindered their estimation, sedicious persons. They on the other side, misliking to be so called, complayned therof to the Queene, who onely gaue them this aunswere, saying, that the Guises, did so call them, adding this condition, that if the Burgeses did enterprise any thing against the kings Maie­stie, and not otherwise: and thus by and by they were sent away.

Then were there certaine dayes spent in bringing the assembly of the Parliament together againe, and in deba­ting of diuers matters. At the length, by earnest sute of ma­nie The parliamēt breaketh vp. the Parliamente was proroged vntill another time, namely vntill the first day of May nexte following. And so with thankes giuen to the king and Quéene, the Parlia­ment brake vp.

Then commaundement was giuen to all the prelates of the French Church, That they shuld prepare themselues for the Counsell. Also that all Magistrates shoulde set them at li­bertie both in body and also in goods, which were kepte in prison for Religions sake. And that no manner of punishe­ment or iniurie shoulde be offered for Religion, or factious names.

Then, when the rumour and fame of Religion increa­sed dayly more and more, the Constable attended with all diligence vpon the king of Nauarre, in so much that he was seldome from him.

In the meane time, the Bishop of Rome, hearing of the kings pleasure concerning the calling of a Nationall coun­cell, and fearing least the same woulde be hurtful vnto him, vrged by and by that there mighte be a generall Counsell holden at Trent, summoning the same incontinent and de­claring Trent in Italy. it by publique writing. Against y ^e which one Paulus Vergerius sometime a Bishop & a notable papist, but at the length for taking the Popes doctrine, became a member of Christs Church. This Paulus (I saye) wrote letters in the [Page 129] Italian toung to the Bishops of Italy. In the which he decla­red The letters of Paulus virglus to the Bishops of Italy. that the Pope had giuen forth a Bull, for the calling of a generall Councell, the which Bull when he had séene, he had great sorrow and griefe of minde and that for waighty cau­ses. Namely, for that the Pope went about to disperse and scatter, and to ouerthrow & destroy the Churches of Christ, and to bring the same againe to the former state of desola­tion. Adding herevnto, that the Pope was greatly offended with the light of reformatiō, which God had caused to shine in earth the space of these fortie yeeres to men y ^t were blin­ded and ouerwhelmed in thicke darknesse of errors.

As though (sayth he) you Bishops were iudges, & shoulde be vmpires in the Counsel to determine and ende matters. So soone as ye be come to Trent, ye shall heare some profoūd disputation or other by Monkes: but ye shall heare no man that dare truely reply against them.

Then shall be song very solēne songs of ceremonies, ye shall be brought into the Temple of S. Vigill, ye shall haue faire and sumptuous clothes of Tapisery hong before you, ye shall haue Miters put on your heades: ye shall sit vpon maruelous faire chaires, which y ^e Cardinal of Trent brought from Millaine. And being there thus placed ye shall heare so­lemnly read out of a Pulpit, the decrées, which the Pope, an vnlearned and foolishe man, with the helpe of some one monke or other hath deuised. But as for you, ye must doe nothing but howe downe your mytered heads to the Pope, and say to whatsoeuer you heare Placet, very well: and so to approue the same, as thoughe at the first sight you dyd vn­derstand and consider of the matter very well.

Then will the Pope euery where publishe abrode, That the Bishops of the Catholike Church, haue iudged the Luthe­rans to be Heretikes. Whereas you neuer so determined or iudged of thē, but he alone which sitteth in Peters Chaire. And yet notwithstanding, ye shall be the cause of all these eu [...]ls. Also shal that be called a general coūsell, in the which [Page 130] neither we our selues, whose cause is in hande, are hearde, neither yet the Bishops that are present do any thing of thē selues, but stande onely for sifers in agram? And the Pope will sende the Canons which were made at Rome, to Trent, that they may be counted the decrées of the generall Coun­cel. And to y ^e end that ye might not doubt of this, what say ye to that which was don by Pope Paule. iij. and also by Pope Iulio. iij. Of the which matter I my selfe can be a sufficient witnesse, and my testimonie the more worthye to be recey­ued, for that I my selfe for bewraying this coloured deceite, was constrained to depart from Trent.

Who knoweth not that here vpon came this prouerbe: The holy Ghost is brought from Rome in a Cheste. I my selfe was once a Bishop, as ye be, and that waye bent, that ye are, vntill I forsoke the Pope, and got me to the Church of Christ. The which I count the greatest benefite that euer I receyued. But truely those toyes and deceitfull fleightes, are appointed now out of tyme in these dayes, soing y ^e cléere light of the Gospel so brightly shineth throughout the whole worlde, and séeing the deceites of the Pope are so openly [...] knowne. Is this your generall Counsell, from the which, we that are the contrary part, and for whose cause y ^• same is assembled, are excluded? Is this I say the order of your ge­nerall Councell, that y ^e Pope shall commaund Patriarkes, Archbishops, Bishops, and Abbates to be at the Councell, & shall exhort Kings and Princes also to sende their Clergye and prelates thither which are our aduersaries, and seclude vs which ought to make answere before we be condemned. And wheras the Pope woulde séeme greatly to desire that Kings and Princes shoulde either they themselues be pre­sente, or else their Legates and Ambassadors, what a ieste and ridiculous thing is that? seing they haue no definitiue voyce in the Councell, but are onely lookers on. Therefore in your Councels, not wisedome, not godlynesse, not gra­uitie giue Councell, but your Miters. [Page 131] This and muche more he wrote, which for breuities sake we omit. Thus the Pope went aboute to bring to passe to haue a Councell at Trident.

And now at this time the Electors and Princes of Germa­nie which were protestants, met togither at Numburgh, that they might deliberate and consulte of the Confession made at Augusta, and offered to Charles the fifth in the yeare of Augusta, is [...] citie in Ger­manie called Ausburgh. our Lord God. M. D. XXX. and that bycause they heard that they were many wayes misreported of before the Emperor Ferdinando. And writing letters to the Emperour, they de­clared that they did hold fast & embrace with one cōsent that confession made at Ausburgh, & that they were ready to giue an account of y ^e same confession out of the word of God.

While the Princes were thus occupied, there came two The Pope iu­uiteth the Princes of Germanie to the generall Councell. Legates from the Pope, to intreate the Princes of Germanie to come to the generall Councell. The which two declared their message as followeth. The one of them began thus, saying: That the most high bishop so soone as he was called to the most holy & reuereud office of gouerning y ^e Churche, to the end he might do the dutie of a true pastor, he had this care aboue al others, to correct and amend whatsoeuer was amisse: that the Church mighte be quiet, & that all nations might be of one consent & minde, and embrace one doctrine. To bring the which thing to passe, séeing he saw no better way or remedie than an assembly of a generall Councell, by due aduise & deliberatiō, & by his own authoritie also which he hath frō God, hath ordained & appointed a councel, which shal be holdē at the feast of Easter next cōming. And that the Princes might be y ^e more fully certified of this matter, & to the end they, ioyning their indeuor with the Popes careful­nesse, might be willing & diligent to procure y ^e tranquillitie & peace of Germanie, they said y ^t his holinesse, greatly desiring & seking the peace & quietnesse of y ^e countrey of Germanie, had sent his legates, to pray & exhort all mē to come to y ^• holy as­sembly: in y ^e which it should be lawfull for all men to speake what they would. [Page 321] Also they intreated those Princes by name, y ^t they woulde not by any meanes hinder that godly zeale and peace of the Church, the most holy Father being ready to giue vnto all men a most large Charter of the publique faithe, and most solemnly to be bound to performe the same: his holynesse exhorting al Princes to send their Ambassadors to that ho­ly counsell with their commissions: to the ende the contro­uersies of the Church, (in the which there are so many opi­nions as there are heads, and so many Gospels as there are teachers) maye by their industry and diligence be spéedily ended: and that they also giuing that honor which is due to the Church, one Faith may be kepte, and one God alone a­dored and worshipped.

Thus when the first Legate had very copiously vttered his mind, the other also begā in maner & forme following, saying y ^t he would not repeate those things whereof his fel­low before him had spoken, séeing y ^t they had all one charge and commission from the holy Father.

There is no man (sayth he) that can be ignorant of the most greuous calamities of the Church, and into what mi­serie the same is cast one euill and mischiefe following an­other, occasiō being giuen to the enemies of Christes name to calumniate and speake euill of the same: Insomuch that of necessitie, so great confusion must be prouided for, & a re­medy sought. For the dangers do require these things, the oportunitie of the time persuadeth to the same, and the cle­mencie and godly zeale of the holy Father, allureth men therevnto: so that there could neuer be a better consent, and a more fitte occasion offered: the Christian common welth being pacifyed, & Gods grace so plentifully being giuen to y ^• most holy father, who is not only very careful for Princes, but also for souls helth, & y ^e peace & tranquilitie of y ^e church, The answere of the Princes of Germany to the Popes Le­gates.

Thus they both made an end of their Oration, to whom this answere was gyuen: The moste honorable Electors, Princes, Ambassadors, and Counsellers, of the moste sacred [Page 133] Empire of Rome make this answere to the proposition of the Legates: namely, that they doubt not, but that a great sorte of learned, godly, and wyse men, of all ages and conditions, haue wished a long tyme, that the Churche might be in bet­ter state: praying that at the length the pure doctrine of the Gospell might be restored, and y ^t the wicked errors might be takē away. Of the which matter Byshops of Rome ought to haue a speciall care, for that they haue of long tyme at­tributed to themselues the tytles of Pastors of the Church: but (say they) experience hath hytherto declared, that they haue bene rather occupyed in establyshing of their Tyran­ny, and in bringing errors into the Church, than in amply­fying and setting foorth the glory of God, and in curing the diseases of the Church. The which truly is most manyfest, by too too many sorrowfull effectes, as the best friendes that the Pope hath cannot but confesse, if there be any shame in them.

Also they sayd that they did not a little maruel what mo­ued the Pope, and what hope he had of them, that he sente his embassage vnto them, and that he woulde call them to this Councell: as though he were ignorant what Religion the States of the Empire followed: who of late, that they might reforme their Churches according to the true doc­trine of the Gospell, were constrayned to plucke their neck out of the Popes yoake, that is to say, to separate thēselues from their fellowshippe, which went about to oppresse and destroy the true doctrine of the Gospell.

We woulde therefore (say they to the Legates) that ye should knowe for a suretie, that the most noble Princes of Germany, will by no meanes obey the Pope, nor acknow­ledge that he hath any power, either by Gods lawe, or by the lawe of man, to call a Councell: specially, being such a one as maketh dissention & strife in the Church, and most cruelly warreth against the truth. Furthermore, they affir­med, that they were misreported of & slaundered, as though [Page 134] they retained no certaine faith, but that there were now a­mong them, So many heads, so many opiniōs, So many Gos­pels, so many teachers: wheras they retained the plaine and manifest confessiō made at Ausburgh, and offered to the Em­perour Charles the. v. in y ^e yéere of our Lord God. M. D. XXX. in the which not only all the principall grounds of faith are distinctly contained, but also y ^• celestial truth manye wayes therby set forth and published. Also they said that the gene­rall complaints of all mē did sufficiently declare with what errors the Church of Rome was filled, and with what filthy superstitions the Gospell was there suppressed: in so much that the same is rather like to the traditions & vaine inuen­cions of heathen men, than Christian Religion. Wherfore (say they) bicause we haue of late separated and deuided our selues from the Churche of Rome, (not by anye rashnesse or vaine curiositie, or being led by any leude affections, but by the only commaundement of God which willeth all mē to flee Idolatry) we protest that we wil so abyde most constāt­ly, and not be subiect any maner of waye to the Pope. For we acknowledge no maner of iurisdiction, besides the iuris­diction of the most renoumed Emperour Ferdinandus.

And as touching the two Legates, the Princes saide, that were it not for the Popes ambassage, on which they came, they being worshipfully borne in Venice, they would shewe vnto them so great courtesie, fauour and friendship as might be: both for that they loued the countrey of Venice, and also bycause the Legates themselues by the dignitie of their birth, were worthy, as they thought, to be well entertained. And thus the Popes Legates, with lost labour, retourned from Germanie againe.

Then beganne Religion and the great number of the faythfull to increase more throughout euerye prouince of the kingdome of Fraunce, but the deuill enuying that nota­ble increase, there were then many perturbations and trou­bles raised vp in many places.

[Page 135]In Prouince (whiche was sometimes called Narbon) there Persecutious in Prouince. was great a doe and much trouble. And the Gospell beyng much preached in the region of Langres, almost in euery citie with great assemblies of people to heare y ^• same, at the laste ensued great affliction by the Earle Villarius.

Daulphenie also (which is called the Regiō of Sauoy) embra­cing y ^• same doctrin, felt y ^e like persecutiōs. And by y ^e meanes of one Mottaegondrinus, who was Lieutenant to the Duke of Guise, there was grieuous persecution at Valentia, in so much that a Minister of Gods word, and certaine honest ci­tizens with him were beheaded. Moreouer garrisons of souldiers were placed throughout euerye citie, to the great anoyance and detriment of the faithfull, who notwithstan­ding wonderfully increased both in number & in zeale daily.

The Prince of Conde beyng sente for of the King, came to hym to the Courte, which was at Fontisbellaquaeums, with The Prince of Conde sent for to the Court. a fewe onely attending vpon him. The daye following, he was called before the priuie Councell, and beyng come, he openly demaunded of the Chauncelor if he had any thing to saye against him, who answered that he had nothing to ob­iect againste him: the like answere also made all the reste. And then he sat hym downe in his accustomed place. Then the King declared before all the assemblye, that the Prince of Conde had giuen vnto him due proofes and testimonyes of his innocencie: (for as we declared before, by the practises of the Guises he was accused of treason) the which he saids he dyd in no wise doubte of. And therfore he gaue comman­dement to the Senate of Paris to giue leaue to the Prince of Conde to haue larger testimonyes of his innocencie. And to the ende the Iudgement of the priuie Councell mighte be knowne to all men, commaundement was giuen that the same shoulde be registred in the Register of the Senate, and sent also to the Ambassadors of other Nations. There­fore for bycause of these things, the Prince of Conde went to Paris.

[Page 136]In the meane time there arose new cont [...]tions betwéen The contentiō and [...]lling out be [...]weene the Queene & the king of Nauar [...]e. the Quéene and the King of Nauarre, he complaining to the Queene that he was not well delt withall, for that he was ill requited for that great good will and courtesie which he shewed towardes the Quéene in yéel [...]ing vnto hir the go­uernment of the Realme, the Duke of Guise being in office and authoritie aduaunced before him, who had not onely the keyes of the Tower to kéepe, but also by the Quéenes will did what him liste: Saying also, that the matter was very ingratefully handled, that he which had béen alwayes his enimie euen in the dayes of King Henrye and Frances, shoulde as yet be aduaunced before him. Also that if he were contented for the Quéenes sake to dissemble all things, and not to bewray his griefe, it was the more vnméete that he for his facilitie and tractablenesse shoulde be abused by hir. In fine he saide, that either he, or else the Duke of Guise must néedes forsake the Court: adding also that he coulde by no meanes abide with the king, except the Guise depar­ted. To this the Quéene made answere, that she did meane to gratifie the king of Nauarre, so much as she might, and so much also as equitie shoulde require: but seing as then she sawe no iust cause, she saide that she woulde in no wise ex­pulse the Duke of Guise from the King, bicause those offi­ces that were committed vnto him, of necessitie required his presence aboute the King. She sayde also that she well perceyued that these complaints of the king of N [...]uar were continual, and that one thing being graunted, she must day­ly graunt more and more, and that there shoulde neuer be any measure or end of these complaintes▪ Notwithstanding for his sake, and to yelde vnto his complaintes, she said that she would giue cōmaundement that the keyes of the tower mighte be deliuered vnto him: although they pertayned to the Duke of Guise, bycause he was Lord great Master: as maye appéere also by the example of the Constable, who heretofore bare the same office. To this the King of Nauar [Page 137] that the Constable didde it not vpon the same considera­tion a [...]d in that order, but in respecte of his office of the C [...]nstableship, the same thyng proprely appertayning to his office. But herevpon was kindeled a more fyerie con­tention, and sharpe and bitter wordes passed on bothe par­tes: and in suche sort that the next day the king of Nauarre made himselfe readie to depart, and his ca [...]iage and sump­ter horsses béeing sent before, he himselfe was now readie to mount on horsebacke, and with him were readie to goe all the Princes, the kings néere kinsmen, the Constable, the Chastillions, and the greatest part of the Nobles, the which if it had come to passe, the Guises, and they of their parte shuld haue ben left only with the King. And the report was that they would go no further than Paris, that there calling the assemblie of states together, they might fully determine concerning the gouernment of the kingdome. The Quéene béeing verie sorie for this sodaine intention and purpose, by the aduise of the Cardinall of Turnon, called vnto hir the Constable, and to the ende she mighte stay and deferre hys going, she brought to passe that king Charles hir sonne (two Secretaries being called to make record) commaunded and charged the Constable in this necessitie to abyde with him as one of the chiefe officers that might not be spared. This charge so stayed the Constable, that he neuer durst (as hée had promised) follow the king of Nauarre, for all the persua­suasions that duke Momorencius could vse, who persuaded him to the same. Therfore the king of Nauar was let of his purpose. But it was euery where reported, that the Quene for the hatred she bare vnto the king of Nauar, made muche of the Guyses. The which rumour broughte to passe, that they which should come to Paris to the particular assemblies Deliberation [...] of the particu­lar assemblie of states at Pa­ris. of the States (as in other prouinces of the realme they did also) came the more spéedily. In the whiche assemblie ma­ny things were moued, concerning the order and maner of gouerning the realme: as, concernyng the remouing and [Page 138] placing some from and to the most honourable offices: con­cerning the Guyses accompt to make of the money whiche was spent in the tyme of king Frances the seconde: concer­ning their euill behauiour in the tyme of king Henrie: and concerning their briberie and vnlawfull receyuing of mo­ney: In the whiche crime also the Marshall Santandrae, the Duchesse of Valentien, and others were guiltie. All whiche were forbidden to be of the Kings priuie Counsell, vn­till suche tyme as they had made their accompt. Then they whiche were for this cause assembled togither at Paris (as it is declared before) were forbidden to doe any thing con­cerning the gouernment of the kingdom: but they notwith­standyng, go forwarde with that whiche they had begonne, affirming that the same did specially appertayne to the as­semblie of States to be talked of, and not to be left to the determination and will of the Princes and kings kinsmen only. When the Queene heard this, she was oute of mea­ [...]ure troubled, and fynding no better way or remedie, than to be reconciled to the king of Nauarre, she desired the Con­stable that he woulde endeuour himselfe all that he coulde, to bring the same to passe. And at the length, the Constable Reconciliation betweene the Queen, and the king of Nauar béeing a meane, there was a newe couenaunte and league made betwéene them: namely, That the King of Nauarre shoulde bee taken for the Vicegerent, or Regent throughoute the whole Realme: And that the Queene neuer after would doe any thing withoute his counsell and will.

This and the rest whiche tended to this effect, were con­firmed and fully agreed vpon both by words and writings, and Registred by the Kings Secretaries in publike record.

These conditions beeing concluded and agréed vpon, all the Princes the Kings kynsmen, and the Prince of Conde, being for this cause sente for from Paris, subscribed to the same. The Duke of Guyse in lyke manner subscribed with them, promising from thence forwarde to shewe him selfe mor [...] obediente to the Kyng of Nauarre. Then com­maundemente [Page 139] was giuen to the Marshall Momorentius that he shoulde with all spéed cause the states particularly assembled at Paris, to be reuoked and called backe agayn, and that the same whiche was done at the first concernyng th [...] order of gouerning the kingdome, should be quietly amen­ded, and corrected. The which thing was wysely brought to p [...]sse by him, to the great pleasure of the Quéene, and al­so without any offence to the king of Nauarre.

Among the Ambassadoures of forreyne Princes and na­tions, whiche came into Fraunce, to gratifie the newe kyng Charles, there was the Ambassadoure of Denmarke, called Georgius Gluchus. For this man the king of Nauarre made a feaste, and desired him to tell his lorde the kyng of Den­marke, that be would before a yeare came came about, bring to passe, that the Gospell should be openly and fréely prea­ched thoroughoute the whole realme of Fraunce▪ For the whiche thing, when thankes was giuen to God, and the good intent and purpose of the king of Nauarre commended, Georgius Gluchus the Ambassadoure prayed him that hée woulde take héede that the doctrine of Caluine, and of the Heluetians myght not be receyued in France, but rather the doctrine of Martine Luther. Whyche doctrine the king of Denmarke his Lorde, and the kyng of Sueuia, and many o­ther kings and Princes (whose dominion and power is no lesse than theirs whiche acknowledge the bishop of Rome and his Churche) doo followe.

To this the king of Nauarre answered, that Martine Lu­ther and Iohn Caluine did wholly disagrée from the Pope in fortie Articles, and of those fortie Articles, they agréed be­twéene themselues in nine and thirtie: So that there is but one betwene them in controuersie. Wherfore (sayeth he) both parts must endeuor themselues mutnally to bēd their minds & force first of al against the Pope, that he being once ouercome, they may seriously togither consider, confer, and [Page 140] come to agréement, in that article in controuersie: and so the Churche at the length may be brought to his former pu­ritie.

But the Constable when the Quéene and king of Nauar were made frendeu, obteyned great fauour on bothe sydis, perswading himselfe that he had not ben a l [...]ttle beneficiall to both of them: by this meanes he was verie familiar with them bothe. But when he saw that in Le [...]t flesh was com­monly eaten, and openly vought and solde: and that there were lermons openly preached in the prince of Condes cham­ber: & heard also the Quéen opēly say, that it was the kings pleasure and hirs also, that there should be godly Sermons euery day in the kings house, he began to suspecte that the king of Nauarre and the Quéen had secretly agréed together concerning religion. And there preached before the Kyng one Ianu [...] Monlucius, Bishop of Valentine, at whose prea­ching the Constable and the duke of Guise were [...]euer but once: and the Constable being verie angrie with the bishop The Constable is drawn away frō the p [...]nce of [...], and from others o [...] the reformed Churche. of Valentine, sayde that it was inough for him to come once and no more to suche a matter. To whom the Bishop sayd, that he prayed God that his worde might profite and take place euery where. The day folowing, the Constable and the Duke of Guise went together to a sermon of a certaine Monke, and from that tyme their mynd [...] began to be alte­nated and drawne away. After which tyme the Constable was angrie with the Admirall his nephew openly, bicause he did freely and publikely professe the Gospel. And the wife of the Constable greatly pricked him forward to this euill, who was greatly offended that the familie and stocke of the Chastillion shoulde bee aduaunced, hir brother the Earle Villarius being not in that estimation that she woulde haue had him. Therfore she moued & prouoked him wyth these prickes, saying, that the Admirall wente aboute to depriue him of that benefite which the Quéene had bestowed vpon him: that he did instātly persuade the Quéene to promote & [Page 141] set forth y ^e true religiō, for the king of Nauars sake: y ^t the Cō ­stable ought not to suffer y authoritie of the church of Rome to be diminished, he being not onely the chiefe officer o [...] the king, but also such a one as had his original & ofspring of the firste Christian of the kingdome of Fraunce, as the poelie of his armes did verie well testifie, whiche was this: Pro­tegat Deus primum Christianum: that is, God defende the firste christian. Also the Marshall Santandrae, a suttle, craftie and malicious man, blew in his care that by the suttle procure­ment of the Admirall, he was put vp by the assemblie of States to be a bryber and an extorcioner.

By thys meanes he thoughte to staye him: for he feared that the Constable would not easily be brought to their wic­ked religion, except it were by these persuasions. Therfore he proceeded, saying, that he whiche came of so noble a stock and hadde doone suche woorthie and notable seruice in the kyngdome of Fraunce, gouernyng the kingdome fortie yea­res, oughte not to suffer newe religions to be brought in, to the hurte of the catholike churche.

The lyke persuasions also vsed the Earle Villarius hys wyues brother, bearing no lesse spite and malice agaynste the Admirall than his sister did: and that bycause hee vn­derstoode, that the Admirall did disproue before those of the kings priuie counsell that whiche he had done in Nar­bon against Religion. Therfore they withdrewe the Con­stable all that they coulde. The whiche thyng Marshall Momorentiu [...] fearing, and foreséeing a daungerous tem­pest lyke to aryse by the meanes of these dissentions, hée shewed to his father the Constable so muche as he could, what he thought néedfull to be doone. And least he shoulde be drawne awaye from the greatest parte of his strength, leaste he shoulde chaunge awaye certaine frendship for that which was vncertain: and leaste he should ioyne hymself with newe reconciled fréendes, he repeated vnto him their olde enmities and fallings out. Adding moreouer, that hée [Page 142] shoulde peruerte and ouerthrowe the greatest foundati­ons of his stocke and kinred, when he should alienate and withdraw himselfe from the Prince of Conde, from the Cha­stillions, from the Earle of Rupefocaldensis, and from the rest which professe the reformed Religion: beside this, he should loose thereby the good will and fauor of the king of Nauarre, and peraduenture the Quéenes fauoure too. It is better (sayeth hee) to suffer the Chastillions and the Guiles to contende togyther, than for you to take parte, and yet ne­uerthelesse you shall kéepe youre faythe. Affirming also, that yf the Guyses were ouercome (as it is moste lykely, bycause they haue procured the hatred of all the assemblies, agaynste themselues) then shoulde his prudence, experi­ence, and goodnesse bring to passe, that he shoulde be a mo­deratour and a iudge of the reformation of the Churche: the errours of the whiche Churche he ought not to defend, bycause he was the chiefe officer vnder the King, and the successour also of the firste Christian that was in Fraunce. Also he sayde, that he ought not to count it an iniurie that mention was made of hym by those that were of the As­semblie at Paris, seing that he had doone nothing but by the authoritie of Kings, and of the hyghest powers: and sée­ing also that he hadde receyued so little of kyng Henrye, that there was no manne but hée woulde iudge hym woorthie of greater rewardes, bothe in consideration of the office, whyche hée had so long, and also for the mo­ney whiche hee bestowed in the Kings seruice. Moreouer, hée sayde, that it appeared by the Bookes of accompte, that the gyftes whyche the kyng gaue hym, were not so muche by the seuenth parte as those giftes were, whiche were bestowed vpon the Marshal Santandrae, so farre they were from being compared with the Guises gifts, and with the giftes of the Duchesse of Valentien.

To these persuasions onely of Momorentius, the Con­stable made answer, saying, That Religion coulde not be [Page 143] altered without the mutation of the state, & ciuil regiment: that he was a faithfull seruant of the king, and of his bre­thren also: that he feared not to be found guiltie: that not­withstanding he woulde not suffer the actes and deedes of the Kyngs deceassed to be reproued, and disalowed: That hée desyred that hys nephews the Chastillions might be so good Christians in verie déede, as they séemed to bée in woordes: also that hée dyd willingly forgiue those that had offended him whatsoeuer they had doone.

After this verie shortly, the Chastillions, Odetus the Car­dinal, the Admiral, the Andelot came oftentimes vnto him, protesting that they bare no hatred in their heartes agaynst the Guises, but went only about to frustrate their practizes and deuyses, whiche (as it euidently appeared) tended both to their destruction, and of the realme also. Whome the Constable (saye they) oughte to resiste aboue all others. But they persuaded in vayne: for his mynd was drawne awaye, and was linked in the freendship of the Guyses, by diuers that allured him therto.

Thus dissentiōs grew dayly more and more by the mea­nes of Religion, and openly burste foorthe: insomuche that both partes sought to iniurie and to reproche one another, the fauourers of the Popes doctrine, calling the professours of the Gospell, Huguenotes: and the Protestantes callyng them agayne Papistes. Herevpon came a rumour abroade of Seditions, the Popes chaplains in their Sermons mo­uing and pricking the people forward to the same. Wher­fore the king sent his letters to the Magistrates of euerye Prouince: the summe and effect wherof was:

That no man shoulde call another contumeliously by the The kings Letters. name of Huguenot or Papist: that no man shuld abuse that ho nest libertie which euery mā ought to enioy, either in his own house, or whē he is in his freds house: that no mā shuld enter ei ther with gret or smal nūber vpō other mēs houses, vnder pro­tēce of the former edicts which prohibited & forbad vnlauful [Page 144] assemblyes. That they which were kept in bondes for Religi­ons sake, should be by and by deliuered and set at libe [...]e, be­fore the first Edicte made for their deliueraunce. That they which had fled the Realme for Religions sake, shoulde haue leaue to returne home againe, with full and safe libertie to en­ioy their goods and al things else that they had before, so that they would be contented to liue Catholikely and without of­fence. But if they would not, that it should be lauful for them to sell their goods and to get them to another place.

These letters, the Senate of Paris went aboute to let and stay, but in vaine: neither could their admonitions (as they term them) which they sent to y ^e king, preuaile so much, but that these letters wer euery where published abrode, which also almost in euery place were diligently obserued. They were deliuered which were kepte in prison for Religion. And many, which for the Gospell wyllingly chose to lyue in exile in other landes, retourning nowe home agayne, greatly increased the Churche: The Churche more and more flourished, the Gospell was confirmed: All menne, as though they had quite forgotten all other things, talked onely of the Gospell: Euery one of what estate and degrée soeuer he was of, only reasoned of the Gospell: Sermons were made euery where both in the Cities and in the fiel­des: All men diligently resorted to heare them: yea the ve­rie rude and ignorant sort of people, bicause of the newnesse of the thing, came also to heare them of which a great num­ber by this meanes were brought to the knowledge of God. But the aduersaries, they stoode amazed, wondering and musing at so great a matter: The seruice of ancient cere­monies began euery where to waxe colde, yea and in ma­nie places to be derided: yea verie manie casting asyde the Popes badges and markes, came into the Churches of the faithfull, and were made as one with them. So greate al­terations came to paūe in so little a tyme.

The Prince of Conde, (as we haue declared before) came [Page 145] to Paris, that his innocēcie and guiltlesnesse might be farther tried by the Senate. He therfore, the Cardinall of Burbon, and many other noble menne attending vpon him, pleaded with the Senate of Paris, concerning this matter as follo­weth: manie men maruelling that he was thus dealt with­all. It is (sayth he) a special token of Gods prouidence, by whiche I béeing deliuered from the platformes and secrete traps of my enimies, shall get vnto my selfe an euerlasting testimonie of my innocencie in those thynges layde to my charge. The lying in wait and mischeuous practizes of wic­ked men, do nothing at all hurt those which haue their hope & trust in God. I haue always wished that my cause might be throughly wayghed and vnderstode of the Senate, which is the moste notable place in Fraunce for the executing of Iustice. I should (sayth he) be iniurious to my self, vnlesse I should bring the equitie and integritie of my cause againste the slaunders of my aduersaries, before so worthy an assem­blie, that the matter being worthie of the laudable and ho­norable sentence of the Senate, may by the grauitie and vp­right iudgemēt of the same be defined and ended. Wherfore he prayed them to consider of his estimation, whiche to hym was more deare than his lyfe. Then when he had required of the Senate that Petrus Robertus his man of lawe mighte be peaceably and quietly hearde in making his declaration, he so departed.

Then Petrus Robertus by and by made his oration, say­ing, The oration of Petrus Rober­tus, the man of law for the Prince. That it hadde pleased God to trie the Prince of Conde with that triall of affliction, with which▪ he doth oftentimes trie his faithful seruāts, which affliction he doth oftentimes sende to those that are his, but specially to those that are set in high degrée, and that for two speciall causes: First, that Kings and Princes, and men of great calling might know that they haue their power & dignitie from God alone, vp­on whō dependeth eyther their preseruation or destruction. Secondly, that the innocencie of his seruantes maye more euidently appere, by false accusation, & that by that meanes [Page 146] there may be perfect triall of their integritie.

When he had thus spokē, he declared what things were wrought against the Prince at Aurelia, howe his appeales were not receiued, howe he was condemned his cause not heard: and therfore he sayd, that the sentence pronounced a­gaynst him was voyd and of none effect. At the length whē many things were debated & reasoned of betwene hym and The conclusi­on of the Se­nate of Paris. the Kings Sollicitour, it was concluded: That all matters that had ben broughte in agaynst the Prince, should be refer­red to the Senate: And if nothing could be found that should deserue or require an extraordinarie waye then by and by the Senate should pronounce the ful and absolute sentence of ab­solution and discharge: But if the Senate should find any mat­ter of greater weight, that then it shuld be lawful before those testimonies and proofes were receiued and credited, to exa­mine the witnesses again, and to consider the matter more de­pely: and that the sentence pronounced by the former Iudges should be voyd, seing that it appertained to the Senate alone, (which is the court appertaining to the king & to the nobles of France) to examine and iudge the causes of the kings kins­men, if any criminall cause were obiected against them.

The which point Petrus Robertus the prince of Conde his aduocate, expounded and opened at large: least the Prince shoulde seeme by the weaknesse of his cause to forsake that former iudgemente of the iudges whiche were chosen by king Frances the second, of purpose to giue sentence on him. He declared therfore, that the Prince did refuse those iudges, bicause they were far vnmete to iudge him: besides that so it shuld haue ben preiudicial to y ^e priuilege & right of the prin­ces, y ^e kings kinsmen, for that they being accused of any mat­ter, maye appeale to be iudged of the king only their chiefe lord, and the head of their stock, in the Senate of Paris.

To this the kings solicitor answered, That he did not on­ly allow the sentence of the kings priuie councel, cōcerning the innocencie of the Prince of Conde, but also earnestly de­sired [Page 147] that the same mighte be ratified and confirmed by the iudgement of a parliament: notwithstanding saith he the same must be established by an ordinarie and lawful way.

Therfore the Prince of Conde was made playntiue, and the Kings Solicitour the defendant▪ and it was concluded, That for somuche as the Prince of Conde was put vpon his further triall & purgation, the whole assemblie of the Se­nate house would receyue any manner of accusation to bee made agaynst the Prince of Conde, and duly consider of the same: to the ende if nothing coulde be brought agaynst him wherby he myght be founde guiltie, [...]e myght straightwaye by publike sentence, be declared and pronounced to be in­nocent and guiltlesse. Wherefore all the Senatours com­maunded, that if any man had any manner of accusation a­gainst the Prince of Conde, he should come into the Senate house, and then he shoulde be hearde. Yea euery one of the prince Councell were asked by name if they had any thing to obiect against the Prince of Conde: Who affirmed in ge­nerall by a solemne othe that they had nothing to obiecte a­gainst him.

Then was y ^e final sentēce of the Senat giuen in maner & The decree of the senate con cerning the innocencie of the Prince. forme folowing, that is to say, That the Prince of Conde had done nothing against the kings Maiestie but was pure, inno­cent, and guiltlesse of all those crimes layd to his charge▪ that all actions commensed against him were voyde. Also that he should haue libertie to arrest and sue whom he thought good, that hee myght bee satisfied according to the dignitie of his person. VVith prouiso also that this decree shoulde be pro­claymed in the hyghest Courtes of the king, and registred in publike Recordes.

Thys ordinaunce and decrée was pronounced and open­ly read▪ by the chiefe iudge of the Senate, the gates of the Senate house beeing set wyde open, and all the Senatours assembled together solemnely apparelled in their Scarlet Roabes, accordyng to order. And also at the Readyng [Page 148] hereof, there was a great multitude of people, and the grea­test part of the Nobilitie of Fraunce, as the kyng of Nauarre, the Cardinall Burbon, Monpensier, and others of the Prin­ces the Kinges kinsmenne: and with these also were pre­sent the Dukes of Guise, Nemorosius, the Constable, Mo­morentius, the Marshall of Santandrae, the Cardinal of Lor­rayn, and the Chastillion. Others also, which were accused for the same cause with the prince of Conde, receiued the sen­tence of their purgation openly read.

And vndoubtedly, the Prince of Conde alwayes denyed, that he was the author, or of the counsell of that [...]umult of Ambaxian, howsoeuer the Guises maliciously interpreted that counsell and way which was deuised to kepe them vn­der, to be intended against the kings maiestie, and the state of the realme.

By these and such like practizes, those two brethren the Guyses inflamed the yong king Frances against the men of Burbon, leauing nothing vndone that might séeme to proue their accusations. Accusers were diligently sought for, and matters of accusation inquired after: By gifts & by threat­nings all things were attempted. And in the iudgement of the Prince of Conde, they leaned specially to one witnesse, whose name was Sagua, a seruant of the kyng of Nauar, of whom we haue made mention before. That Sagua being ta­ken and apprehended by the Guises, was diligently exami­ned concerning the Prince of Conde, if he knewe whether he had conspired against the king or no. Sagua at the first de­nied this, saying that he knew no suche matter. But at the length Frances the duke of Guyse broughte it to passe, (ha­uing with him a hangman and a halter) by thretning death vnto him except he would plainly accuse the Prince of Conde of conspiracie against the king. But at the length being es­caped out of the Guyses hands, he most cōstantly sayd both by word and writing, that the accusation agaynst the prince of Conde was extorted from him by force.

[Page 149]This publike sentence therfore of the Senate toke away from the Prince of Conde, that spite and slaunder wherby he was sayd and thought to be guiltie of the tumult of Amba­xian. But if the sentence of the Senate had not cléered and purged him, yet the effect and sequele of that whiche follo­wed, maye be sufficient to approue that he neuer conspired against the king: As his only studie and moste vndoubted good will in defending the young king and the realme also, being in great perill, from the mischiefe and lyings in wait of forrain enimies. The which he would neuer haue doon, if he had intended to hurt the king any maner of way.

The Cardinall of Lorrayn complayned to the Quéene that The complaint of the Cardinal of Lorrayn. the matter was euery daye worse and worse, and that the people presumed and toke too much libertie vpon the kings Edictes, and also that the negligence and carelesnesse of the Iudges increased more and more: affirming that there was no wiser way to be found, than in suche troublesome mat­ters, to take counsell of the Senate of Paris. (It was re­ported that he went about this thing, being assured and cer­tified before of many of the mindes of the Senatours, that by this preiudice he myghte helpe the Nationall Councell shortly at hande.)

Therefore the King and the Quéene and all the priuie Councell came vnto the Senate to deliberate wyth them of those matters whiche appertayned to Religion, and the gouernement of the realme. The Chauncellor briefly declared, that they wer therfore called togither by the kings commandement, that they might shewe certaine ready and exquisite wayes to qualifie those perturbations and trou­bles, whiche would euery day more and more increase by reason of the diuersitie of Religion: to the ende the Kings subiects might peaceably lyue vnder his obedience. To the which matter (he sayd) it pertained nothing at al to talke of religiō, bicause the ciuil gouernmēt was only now in hand: as for religion (he sayd) it should be reserued to be handled [Page 150] in the Nationall Councell, to whome it belonged to discusse the same. When the Chauncellour had ended his oration, euery man spake his iudgement: Some wishing punishe­ments 1. for religions sake to [...]e st [...]yde, vntil the C [...]uncel had determined of the same: Other some wyshing to haue pu­nishment 2. by death, which was contrar [...]e to the ancient c [...]n­stitutions of the Bishops of Rome. Other some deeming it 3. best to haue the whole matter left to the author [...]tie of Eccle­siastical iurisdiction: In the meane tyme they thought good to forbid, that there should be no conuenticles or assemblies either priuate or publike▪ eyther with armes, or withoute armes: allo that there shul [...] be no sermons, or administra­tions of Sacraments otherwyse than according to the vsu­all maner of the Church of Rome. And thus the whole assem­blie were deuided into three [...]eueral opinions. Uerie many were of the first opinion: how beit the last opinion and ad­ [...]iss pr [...]uayled, hauyng three voyces more than the other had, for the whych cause, there arose contention, many men suspecting that the Notarie being corrupted, wroughte de­ceytfully, re [...]koning the names of some whiche came vuloo­ked for, whyle the assemblie were vttering their opinions: the whiche was againste all order and custome of the Se­nate. Neuerthelesse there was an Edicte made, whyche was called, the Edicte of Iulye. The effecte whereof, An Edict cal­led of the Mo­neth of Iuly. was thys.

That all men should liue peaceably: that there shouled bee no iniuries doone vnder the pretence of religion: That all disturbers and breakers of the peace shoulde suffer death: The summe of the Edict. that there should be in no wyse any maner of elections, or any other things, which pertayned to factions or diuisions: That preachers should vse no wordes of offenc [...] that myght breed sedition among the people, but shuld rather modestly instruct them, and that also vnder payn of death: That ther should be no sermons made, or sacraments ministred either priuatly or publikely, either with armes, or without armes, after any o­ther [Page 151] maner than that which was vsed in the catholike Church set forth by the king and his clergie of France, & that vnder the pain of death & confiscation of all their goods, which of­fended herein. Also, that the knowledge and examination of heresie should be left to Ecclesiasticall persons: and that who­soeuer was found guiltie therof, should be committed to the secular power, and susteine no other punishement than exile. All these thinges to continue vntill the determination of a generall or Nationall counsell: Pardon and full forgiuenesse of all crimes for religions sake being graunted to those that hadde offended, vpon condition that they woulde euer after­warde liue peaceably and catholikely. Besides there was in this Edicte seuere punishments appoynted for false accusers. And last of all strayte commaundement that no man shoulde weare armour.

It was also agréed and concluded in this assemblie, that the Prelacie or Clergie shoulde be forthe with gathered to­gither, and also the ministers of the reformed Religion, being waranted from the king to come withoute harme in peace to that assemblie. The Cardinall of Lorrain bragged, that he would confute them by the authoritie of the aunci­ent fathers, and so made many men to hope to sée wonders. Therefore the Quéene seeking to hasten this triumphe, and fearing least the States of the realme woulde once againe make request to haue Temples, gaue forthe commaunde­ment, that the Clergie of the Churche of Fraunce shoulde be at the towne of Possiac, neere to Sangerman, the tenth day of August following.

Fraunce béeyng in the middest of these troubles, there was warr [...] also aboute that tyme, occasioned by the mea­nes of Religion, betweene the Duke of Sabaudi [...], and the Inhabitauntes of the Ualleys of Pedemount, of the whiche to make relation, béeing occasioned for one and the selfe same cause, and in the nexte region, it shall not be greately beside our purpose.

[Page 152] Pedamount néere vnto the mountayne Vesulus, is called the valey of Lucern, of a little towne called Lucerna, néere ad­ioyning to the same: To this there is also an other adioy­ning called Angronia, so called of the Riuer Angrone, néere to the which the valeys of Perossa and Samnartine doe lye. Those valleys haue dwelling in them fiftene thousande in­habitants. Of which number the greatest part professe the Gospell: also, there were some in those places long agoe, which abhorring the Pope and his doctrin, had some know­ledge and taste of true religion. But after that the lyght of the truth in our tyme brast forthe and more cléerely appea­red, than it had done before, it began also more cléerely to shine in those valeys. Therfore when they were better in­structed Warres be­twene the duke of Sa­baudia and the inhabitants of the valeys. in the doctrine of the Gospell, then did they more vehemently professe the truthe: and that specially in two little townes aboue the rest, where the same was openly professed. These men of the valleys had many noble men appoynted to rule and gouerne them: but among the reste, they acknowledge the duke of Sabaudia, their chiefe Prince and gouernour. Therfore these inhabitauntes being hated for religions sake of the noble men that dwelt about them, were diuers and sundrie wayes by them vexed. And their chiefe Prince the duke of Sabaudia was sore agréeued, that Religion began to flourish among them: in somuch that he oftentimes cōmanded them to forsake the religion: and to warne their ministers to receyue the Masse and the aunci­ent religion, otherwise he threatned them cruelly to punish them as rebels. They being carefull by reason of these new commaundements, sende at lengthe their Ambassadour to the Prince with a supplication and confession of their faith, protesting that they beléeue all things conteyned in the old and newe Testament, the articles of the Christian fayth, called Symbolum Apostolorum, the Nicene Créede, and the Creede of Athanasius: also the foure firste Councelles, and the doctrine of the auncient Fathers, so farre forth as they [Page 153] with the word of God. Humbly beseching him to giue them leaue to liue according to the rule of Gods word, and not to constraine them to doe any thing against their conscience, affirming that they were readie not onelye to giue an ac­count of their Religion, but also to acknowledge and con­fesse their error if they might be brought vnto it by y ^e word of God. Adding herevnto that this doctrine had continued a long time among them, as they coulde well approue by great testimonyes receiued from their ancetors. Desiring him also to inquire how they behaued them selues towards their gouerners, and in what order they liued: protesting that their only desire was to render vnto him all obedience as vnto their chiefe Lord and Prince, and that if they should The Edict a­against the in­habitants of the valleys. be founde otherwise, to be sharpely and seuerely punished. This was the effecte of their ambassage to the Duke, but it did nothing at all preuaile. For the Duke gaue strait com­maundement that no man should come or resort to those ser­mons which the Ministers of the inhabitantes of y ^e valleys made: if any did resorte vnto them, their first punishment was the losse or forfeiture of. 100. Crownes, and the seconde punishment was to be a Gally slaue. He commaunded also all the Nobles and Magistrates that had authoritie to pu­nishe, seuerely to execute the same againste the offenders. Therfore the Noble men began to waxe fierce against the inhabitantes of the valleys: in so much that when they had taken certaine of them, they burnte them: among whome were two preachers of Gods worde. All men vsed violence against the mē of the valleys, euen as if they had béen mor­tall enimyes: great damage and hurte was done to them: and those which dwelt about them, making an armie made hauocke of them and spoyled them. The men of the valleys were contented with all this iniurie, and by the exhortati­ons of their Ministers and preachers bare these things pa­ciently for a time. But at the length being ouerladen and wearied with these troubles, they purposed to defend them­selues, [Page 162] in so much that they flew many of them which came to pray and spoile them. Wherevpon the Duke gaue forth a commaundement that they shuld leaue off to spoile them anye more: and sent vnto them Ranconensis and Trini [...]ae­us. Ranconensis & Trinitaeus. two of his gentlemen, to intreate them friendly. Not­withstanding they retourned home agayne as they came, bycause they woulde haue bounde them to sende away their Ministers and Preaches. The Duke beyng angrye wyth this, intended to make open warre against them. Where­vpon he sente agaynst them Trinitaeus with fiue thousands soulders (the greatest parte whereof were gunners, and some horsemen) commaundyng hym that excepte the men of the valleys woulde doe as they were commaunded, he shoulde deale with them as with mortall enimyes, to spoile their goods and to put them to fire and sworde.

First of all therefore Trinitaeus assaulted Agronia, with a thousand and a halfe of gunners: certayne of the Towns­men to the number of thirtie being slenderly armed wyth flyngs and Crosbowes, straighte waye went against them, and withstandyng the firste fronte of the Armie, were straite way rescued with two hundered oute of the valleys adioyning vnto them: and so by and by they put their eni­myes to flight, and slewe three score of them, three of their owne side onely being lacking.

When Trinitaeus sawe that he had assaulted Agronia, in vaine, he assaulted the villages thereabout as Comba and Ta­gliaret: but at their handes he receiued the repulse also with losse of thirtie of his men. Seyng therefore howe hardly he should obtaine his purpose, and that he little preuayled by open violence he soughte to practise by subtiltie and crafte. And sent to the inhabitantes of the valleys, promising them peace, if they woulde vnarme them selues, sende men to the Duke to craue pardon for their rebellion, and gyue vn­to hym sixtene thousande Crownes. The people desyring peace and to bée eased of all their troubles, easilye yelded to [Page 163] these conditions. And sente chosen men for the purpose to Trinitaeus. saying that they woulde fulfyll his commaunde­ment: and so they put off their armoure, which by and by was taken from them by the souldiers. They sente in lyke maner in their owne name to the Duke two men to con­firme the obedience of the people vnto hym by an othe, so that they might haue libertie to vse their Religion. In the meane time there was a great summe of money required, the one halfe beyng payed, and a daye appoynted for the payment of the other halfe. Within fewe dayes after the Duke sente for the two Legates of the valleys, and the Popes Legate sitting by him, and a great multitude of peo­ple beyng present, commaunded them, kneeling on theyr knees, in the name, and on the behalfe of the inhabitantes of the valleys, to confesse their faultes, and to craue pardon for the same: firste of the Duke, and then of the Pope in the person of hys Legate there presente: and to sweare both of them euer afterward to be loyal and obedient. This thing beyng extorted from the Legates by feare, the Duke by the meanes of these promyses, commaunded the men of the valleys to put awaye their Ministers, and to re­ceyue suche as he sente vnto them, and to come to the Masse. The inhabitantes of the valleys, blamed the in­constancie of their ambassadors, saying that the same shuld not deceyue them, neither that they woulde consente vnto that which they had done, beyng agaynste theyr wils and commaundemente. They woulde (they sayde) obey theyr Prince, but so notwithstanding that they woulde haue the libertie of their conscience.

Wherfore they desired that they might haue leaue to ex­ercise that doctrine which before time they had followed. So soone as the Duke hearde of this, he sent an armye againe, and that in the deepe of Winter, inuading all the countrey, burning houses, spoiling goods and Cattells, and showing so much crueltie as might be.

[Page 156]The men of the valleys therefore being constrained, for­sooke their houses, and fled to the toppes of the Mountaines with their wiues and children, beyng couered with snowe. From thence they sawe their houses on fire, their trées cut downe, their cattell taken away and sp [...]yled. And yet for all this eueryone of them, yea euē their women shed no teares for the same, but gaue prayses vnto God who had made thē worthie to suffer for his name, and had made their houses ashes to throwe in the eyes of Antichrist. Therefore when they sawe whereabout their enimyes went, they dispayred not in the middest of so great affliction, but made their pray­ers vnto God: and sayde with one mind and consent, that in so iuste a cause they would spende their liues, thinking it bet­ter to dye than to receiue such horrible superstitions, beyng fully persuaded, that in so good and iust a cause God woulde not fayle them. And thus they bended them selues to séeke their owne defence: appointing scoutes and watches in cer­taine conuenient places, making certaine holdes: stopping the wayes againste their enimyes: and setting all thyngs that was necessarye for them in so good order as they coulde. There was therefore dayly skirmishes on bothe sides, and within a fewe dayes there were a hundred men slaine on the Dukes side, and on the other side not fortie. Among o­ther valiant Captaines there was one called Carolus Tru­chetus, a very expert fellow in the warre, and of great esti­mation and authoritie with the Duke. This fellowe sought how he might win the Castles and holdes of their enimyes, and therefore by the skill of the places and by the knowledge that he had of their situation, he brought to passe by cōming on the backe side of the mountaine, that he brought a thou­sand souldiers and placed them on the ridge of a hill: and ha­uing quietly possessed the same, he put his souldiers in com­fort to haue the pray: and after he had fortified the same, he made hast to win another holde. Of the which, when many were ware that kept a little hill harde by, they tolde the rest [Page 157] of their fellowes: of the which, part went to repell their eni­myes: and parte with all spéede gaue warning to all those that dwelt there rounde about, with the sounde of a Trum­pet. And at the laste two hundred men being gathered toge­ther, they easilye put their enimyes to flight. And making hast to remoue those souldiers which were placed on the top of the hill, they sawe certaine troupes of their enimyes ma­king hast to get a forte néere vnto them of great force. Ther­fore when they had altered their purpose, leauing their for­mer assault which they had ment to giue against those on the ridge of the hill, they made hast to encounter with the other part: and setting vpon them before they were readye, they slew many of their enimyes, and had made a greater slaugh­ter, had not a certaine preacher of Gods word by his admo­nitions stayed their force. But Truchetus being strickē with a stone on the legge, was caryed away by two souldiers. The The slaughter of Truchetus. which when a certain Cowheard which fed oxen there saw, he threw a stone at him with a sling, with so great violence, that he falling to the ground, and being lefte of his souldiers, was slaine with his owne sworde by the same Cowhearde. And nowe for wante of Gunnes, the men of the valleys had made them crossebowes of wood, which would deliuer stones with great force: and therefore the men of Sabaudia being on the lower ground were very muche anoyed with this newe kinde of shooting. Wherefore the men of Sabaudia, to saue thē selues from the force and violence of the stones that were thus shot at them, deuised great Targets, with which they might couer their whole bodyes. Therefore they sending be­fore them fortie men shéelding them and defending them frō the force of the stones with their Targets, marched on in hast with all their armies.

The which when the men of the valleys perceyued, they set vpon them on the one side, and slewe many of them, and put all their armies to flight. And at the length the enimyes vnloked for, toke the towne Taglaretus, and there some were [Page 166] slaine. But they which were [...]n y ^e edges of the mountaines, set vpon the enimyes, & slewe many of them, & put the rest to flighte. And thus Tr [...]aeus hauing no hope to preuaile by wars against these mē, certified the Duke what a hard mat­ter he had taken in hand. Afterward the men of the valleys were called to parley, with whom these couenantes were made, namely, That they shoulde vse their accustomed exer­ci [...]es The agrement an [...] [...]uce be­tweene the Duke of Sa­baudia & the inhabitants of the valleys. of Religion: that they should by no maner of meanes be accused or called to account for this warre: that they shoulde haue free libertie and intercourse to bie and sell through all parts of the Dukes dominion: that they shuld render vnto the Duke all dutie and obedience belonging vnto him: that they also should li [...]e without offence. There were diuers other par­ticular matters, which because they serue not for our purpose, we omit.

While these things were thus handled, Philip King of Persecution in Spaine. Spaine, on the other side, left nothing vndone to punishe & vex with all maner of torments, so many as imbraced the Gos­pel in any part of his dominiōs but specially in Spaine, & Belgio, the murdering inquisitiō in euery place most cruelly was ex­ecuted: the houses in the which the faithfull came together were burned: they which were taken were spedilye put to death, some being burned, some drowned, & some tormentes with new kinds of death: yea, there was no respect of persōs had, were he poore or rich, gentlemā or noble mā, he was not frée frō these torments. The king being greatly inflamed & He might ra­ther be called Granvillan, or greate villane. pricked forward herevnto by y ^e Cardinall Granuellan, who a little before was made Cardinall in Belgio, at the creation of new bishops. Neuerthelesse the faithful of y ^e p [...]rsecuted chur­ches offer their confessiō to the king of Spaine, and publish the same euery where abrode: & by publique writing open their The confessiō of the Church of Flanders offered to the King. cause to the magistrates, shew how iniurious a thing it is to condemne a man before his cause be heard, beséech that they might haue libertie to be heard, that their confessiō might be read, which would manifestly declare y ^t they were vniustly [Page 167] condemned: these troubles (say they) do arise of two sorts of men, The first are such as are led by rashe & vndiscrete zeale [...]. to defend their errors, which haue long time continued in the Romish Church: The second are such as are afeard to haue New [...]rs. the Gospell preuaile, bicause they know y ^t the doctrine therof reproueth their wicked doings & affections. It is great arro­gancie to condemne those that leane to y ^e worde of God, & to prefer the inuentions of mē before the same. Wherfore they desire y ^t before they be cōdēned they might be cōuinced by y ^e word of God, & that the disputatiō might not be with fire and sword, for (say they) the word of God is the vndoubted & cer­taine rule of truth. But this was the sum of their confession. We beleue in one true God, which by his glorious names & titles, may be discerned frō false & counterfeite Gods: which may also be knowne by that most mighty worke of y ^e whole world, but specially by his word: we also im [...]race & receiue the only word of God by faith, not so much bicause y ^e Church receiueth the same, but bicause it is sealed in y ^e hartes of the faithful by the holy ghost. We beleue that one God in essēce is distinguished into thrée persons, which are, the father, the sonne, & the holy Ghost, reseruing notwithstanding to euery persō his special propertie. We beleue that God which hath created the worlde doth gouerne & preserue the same by his prouidence. We beleue that he created man after his owne image & liknesse, y ^t is to say, holy, good, & perfect: & that he fell by his owne faulte, & hath wrapped his prosteritie in y ^• same giltinesse of sinne, & corruptiō, that he him selfe was in. We beleue y ^t Iesus Christ, both God and man in one person, is a true mediator, & the onely meane & way to saluation.

We beleue that he beyng promysed long before vnto the Fathers, and represented and shadowed vnder the Cere­monyes and fygures of the lawe, came in his time, and ful­filled all things that pertayned to oure saluation: and that withoute greate sacrilege and robbing him of his honor, no o­ther meane can be taken: also that the faithful are partakers [Page 160] of these benefites, which are the Church of God, which is go­uerned by the holy ghost, and not tyed to places or perfons.

We beléeue that the pure and sincere preaching of Gods worde, the pure Ministration of the sacraments, and the dis­cipline, by the which the Churche is gouerned according to the rule of Gods worde, are notes and markes of the visible Churche.

We beléeue that the Sacraments were ordained to con­firme our faith, and doe then profite when they are ioyned to the power of the holy Ghost.

We beléeue that there doe belong onely two sacraments to the Church: namely Baptisme, which is a seale of remis­sion of sinnes, and of our regeneration, and therefore a testi­monie of our entrance into the Churche: And the Lords sup­per, which signifieth that we are truely made partakers of the body of Christ, and of all his graces and benefites, that is to saye, that oure soules are nourished to euerlasting life by his fleshe and bloude, euen as our bodyes are nourished with breade and wine: but we muste bring faith to receiue the truth of that Sacrament, that is to say Christ: therefore we beléeue that the Lords Supper doth only profite the faith­full, & bringeth to the vnworthie, that is, to the vnbeléeuing, condemnation.

We beléeue that God to defende and preserue the societie of men, hath ordayned lawes and pollitique gouernement, which al men ought to obey: & that tributes, custome, and o­ther taxes ought to be payed to Magistrates, who ought to be reuerenced, and for whome we ought to pray vnto God.

We beleeue also that Christ shall come againe with al po­wer, maiestie and glory, in the latter day to iudge the quicke and the dead. Thus much concerning their persecution.

But now to returne to our selues againe.

When the Duke of Guise had bene at no small variance with the Prince of Conde, he purposed with himselfe, partlye by his owne mind, in hope of profite & partly by the Counsel [Page 161] of his friends, to come into his fauour and friendship again, The reconci­liation of the Prince of Cō ­de & the Duke of Guise. the Quéene and the Constable, exhorting him ther vnto and helping him to haue hys purpose. Therefore the King, when he had called the Prime Councell together and all the Prin­ces beyng present, he called both of them before hym: and when the matter was opened he commaunded the Duke of Guise to declare the whole matter to the Prince of Conde.

The which the Duke of Guise did, protesting that he ne­uer caused nor counselled the King (which was departed) to apprehend the Prince of Conde. To which the Prince of Con­de answered that he did counte him a wicked and naughtie person, which wente aboute to worke him that mischiefe, what so euer he was. The Duke of Guise sayde, that hée thoughte him in lyke manner to be no lesse, but he coulde not helpe it. At the length by the Kings commaundement they embraced one another, and promysed to put away all grudge and malyce, and to be euer afterwarde true and faithfull friendes. This reconciliation gaue the Constable occasion more fréely to ioyne him selfe and to kepe company with the Guises, and to begyn afreshe to suppresse Religion, the which he had alwayes obstinately resisted.

We sayde before that the assembly of States, or Courte of Parliament was delayed and put off vntill the moneth of May.

Therefore they resorted agayne in the moneth of August to Pontosia a towne in Picardie: and by and by there arose dissention betwéene the Princes and the Cardinalls aboute the order of sitting: the Princes denying to sitte belowe the Cardinalls. Wherevpon the Cardinals Turnon, Lorayne, and Guyse went away verye angry. But when the Earles and Nobles were gathered together, the Chauncelor propo­sed the matter according to custome, shewing the cause of their comming together, and willing euerye man fréely to vtter that which he had to say.

Therefore the Legates or Speakers for the thrée estates [Page 162] made their seuerall orations: in the which they spake much concerning the duetie of the King, and of the subiectes, and of those matters which are commonly handeled in Ciuill conuocations, the whiche we meane not to repeate, for bi­cause they appertaine not to our purpose. Notwithstanding this is not to be pretermitted, that the Legate for the com­minaltie complained very muche of the corruptions of Ec­clesiasticall persons: bycause they ought to teach the people and to exhorte them both by their doctrine and also by their example to a pure and honest lyfe: but foule and filthy ig­norance was among them, and their corrupte and vnchaste ly [...]e was a greate offence to all men. Moreouer he said, that they were hyrelings, and carefull for nothing lesse than for [...]oyng their dueties, but were whollye gyuen to filthy pleasure: and this thing (sayth he) ariseth hereof, for that they bée more plentifully fedde and fatted, than their offices wyll beare: what hath béene the cause (sayth he) in tymes paste of all the corruptions in the Churche, but the too much ease and lyuing of Ecclesiasticall persons. Also he made pe­tition in the name of the thirde state, whiche we call the comminaltie, that the King woulde refourme these greate faultes, and woulde so temper and order the lyuings and reuenewes of Ecclesiasticall persons that they mighte not lyue too licenciously at their ease.

Moreouer he declared that it was the office of a King to take vpon hym the defence of Religion, and bycause so ma­nye troubles daylye did aryse for this cause throughout the whole Realme, he sayde it was a presente remedie to pa­cifie them, to call forthwith a Nationall Counsell, and to gyue to all men leaue to come vnder safe conducte: and that it woulde please the King also with the Princes hys Kinsmen to bée present at the same, and to call for learned and godly men to come to that parley, and also to remoue all those that might be suspected.

Furthermore that they whiche thinke that they can not [Page 163] wyth a safe conscience come to the Ceremonyes of the Churche of Rome, myghte haue libertie freely and quietly to come together into some temple or other publique place, where they maye be taughte the worde of God in theyr vulgar tongue, and maye haue the rytes of their Religi­on Ministred.

And bycause many things maye be sayde to be done a­misse in those assemblyes, he wished that the King woulde commaunde certaine of his officers to be presente in those assemblyes to see what shoulde be done.

Also he sayd, that they oughte not to be counted for here­tikes whiche were condemned, their cause not hearde, but should be tried and iudged by the word of God.

Finallye, he made humble supplications that it woulde please the King to graunte suche reasonable requestes: the which also the Nobilitie with one consent required, but the Ecclesiasticall order or Clergie soughte diligentlye by all meanes possible to defend their cause.

But to the ende it maye more plainely appeare what Certaine Ciuil actes worthy to be noted. greate alterations haue happened within a shorte tyme, it shall not be amisse to repeate certayne things whiche were done in that assemblye concernyng matters Ciuill, and yet those things onely which also seeme to be more neere to Re­ligion, the state wherof to shewe we meane.

Therefore these remedyes were deuised to discharge the Kyng of that debte and paymentes of money wyth the whiche wee sayde before the Kyng at that tyme was great­lye burthened: Firste, that they whiche had had the occu­pying of the Kyngs Treasure, shoulde come to accounte: In the meane tyme that so manye as were of the Kings Priuye Counsell shoulde bee forbydden to come into that assemblye, vntyll they hadde playnelye made theyr accountes: also that all shoulde make an accounte (the Queene onely excepted) of all excéedyng giftes, rewardes, and doles. [Page 164] That so manye as in their owne persons, did not discharge their Ecclesiasticall offices, should loose all their reuenewes sauyng some parte which shoulde bee lefte them for the de­uine seruice, and for aimes deedes. That all the reuenewes of Benefices in controuersie should be brought to the kings Treasurie. That so many Benefices as had their pastors resident, if they were worthe fiue hundred pounde in mo­ney, shoulde paye vnto the King the fourth parte: if they were worthe a thousande pounde, the thirde parte, if they were worth three thousande pounde, that then they shoulde paye vnto the King the one halfe. Also that they which had in yearely reuenewes comming vnto them twelue thou­sande poundes, shoulde haue onely remaining to them of the same, three thousande, and the reste to be payde to the King.

That from the Cartusian Fryers, the Minimi, the Mathu­rines, and the Moniakes should be taken all their reuenews that surmounted and came to more than would finde them ordinarie meate, drinke and clothe: bycause by the order of their rytes and vowe, they ought to haue no more.

Also, (they saide) they had yet a better and more compen­dious way, and that was this: if all the landes of Ecclesia­sticall persons belonging to their benefices and spirituall promotions, sauyng onely a house for the Bishop, Canon, Maister of the Colledge, or person to dwell in were solde.

And of some parte of the money for the same, the Kings debtes should be payde, and the rest to be distributed to Ec­clesiasticall persons that had more neede of the same. Also to the ende the king with the rest might perceyue howe profi­table a way this would be, they declared that the reuenews of those ecclesiasticall landes woulde be worth fortie thou­sand pounde, and their proper liuing and remainder neuer­thelesse twelue hundred thousand poundes. And they sayde that these lands would the sooner be solde because they were frée from tribute, & were all most lords within themselues. [Page 165] Adding moreouer y ^t Ecclesiasticall persons should sustaine no harme hereby for they should neuerthelesse haue inough to liue vpon, and the king of the ouerplus of those yearely reuenewes should both pay his debtes, and also haue euery yeare a great summe besides, towardes the maintayning of garrisons of souldiers, the fortifying of Cities, and other such lyke vses to the great profit and commoditie of the peo­ple. They made Supplication in like maner that the Edict of Iuly, of the which we made mention before and in the which the faithfull were forbydden to assemble themselues together, might be taken awaye: that also there might be vsed peaceable and quyet meanes in matters of Religion, and yet notwithstanding that no Heretikes, Libertines, A­nabaptistes, Atheistes, and suche lyke seditious persons might be borne withal: And that there might be called out of hand a Nationall Councell to reforme the errors of Ec­clesiasticall persons. Furthermore they requested that the King with his kinsmen the Princes woulde be at the coun­sell: that all men might haue frée libertie vnder the kings warrant to come to that conuocation: that they might haue Churches for the administration of their doctrine and Sa­cramentes, graunted vnto them, which affirme that they cannot with safe conscience come to the Ceremonies of the Romishe Churche: that they mighte openly and plainely professe and maintayne their Religion, and put awaye all occasions of slaunder and reproche.

Last of all they required, that all iurisdiction mighte be taken away from Ecclesiasticall persons, and restored to the King to whome the same truely appertayned: that Ec­clesiasticall persons myghte haue no place in the Ciuill as­semblyes of Parliamentes: and also that Ciuill or tempo­rall persons mighte not haue benefices or spirituall promo­tions. These things were spoken by the orators and spea­ker for the States, according to their commission.

Moreouer at the length motion was made vnto them [...]o [Page 166] helpe to confirme the couenant made betwéene the Quéene and the king of Nauarre concerning the gouernement of the kingdome. To the which they answered that it seemed vn­to them verye vnmeete and strange, that a woman should rule the Realme of Fraunce, which was plaine againste the lawe therof, called the lawe Salic.

After long contention, by the earnest persuasion of the king of Nauarre, (who sought to haue the Queenes fauour) and sayd that he did willingly giue place vnto hir, the spea­kers answered, that if the king of Nauarre woulde departe from his right, and that the king and Quéene could so agrée they would not be against it, nor hinder it.

But it was sayde that those speakers dyd not well in that they swarued from their Commissions: and therefore that theyr assente to be voyde and of none effecte: neither was the facillitie and myldnesse of the King of Nauarre well lyked of.

Nowe the Pope feared (as we sayde before) that Natio­nall Cardinal Fer­rer, sent from Rome to hin­der the Natio­nall Counsell in Fraunce. Councell which the king had promysed, least it woulde be greatly hurtfull vnto him: therfore so muche as he could he made haste to haue a generall Councell. And for thys cause he sente the Cardinall of Ferrer, to the king. Thys Romishe Cardinall called hym selfe the Protector of the Churches of Fraunce, for the which names sake manye pre­sents and giftes were giuen to him in Fraunce.

At the nexte comming together of the States, it was con­cluded that the Pope should neuer afterward haue authori­tie to giue anye benefice or spirituall promotion in Fraunce. Therefore the Cardinall, when he was come, woulde haue vsed his accustomed power and authoritie, but beyng let by the newe decree of the States, or Parliament, he rayled vp great controuersies. Then the Chauncelor [...] af­firmed, that it was a thing not to be suffered, that so newe a decrée of Parliament shoulde be infringed and broken. Not­withstanding the matter came to that pas [...]e by the daylye [Page 167] complayntes of the Cardinall, that the king gaue straighte commaundement to the Chaūcelor to seale his letters. The Chauncelor sayde, that it was against lawe and equitie so to doe, howbeit he sealed his letters with the kings seale, and subscribed these wordes with his owne hande, without my consente and will. Then these letters, according to cu­stome were sent to the Senate of Paris, that they also myght confirme them.

But when the Senate had read these wordes of the Chauncelor, they made this answere, They cannot, neither oughte they to be receyued. Which wordes they alwayes vse when they meane to note any vnlawful or vniust mat­ter. Therfore Cardinall Ferrar was without hope of his let­ters, and was very sore agréeued to sée the Popes authori­tie so sore diminished and shaken in Fraunce, besyde this, bal­lets and rymes were made [...]f hym, and hauing his Crosier goyng before hym (as the manner is) he was deryded of boyes and chyldren that followed him: also pretie Libels were set forthe agaynst hym, and the image of Pope Alex­ander his grandfather finely paynted with a liuely descrip­tion of his wickednesse oute of the wordes of the Poet Pon­tanus, was helde forthe in euerye mannes hande againste him. The Cardinall taking this in very euill parte, depar­ted out of Fraūce, loking for better occasions to haue his pur­pose the which in deede he gat afterward.

But shortlye after thys, the Popes authoritie was cut off more and more in Fraunce, and all the people almoste euerye where sayde, that nowe the authoritie of men must not be wayed, but the substantialnesse of reason and truth: that the great errors whych long ago were growne, were nowe spredde abroade: that the Couetousnesse and Luxu­rie of the Churche men was insatiable: that they were more outragious and cruell agaynste those whiche fol­lowed the contrarye opinion in Religion. All estates and degrées had these and the like communications often­tunes [Page 168] in their mouthes: yea, and they which as yet were on the Popes side came not so often to their owne Chur­ches as they had wonte, but came often to the sermons of the refourmed Churche, kepte companye with the fayth­full, and had often conference with them concerning Reli­gion, and sayde that for this cause there ought to aryse no trouble, nor breache of friendship or brotherly loue. They which more obstinately leaned still to their olde opinions, kepte thēselues so cloose within their dores, that they scarce durst to come in anye companye. Many were dayly alured to the companye of the faythfull, in so muche that the alte­ration of Religion séemed nowe withoute all doubte to be at hande. The greatest parte of the Nobilitie also embra­ced the doctryne of the Gospell: And the Queene séemed to prefer Religion verye muche, and openly to fauour those of the refourmed Religion: whether to please the king of Nauarre, or to serue the tyme, I knowe not: and wrote ve­rie earnestly to Pope Pius the fourth, desiring him that he would prouide remedies to stay those troubles. The effect of the Queenes letters sent to Pope Pius the fourth.

And when the time of the parley appointed was rome, she wrote very large letters to him the fourth of August, to this effect as followeth.

‘If (sayth she) the state of the Kingdome of Fraunce maye be expressely described to the holye Father (for so she was wonte to call hym) in what and howe manye straites and perills the same was, by reason of the diuers opinions of Religion, he would prouide with al spéede for it, and would helpe to staye these troubles bothe wyth his presence and authoritie, and also woulde bende all his Counsell, wise­dome, and power, to finde oute remedyes for the same.’

‘On the one parte he might set before his eyes the infinite multitude of soules which runne headlong, as it were, into Multitude. destruction, bycause they knowe not well the waye of sal­uation.’

‘On the other parte he might sée part of the kingdome to be [Page 169] distracted and drawne away from the communion and fel­lowship of the Churche, whiche consisted of the greatest part of the Nobles, of learned men, of the best citizens, and most ciuil sorte of the common people, who wante neyther force, nor counsell, or any other meanes to atchieue their Qualitie. purpose: séeing there are among them men of great wealth and riches, which will not let to spend their goods and sub­stance in their cause. Furthermore such is the concord, con­sent and vnitie, among them, that it is wonderful to sée how Concorde. carefully one of them doe defende an other: in somuch that they can neither be drawne from that concord, neyther can they be ouercome by force of armes: And without present perill this kingdome can not be cast into those straites whi­che threaten vnto the same no doubte greate ruine and ex­treme destruction. Seing therfore the matter standeth thus, and séeing ther is a manifest token of great troubles as hād, The increase and force of the faithful. the number of those men increasing and waxing strong eue­ry day more and more, she also being persuaded, that the ho­lie Father being myndefull of those benefites which he had receyued of the Frenche kings, would carefully indeuoure himselfe to prouide remedies to ease these troubles: for this cause she was bold [...] to flee vnto him as to a refuge, that he woulde apply all his counsell, wisedome, and power, to procure the vnitie of the Church. It may please him ther­fore to vnderstand, that this thing might the more easyly be brought to passe, bicause by the goodnesse of God there are not in the whole realme of France, any Anabaptistes, hereti­kes or any that speake against the Christian Articles of the faith, nor yet against the declaration of those Articles made Doctrine. by the sire generall Councels. And (she sayd) this was the opinion and iudgement of certain lerned men, with whom she had conferred, that the holie Father might receyue them which confessed that catholike profession of the faith, plainly confirmed and expounded by those sixe generall Councels, into the Communion & felowship of the Church, although [Page 170] they were of diuers opinions: And that other opinions can not let the vnion of the Churche, euen as in tyme past the diuersitie in celebrating the Passeouer, the diuers and sun­drie Diuersitie of rites. obseruations of fastings, and rites in sacraments, and other partes of diuine seruice, did nothing at all hinder the vnion of the Churche: and that the same waye then vsed, should be very profitable now to stay the controuersies of the Latine and Gréeke Churche.’

‘Therfore they trust the controuersies being at an end, y ^t God wil be with them, and that the darke & mistie cloudes being driuen awaye at the length, he will shewe the true and perfecte lyghte of the truth. And (sayth she) if this ge­nerall waye shall not be approued and allowed, although it oughte to be referred to a generall Councell, yet not­withstandyng it is necessarie that the holie Father do pro­uide a spéedie remedie before that time, considering the pre­sent necessitie. For delay will bring such greate inconueni­ences with it, as can not easily by any meanes be recoue­red againe.’

‘But the remedie séemeth to consiste in two thinges: The remedy First that they which haue alreadie separated themselues from the Cōmmunion of the Churche, might be called and brought to the same agayne: Secondly, that they which as yet haue not withdrawne themselues, might be kept in this communion still. To winne the first, it may séeme very ne­cessarie, to vse often admonitions, and to haue mutual and quiet conference on bothe partes. Bishops and their mini­sters muste diligently preache Gods worde, and exhorte the people to mutuall peace and concorde: and names of reproche on bothe sydes muste quyte be taken awaye. The whyche she hoped, was a speedie waye to bring con­corde and loue. The whyche also (she sayd) she had giuen in commaundemente to those that were separated from the Churche, and was hytherto obeyed. But as touching those whyche as yet hadde not separated them selues from the [Page 171] Communion of the Churche: there are many (sayeth she) whiche as yet purpose not to departe from the same, and yet notwithstanding they stande continually in doubte, and specially in these thrée principall poyntes.’

‘The first is, that they vnderstande, that the primitiue The fyrste poynte of offence. Churche had no images. They knowe that God hathe ex­pressely forbidden to worshyp them, or to set them in those places where they maye be worshipped: They know also that Gregorie hath foribdden the same: and that diuers good men in lyke maner, whiche synce that tyme, receyued them into the Churches, expressely declared that they were ordei­ned for no other vse, than to put the ignorante people in mynde of their Gods whiche were absente. Notwithstan­ding, many errours, deceytes, and lyes haue preuayled and crepte into this kingdome and realme of Fraunce, and ma­ny deceyuers, contrarie to the doctrine of the auncient Fa­thers Worshipping of images. haue moste wickedly abused the worshipping of i­mages to their owne lucre and gaine, in so muche that the cousciences of many men for this cause are greately offen­ded, and therefore will not come into the Churches, least they shoulde bowe theyr knée before the Images.’

‘The matter therefore béeing well examined, if on the one parte the inconueniences whyche may aryse héereof, and the fruites and commodities whyche are lyke to come, bee wy [...]ely wayed, it shall bée founde that it is better to re­moue them, than to woorship them with offence of many: specially seeing the same is neyther the commaundement of God, nor yet hath bene receyued of the Churche vpon any necessitie. Therefore to cut away all occasions of slaunde­rous reporte, and to keepe those still, of whome we speake, in the fellowship of the Churche, lette it be considered if it bée profitable to remoue these Images from the Altars: and to place them aboute the Temple, eyther within or without: the causes béeing declared, namely that certaine vngodly men séeking theyr owne gayne on the one parte, [Page 172] and on the other part certaine ignorant and vnskilful men, also wil bring to passe, that the people shall abuse them a­gainst the ordinaunce of the Churche.’

‘2 The second principall point is concerning the admini­stration Sacraments. of Sacraments, of Baptisme, and of the Lords sup­per. In the administration of Baptism, it seemeth strange Baptisme. to many good and godly men, that Exorcismes, and many formes of prayers should be vsed: the which may somwhat profite those that vnderstande them: but séeing the greatest parte of the people doe not vnderstand them, it séemeth bet­ter to omit them. And where as it is beléeued and taughte that these things are necessarie to be done before Baptism, they say that it is done against the pure and sound iudgemēt of the Churche, which hath decréed and appoynted Water and the Worde to be only necessarie in the Sacramente: but as for Exorcismes and Prayers not to be necessarie to the Sacrament. Furthermore they saye, that in Baptisme Catechismes. the wordes of the auncient Catechismes are reteyned still, the vse wherof is nowe gone, and therfore at this tyme is vsed in vayne in Baptisme. Also many do very much misse­like that a diseased or infected priest should spit his vncleane spittell into the mouth of the infant: wherby some great e­uill and perill mighte arise. All these inconueniences (she sayd) might be remedied if it might be left in the choyce of al men, eyther to vse Exorcismes and prayers in baptizyng their infantes, or else purely and simply without any ad­ditions to kéepe the substance of Baptisme, that is to saye, water and the word: and to haue the same ministred in the vulgar tong that the people may vnderstand it. The whiche libertie were more tollerable, than eyther the offence, or separation of many men: and so no infantes shall be bapti­zed out of the Congregation of the Romishe churche.’

‘3 As concerning the holie Comunion, many good men do misselyke thrée things in the same: Of the which, the firste The holie communion is, that it is giuen to communicate only vnder one kynde: [Page 173] Whose consciences in this matter can not bée quieted and stayed, eyther by the authoritie of the Councell of Constance, or by the obseruation of custome, receyued not many yea­res agoe: seing that Iesus Christ playnly sayth, Take yee, eate ye, drinke ye, Paule the Apostle also sayth: VVho soe­uer The custome of the aunci­ent Church. eateth of this bread, and drinketh of this cup. To the which expresse word of God is ioyned also the auncient cu­stome of the Churche, constantly obserued for a thousande yeares and more. And although for reuerence sake whiche they owe vnto the Church, they will not condemne the coū ­cell of Constance, yet notwithstanding, seing thorough feare of erring, they leane only to plaine testimonies of Scrip­ture, and to the auncient custome of the Church, it is to be feared, that whyle there is controuersie aboute this mat­ter, others whiche are weake will easily be broughte to their opinion, and so withdrawne from the fellowship of the Churche of Rome. For the obiection of the aduersaries séemeth to be of greate force, seing they bring bothe the ex­presse word of God, and also euident reasons for that whi­che they alleage. Maye it please him therefore to consider whether it be not best to giue libertie that the communion may be ministred vnder both kindes, although the councell of Constance be against the same.’

‘2 The seconde thing they misselyke in the holie Commu­nion The second poynt that is misl [...]ked. is this: Manie are afeard to come to the holy commu­nion, being ministred in such order as it is in the Romishe Churches, that is to say, to one or to a few alone, vsing no prayers that may be vnderstode of the common people, nei­ther yet expounding the vse of the Sacrament: the aduer­saries on the contrarie part saying, and openly shewing in verie deede, that they haue restored in this poynte, the ap­proued maner of the auncient Church. The which matter, when diuers reasons and wayes of communicating, are al­leaged on both sydes, can not be tolde howe many of oure countreymen it doth pierce and moue, in so much that there [Page 174] is no doubt but that very manie shal be constrayned for this The sun [...]ie r [...]ceiuing of the Sacra­ment. cause to depart from the Church▪ For when [...]n the one part they sée some one alone, or a cer [...]ain smal numbre, without prayers, without a sermon, without giuing of thanks, to [...]any part of the sacrament, and that in an v [...]knowne tongue: on the other part a congregation of a great number of men, together plainly to make confession of their faith, publikely to confesse their synnes, to giue thankes vnto God, to pray vnto God, to sing Psalmes in the vulgar tong, to come to the Sermon, by which they may be instructed to li [...]e a godly and a chris [...]ian ly [...]e, and to prepare themselues al [...]o to receyue the Sacrament: it is harde to say, but that they whiche take oure parte onely for a zeale and true de­syre of Religion, will take these occasions to fall awaye from vs.’

‘To remedie this inconuenience, let the Pope himselfe consider, if it shall not be well doone to suffer the holy c [...]m­munion Tymes to re [...]eiue the cōmunion. to be ministred euerye moneth, according to the maner of the primitiue Church: that the Pastors and El­ders of Churches, may call all those togither, whiche wyll communicate, the first Sunday of euery moneth, or oftner, if they be required, and that there, in the vulgar tongue, & Psalme maye be soong, and a generall confession of fayth, and of sins lykewise to be made, publike and cōmon pray­ers also for the preseruation of Magistrates, for the pure­nesse of the ayre, for the frutes of the earth, and for suche as are afflicted, deuoutly to be sayde. And to them, thus assem­bled togither, some place, either of the Euangelistes, or of Paules Epistles, whiche concerneth the vse of the Lordes supper, may be red: and so to be receyued to the cōmunion vnder both kynds. And although this seemeth to be newe, and not customably heretofore to be vsed: yet notwithstā ­ding seeing the Apostles, and they which straight after suc­ceded them, did so, it can not be sayde, that the holy father hath done, or appoynted any thing against the cōmandemēt [Page 175] of God and the maner of the Church. And to the end he may vnderstande for what cause they vrge and so earnestly de­sire this thing, it may please him to know, that there is no­thing that so much troubleth and burdeneth their conscien­ces, as the feare of not rightly receiuing the Sacramentes. And here the aduersaries triumphe, and crie that the com­maundement of God is broken: and thus by little our mi­nisterie and all our doctrin groweth out of credite: insomuch that the shame and reproche hereof will redound to the ho­lie Father himselfe at the length, except it be foreséen. For the which they thinke that there can not be a better & more present remedie founde, than if the Lordes Supper be ce­lebrated in that order, as is before declared. The whyche thyng she hir selfe, so muche the more vrgeth and earnest­ly craueth, that he might helpe and remedie so greate trou­bles in tyme.’

‘3 The thirde speciall poynt of offence is this: There are The thirde point that is misselyked. many men of the more learned sort in al the realme, which are offended at that rite or feast, whiche is commonly cal­led Corpus Christi day: at which yearely feast the bodie of the Lorde is caried about the Cities: to the which solemnitie they saye they can not with safe consciences come, and that for these causes: Firste bicause it is against the expresse in­stitution of the Sacrament, Take ye, eate ye, drinke ye, Al­so, Doo this in remembraunce of me. That is to saye, Do yée as I haue doone. And therefore they say, that there is so great difference betwéen the giuyng of bread to be séene, and the eating of breade in déede, euen as if a man shoulde not receyue that wholsom medicine giuen vnto him for his health, but should cause it verie sumptuously to be caryed Spirituall worship. vp and down the chamber. They saye also that Paule sayd not, Carie this bread about the stretes: but, VVhosoeuer ea­teth of this bread and drinketh of this wine. Furthermore, they say, that Christe is in heauen, and that therfore there is onely required a spirituall worship. Wherevpon they [Page 176] say, that great ini [...]rie is done to him by those corporal and externall worships, seing he exalted [...]from earth to heauen, to the end he might be worshipped and adored with true and spirituall honor. And last of all they say, that this rite of carying the Lords bodie vp and down, was brought in, and by little & litle established, not by any authoritie of Scripture, but by the deuotion of some singular man. Also that neither Clement nor Gregorie bishops of Rome, whiche appointed the same to be a solemne feas [...]e, haue not spoken one worde of that deambulation, and that therefore our sa­crifi [...]ing Priests do erre and offende against their will and institution, seing that no other day hath such fréedome and libertie to commit all kinde of wickednesse as that hath: the whiche truly is not the waye to knowledge and worshippe Christ, seeing that he requireth of his disciples purenesse and newnesse of lyfe, and in his holy worde vtterly dete­steth all sinfull libertie: The which things séeme hurtfull, not onely to those whiche haue separated themselues from our felowship, but also to those which will not leaue the same. They doe perceyue that herevpon many things are done amis [...]e, as the polluti [...]n of the Sacrament against the word of God, and the approued customes of the Church. Also that by the occasion of this day, many men are a [...]used and led to commit wicked and hor [...]ible things: and that the same day is a ver [...]e pr [...]uocation of most [...]sedition, as we hitherto to our great griefe haue felt. Therefore, ex­cept this thing be foreseene, and a reme [...] proui [...]d for the same, at the length experience will shewe that it is better to séeke a more deuoute way to worship God withall, than to refeyne & kepe this ryte to the hurt and offence of many.’

‘The Masse also is an other greate cause of offence. All The Masse [...]of greate of­fence. men crie out that the Masse is a great offence & slumbling block to the Church, the same being sold of ignorant, disso­lute and most vngodly Priests: and yet no man seeketh to reforme and amende the same.’

[Page 177] ‘This thing truly, hath of late diminished the deuotion of the people very muche: yea, and many of our felowship do proceed further also, & [...]o doubt of the Masse, both touching In the substāce of the Masse. the substance, and also touching the forme. In the subs [...]āce they doe note, that the Churchemen af [...]irme, that the prie­stes do offer Christe: and do more esteeme of their owne sacrifice, than they d [...]e of the sacrifice of Christe. And that certaine of the Doctours doe saye, that the same sacrifiice whiche the Priests offer, is onely a monument and signe of the true sacrifice whiche Christe offered for vs once for all: but the ignorāt people are taught by ignorant priests, y ^t he ought to be counted for an heretik which thinketh other­wise. The which truly, seeing it seemeth to be most absurd, it giueth great occasion to y ^e aduersarie to speak euil. But in the forme of the Masse they note foure principall things. In the forme of the Masse. First that all things are done in the same in a strange & an vnknowne tong: the which in déed is vnprofitable and dan­gerous, séeing no fruite commeth thereof vnto the people, but are onely fed with certaine outward shewes. Wheras on the contrarie part (say they) it is necessarie that the con­fession of the faith shoulde be plainly and euidently vnder­stode of all men: and séeing the Latine tongue muste needes be vsed, let the same yet be expounded into the mother tong that it may of all men be vnderstode. And seing the prayers A straunge language. which are there made, appertaine to the common profit of all the hearers, who vnderstanding not what is spoken, shall aunswere, Amen? Furthermore they saye, that the consciences of the Clergie doe accuse them, and tel them that they doe amisse, séeing no part of the vse of their Masse is declared: without the which notwithstanding the admi­nistration of the Sacramente seemeth to be but vaine. Thirdly, séeing those things which are spoken in the Masse doe belong to the whole congregation, and not to the Prie­s [...]es alone, and specially those things whiche concerne the Communion, and yet neuerthelesse one Priest only com­munica [...], [Page 178] the people s [...]anding by, and looking on: it sée­meth ius [...]ly to be ver [...]e farre out o [...] order, and not agréeing to the truthe. Wherfore they thi [...]ke it [...]that it shoulde be reduced and brought to the ancient maner of the church, agréeing to the first institution▪ Fourthly they mis [...]yke the order of the diuine seruice. In the which is to be co [...]idered what great profi [...] the singing of Psalmes, and the ma [...]ing Singing of Psalmes. of Prayers in the vulgar tong hath brought in tyme paste. And truly our aduersaries of late days vsing these meanes haue allured and drawne many vnto them. Wherefore let the holy Father consider, if it shall not be best to giue liber­tie to haue the Psalmes soong, and Pray [...]rs also made in the vulgar toung, that they maye be [...]of all the people.’

‘These are the principall poyntes whiche they sa [...]e, are needfull to be amended, [...]en they which haue separated themselues from our felowship, which they [...]to haue taken in good part, seeing they go [...] not about to violate the Apostoli [...]ie authoritie of the holy father? and [...]per [...]ct in these two things: namely that nothing be altered [...]n d [...] ­ctrine: And also that if the Minis [...]ers of the Churche dō of­fende in any thing, the Ministe [...]e therefore shoulde n [...]t be taken away, but the authoritie thereof alwayes to remain preserued and safe.’

‘These two things being firmely holden, they thinke it no absurditie if diligente inqui [...]ition be made of other mat­ters which haue neede of re [...]ormation. Therefore she dothe humbly beséeche the holye Father that he woulde prouide for these thinges, for that greater inconueniences no dout woulde folowe if so be that there were not remedie proui­ded in tyme. As for other thinges, the Quéene promiseth that she hir selfe, with the counsell of good men, and with hir diligence and i [...]deuour, will looke vnto so muche as she maye,’ both for the peace and quietnesse of the Church, and [Page 179] also for the dignitie of the Popes holynesse. These thinges haue ben by vs faithfully gathered out of the Copie of hir owne letters.

¶ The thirde Booke of Commen­taries concerning the state of Religion, and or the common vvealth of Fraunce.

IN the meane season the Prela [...]es and Cler­gée came from all partes of the realme to a towne called [...], néere to Sangeiman at the [...]ay appointed in the moneth of August: to reason and fréely to dispute on both parts of the principall poyntes of Religion nowe in controuersie. [...]bertie was graunted vnto all [...]of the reformed Church, freely to come to heare [...]sam [...]: and that vnder safe conduct by the kings [...]. Certain men were chosen to be of that Councel▪ [...]of the r [...]rmed: Churches▪ being [...]conducted at the king [...] cōman [...]ment by his gard, from Paris to the towne called Sangeiman▪ Among whome, the principall were these, namely ( Peter! [...], [...]rofessor of diuinitie in the Tygur [...] Churche and The [...]tore [...] [...]ho were chiefe in this disputation) [...]of Gods word [...]t Geneua, wh [...] were procured to [...]thither by the kyng of Nauarre, and by the reformed Churches▪ There were also [...]icolaus Gela [...]us, Augustinus Marlora [...]us, Iohannes [...] ▪ Franci [...]cus Morellus, and Iohannes▪ Malo: wyth whom [...] also came [...], a lesr [...] man, whiche a little before, abjuring and forsaking the Popes religion, imbra­ced the doctrine of the Gospell. The begining of the [...]puta­tion at [...].

They therfore to begin y ^e matter, offer to y ^e king a suppli­cation, [Page 180] in the which they desire that this disputation might be begon forthwith by his authoritie: and that these might be the conditions to be obserued in the same: Firste, that those prelates, which were of the contrarie opinion, might not be set as chiefe Iudges in this disputation, but that the king with his Counsellours, shoulde by his authoritie mo­derate and rule the whole matter: Secondly, that all con­trouersies should be referred and ended by the word of God only. Thirdly, that what soeuer should be determined and concluded in that disputation, shuld be registred in the kin­ges publike commentaries by his notaries. To the whiche the kyng made answer, that he woulde consult of this mat­ter with his councel, that if it might be, al the matter might by some meanes, with the consent of the Prelates, quietly be ended. But the Prelates complayned and sayd, that this libertie of disputing oughte not to be graunted vnto them, which were long agoe condemned. Whervpon they defer­red the matter for certayn dayes, béeing busied in the mean time to [...]ynde out the scruples and doubtes of these questi­ons, namely, concerning the dignitie of Cathedrall Chur­ches: Concerning Regulars, and their exemptions: Con­cerning Cures and their ordinarie presentation: Concer­ning the excéeding number of inferiour Priestes: Concer­ning the reformation of Monasteries. Concerning plurali­ties of Benefices, and such like: seeking to helpe the disor­dered Churche in due time with these inquisitions. But this one thyng they specially pretended, that they should haue great iniurie, if authoritie to iudge were taken from them.

But nowe it shall not be disagréeing from our purpose to make mention of certayne communication had, betwéen the Cardinall of Lorayne and Theodore Beza, before the solemne di [...]putation began.

The fourth Booke of Commentaries concerning the state of the common wealth, and Religi­on of Fraunce, in the raigne of Kyng Charles. IX.

THe Edict of Ia­ nuary, Anno Do­mini. 1561. (whereof mention is made in the end of the third Booke goinge be­fore) being at the last, af­ter the delayes of the Se­nate of Paris, published & proclaymed at Paris, and in the whole Kingdome, made a ioyful and prospe­rous end of all troubles: the Gospell had peaceable pas­sage throughout all the dominions, all most, of Fraunce: and the faythfull, according to the tenure, and prescript of the Edict, gladly leauing the Churches and places, which were within the cities, flocked together in great assemblies without the Cities, insomuch that all men greatly delighted to looke vppon them. But Sathan en­uying that peace and tranquillitie, caused after a while not only priuate perturbations, and troubles betwéene man and man, but also, open and Ciuill warres, by the deuises and practises of the aduersaries, to the great hurt of the Realme. The which things, as briefely, e­uen so truely will we declare in this historie: In pen­ning whereof, we know into what sundry hap and ha­zard of iudgements we are in, what a large scope wée [Page 2] haue, to set forth diuers matters, and also, what hatred and perill we bring vnto our selues. But the truth shal defend it selfe, and shall also take away all sclaunder & reproche.

Many gréeued and repined at the increase and good successe of the reformed Churches, greatly misliking of the Edict of January, for that it tended much for their The very cause of the Ciuill warres was the brea­king of the Edict of Ianuary peace and quietnes which fauored the Religion. Of these repyning enemies there were two sortes: The first sort were such as had their liuing by the Benefices, re­uenewes, and spirituall promotions of Priestes: and of these many were gentlemen, and men of high cal­ling, who perceiuing that the greatest part of their sub­stance came vnto them by the sayd Benefices, thought that they should sustaine great hinderance and losse, if so be they of the reformed Religion should obtaine and enioye the benefite of the Edict. The second sort, were such noble men as being inriched, not onely with those great and huge sommes of money which came to them by the yerely reuenewes of those Benefices, (the fatte wherof, they reserued to them, and theirs,) but also with the innumerable giftes of King Henry the second, and Fraunces the second: feared, least they being called to giue vp their accompts, (according to the custome of the Realme) should be found giltie of extorcion. Among these latter sort, the chiefe were the Guises, the fatall de­struction of the kingdome of Fraunce: who also as yet were to make their accoūt for great sommes of money taken out of the Kings Treasury, for common affaires, and other waightie matters in the time of King Fraun­ces the second: and also of their euill demeynor, wherof they were playnely accused, vnder the raigne of Kyng Henry the second. Also the great losse of that high auctho ritie, which almost they alone had during the minority of King Fraunces the second: and with the same losse, [Page 3] the feare foreséeing the great euilles to come, pinched them euen to the hart, and gréeued them to the very gall. To these also was ioyned the Martiall of S. An­drew, a man full of all subtiltie, guile, and mischief, who being out of measure riche with the great giftes which he receyued of Kyng Henry, for his euill and cruell ser­uice, was pricked in conscience for spoyling, by sinister meanes, diuers noble men of his familiar acquayntāce. By the practise and endeuour of this Martiall, the Con­stable Momorentius (as we sayd in our other Booke) a Momoren­tius the Constable made a friend to the Guises. little before a mortall enemie to the Guises, hauing di­uers times experience of their hatred, was brought to the familiaritie and friendship of the Guises. And to the intent they might winne the Constable wholely vnto them, by a new benefite, they graunted franckly vnto him, the dominion of Dammartine, for the which, afore time there had bene great contencion betwéene them.

Therefore the daily adhortations of the Martiall of S. Andrew, and the Duches of Valence, (beside the do­mesticall and daily perswasions of his wife, and of the Earle of Uillars) greatly vrged and pressed the Consta­ble: as, that the ancient and catholique doctrine was a­bolyshed: that the common wealth was disturbed: that they of the reformed Religion did plainly threaten to bring such as had bene officers of the kings afore time, to giue vp their accoūts: that those mē sought only by lit tle and little to place them selues in authoritye, and to abase those that serued and had borne office vnder the kings in time past, and to haue the spoil of their goods: that the Queene Mother, was led away with their per­swasions: and that shée being an effeminate & weake woman, would incline to that parte which was moste strong: also that it was manifest that shée did fauoure those of the reformed Religion for the king of Nauar hys sake, who séeketh all that he can to haue the Religion al­tered, [Page 4] being thervnto prouoked by the Prince of Conde, to spight those which are suspected to be the authors, that he was cast into prison: And therfore that they, if they might bring al things to passe after their owne de­sire, as to haue their enemies subdued, and the state of the kingdome and of Religion altered, would bring the Constable him selfe to their owne bent and wil, & wold in like manner call him to account. These perswasions being oftentimes inculcated and beaten into the Con­stables eares, being rather an enemy to Religion, drewe him quite away at the last to the contrary part: and so by little and little for saking the king of Nauar, and the Prince of Conde, he openly shewed his displeasure and choller against y ^e Chastilions. Therfore now began to be manifest familiarity and frendship betwéene the Con­stable and the Guises, in so much that they bāketted one another, and had oftentimes secreate conference be­twéene them selues.

Wherfore at y ^• last they conspired together, name­ly that the Duke of Guise, as a Prince of aliance to the The conspi racie of the Guises, the Constable and the Martiall of S. Andrew against the Gospell. king, and Lord great master of Fraunce: the Constable as chéefe officer vnder the king: and the Martiall of S. Andrew, as head Martiall, should bend their whole en­deuors in this, that no parte of the ancient and Catho­lique Religion might be altered. And because, notwith­standing the constitutions and Edictes of the former kings, a new Religion was brought in, they would in­deuor them selues with all their force and might, that those hereticall doctrines might be quite abolished and destroyed: And also that they would not suffer newe Decrées to be made concerning the state of y ^e realme, and the willes of the former Kings to be disproued: that they would openly declare them selues to be ene­mies to all those, which would go about this thing: And finally, that in this cause they wold do what they could, [Page 5] euen to the spending of their goods and liues: To per­forme the which, they swore solemnely one to another.

The matter being thus agréed vppon betwéene them, they did deliberate and aduise them selues, what they were best to doe, namely that they would gather together al the power they were able to make, and that they would séeke for all the helpe and aide at their re­tainers and fréends handes that might be had: they be­ing assured of aide, out of Spaine and Jtalie: and that the Guises should proue what helpe they could get out of the partes of Germanie. But first of all they thought it ne­cessary, to intise and win the king of Nauar, & to bryng him if they could to defend their part, to get Paris: and finally, to haue the King and Quéene at their becke. These things once obtained, they perswaded them selues easely to obtaine their purpose. Concerning the winning of the king of Nauar, they had good hope, be­ing voluptuous, geuen to ease, and vnconstant: and ha­uing his housholde seruaunts hired by the Cardinall of Loraine, to vse their diligent endeuor to bring y ^• same to passe. Who, being once woon to take their part, they perceiued a plaine way to haue their purpose. There­fore, to the entent they might win him, they vse very subtill and crafty meanes. First, they assay what they can do by his houshold seruaunts, the byshop of Aussere▪ Monsire Escars, and Frances Balduinae, being sent in to confer and talke with hym.

These declared to the king of Nauar, that they of the Religion, sought now, to bring in new and more seuere Lawes than were woont to be, to reforme Princes: as though it were not lawfull for Princes to liue as they list, and to do what séemeth good in their owne eyes. If credit be gyuen vnto these men, than must men frame a new lyfe: and if these mē be made Iudges to reforme what they thinke good to be reformed, (the which no [Page 6] doubt they goe about) there will ensewe no smal daun­ger. But he being one that had chéefe authoritie in the Realme of Fraunce, ought rather wisely to follow that which was agreable to the present state: and to consi­der into what troubles he should bring the Realme, if he would abolish the auncient Religion, which so many Kings before time had receyued. There are (say they) opinions of diuers Religions, which as they come with tyme, so with tyme they fade away agayne. If therfore he shuld be of the reformed Religion, the King of Spaine would be his open enemie: And beside this, the Pope would set whole Jtalie & al Christian Realmes, against the kingdome of Fraunce, whiche might easely be van­quished and ouerthrowne, in the middest of so many dis sentions. But looke how much hurt and dammage hee should bring to himselfe and to the whole Kingdome, if he should defende that new Religion, and the professors thereof: so much profite, glory, and fame, should come to him and to all his stocke, if he did not to much intan­gle himselfe in these controuersies of Religion, but dyd rather frame himselfe wysely according to occasion and tyme: that is to saye, when occasion is offered, to main­tayne and defende the auncient and Catholike Religion, whereby he might looke to finde great profite. Thus if hée would shewe himselfe, he should winne the Popes fauour, and bind his holinesse to requite him with some great benefite, by whose meanes he might recouer a­gayne the kingdome of Nauar, which belonged to his Ancetours, without warres▪ for that the King of Spayne greatly estéemed the Popes Authoritie. Consider ther­fore (say they) with your selfe what you were best to do, least sodenly by the force of sinister persuasions, you bring your selfe to great extremitie. Cōsider with your selfe, that as the tymes are perillous, so is the euent & successe of all things vncertayne: wysely wey therefore [Page 7] with your selfe what is most profitable for you. Admit the cause of Religion should be dissided by disputacion: should men so leane to the opinions of a fewe, that they should not imbrace other mens Iudgments? For amōg those men which imbrace the doctrine of that new Gos­pell, what contrarietie is there, and difference of opini­ons? But you which were borne, not to Iudge of Scho­lasticall Disputacions, but to the exployting of greater matters and of more waight, may occupy: and trouble your brayne with these matters, at your leisure. Ther­fore we wishe you, according to your wisdome, to weye and consider what is most néedfull to be done.

The King of Nauar, being to much giuen to volup­tuousnesse and ease, harkened all to soone to these persuasions: and being ouercome, forgetting his authoritie, he wholy gaue himselfe to his Aduersaries: by whome he being spoyled of that his authoritie, and of his wittes also, was the occasion of many and great mischéeues. The waye therefore being thus made wholely to ouer­throw and subuert the King of Nauar, there came then vnto him the Cardinall of Ferrar, and the Cardinall of Towers, with many faier promises from the Pope, that hée, if he would thus imbrace the Catholike Doctrine, should prosper and benefite him selfe very much. For (sayed they) the Pope will bring to passe that the Kings of Spayne should very shortly gyue vnto him agayne the kingdome of Nauar. And also, that he would geue vnto him a bill of diuorcement, that he being diuorced from his wife, which was to much inclined to that new Re­ligion, Queene of Scotts pro­mised to be giuen in mariage to the king of Nauar. might marry with the Quéene of Scottes, a woman of excellent beautie, riche, and the widow of a renowmed King. And thus he should haue two King­domes, namely the Kingdome of Nauar, and by this new mariage also, the Kingdome of Scotland. Wher­by, was offered vnto him oportunitie, to exployte and [Page 8] bring to passe great matters, when as hée hauing the kyngdome of Scotland, might clayme also vnto him the kingdome of Englande, which bordered vpon the same, which the Scottish Kyngs afore time challenged vnto themselues as their right. And so, he being of so great power both by his owne kyngdomes, and also by the helpe and ayd which he might haue out of France, out of Spaine, and from the Pope, should easely conquer and enioye England, and so become a great Monarch.

Wherfore they exhorted him to consider how many occasions Fortune luckely offered vnto him to bring to passe whatsoeuer he would. The which if he should for­slowe and neglect, and on the contrary part like of and mayntaine the new Doctrine, they wished him to con­sider, according to his wisedome, what gréeuous perils and troubles he should fall into, the which yet might easely be repressed and anoyded, if so be he would hear­ken to good and wholesome counsell. Adding moreouer, that the Prince of Conde, would do as he did, and that the Chatillions would not be behind: and as for the rest of the nobles and common people, it should not force, if so be that he would vse the aucthoritie of the Kings E­dictes and his owne power, and ioyne himselfe with the faythfull and trustie seruants of the King.

After these persuasions, the kyng of Nauar, dayly more and more shewed himself, not only to dislike of the reformed Religion, and of the professors therof, but al­so was angry and sore offended with them. Insomuch that he cōmaunded the Ministers of Gods word which were with him in house to depart from him: and went him selfe oftentimes to the Popish Churches, heard Masse: and earnestly cōmaunded his wife, which was a very honest & vertuous Lady, (who also refused) to do the like: gaue him selfe to filthy pleasures of we­men: and was also very familiarly conuersant with [Page 9] the Guises, the Constable, the Martiall of S. Andrew, and with the Cardinals. Notwithstanding all this, the reformed Religion so preuailed, that new reportes and rumors were daily brought into the Court concerning the same. The Prince of Conde, the Admiral, and many of the Nobles, diligently séeking to haue the same pre­ferred: The Quéene mother also was ruled by good coūsell: And as for the king of Nauar, he was vncertain what to doe in the middest of these troubles, and was like vnto an vnskilfull marriner destitute of counsell, hauing diuers cogitations in hys minde, vncertaine whether to go, and yet neuertheles, standing stil as one amased. In y ^e meane time the Edict of Ianuary (wherof mencion is made before) toke place, and was put in ex­ecution. But then were the minds of the Guises, of the Constable, and of the Marshall of S. Andrewe so vexed & gréeued, that they thought good not to delay the time any longer: they being encouraged to procéede wyth their purpose, for that they might rule the king of Na­uar as them list. Therfore euery man being appoynted what to do: the Duke of Guise departed from the court: The Constable, went home to his house: and sent for his retainers and fréendes to see if they woulde s [...]icke vnto hym: and such as he doubted of, he sought to win. The Marshal of S. Andrew did euen the like.

The Guises (as is sayde before) had taken vpon them to winne the Princes of Germanie to take their parte: and therfore they wrote letters oftentimes to di­uers of them. And to further their busynes they vsed the helpe of the Rokendolfe, and the Rheingraue: the Car­dinall trimly countenancesing, and dissembling that he imbraced y ^e Ausburgue Confession. And that he minded, not long agoe, to establishe the same in Fraunce: but he sayde, that the men of the newe Religion did greatly gainsay & let the same: whome he blamed in all things, [Page 10] as vngodly men, and the vpholders of all monsterous opinions. Moreouer he sayd that the Prince of Conde by the meanes and counsel of the Admiral, went about to aspire to the kingdome: and that vnder the pretence of Religion, he liued a licentious and voluptuous life. After these practises, the Duke of Guise him selfe, came to Sauerne, a towne bordering vppon Germanie: and there he talked wyth the Duke of Wirtemberge: fained that he embraced the Confession of Ausburge: slādered and falsly accused the prince of Conde, and the reformed churches, and craued his aide against them: and vnder the pretence of that communication, the Duke of Guise vaunted and bragged muche of the fréendship of the Duke of Wirtemberge, saying, that he was sure that he would wythout all doubt take his parte, and also allea­ging that he had taken these enterprises in hand, by the Dukes aduise and counsell: For the which the Duke of Wirtemberge afterward blamed hym, and proued that he perswaded him selfe to haue more frendship at hys hands, than euer he meant vnto him, and did falsly dis­sēble, wherfore he earnestly exhorted the Guises to cease from persecuting the reformed churches.

After this, the Duke of Guise, hauing gotten to take his parte, certaine valea [...]t captaines, by the meanes of the Rokendolfe, and the Reingraue came to Jnuille, & there & in the townes thereabouts, he chose out armed horse men: when he had so done, vpon occasion of letters sent from the king of Nauar, he intended straighte way in all hast to come to the Court with an army of mē: and after deliberation had, he began hys voyage with a la­mentable slaughter, as you shall heare. There is a cer­ten Town bordering vpon Champaigne, nere to Jnuille, The slaugh ter at Vas­si, made by the Duke of Guise. the Lordship of the house of Guises, called Vassi, within the dominion of Fraunce but no parte thereof. In thys towne there was a certen number of y ^e faithful: but be­cause [Page 11] the Guises bordered so néere vnto them, they durst not professe the reformed religion so frankely as they wold haue done. Notwithstanding they being at y ^e last prouoked and incouraged héerevnto, by the mē of Troy [...] their neighbors, were fully bent to vse the benefit of y ^e kings Edictes, & procured of the congregation of Troy [...] a minister of Gods worde to attend vpon them, & so af­ter the disputation in the Conu [...]cation at Possi, they had a church established among them, wherby the nom­ber of the faithful wonderfully increased more & [...]ore. The Guises hearing of this, greatly gr [...]dged againste it, & were much displeased therwith, and sent thē worde y ^t they should euill fauoredly enioy their liberty, Ther­fore the Duke of Guise returning from Sauern, and ma­king hast into Frau [...]ce to the King, fully determined to set vppon the enhabitantes of Uassi (which earnestly folowed the reformed Religion) with force of armes as he went. So that he charged all his retainers, (whych dwelt in the villages about Uassi) to be in a readinesse against his comming to Uassi, by the which he meant to take hys iorney withall spéede into Fraunce. The which commaundement of his was fulfilled. Therfore the Duke of Guise, vpon the first day of the moneth of Marche, being the Saboth day, on the which he knewe the faithfull would chéefely assemble them selues toge­ther, came by the breake of the daye to a village called Dammartine from whence, after he had heard Masse he went to Uassi. And when he was entred the citye, be heard that the Huguenotes were assembled together to heare a sermone: to the which place he went in [...]. Nowe, the people whych were assembled together, were in nomber a thousand and fiue hundred persons, and the Preacher had begonne hys Sermon. There­fore the Duke of Guise, hauyng hys Brother the Cardinall wayting vppon hym, sent for manye of the [Page 12] townes men, and for the chéefe parishe priest, (as they call him) & the gouernor of the citie, to come vnto him. Wyth these men he entred into a popish church, which was not farre from the congregation of the faithfull: And after that he had disclosed vnto them hys purpose, he went out again, and commaunded hys men to make haste to go to the Huguenotes sermon. The soldiers be­ing come to the place, where the sermon was made, be­gan to cast their dartes among them. At the first the faithfull maruelled what the matter was: but inconti­nently many of them were slaine: and the soldiers of the Guise in great number rushed and fell vpon the con­gregation: and thus they being hemmed in on euerye side, and hauing no waye to escape, the Duke of Guise himselfe stode at the doore wyth his sworde drawne in hys hand, ready to receiue such vpon the same as should séeke to escape by flight, crying out moste outrageously against thē, and incouraging his soldiers to the slaugh­ter. Who making a violent assault, fell vpon the feare­full and trembling multitude, and suche as sought to es­cape by flight, or by climing vp to the top of the house, they slew without pity or mercy: yea whomsoeuer they met withall, were they men or wemen, olde or yong, they put them to the sword most cruelly against all hu­manity, making hauocke of them all together. In the meane time the clamors, howlings, and pitifull cries of these innocent shéepe appoynted to y ^e slaughter, were not ceased, but were made wyth the sound of the trum­pet whych blew all the time of the flanghter, to be more dolefull and terrible, to all those that hearde the same. Wher vpon the Duches of Guise the Dukes wife, wal­king by chaunce by the walles of the citye, and hearing this feareful noise, was abashed therat: In so much that shée sending straight way a messenger to her husband, earnestly desired and beséeched him, to cease and mak [...] [Page 13] an ende of that miserable slaughter, least wemen great with childe in the city hearing that fearful noise should be deliuered before their time. Therefore the Duke of Guise being troubled and somewhat terrefied with hys owne horrible and wicked enterprise, commaunded a retreit to be blowne. And then was brought to hym the Preacher, whom he miscalled and reuiled at hys plea­sure, and then committed him to the charge and custo­dy of a souldier. But yet for all this the soldiers ceased not to slay and kill committing murder in diuers pla­ces of the citye, and defiling the streates wyth bloude, yea with the bloud of innocents: to describe the whych as it was don in déede by these bloudy butchers, it wold abhorre any christian heart to heare. At the last when they had made an ende of killing and slaying, they sear­ched throughoute euery corner of the place where the people had assembled them selues together, they ouer­ [...]hrew the seates and benches that were therein, and brake them to péeces, they did cut the holy Bible in pée­ces: yea and the rascall soldiers spake thus of the same. What shal I do with this word of God, I passe not for it, I can make no money of this, geue me therefore the golde, the siluer, and apparell. It cannot be vttered with what and howe many blasphemies the gospell was blasphemed. The Cardinall Guise also had in his hande a certaine Bible which was found in the pulpet: Of him the Duke of Guise demaūded, what booke it was? The Cardinall an­swered that it was y ^e holy scripture: What holy scrip­ture is it (sayeth he) and loking vpon the first leafe of the booke, he sayde, that that booke was not made aboue two yeres since: shewing by hys warlike rudenes and ignorance, what litle knowledge and vnderstanding he had of the word of God.

At the last, euen as if the city had ben ouer runne and vanquished by the forraine enemy, the lackeis and [Page 14] seruing men, fayning the voyce of a Crier sold gowns, coates, cappes, and w [...]mens apparell to the popish sort of the towne, which greatly scorned & derided the faith­full. The houses also of the outdwellers and borderers vppon the citie were despoyled: and many by the waye as they went were euill intreated and slaine. Then the Duke of Guise commaunded the kéeper of the Castell to come before him: whome he sharply reprehended, be­cause he knew of those sermons that were made in the Citie, and threatned to punish him, commaunding him to follow him. Many also of the townesmen were led away with them bound. The Minister or Preacher (of whom we spake before) being sore mangled and woun­ded, and lying groueling vppon a Ladder, was so cari­ed by the commaundement of the Guise to a towne cal­led Sandiser, being derided, miscalled, and euill intrea­ted as he went.

Now the fame of this horrible act and butcherly slaughter was brought by and by to the Churches bor­dering therabouts, and thereof also diuers rum [...]rs and reports arysing, it was diuersly reported in the Kyngs Court, and sodenly astonished and amazed all those that heard of the same, vntill within few dayes after cer­taine messengers came from Vassi, and from certaine of the Churches thereabouts, certifying the truth of the matter, and complayning of the horrible fact e [...] the Gui ses, and making humble supplicatiō that remedy might be prouided for so great a mischiefe [...]: adding hereunto that the true subiects of the King, could not beare any longer the great crueltie and iniuries of the Guises, be­ing straungers. The matter being thus reported, sée­med Complaint of the fai [...]h full of the flaughter. to all men very presumptuous & rash: Insomuch y ^t y ^e Prince of Conde the Chastilons y ^e Chauncelour, & others cried out against the same, saying that it was a wicked and horrible act, and against the Edicts and lawes of [Page 15] the Realme: and that therfore it was nedefull to pro­uide a present remedie. Notwithstanding the dayly ru­mors of the comming of the Guises to Paris, caused al mē to feare, foreséeing diuers great troubles and calami­ties like to ensue. At this time the King was at Mon­ceaulx, a house belonging to the Quéen his mother who was there also, accompanied with the Prince of Conde. But the King of Nauar, the Martiall of S. Andrew, & the Brissac were at Paris: to whom straight waye also came the Constable. Now the Duke of Guise was come to Nantuille, a place of his dominion: and it was repor­ted that he woulde come the next daye to Paris. The Prince of Conde much marueiled at this sodaine and hasty comming of the Guises to Paris, after the comitting of so wicked & presumptuous a déede against the kyngs Edict. He went therfore to the King and Quéene: and declared that the matter was such, that except a reme­die were prouided in time, great destruction would fall vppon the whole Realme: Wherfore he wished that so great a mischiese might might procéede no farther: For (saith he) if the Duke of Guise come to the Citie, there will followe present perill of most gréeuous calamities. The Quéene the Kinges mother, liked well of this aduise of the Prince and agréed to the same. Therfore she wrote to the kyng of Nauar, exhorting him, accor­ding [...]o his office, to sée that the kinges Maiestie and the Realme also, fell into no perill: and chargeth the Guise also by her letters not to come to the citie: but to come him self to y ^e King with a few only wayting vpō him. To the which the Guise aunswered, that hée was busie in entertayning his fréendes and could not come: Whereu [...]pon the Quéene wrote her letters againe: but in vai [...]e.

Therfore after deliberation had, the Duke of Guise came to Paris the twenty day of March, with his bro­ther [Page 16] the Duke of Aumal, the Martiall of Saint Andrew, which came to him to Nantueile, and with a great ma­ny noble men more, and with a great Armie of horse­men The Guise commeth to Paris a­gainst the Queenes commaun­dement. also. And entering into the citie, there went to méete and entertayne him the chief master of the mar­chaunts, a man of great aucthoritie and estimation a­mong the Parisians, thrée counsels of the Citie, sumptu­ously apparelled, and a great concours [...] of the Citizens, crying, God preserue the Duke of Guise. The which accla­mation is proper only to Kinges. Now when they were come, there were many doubtfull and vncertaine reportes in the Citie: and the conspiracy betweene the Guise, the Constable, and the Martiall of S. Andrew, eui­dently appeared to all men: Who ioyning with them certayne of the Senators of Paris sate in counsell euery daye.

The Prince of Conde also came to Paris, accompani­ed with certaine noble men, and exhorted the faithfull not to forsake him in so great perill and daunger. The Guises were very sory for this comming of the Prince of Conde, which they iudged would be very hurtfull for them. For although the common sort of people of the Citie of Paris were foolish, hawtie, & stout, at the first, by the cōming of the Guises, yet notwithstanding their courage and pride, was brideled and abated euen with the name of the Prince of Conde: insomuch that they stayed from open outrage. Therfore the Citie, by the comming of the Prince of Conde, was quieted, and as it were, newly altered.

But this thing did very much hinder the purpose of the Guises, which greatly desired to obtayne Paris, being the chiefe Citie of the kyngdome, and a very fit place to bring their matters to passe. Therfore, first of all they saw that they must bring to passe that the Prince of Conde might depart from the citie. Wheruppon they [Page 17] practised by the King of Nauar, that, Marshall Memo­rencie the Lefetenant of the citie, might be called backe The practi ses of the Guises to expell the Prince of Conde out of Paris. againe: and that the Cardinall of Borbon, which woulde be at their commaundement, might be sent in his stede: the necessitie of the tyme, (saye they) greatly requiring this thing.

The Constable brought to passe that his sonne Mo­morencie, should not greatly refuse this thing: who, if hée had cōstantly withstoode them and denied their request, they had very hardly brought their purpose to effect, hée being a man of excellent wisdome, and experience, but yet withall a tyme seruer.

By this tyme, the King of Nauar was come to the King and the Quéene, which lay at Moncaulx: thither came also, out of hand, the chief master of the Marchāts, an Authour of Seditions, hyred and sent by the Guises. This fellow declared to the King and Quéene, that the Prince of Conde wrought sedition at Paris, the whiche, would shortly tourne to great mischief, except he depar­ted from thence: the which if it should come to passe, hée to whom authoritie was giuen to prouide remedies for the same, should beare all the blame. So that, with hys often complaynts to the Quéene, he brought about, that according to his request, the king of Nauar should goe out of hand to Paris. Then the Guises, ioyning with thē certayne of the Senate of Paris, that were fittest for their purpose, and séeking to haue the greater authori­ty through the presence of y ^e king of Nauar, which was chiefe Uicegerent, they determined to haue a common counsell: to the which they neuer called the Prince of Conde. And this they called The Kings Counsel. The king of Nauar, by the decrée of this counsel, wrote out of hā [...] to y ^e Quéene, that it was necessary y ^t the Prince of Cō ­de should departe from Paris, and get him home to hys house: except she would haue present perill of sedition, [Page 18] by reason of his presence, to burst foorth into open and manifest perturbation and garboyle.

Notwithstanding it was to be doubted what would come to passe: For a man might beholde thoroughout the citie, the diuersitie of mennes myndes by diuers shewes: Somewhile they trembled, somewhile they triumphed: both partes in one hower chaūged: Di [...]ers rumours were disperst abroade: In so much that there appeared euident and most certayne tokens of immi­nent sedition.

Great was the power of the Guises, through the au­thoritie of the king of Nauar: The Senat had the hand­ling of the cause. The greatest part of the people con­sented, the common multitude being easely led. On the other parte, the authoritie of the Prince of Conde was not small, his name hauing suche a maiestie, that the people trembled at the same: great also was the num­ber of the faythfull, and no lesse was their power: In so much that there was no great inequalitie betwéene both partes: yet [...]the twayne the Popes number was the greater, yea by many.

Also the Prince of Conde perceyued well enough all the practises of the Guises: and how they went about to bring the king and Quéene to Paris. But hée was not as yet fully determined, what to doe, for he feared least hée forsaking Paris, the Guises should possesse the same: and if hée should abyde at Paris, that then by the Coun­sels of the Guises the King and the Quéene should bée wonne from him. Notwithstanding he wayed and con­sidered with himselfe the gra [...]itie and wisedome of the Quéene, of whom he was fully persuaded, that shée would withstande the practises of the Guises. And hée could not be altogyther certi [...]ied, That his brother the king of Nauar would be so blynd, as to preferre straun­gers [Page 19] before his owne bloud. Being therefore doutefull what way to take, hée was the more colde in his bus [...] ­nesse.

In the meane tyme, the Queene, being stirred and prouoked with the dayly complayntes of the Marchant maister, wrote vnto the Prince of Conde, wisshing him to forsake Paris, and to come to the King: And the Prince of Conde was dayly disturbed and persuaded hereunto by the Cardinall of B [...]urbon his brother, who was sent (as we sayd before) to kepe the Citie.

Therefore he went from Paris, to his house called The Prince of Conde forsaketh Paris. Fertea in his owne Dominion, purposing to goe from thence to the Kinge, as the Queene had giuen com­maundement.

Things being thus appointed, and the Guises being free from their g [...]t feare, by the departure of the Prince of Conde, they appointed a very great and strong garrison of soldiours, (ordayned before by the Mar­chant maister) to keepe Paris. Thus when they had gotten the citie according to their own desire, they seek [...] to atchieue and bring about another principall poynt of their counsels and deuises.

Therefore they made hast with an armie of men to the king, who at that tyme was at Fontainbleau. The Queene being amased and afrayd at his sodein prepa­ration, looked for the Prince of Conde: who euen now also had taken his iourney to come. Of the which, when the Duke of Guise had intelligence, fearing least the Prince of Conde would enter into Paris, hée gaue The Guise hauing go [...] ten Paris seke to ge [...] the King also. charge and commaundement to the Marchantmaister, to looke diligently thereunto. Uppon this commaun­dement the Marchantmaister, warned the Captaynes to haue their Souldiours armed and in a readinesse: appointed watch and ward to be in euery place of the ci­tie: [Page 20] and planted péeces of Ordinance, in suche places as he thought néedefull. Therefore when the Prince of Conde came néere the citie, notwithstanding mynding not to enter therein, the whole citie roonge and sounded with the noyse of the great Gonnes.

In the meane tyme the Guises, otherwise peraduēture scarse able to match with the Prince of Conde, thought it not best to tarry his comming at Fontaynbleau, least they should put their purpose in hazard. Therfore they purposed to carry awaye the King from Fontaynbleau, which was a place, not of strength, but of pleasure, to a more strong holde. Whereuppon they caused the king of Nauar, whose authoritie they abused in all things to serue their turne, to persuade with the Quéene, that it was very necessary, for diuers present necessities, to de­parte from Fontaynbleau: The Prince of Conde com­ming to take the king. To this the Quéene answered, that there was nothing more vnlikely, than that his bro ther the Prince of Conde, being the Kings kinsmā, shuld purpose any such thing against the king, his leige Lord and maister: and beside this (saith she) the king will not departe to any other place.

The Quéene constantly persisting in this mind, was agayne prouoked by the king of Nauar, who sayde, that they must of necessitie departe from thence: otherwise the king would be destroyed: and excepte shée would graunt hereunto, he sayd he would him selfe of his own authoritie and office, being the Kinges kéeper and Pro­tectōr, transporte the King to another place. Then the Quéene began to beséeche the King of Nauar, to knowe his intent, and why hée should haue these suspicions of the Prince of Conde. The King him selfe also sayde that hée would goe to no other place, and in his childish ve­hemence, hée declared his griefe with teares. But the [Page 21] King of Nauar still affirmed, that there was no re­medie, but that they must néedes departe from thence. Therefore hée and the Guises caryed away the King, and the Queene his mother, his bretheren, and his Sister, from Fountaynbeleau, to a Towne called Mellune: The King so soone as hée came thyther, was appointed to lodge in the Castell that was therein, without any ma­ner of Kinglyke prouision for the same: the which Ca­stell afore tyme had bene vsed as a prison to kéepe of­fenders in, and such as had deserued death, by their euil demeanor.

By reason of this expedition and haste of the Guises, the Prince of Conde had no way or meane to doe any thing as hée would: In so much that now there was a playne gate set wyde, to open warres. For the Prince of Conde, being the Kinges néere kinsman, and séeing that his elder Brother dyd not his dutie, thought that hée ought not to suffer the safegarde of the King, and of the whole realme to come in perill.

Therefore, hée tooke counsell out of hande: hée came The Prince of Conde commeth to Orleans. to Orleans strayt after that hée had sent the Andelot with certayne horsemen, and kept the same, béeinge a well fenced citie, and fit for his purpose: gaue com­maundement by publiqne Edictes, That no man shuld cause any tumult, vnder the pretence of Religion: and that all men, of what Religion so euer they were of, should obserue and kéepe the kinges Lawes & Edictes. He commaunded also the kings Officers and the Ma­gistrates of the Towne to come vnto him: Who being come, hée straytly charged them to doe their dutie, vpon their alleageance and obedience to the king: gyuing them to vnderstand, that he was not come thyther vn­der his owne name, but in the name of his soueraygne Lord the king.

The faythfull according to the prescript of the kings [Page 22] Edict, had their Sermons without the Citie. The Pa­pistes on the other part fréely vsed their rightes and ce­remonies: frequented their churches, and the morrowe Masse Priestes walked through the citie in their priest­ly apparell: All things were done fréely on both parts: the Prince gyuing new commaundements and charge from day to daye, that no man should be so hardy as to breake the kings peace. This was done in the moneth of March.

After this, that the Guises were certified that the Prince of Conde was come to Orleans, yea, and that The pur­pose of the Guises con cerning VVarre. great rumours were brought dayly vnto them, they were fully determined to take no small enterprise in hande. Therefore the societie in the which they were lynked before with the Constable, and the Martiall of S. Andrew, being confirmed now agayn betwene them selues, they sayde that it was nowe a more conuenient tyme to proclayme open warre, than would be after­warde, by further delay.

The king of Nauar was woon on their side: Paris they enioyed: And the king was in their handes, But they feared and stoode in doubt of the Quéenes mynd, which at that tyme playnely séemed to inclyne to the Prince of Conde.

Least therefore the Quéene ioyning with the Prince of Conde should go about some new practise, first of all they determined to carry the king and the Quéene, to the most conuenient place for their purpose, that all oc­casion of feare might be quite taken away. And to serue their tourne, they vsed diuers pretences and coloures. By the king of Nauar they declared vnto the Quéene, that it was most necessary, in consideracion of those perillouse tymes, that the king should be caryed to Pa­ris. Beside him, the Marchant maister dayly persua­ded [Page 23] that it was necessary for the King to come to Paris, to stay the hurleyburleys, and to quiet the people by his presence. They declared therefore to the Quéene that it is fully decréed that the king should be carryed from Melune to Paris: notwithstanding that the Queene earnestly requested the contrary.

First, came the Constable, with thrée hundred horse­men attending vpon him, from Melune to Paris: and then began open warre agaynst the faythefull. The Constable vnderstanding that Ruzeus, a noble Councel­ler in the common place Court of Paris. professed the re­formed Ruzeus a professour of the Gos pell, com­maunded towarde. Religion, sent for him and commaunded him to prison. And Ruzeus demaunding of him by what autho­ritie hée did so, he aunswered: It is authoritie sufficient, that the Constable himselfe hath done it.

After this, hée, hauing a great multitude of people sol­lowing him, came to those places which were limited to the faythfull by the kinges Edicte, for the preaching of the worde, and the administration of Sacramentes: and there, casting all the pewes, selles, seates and ben­ches on a heape, hée set them on fyre: The cōmon mul­titude highly commending him for the same: who bee­ing encouraged by the familiar example of the Consta­ble, by and by set the howses belonging to the same on a light fyer, and burnt them downe to the ground.

Then had euery man frée leaue & libertie to put him selfe in armour: Insomuch that a man might then sée in euery streate and corner of the citie armed men, well appoynted to fight: and the rash multitude of labo­ring men hauing weapons in their hands to lay lustely about them, committing murther and rapine through­out the citie: falling with violence vppon euery on that was said to be a Huguenote: Yea a mā might see inordi­nate sedition in euery place. If any man made com­playnt [Page 24] to the Constable of any violence or wrong done to him, he should for his recompence be threatened to the gallowes.

The houses, at the last, the streates, and the riuer were filled with dead carcasses: There was nothing so cruell, which the furious multitude did not attempt.

To this tumultuous and sedicious citie, did the Gui­ses bring the king: first of all to the Castell which ap­pertayned to the King: then the King entered the citie without any maner of kinglike pompe, to the Castell called Lower.

All thinges falling thus out, according to the desire of the Guises, they now seriously studie and beate their braynes concerning the order of their warres: and they communicated their busines with the Kinges counsell (which they had almost renued, chusing such as they knew were for their purpose, and putting out others, cōmaunding also Michael Hospitall the kings Chaūce­lour to get him home to his house) requiring them to prouide for the mayntenaunce of the warres, euen as if they should haue delt with the forreyne enemy. They sent also Ambassadours, into Spaine, into Italy, and into Zwitserland to haue helpe and ayd from thence: Euery where, but specially at Paris, there was pressing out of souldiours, the Marchants and the shaueling Priestes, setting forth many souldiours, armour, goonnes, and all maner of furniture, being prouided for the warres.

On the other part the Prince of Conde, séemed to be very carefull, and disquieted with these commotions, musing what successe his enemies should haue, and of the euent of the imminent warre, being very lothe (as it shuld séeme) to warre wyth them. Wherupon, he cau The Prince of Conde specially in clined to peace. sed the Edictes concerning the maintenance of peace to be proclaimed, least any mā for religions sake or for any other cause should make a tumult: and declared to [Page 25] the magistrates of the towne, and to his Centurious, that he desired nothing more than to haue all men liue according to y ^e prescript of the Kings Edicts. He wrote also daily letters to the King, to the Quéene, and to the King of Nauar hys brother, beséeching them to take héede and sée that all things were done peaceably, and by cōmon consent, if it might be: admonishing also such as had the gouernment of the Common wealth to be ware, least by the ambition of the Guises, and of his ad­herents, the King and the Realme were broughte into great pearill and danger, for the auoiding whereof, so many meanes of late were vsed: protesting héerewyth that he desired rather to sée the very extréeme end, than warre: and that he wished specially that y ^e king in that hys tēder age, and hys realme also, might be according­ly prouided for.

Notwithstanding, the willes and purposes of hys aduersaries, so manifestly appeared, that he was admo nished by diuers prudēt and wise men, which attended vpon him, that it was his part to séeke all that he could to let and hinder them, least they did turne to the ruine and subuertion of the whole realme, and of the refor­med church. For there came vnto the Prince of Conde, of all estates some, from all partes of the Realme: and very many also of the Noble men, as the Admirall, the Andelot his brother, and the Cardinall Odette, y ^e Earle of Rochefoulcaut the Prince Porcian, Piennes, Crusol, Soubiz, Mouy, Sanli Estern, and manye others, which came to the Prince in great number to Orle­ans.

These men perceiued wel inough the horrible and wicked enterprises of the Guises, and their adherents: the manifest violating of the Kings Edicte: the iniury offred to the yong King, and to the Quéene his mother: and the conspiracies of straungers againste the Kings [Page 26] kinsmen: and therfore they thought it their duty to pro­uide for these mischéenes. Whervpon, after deliberati­on had with y ^e Prince of Conde, they earnestly persua­ded with him to take vpon him y ^e patrociny and defēce of the realme, for that the right of gouerning y ^e realme during the time of the Kings minoritie, pertained vnto him, the King of Nauar hys brother, neglecting his du­ty in that behalfe. They prayed and most earnestly be­séeched him, being of the Kings bloud, that he wold not forsake the captiued King in such time of perill, that he would not suffer the Kings Edictes, to be violated and contemned of strangers, of whose violence he him selfe not long agoe, had experience: and principally that he would not permit that true Religion, (wherof he hym selfe was so zealous a professor) to be suppressed so furi­ously by warre. This thing, they being the kings faith­ful subiects, most humblely beséeched him that he wold vauchsafe gladly to take in hād: they promising to shew them selues ready at all times to shewe all manner of lawfull obedience, and to spend their goodes, and their liues to, in so iust a cause.

The Prince of Conde, being moued in conscience, with this plaine declaration of his duety, and hauing so oftentimes called vpon the mother Quéene by his let­ters, he at the last toke vpon him the defence of thys cause, and the charge so earnestly offered vnto hym. Wherevpon the Prince of Conde and the Noble men made a league betwéene them selues, for the defence of that cause: and then caused the same to be put downe in wryting the eleuenth day of April in maner and forme folowing. The league betweene the Prince of Conde, and the Nobles of Fraunce.

This league being made, and the causes thereof being declared in maner and fourme, as ye sée, & then euery where published abrode: the Prince of Conde sent letters diuers times to the Queene Mother, and to the King of Nauar his brother, tending still to this effect: That they should consider and haue regard to the state, and that they should set before their eyes the manifolde perilles and troubles at hand, except they according to their office and dutie, did better prouide for the same: that they should looke to the obseruation of the Edictes [Page 31] made by the act of Parliament, specially now in y ^e time of the Kings minority: Protesting herewith for him­selfe and the rest, that they would be subiect and obedi­ent to all thinges reasonable and lawsull: but if the matter should come to triall by sword, he sayd that then they feared no maner of perilles, but would for the mayntayning of the glory of God, the Kinges auctho­ritie and the libertie of their consciences, spend and be­stowe all that they had.

The Queene Mother, tooke the matter very gréeuous­ly, and signified to the Prince of Conde by her letters that as her person was a Captiue, so also she was re­s [...]rayned of her will, and could not do what she would, whom she perswaded in her letters to take the mateer into his owne hand, and to defend the same: and decla­red also at that time by her letters, that she did vtterly dislike and abhor the Guises. Certaine of the which let­ters, according to the very tenor of them, which remay ned in the Prince of Conde his handes, I thought good here to bring in: The coppie wherof, is this.

These things, I say, at that time were wrytten by the Queene. In the meane time the King of Nauar, fo­lowing the willes of the Guises and his adherents, both thought, and spake very muche euell of hys brother the Prince of Conde. All things daily, on both partes, wax­ed worse and worse.

Newes was brought to Orlians concerninge the slaughter of the men of Sens, which greatly inflamed the mindes of men. Sens is a noble Citie bordering vpon Burgondy. In the which the faithful ac­cording to the Edicte of Ianuarye, congregated them selues together to hear the word of God. And although there were new rumors daily concerning the pertur­bations and troubles at hand, yet notwithstāding they continued in their godly exercises. Therefore diuers Bands of soldiers well appoynted at the commaunde­ment of the Cardinall of Guise, who was Bishop of the same Towne, sodenly and vnloked for, sette vpon the Congregation and flew many of them: and at the last, [Page 33] such was their rage, that they killed both old and yong, yea wythout all pitye or mercy, man, woman, & childe. The which slaughter cōtinued the space of thrée dayes, and had continued longer if so be any store of the pro­fessors of the Gospell had ben left aliue to kill. Yea and it was reported that diuers women great wyth childe, were put to the swerd, and the children, most horrible­ly torne out of their wombes. Suche was the spoyling of the houses of the faithfull, and the shedding of bloude in this Citie, that the horrible murther committed by the Guises at Vassi was counted nothing in respecte of thys.

When newes héereof was brought to the Court, it made all that heard the same abashed. Yea they them selues that had commaūded this to be done, when they heard of the euent were also abashed. Notwythstan­ding after these presumptuous enterprises and begin­nings after the slaughter of Vassi, all men were fully bent to Ciuill warre.

The Prince of Conde complained of this thing to the Quéene by his letters, which he wrote the ninth of Aprill, to this effect: First he sayth that he thought that the fault and blame of the wickednesses afore time com mitted, would haue stayed their boldnesse which enuied the peace and tranquilitye of the common wealth, and haue taught them at the length to embrace, folowe, and obey the Kings Edicts. But (sayth he) so hath their ma­lice increased, that they can no more restraine and bri­dle their wickednesse, but do violate and breake al law: which may moue vs to loke for nothing but the seueri­ty of Gods iudgement to fall vpon vs.

Of thys brutishe boldnesse (sayeth he) after so many olde examples, there is now a newe come in place to be séene in the pitifull slaughter at Sens, vppon those that professed the liberty of the Gospell by the benefit of the [Page 34] Kings Edict: the description of the which Tragedy, he sayeth, he sendeth vnto her. Not doubting, but that shée according to her natural and great goodnesse, wil trem­ble The prince of Conde complay­neth of the murther. at the hearing of so horrible a butcherly murther: wherby shée hath to consider what is to be looked for at their handes, which blinde and beguile men with theyr faire and flattering woordes. He cannot (he sayeth) but he must néedes complaine vnto her of so great wicked­nesses committed: and is constrained also, to hys great gréefe, to say, That if these presumptuous and horrible murthers escape vnpunished, the crye of the innocent bloud that is shed, will so pearce the heauens and enter into the eares of the highest, that the ruine and vtter subuersion of this whole realme by the iust iudgement of God is to be feared. Therfore (he sayth) he beséecheth her, setting before her eyes the examples of so greate and horrible wickednesses, and considering also his pa­tience in forbearing so long time, euen vntill that pre­sent day, for the King and her Maiesties sake, that shée would diligently vse her authority, to repel and reform them: and not to suffer suche manifest contempt of the Kings maiesty to escape vnpunished: least violence and rebellion, were planted in steade of equitie and iustice. In so doing shée should preserue the Kings maiesty, and the tranquillity of the Realme. Otherwise lamentabl [...] afflictions were like to ensue.

Notwithstāding thys reasonable and godly request of the Prince, both the people of Parris, at the hearing of the Rumors waxed more outragious daily, and also the Guises wyth their Adherentes, wholely bent them selues to warre. We haue spoken before concerning the league betwéene the Prince of Conde and hys Ad­herents. All things therefore daily growing from ill to worse, nothing now was looked for but warre. But be­fore the warres began, the Prince of Conde, and they of [Page 35] hys part, set forth another Proclamation, in the which they shewe the causes and reasons of their purpose, and why they were constrained to lift vp the swearde. And after certaine letters sente to the King and Quéene, and to the king of Nauar, they sent vnto them that Proclamation also: which was, to this effect folowing.

Althoughe they whych of their owne authority doe first of all put them selues in Armoure, oughte to geue account and reason of their so doing: yet notwithstan­ding the Prince of Conde, séeing that this motion, for diuers circumstances, is subiecte to diuers mennes Iudgements, and because the knowledge hereof apper­taineth to all men, would, to put away all occasions of slaunders, shewe to all men manifest reasons, whych haue constrained him to ioyne with a great number of his fréends and retainers, to serue the King & Quéene, and to procure the peace and tranquillity of the whole Realme.

All men know that after the diuers perturbations and troubles for Religions sake, when as greater also wer lyke to ensue, to stay & appease them, at the last in the moneth of Ianuary laste past, there was made an Edicte by the Kings commaundement, to quiet and pa­cifie bothe partes, wyth the aduice and consent also of the most Noble of the high Court of Parliament.

The Proclamation of thys Edicte, (whych at the first was much hindered) caused suspicions to arise that these things were done not wythout a confederacie, which te [...]ded to a farther matter. The which suspitions wer increased y ^e more by y ^e méetings of y ^e constable, and y ^e Magistrates of Paris, by the cōmoning of y ^e senators, & also by the often assemblies of the chéefe Marchantes. Notw ^tstanding all the whych, the Prince of Conde, or any of the reformed Churches, neuer did or spake any thing, which might interrupt or breake y ^e publike peace [Page 36] any manner of meanes. Yea euen in the midst of those vexations and troubles, they loked quietly and modest­ly for the Proclamation of the same Edicte in the Se­nate of Paris. Thys proclamation being at the lengthe made at Paris, and being extorted by the Supplications of the King and Quéene rather than by commaunde­ments, the Prince of Conde after his gréeuous sicknes, when he had saluted the King and Quéene, gotte hym home to hys house to recreate him selfe.

Amidst these troubles, there came newes concer­ning the cruell and horrible slaughter at Vassi, done in the presence of the Duke of Guise, and by hym: many of the Kings Subiects both men and women being slain, which according to their manner, by the benefite of the Kings Edict came together to heare the worde of God.

This horrible Acte being reported at Paris, great­ly moued the mindes of all men of bothe partes: inso­much that much mischéefe was like to followe. And a­mong other Rumors it was reported that the Duke of Guise was comming with a great armye of men, to the intent he might vtterly destroy the churches of the reformed Religion. Whervpon the mē of those Chur­ches came out of diuers places to the Court, and requi­red of the King and Quéene punishment of so greate and notable wickednesse committed. Thys was the cause why the Prince of Conde going homeward stayed at Paris, & went from thence to Monceaulx at the com­maundement of the King & Quéene: to whom he said he feared the commotions & troubles like to ensue: to stay y ^e which (he sayd) he thought this y ^e only remedy, namely that the Duke of Guise, which was said to be cōming to Paris with a great army of men, might not be suffered to enter therein: the which aduise séemed to please the Quéene and the king of Na [...]rre very well. And accor­ding to this aduise, the Quéene wrote her letters to the [Page 37] Duke of Guise, intreating him, that he would come to the king and to her to Monceaulx. The which thing being twise required by the Quéene, was also twise de­nied of the Guise: the first tyme, hée made excuse that hée was busied in entertayning his friendes, which were come to sée him: and the second time by silence, making no aunswer at all▪ But hée came to Paris with a great nomber of armed men, hauing also with him the Con­stable, the Martiall of S. Andrew, and diuers others of his counsell. And hée was receyued into the citie by the citizens with great pompe, the Marchantmaister being their Captayne: and the people crying as hée entered into S. Anthonies gate, euen as if hée had bene king, God preserue the Duke of Guise: he séeming in no point to dislike of the same.

The Prince of Conde returning from Monceaulx, that hée might goe to his house according to his former purpose: and being certefied of the cōming of the Duke of Guise and of his company to Paris, hée altered his pur­pose: and determined to abyde at Paris, according to his dutie, to defende the kings subiectes: being persuaded that his presence would staye the mindes of the citizens of Paris, which began to waxe somewhat haughty by the comming of the Guises. And truely all men knowe that so long as the Prince remained at Paris, there burst forth no great Sedition.

Notwithstanding there were many & great reasons why the Prince and many of the Nobles which were with him, should be disdayned. For the Guises so soone as they were come to Paris, calling vnto them such out of y ^e Senat, as they thoght méet, had a counsel, which they called the Kings counsell: as though a councell consisting of the chief officers of the king were very lawfull. The which truly séemed very straunge to the Prince of Con­de, and to those noble men that were with him.

[Page 38]Is it lawfull to haue any other kings counsell, than that which is néere to the king and Quéene? and the Prince of Conde the kings néere kinsman, to whome a care of the king and Quéene appertayned, and being al­so in the same town in the which the counsell was held, not to know thereof? This euidently declared a mani­fest conspiracy, which would bring no small hurt to the king and Quéene. For if in that counsell of the Guises, those things were handled which appertayned to the preseruation of the kings authoritie and the common wealth, what cause was there why thei should shoon the presence of the king and Quéene, and of the kings co [...] ­sell? Moreouer, it is well enough knowne what displea sure the Guise tooke with the Quéene, when he departed from the court: complayning & misliking that he was thoght to be made acquainted w ^t Nemours his dealing, who was accused to go about to carry away the king. The Constable also of late very contemptuously vsed the Quéene in woordes: & méeting with the kings retinew, and being told that the king was present, hée passed by so vnreuerently, as if hée had met with some straūgers: his proud and lofty wordes whiche he also oftentimes vttered at Paris, did plainly declare that ther were some new things a working. Also the Martial of S. Andrew▪ did not only refuse to goe to attend vpon his charge cō ­mitted vnto him by the kings commaundment: but al­so before all the kings counsel, he so contented with the Quéene in brawling woordes, that it might euidently appeare that hée leaned to some other greater trust. In consideration therfore of these men, which sepera­ting themselues from the Kings counsell, called a coū ­sell of their owne authoritie, and put men in armour, the Prince of Conde could not but looke for some lamen table ende.

Beside all this, when the Quéene had openly decla­red [Page 39] that hir will was that both of them should depart from Paris: the Prince of Conde vnderstandinge of the Quéenes commaundement, by the Cardinal of Bur­bon his brother, went strayt way from Paris. But the Duke of Guises mind was so far frō departing thence, that gathering more souldiours vnto him, he did more strongly fortefie the same than he did before, and came vnto the King and Quéene, contrary to their expresse commaundement with an army of men: and caryed thē whether they would or no, from Fontaynbleau to ano­ther place. The which manifest force and misliked cap­tiuitie of the King and Quéen, may manifestly appere, both by the open complayntes of the Quéene, and also by the Kinges teares. And because the Duke of Guise, the Constable, and the Martiall of S. Andrew, so boast of their dignitie and offices, as though it were lawfull for them to make an armie when it shall séeme good vnto them for the behoofe of the King and the Realme: and also because they doo deryde, and manifestly abuse the authoritie of the King of Nauar, the kings high Legate, all men may sée how they doe abuse themselues and the offices committed to their charge.

These things should first of all haue bene done by the aduise and consent of the Quéene, who alwayes open­ly resisted their dooings. Let them therefore if they haue any greater authoritie than she in this kingdome, shewe the same. So seriouse and waighty a matter al­so, should haue ben handeled in the Kings lawfull coun­sell: or else let them say that thei are in authoritie aboue the kings themselues, which alwaies consult with their counsell concerning warres, before they take them in hande. But if they replye and say, that the Quéene now is contented with their dooings: admit it be so, yet let them remember that this is not the first time that they haue begon warres: their purpose & intent doth plainly [Page 40] appeare by that horrible slaughter don by them at Vas­sy, which displeased both the King and Quéene, and all those that heard of the same, except themselues, as an acte cōmitted agaynst the manifest lawes of the king, and contrary to all humanitie. Let them not therefore colour ouer their doings with the Quéenes will, whom they haue captiued, and rule as them list. And to take away al bolstering & coulering of the mater, who know eth not, that before the Duke of Guise came to Paris, and had troubled the minds of men with that horrible mur­ther at Vassi, there was great peace and tranquillitie throughout the whole Realme.

But if any thing haue happened otherwise tha [...] it should haue done, it is come to passe by their Counsels and assemblies, specially through the default of the Se­nate of Paris, which obserued not the authoritie of the kings Edict, as they should haue done, and by their ex­ample made the mindes of men the more out of quiet. As for example, the commotion of Prouance which was raysed by the preuarication & collusion of many of that Assembly, and was at the kings commaundement paci­f [...]ed agayne by M. Curlsol. with the help and ayde of the reformed Churches, which haue alwayes shewed what obedience they will shewe forth towards the king and his lawes.

To be short, all men may behold and sée what will be the ende of all their Counselles which they take in hand, euen the great shame and reproch of the king, and the destruction of the Realme.

They kéepe the kyng captiue, and abuse his name at their owne pleasure, and to the end they maye at the length quite ouerthrow the kyng, they stoutly threaten men with the Kinges name, if they refuse to do any thing as they would haue them. Moreouer they séeke all that they can to make the Prince of Conde to be en­uied, [Page 41] and not estéeming the auethoritie of the kynges Edictes, they do euen what they list. And to the end they may set vp their stocke and kinred with the ruine of the kyngdome, they conuert the aucthoritie, and the whole substance therof to their owne vse: & troubling & molesting the kyngs lawfull and faythfull defenders, do raigne and rule alone, and do moderate the lawes, statutes, and decrees of the Realme as they list them­selues. What is he then that séeth not what their mind and purpose is, in causing these garboyles & troubles? And as touching Religion no man can chuse but sée, that they bend themselues to worke both the decay ther of, and also of publique and common libertie. They do very vndiscretely alleage for thēselues that the Prince of Conde hath certaine other particuler causes of com­playnts. For the Prince of Conde doth protest that hée is driuen to take these thinges in hand, for the only de­sire he hath to defend the Kyng and the kyngdome, and to mayntayne the Kyngs lawes, according to his office: and doth greatly mislike that the benefite of exercising the reformed Religion should be taken from the kyngs subiectes, against the playne commaundements of his wil, and that from the kyngs subiects should be taken, not only the libertie of their consciences, but also the peace and tranquillitie of their bodies. Let the Duke of Guise call to minde the horrible slaughter at Uassi, which as yet is fresh in memory: Let him remember the great crueltie shewed of late to the men of Sens. And let the Constable remember what hath happened at Paris, and what is like dayly to happen by his behaui­our. Whose wicked déedes doon against the willes of the kyng and Quéene, he hopeth to sée one day seuerely punished. If men neglect the doing of their dutie, God no doubt in his iust iudgement will punish the same.

These therefore are the occasions offered to the [Page 42] Prince, to go forward with those enterprises that hée hath taken in hand. These men thinke to rule and go­uerne the kingdome as they themselues list: And ther­fore it commeth to passe that they cannot abide the go­uernement of the Quéene, and the libertie and integri­tie of the kyngs counsel. They thinke that the time ser­ueth for them very wel, not only to couer all their wic­ked actes, of the which they are neuer able to giue a rea son and an accompt, but amiddest this troublesome sturre, to inriche themselues. By which their boldnes and presumption, there cannot chuse but be most grée­uous mischiefes following, the troublesome alteration of al thinges, the hurt of all estates, specially of the No­billitie, diuisions also & sempiternall hatred. They coul­lor all their doinges with Religion, as though they would not suffer the auncient and Catholike Religion (as they terme it) to come into contempt, and for this cause they cause vs to haue many enemies. But why doe they take awaye the bene [...]te of the kinges Edict, which doth permit vs to vse and exercise that Religion, which we beleue to be good and true. They them selues liue according to their conscience, by the bene [...]te of the kyngs lawes: And what reason is it then that they should not suffer vs to do the like by the benefite of the kynges Edict!

There is not one of vs that mole [...]eth or troubleth them in their Religion, or that doth hinder their Cler­gie by any maner of meanes. And if there were any of vs that would so do, or that would behaue our selues otherwise than we ought, there are lawes and punish­ments to punish vs. But, truely, vnder the coullor and pretence of Religion they séeke another thing. We de­nie not but that they hate the truth of the Gospell, as they haue of late declared by fyer and sword: but this is the speciall thing they séeke for, to trap and snare those [Page 43] that before tyme miraculously, haue escaped their handes: to be reuenged of others, whome they haue al­wayes hated: and to enrich themselues by the spole of others. The whic [...] to bring to passe, they care for no Religion. And such as go about to resist their practises, by which they séeke, both the p [...]rill of our kyng, and the destruction of his subiecte [...] by Ciuill warre, they call open enemies to the kyng.

THese and many other things, which time will re­ueale, being way [...]d and considered, the Prince of Conde testified before the kyng and Quéen these things also following, and wished all kyngs, Princes, Nobles, and all others of the Realme of Fraunce, and all Christi an Nations▪ truely to vnderstand these thinges.

First of all therfore he testifieth, that he is not mo­ued by desire of his owne profite: but only with loue of the glory of God, and of the profite of the whole com­mon wealth, to séeke the which he thought him selfe spe­cially bound vnder the Quéenes auethoritie. So that, for conscience sake to do his dutie, and for the loue hée beareth to his Countrey, he sayth he is constrayned & compelled to séeke all lawfull meanes, to set the Quéen and the kinges Sonnes at libertie: and to mayntaine and defend the kyngs Edictes, and the Edict of Ianuary, which was made for the ordering of Religion.

And he prayeth and beseecheth all the kynges true & lawfull subiects, waying and considering the matter, as is before sayd, that they would ayd and assist him in so good and godly a cause.

And because the king in the beginning of his raigne found him selfe oppressed with a great burthen of debt, and hauing but little any maner of waye to discharge the same, many of his faithfull subiects gaue vnto him a great summe of money, both to discharge the same, & [Page 44] also to recouer his patrimony: but there is no doubt, but that they which are the auethors of this Ciuill warre, will now laye holde and catch vnto them that sum of money, which was giuen to the kyng for those causes, and will spend and bestowe the same to o [...]her vses: Whereby, both the people shall receiue great hurt and losse, and also the hope which the Quéene and the kyng of Nauar had for the paiment and discharge of all the kynges debtes, that the people might be brought into the same state, in the which they were in the time of kyng Lodowi [...] the xij. that hope I saye, by the wa­sting and consuming of that money, should be [...]and quight taken awaye. For these causes the Prince of Conde affirmeth, that they which shall get vn to them that money, shalbe bound to restore the same againe, and at the length shall giue an accompt for the bestowing therof.

But he testifieth that he and all those that fight vn­der his banner, shall mayntayne & furnish themselues with their owne proper costes and charges.

And God, sayth he, will heare from heauen, the [...]rie of his poore oppressed people, against those which begin warres, and refuse all reasonable order, which séeke trouble, and constrayne vs to defend our selues wyth force of Armes.

And because all men do vnderstand and knowe, that the kyng and Quéene, being beset on euery side wyth souldiours and captiued, and ruled, and that the greater part of the Counsell, are so quayled wyth feare that they dare not resist the au [...]thors of this warre: The Prince of Conde would haue all men certefied, that hée myndeth and will shew towards the kyng and Quéene all obedience, in the which he will giue place to none: and that he will not suffer him selfe to be so deceiued & mocked, vnder the pretence of rescriptes, of commaun­dements, [Page 45] and of Letters, vnder the kinges name and seale: but will warre against them vntill the Kyng and Quéene do recouer their former libertie and autho­ritie, and may declare their willes by their owne méere gouernement.

Concerninge the kyng of Nauar his brother, the Prince of Conde, beside the naturall bond of brotherly loue, & y ^e particuler cause of obedience, which he ought and will giue vnto him, he testifieth that he doth consi­der of him according to his worthines, and will giue vnto him next vnto the King and Quéene al ob [...]dience. And h [...] trusteth that he wil giue an accompt of his dea­ling, whensoeuer it shalbe required at his handes.

To be short the Prince of Conde, and a great multi­tude of Earles, Lordes and Nobles, and other estates, to declare that they speake simply, and in good earnest, and that they séeke for nothing more than the glory of God, and the excellency and dignitie of their kyng: Do earnestly pray and beséech the Queene Mother with all reuerence, that setting the feare of men aside, whych gard her after a straunge fashion, with force of Armes, as if she were a captiue, that she would, according to hir iudgement and mind fréely declare, whether part were to be blanted: and that she would goe vnto that Citie whererevnto she had most mind: that from thence shée might cōmaund both parts by the meanest seruant she hath to put of their Armour, & so they would shew that dew obedience, which shoulde become loyall subiectes, to shew vnto their soueraigne Lord: and would also mo destly answere to their doings according to the lawe.

The Prince promiseth that he will obey her law [...]ull commaundements, vppon the condition that others, would shew themselues ready to do their duties. But if they refuse, he testifieth that he with fiftie thousand men more, which are of the same mynd will spend their [Page 46] liues. And if it please not the Quéene to go to another place to do these thinges, then let her first of all seeke, that they by whom she is garded and captiued may goe to another place, pu [...]tting of their Armour, namely the Duke of Guise and his bretherne, the Constable, and the Marshiall of S. Andrew. And although he being a Prince and the kynges néere kinsmen, were their su­perior, yet notwithstanding to the intēt it might apéere that he is in no poynt the cause of trouble and vnquiet­n [...]s, he promiseth that he and his whole armie will de­part euery man home to his owne house, vppon those conditions before spoken of.

Also hee sayth that hee hath a speciall care for this, that the Kynges Counsellers may haue their accusto­med libertie, and that the kyngs lawes and the Edict of January, may be obserued and kept: vntill the kyng comming vnto his Maioritie, may iudge of the matter him selfe, and may punish those according to their de­sertes which haue abused his au [...]thoritie.

But and if these conditions were not perfourmed, and that the Guises and their fellowes went on still to shew violence against the Kyng, the Quéene, and the kynges Counsell, to deceaue and beguile men, vnder the kynges name, and to be iniurious to the kyngs sub­iectes, the Prince of Conde testifieth that hée wyll not beare it, and will bring to passe that hée shall not bée found giltie of all those calamities, mischiefes, and mi­series, which will happen for these commotions and troubles, but rather they themselues which are the au­thors, and only cause thereof.

This his Protestation, being published abrode, all mens mindes séemed to be troubled, and diuersly occu­pied: the faythfull being more bolde and couragious to defend themselues, who at the first sturre of the Gui­ses, were not a little terrefied.

[Page 47]The Prince of Conde sent letters to all the refor­med Letters of the Prince of Conde, sent to the reformed churches. Churches the twenty day of April, sending diuers messengers with the Copy of those letters throughout all prouinces of the Realme: to this effect: Forsomuch as the necessity of the time is such, that we must openly resist the violence and tiranny of the Guises, aduersaries of the Christian Religion, who hauing captiued the King and Quene▪ do so abuse their name, that they tread vnderfote true Religion with the liberty of the Realme, and doe what they list them selues: see that ye prepare your selues against these troubles, and beware that you leaue nothing vndone that may further you in your bu­sinesse. And because we must nowe of necessitye begin warres, be diligent to prouide Armor, Mony, & all kind of Artillery so sone as may be: and whatsoeuer you do, certefy me of the same by these messengers that I haue sent vnto you. But aboue all things see that ye behaue your selues so peaceably as ye may: and forget not dili­gently to call vpon God the vpholder and defender of his truthe, and of all iust causes.

That former declaration, wherof we haue spoken before, was sca [...]sely come to Paris, when as two Edicts were solemnely proclaimed there in the Kings name: to thys effect [...]:

The King séeing what great troubles & garboyles were in the Realme, is very sory and much agréeued, who h [...]th left no remedies vnsoughte for, for the main­tenance of peace and tranquillity, by the aduise of the Quéene, the King of Nauar, and the Princes, as may appeare of late by the Edict made in the moneth of Ia­nuary, by which, to order all matters peaceably, he she­wed him selfe very fauorable, contrary to the manner and c [...]ome of his A [...]cetors the Kings, towards Reli­gion, that by this meanes in bearing with the froward­nes of men, be [...]ght maintaine publique peace & con­corde: y [...]t notwith [...]anding for all this they can not be [Page 48] content and quiet, as appeareth by diuers tumultes by them all ready raised, manye of them (which hath not bene heard of before) being so bold that they dare make open warre, and take diuers of the Kings Cities: The which, although it be very greuous vnto him, that men should so lewdly and impudently behaue them selues, abasing him in this hys tender age, to the great hurt of the Realme: yet notwithstanding he will continue still toward them hys accustomed clemency and goodnesse. And therfore to confirme that his will and meaning, he willeth and commaundeth by this publique Edict, that al men vse the rites and administration of their religi­on fréely, according to the prescript of the Edicte of Ia­nuary. But because at Paris, the Metropolitane Citye of the Realme, there haue ben oftentimes great perils of moste gréeuous seditions, he willeth in consideration of the present time, that there be no exercise of the re­formed Religion, so called, in that City, nor in the Su­burbes, borders, and limmites neare adioyning to the same, vntill it shall séeme good otherwise to the King.

There was also publiquely set forth about the same time very solemly, the Kings Rescript, whych they call Letters patents in manner and forme folowing.

All men sée the great perturbations and troubles of the Realme, and also howe the mindes of all estates and degrée, are so vexed and disquieted, that there can­not chuse but insue great hurt, except God of his mercy and goodnesse turn away the same. Notwithstanding it is wonderfull that men which are the authors of these troubles & dissensions, shuld so couler ouer the causes of their wickednes, that they cā deceiue therby the simple sort of people. But wheras they cōplaine of y ^e violating and breaking of y ^• Edict which was made for Religion, y ^e is most false, as may apeare by y ^e manifest declaratiō of y ^e Kings will, which he plainly of late shewed by hys [Page 49] Edict. And this also is a most impudent slāder, wheras they say that the King and the Queene his mother, hys bretheren, and sister, are captiues in the handes of cer­taine of his chief officers and seruants, and do boast that they lift vp the sworde, to the intent they may set them at their lawfull libertie. But the King and the Quéene do openly testifie, and would haue it generally knowen for a suertie, that hée, his mother, his brethren, and hys sister, neuer came, thankes be to God, into that state of captiuitie: but cōtrarywyse, do retaine & kéepe, libertie, autority, & kingly dignitie and power, and shal no doubt by the goodnesse of God, enioye the same, with the help and diligence of good and faithfull subiects. And bicause those seditiouse persons doe greatly abuse the facilitie & gentle nature of the Prince of Conde their kinsman, whom they haue chosen to be the Captaine of their con­spiracie, he testifieth that he will doe all that he can to restoare him to his former libertie, and to pacefie the troubled state so much as he may.

There was also at this time mustering of men in Pa ris, specially of Noble men, which are cōmonly appoin­ted to be horsemen: and commaundement was sent tho­rough euery prouince to all men to be in a readinesse a­gainst the moneth of May nexte comming. Paris also was in euery corner replenished with armour, with sol diours, and Enseignes.

The Prince of Conde being entered into Orleans, ve­ry many of the faythfull, which bordered thereaboutes, tooke cities for the Prince of Conde, professing notwith­standing that they mayntayned the Kings authoritie: as they of Towers, of Blais, of Angew, and many others as hereafter shalbe declared. Notwithstanding the E­dict of January was rightly obserued, by the seuere cō ­maundements of the Prince of Conde, which were of­tentymes repeated by his seruaunts.

[Page 50]But all things growing dayly néerer warre then peace, the greatest part of the inhabitants of Towers and Blayz, sodenly rose and went into the popish churches, and brake downe and quite defaced the Images and pi­ctures which they there found: notwithstanding there was no murther committed.

When newes hereof was brought to Orleans, the Prince of Conde greatly misliked of their doing, & gaue Certayne Idols bro­ken down. commaundement that enquirie should be made of the doers hereof, and that they shold be punished according to the prescript of the kings Edicts. At Orleans, they of both Religions, liued peaceably, and according to the E­dict of January, the priests openly in their churches, v­sed their superstitiouse rytes and ceremonies: and the faithfull on the contrary part, went out of the Citie to heare sermons. The which notwithstāding continew­ed but a short time, as shalbe declared anon when occa­sion is offered to speake of the same.

The Prince of Conde had sent the causes in writing that moued him to warre (of the which we haue spoken before) to the King and Quéene and to the king of Na­uar his brother: praying and beséeching them, that vpon the conditions which he propounded vnto them, y ^e whole matter might be peaceably ended: and concerning the same matter also, he wrote to the Senate of Paris, that his writings and letters, might be kept in the publique Commentaries and Register of the Senat, for a remē ­brance, whatsoeuer might chaunce afterward. After the which letters, the Quéen answered the Prince of Conde the second of May, by hir letters agayne. In the which letters sent from the Queene to the Prince of Conde. shée sayd, she was glad that the Prince of Conde shewed himselfe to be desirouse of peace and concorde, whereas otherwyse ther was cause why shée should greatly sor­row and lament: for that shée being a woman, to whom by the common consent of the States, the gouernment [Page 51] of the king and realme was committed, was nowe in the middest of so great troubles: to be ryd out of which, shée trusting to the Prince, doubted not, but that hée would do all that hée could for the good will and obediēce sake which hée did owe vnto the King, and for the pro­fite and quietnesse of the whole Realme, and would not refuse any reasonable condicion, for the establishing of peace and concord. Therefore shée sayd that hée should do very well, if so be he would come vnto the King and to her out of hand, putting of his armour, and trusting to the promises of her fayth, which should be as sure vn to him, as any obligation, if so be hée would remember the friendship and loue which shée alwais bare towards him, who loueth him as tenderly, as the mother loueth her childe. Therefore shée sayeth that hée shall doe very well, if so be hée come boldly to the Court, that hée may ende all matters at once before the King and hir.

The Senate of Paris also sent letters of aunswer to the Prince of Conde, the fiueth day of May, to this effect following.

Wée haue receyued your letters, with the forme of Letters frō the Senat of Paris to the Prince▪ of Conde. your declaration, the which we could not reade without our great sorrow and grief: Séeing that wée know you to be a Prince and the Kings neere kinsmā, of one of the most noble stockes of the kings kynred: neyther do wée doubt, but that your nature and disposition is agréeable to your offspringe (as it is commonly séene in the best Princes) if it be not alienated and drawne away wyth euill counsells. And although it be our office onely to deale in the principal poyntes of the law, yet neuerthe­lesse, seeing you haue made special complaints vnto vs, wée thought it not good to let you want all that wée are able to do in that point, but fréely and truly to set before you our opinion and iudgemēt: wherby you may know how reuerētly, according to our duty, we estéeme of you

[Page 52]We haue considered and do perceyue that your com­plaintes do consist in two principall poynts: The first & principall is, that it hath bene told you that the kyng & Quéene, were captiued in the custodie of certaine of the Nobles which attended vpon them: and that many of his Connsellers were with threatninges made afeard. Wee beséeche you, that you would not any more be­léeue these reportes: séeing it is so manifest and eui­dently knowne to all men that it cannot be doubted of, how that the King of Nauar your Brother, a man of great wisedome, and such a one as is very carefull for the preseruation of the king and his dignity, is with the King and Queene, who will not, without all doubt, suf­fer any maner of violence or iniury to be offered to the King, being both of kyn to the Kyng as well as you, & also charged with the king by his office. Beside this the Cardinall of Borbon is with them, who hath no lesse care for the safetie of the king and the Realme than you haue. Moreouer there are with him other Princes his kinsmen, men of wisedome, which are bound both by their office and also by the bond of loue to defende the kyng, with a great sort of his Counsell also, which if the kyng were so shamefully misused, would lay their heades together to remedy the same: because if in this poynt they should fayle to do their dutie, they might be sure to be euill spoken of among all men. In that ther­fore they do so diligently séeke with one consent the pre seruation of the state, and would haue you to be ioyned with them, you may thereby certainely perceiue how false those reports haue bene: the which reports would greatly haue offended and gréeued the mindes of your bretherne if that they had not here tofore declared their fayth, and great good will: for if they should so behaue themselues towards the king, it wold greatly redownd to their reproch and shame.

[Page 53]If you will wey and consider these things, you shall find that those reporters, do vnto you and to them also great iniury, séeing that ye are bretherne.

This also we woulde haue you to vnderstand, that we haue none otherwise confirmed letters concerning the libertie of the King and Quéen then the very truth thereof hath caused vs, least you should thinke that we had done any thing rashly or through feare.

We feare no man in the executing of our office: in doing whereof, we haue only a consideration of the kyng, specially in those thinges which do belong to the obediēce of the kyng, and to the profite of the Realme: being ready for these causes to spend our life and goods.

Know you also for suertie that all dew reuerence & obedience is shewed here to the King and Quéene. And because we vnderstand by your declaratiō, that you find fault with certaine of vs, as though we forsaking the Kinges lawfull Counsell were present at certaine se­cret Counselles: Know you also this for a certaine, that none of vs were present at that counsell, which was kept here extraordinarily, by the aucthoritie of the king of Nauar your brother, but only by the slat commaun­dement of the Cardinal of Borbō your brother also, and the kéeper of the Citie: neyther did we heare, sée, or perceyue that anything was done there, which did not appertaine to the obedience of the King.

The other principall poynt of your complaints, con­cerneth Religion. The which truely is no lesse straung and wonderfull vnto vs. Of the which, we perceyuing that you haue ben otherwise infourmed, than it is, haue thought good to certifie you of the trueth. You knowe that the Edicts which haue ben made in these our kings dayes, pertaine to no other end, than to kéepe the kings subiectes in their obedience, and to auoyde seditions, vntill such time as the kyng were come to his full age: [Page 54] for all those Edictes are temporall, and serue but for a tyme, to the intent they may be chaunged▪ if so be ne­cessitie and experience of things shall so declare it to be best. The Edict of Iuly was not so soone made as abro­gated, at the making wherof you your selfe were pre­sent: and yet notwithstanding the same ought not ther­fore to be defended by violence▪ After this, there was made another Edict, in the moneth of Ianuary. And least it should rather bring trouble than tranquillitie, at the first we doubted to confirme the same: but when we had good hope of peace and tranquillitie, we confir­med the same, otherwise we would not haue doon it. And vppon the same hope of peace, thrée dayes agoe, we confirmed and published another Edict like to the Edict of Ianuary in euery poynt, sauing that Paris the Metro­politane Citie is excepted. The which exception was not made without great cause: For when the sedition which was there of late dayes wared more gréeuous than in other places, it could not be otherwise appea­sed. The end of those Edicts was not, to bring in news Religions, but, as it is sayd already, to kéepe the people in peace and tranquillitie. If the offence be as great in the first as in the second: the Kyng hath power of him­self to continew or to alter lawes, and not the subiects by priuate aucthoritie & by force of Armes. The whiib thinge truly wee cannot couller or hide, séeing wée read in your declaration, how that you say that you, and fiftie thousād more, which are of y ^e same mind, wil spēd your liues in this cause. We wish that you may receiue this our admonition to your profite: & to consider that it is a great deale more méet for you, being the kings néer kinsman, to defend his dignitie, than to ioyne your selfe to others which are not in the same conditiō. If by your following of other counselles the dignity of the king be deminished, y ^e greater blame & reproch shalbe youres.

[Page 55]You know that we haue maintained your Innocē ­cie: and do perswade wyth you to vse wholesom Coun­sell: least you hurt your selfe.

We cannot offer vnto you a better testimonye of our good wil ready to serue you, which we wil constant­ly retaine so long as you shew all due obedience to the King and Quéene.

Concerning other matters which are written in the same your declaration, because they doe not apper­taine vnto vs, you shall vnderstande the Kings will, to whome they do appertaine.

This one thing we adde, That the examination of the slaughter committed at Uassi, is appoynted to vs to be examined, the which shall be handeled of our parte, according to oure office and manner, wyth iustice and equitie.

WE haue spoken before concernyng the letters which the Quéene sent to the Prince of Conde: In the which shée perswaded him to come vnto the King vn­weapened and wythout Armor, that the matter might be ended quietly among them, and that he might by his presence put away those slanders which were reported of him. For there went diuers euell reportes abrode of hym, and the more by reason of the Declaration which he caused to be published, the Kings Letters being set forth against the same: insomuch that the causes of all the troubles were openly layd vpon him. Wherevpon the Prince of Conde, published another wryting the. ix. This name Triumuiri signifieth three chosē officers of equall au­thoritie. of May, in the which he declared that the Guises, whych were called the Triumuiri, and not he, were the causes of al the troubles: declaring reasons, by which it might appeare, that he had soughte peace, did, and would still séeke the same: And although (sayth he) I haue alwayes hitherto declared by vndoubted Arguments, not only a singuler loue, and an obedient mind towards the King [Page 56] and Quéene, but also a notable desire and care for the profite and concorde of the Realme: the which also of late I declared, when as I deferred the putting my self in Armor, euen vntil the very pinche and extréeme ne­cessitye, at what time I was constrained to doe it, that I The secōd declaratiō of the Prince of Conde. might resist their violence, which threatned to kill and slay, and made great bragges, and which of late, when they had gotten an Army of men, contrary to the King and Quéenes commaundement, armed them selues, & entred into Paris, where I was at that time, being not ignorant what they ment to do: yet notwithstanding I made no sturre or do, least I should put the City in pea­rill. Yea, I hauing no consideration of my estate and condition, although I was not the first that put my self in Armor, yet notwithstanding at the first commaun­dement of the Quéene, least I might séeme to omit any thing lawful that might bring peace, I with mine wēt from Paris, minding to get me home to my own house, and to dismisse al my train, thinking that my aduersa­ries would haue done the same: who notwithstanding cōtrarywise, kéeping Paris still, and doing many things there against their office, and also hauing vsurped the Kings authoritye, kept the King and Quéene captiues not only in body but also in minde. I, on the contrarye part, ceassed not from y ^t time forward, to propounde al reasonable conditions that might be, to y ^e end all things might be ended peaceably, as testify my wrytings, and those men them selues, whome I vsed as meanes to bring matters to quiet ende: although (I say) all these things were done thus by me, that it might plainly ap­peare that I desired nothing more than the Kings dig­nity, and the peace and tranquil [...]ity of the Realme: yet notwithstanding, fearing least my answers to the Re­scripts from the Quéene, after I had offered the condi­tions of peace, be not so truely and wholely brought to [Page 57] her handes as they passed from me: I thoughte good to haue the whole matter put in wryting, both to the ende they may be considered of the King and Quéene, and also that they being published throughout all Christian Realmes, may be known to all Princes, to our Frends in Fraunce, and specially to all Courts and Parliamēts of this Realme: of the which, but specially of the Court of Paris, to the which before this time I haue sent my Declaration, I require and craue, that these explicati­ons of my reasons, may be put in the publique Rege­ster: to the ende I may geue accounte of all my actions to my Prince and soueraigne Lord the King, at what time be shal come to that age that he may Iudge of the merites of his subiects, and of their euell desertes also, which haue don any thing during the time of the kings Minoritie.

First of all, this I thinke for a suertie, that it ney­ther can, nor ought to be sayd that I haue ben the cause either of stirring vp or of maintaining these commoti­ons and troubles: when as my ennemies them selues wil confesse that I was not the first that toke y ^e sweard in hand: and when I did take it after them, whych put them selues in Armor againste the King and Quéenes willes, I had good occasion so to do. For by the Lawe of Nature, being a Prince and one of the Kings kinsmen I ought, and am bound of duety, to defend and maintain the dignity of the King, and the peace and tranquillitye of the Realme. So soone as I put on Armoure I prote­sted that I woulde put of the same againe vppon suche reasonable conditions, as shoulde appertaine to the li­bertye of the King and Quéene, and to the peace and concorde of the Realme.

Whervpon it must néedes follow, that they are the causes & authours of troubles, which haue refused those conditions, and which, when they could not abyde the [Page 58] peaceable gouernement of the Quéene, and that shée should be the head ouer the Kings subiectes, and disday­ning at her, for that shée looked so straytly vnto thē, least they should defraude the kings creditors of any of their debt, put themselues in armour, came with a bande of soldiours to the King, and beset him about with armed men, that hauing the king and Quéene in their owne power, they might gouerne the Realme as thei list thē ­selues: they committed horrible murthers vppon the kings subiectes liuing peaceably according to the kings lawes, and thus haue brought vpon the whole Realme of France these stormy tempestes of trouble, beginning euen a litle before to enioy peace and tranquillitie, both partes being contented to liue peaceably, so that they might enioye their Religion.

But and if (leauing the present state of things) wée will call to mind and consider euery mans actes in time past, in good sooth, wée shall finde these same men, which at this day stirre vp these troubles, haue ben also afore­tyme, the causes of great inconueniences to the Crown and dignitie: séeking by the perturbation of this realme to enrich themselues, whereas by peace and tranquility they decay. And to omit that which king Fraunces, a mā of excellent wisdome and Iudgement, sayd of them, and to omit also many of their bold and presumptuouse en­terprises, who knoweth not that they hating publique peace & concord, were the onely causes and authours of the truce and league breaking betwene king Henry and king Philip of Spayn [...], to the great dammage and hurte of Fraunce: In so much that they brought the same, by warres, in great perilles, and all to haue their will and pleasure by one meanes or other. Beside this, after S. Laurence slaughter, when thei had gotten vnto them the Treasurers office, which thei had before gréedily gayed for, what detriment or hurt did they not bring vnto the [Page 59] kingdome? What did they also to King Hen [...]y, who dis [...] ­king & being weary of their violent and cruel dispositiō, mynded to haue sent them away frō the Court to their howse, had he not ben preuented by death? But after­ward in the dayes of king Fraunces the second, being but yong, these Straungers, and violent Carters, agaynst [...] law and equitie, and against the auncient constitutious of the realme of Fraunce, vsurped the mere impery and gouernement of the kingdome: during which time, was the realme voyd of troubles? Did they not in the sighte of all men go about to set that yong king, being by na­ture very gentle, and full of clemency, agaynst his sub­iects: and to haue made him infamouse with the note of cruelty for euer? Did they not cause him to be a mortall enemie against his subiectes, euen in the middest of his raigne, in so much that except GOD in his mercy ha [...] turned away so great calamities and miseries lyke too haue ensewed, we all should haue rued the same, to re­member [...]he which, it would cause any Christian harte to tremble?

And to make an end of so lamentable a Tragedie, A Tragedy beginneth merily. but endeth sorowfully When kinge Fraunces was dead, these boysterouse stormes were blowen ouer, & the sky was more cleare, the gouernement of the Realm being committed to the Quéene, and to the king of Nauar: vntill such tyme as their ambition hating peace and tranquillitie, styred them vp and their fellowes, to set heauen and earth to­gyther, and to cause the state to be troublesome, as (to my great gréefe) is to be séene. Therefore I leaue the Iudgement of these, to all indifferent men, to discerne who are the authours of troubles: whether they, which haue sought peace and concord by all meanes possible: or they, which haue so mayntayned dissensions always, that thei dare at this time, to the great hurt of the whole Realme proclayme open warres. Besides this, there [Page 60] is so little cause for any man to marueile why I should be so busie to deale and so ware and circumspecte in the matter, that I shuld be in great falte if I did otherwise. For their actes in time paste againste me, haue taught me sufficiently to beware how I put my selfe into their handes. And it is playne enough to be séene, that their purpose is to destroy the greatest part of the Nobilitie, and of all estates of men which imbrace the truth of the gospell, specially those that attende vpō mée. The which their meaning may easely be gathered by the talk which the Duke of Guise, and the Constable had togyther of late in the Senate of Paris, before a great assembly. But what obedience they shewe towardes the Quéene, it may appeare hereby, that contrary to the Quéenes wil which she oftentimes declared, they dyd frustrate the kings Edict of Ianuary, adding this new exception: Let not the Religion be vsed at Paris. Who seeth not that they intend nothing else, but euen to banish the Gospell out of all partes of the Realme? when as also of late procla­mation was made at Paris, to banish al the new Christi­ans. To what purpose shoulde I say that by no other meanes, the Inhabitants of Paris, can be kept in quiet? For we haue séene that the Prince of Rochesuryon, and Martial Momorentius, hauing about them only twelue soldiers, haue kept the people of Paris in quiet without any maner of tumult, the space of thrée monethes togy­ther. The which continewed euen vntill that daye, on the which the Duke of Guise entred into Paris. But this is worthy the remembrance, that when the same Mar­tiall Memorency had somewhat increased the number of soldiers to kéepe the ordinary watch, wherby the con­federacies of certeyne factious persons, might be preuē ted, the Marchant maister and certeyne of the Citizens sayd, that the people might be kept in peace and quyet with lesse ado a great deale. Notwithstanding after the [Page 61] comming of the Guises into the Citie, the mindes of the people were so altered, that to kéepe them in quiet they were fayne to haue a band of men which they appoin­ted without the knowledge and wil of the Quéene. But I knowe it came to passe by the singular prouidence of God, that the Duke of Guise and the Constable should dis­close the secrets of their harts, before so great a multi­tude, that their toong no doubt might runne before their wyt. The which thing truly doth sufficiētly declare that those things are true which certeine of their familiar friends, and houshold seruaunts haue reported, & which doth also appere by diuers of their letters that haue ben taken, namely, that their purpose is to depriue me of that company of men which are here with me, & to pu­nish them with such punishments as they had already deuised.

The which in déed the slaughters, and spoyling rapine committed by the soldiers of the Constable, & those things also which were done in diuers places against the mē of the reformed Religion, do opeuly declare: but specially that horrible murther don by the Guises at Sens. Of the which calamities they are to giue an account, and to an­swer. But as touching the cōmaundemēt of the Quéen, by which shée hath willed me, laying my armour asyde, to come vnto the king vpon hir fayth and trust, and too make me such assurance in wryting as I shall require: I protest truly, that I haue a singular desire & good will to obey hir commaundements: but I vnderstand y ^t these are the subtil practises of my enimies, which bring all things to passe as they lust themselues: And agayne, I sée not how the Quéene can saue me harmlesse, so longe as shée is in that state that she is now in. For how shall she resist them, who putting thēselues in armor against hir wil, haue beset hir round about? And as like it is that my brother the king of Nauar cānot exercise his power [Page 62] and authoritie as he should, whose facilitie & sufferance thei haue greatly abused, & do what they list themselues both against his will and the Quéenes: eut̄ as also they haue done oftentimes heretofore, when they were put in authoritie to gouerne. The which iniuries done to them, if they would remember, they must néedes think themselues much bound to the prouidence of god, which hath safely preserued them from the counsels and prac­tises of the Guises. To be short, I sée no other way for the safegarde of the king and Queen, than for the Guises to depart from the Court home to their howse, and for the Quéene hir self to recouer hir former libertie. For, truly, I will not thinke and beléeue that they are to bée trusted, so long as they kéepe themselues in armes, & doo retayne those bandes of men which they haue gathered vnto thē: yea I my self am plainly taught to take héedby their promises heretofore. For what mischief is it not, that they séeke to worke against me, and those also that are with me? They openly reuile vs as rebelles & open enimies to the King and the realme: and doe thruste vs out of our offices: and also threaten death vnto vs. For who knoweth not what false rumors, and shamelesse re ports, they haue openly bruted abroad against me? Who séeth not the preparation of warres which they make a­gainst me, both within the kings dominions and also without? They conspire with foreyne Ambassadours to make warre, partly without the Quéenes knoweledge and consent, and partly by hir consent, which they ex­torte from hir through feare, abusing hir facilitie, ma­king hir beléeue that which they intende not. They set the King and encourage him agaynst his faythfull sub­iectes. They spende and waste the kings Treasure in warlyke affayres, which should be better bestowed to the paying of his debtes: So that the same whiche the people gaue to helpe their King withall, is nowe tour­ned [Page 63] to their destruction.

And to accomplish their wickednesse at the full they mind vtterly to destroye the greatest part of the Nobi­litie, which mislike of their wicked actes. The which certainely is nothing els but to bring the kyng and the Realme into present destruction. And in the middest of these their diuelish Counselles, am I in safe­tie?

For whereas it is sayd, that I do séeke my owne pri­uate commoditie more than the common wealth, that certainely cannot be rightly sayde of me, but more tru­ly a great deale of them which adde dayly to their olde wickednes new mischiefes: being so obstinate and wil­ful, that they had rather bring the kyng and the Realme in to this perill of warre, than for common quietnes sake, somewhat to relent. They say that they will not go home from the Kyng. What faythfull Subiecte would denie to obey his soueraine in this? To the auoy­ding the causes of such present and imminent euilles. For whereas they obstinately say, that it is not méete for them to depart from the Kyng in this his minority, they haue no reason for it. For the Quéene is sufficient inough to discharge that matter, specially whē as great and vrgent cause requireth the same. Let them remem­ber that they were aduaunced to their dignities, not to do all thinges after their owne mind, and contrary to the wils of the kyng and Quéene to bring the Realme into these daungers: but to the end they might kéepe the same in peace and concord, that is, to leaue it in that state, in the which it was before thei enterprised to take armoure. In putting on of the which, dare they say that they haue done according to their office? It is lawfull for no man truly in this Realme to put on Armour, ex­cept it be by the expresse commaundement of the kyng. It hath not bene lawfull at any time by the lawes of [Page 64] Fraunce in the dayes of those kynges that haue bene of lawfull age, for the kynges naturall bretherne, though they retourned from warre, to enter armed▪ into the Court. And haue they aucthoritie so to do in this time of the Kinges minoritie? But if they were the Kynges faithfull subiectes, séeing that by their comming in Ar­mour into the Court, the whole Realme is in a roare, they would for the peace & tranquillitie of the Realme, depart.

And séeing this is the only way to bring peace and concord, they, if they were good and faithfull subiectes, woulde shew themselues to haue more regard to the cōmon profite of all men, than to themselues. Although truly I my selfe am not only as they are an officer to the kyng, but also the Kinges néere kinsman, and ther­fore haue more right and authority to be with the king: yet notwithstanding I, which was not the first that put my self in Armour, for the common wealthes sake, do protest and promise that I with all that are with me, will depart euery man to his house: vppon condition that they will do the like. To the which condition except they graunt, all men may sée, that it is not I, but they which prefer their owne gaine before the common wealth.

But and if they cannot be satisfied with these rea­sons, let them also search for examples: let them call to mind what hath ben alwayes wont to be done hither­to in these matters: and they shall find that the Kynges aforetime of Fraunce haue vsed this meane, that when controuersies haue fallen out betwéene their Princes, and that both partes had put themselues in Armes by their priuate aucthoritie, to giue commaundement vn­to them to vnarme themselues, and to go home to their houses: and afterward to make them answere to the same.

[Page 65]But admit that they had aucthority to abide stil with the Kyng, against right, and all approued customes, be­ing but his seruants only and to beset him round about with such souldiours as they haue gathered together by their priuate aucthoritie: yet notwithstāding it cānot be denied but that I haue great iniury, I (I say) which shoulde haue this prerogatiue before them, beinge the Kinges néere kinsman, and which haue not put on Ar­mour, but by them constrayned, only for this cause, to defend the Kyng, the Quéene, and my selfe from vio­lence: these thinges (I say) considered, I haue great in­iury except I haue leaue in like mauer for mée, & mine to be about the kyng: which are sworne as well as o­thers vnto him: and which I say and affirme are the Kynges faithfull subiectes and seruants, as they haue both shewed already, and also will shew hereafter: at what time they shall be commaunded by the kyng of Nauar, the kynges Deputie, to defend the kynges li­bertie, and the aucthority of the Quéene, and of the kyng of Nauar, being ready for the same to spende both their life and goods.

But and if they will not suffer the Quéene to vse that equallitie that she ought, let her not leane to the one part more than to the other (howbeit if she be more inclined to any part, she should rather be inclined to me being a Prince and the kynges néere kinsman) and let her vse her aucthoritie to remedy the mischtefe at hand otherwise than she hath done before: for no man wyll thinke that any thing hath ben done by her consent, sée­ing that shée is of such wisedome, and so carefull for the preseruation of the kyng her Sonnes dignitie, that she woulde not bée negligent to do her dutie in a matter of so great waight. But there is no doubt, but that which shée did, was for feare of them, which hauing hir in holde, pulled her from doing of her dutie. [Page 66] When as also it is manifest that the King is broughte to that state that he is constrained to graunte manye things against his will. To proue this thing, their chu­sing of new Counsellers shall serue: whom they ther­fore chose, that vnder the pretence of a Counsell, the Quéene might be constrained to do what they wold by a more clenly way. For it is knowne in what order it was done, and in what estimation they nowe haue the Quéene: who deliverate and take counsell together by them selues a parte, and do conclude whatsoeuer they them selues do like of. They do many things by their owne priuate authority, and when they haue don, then they come to aske her minde and opinion. And what soeuer they them selues lust to haue done, they cause the high Courte of Parliament to confirme the same. And in very déede they preuatle more wyth those of the Parliament than the Quéene her selfe can. Finallye, who will deny, that it is necessarye at this time, to deli­uer the Quéene from feare of this violence, that shée may recouer her former authority: and so they to lay a­side their Armor, and to goe home to their houses, that all suspicion of violence being taken away, there maye be more quietnesse héereafter, and the perrils of great calamities auoided? For I and all that are wyth me he fully perswaded and bent, that except the matter be vp­rightly and indifferently handled, rather to abide the extremity, and to sèe the end, than that they which haue vsurped to them selues power, against all law & right, to the great hurt and detrement of the Kings subiectes hitherto, and also as yet going about to worke their vt­ter destruction, by so many horrible murthers cruelly committed against the kings Edicts, should still héere­after impudently procéede in their Insolencie.

And to take away all occasion of slaunder whych they may haue against me héereafter: wheras they say [Page 69] that the kings letters were taken away frō the kings Postes by my cōmaundement: I answere that I haue geuen contrary commaundement to those that attend vppon me, neither were there letters at any time ta­ken by them, which were sent eyther to the king, to the Quéene, or to the king of Nauar. This I confesse to be true, that there haue bene many letters taken which haue bene sent to diuers priuate persons: by which are to be séene an infinite number of sclaunders, false ru­mours, counselles, and practises against me: many thinges being quite contrary to those promises which they haue made vnto me concerning peace and con­corde.

But concerning the casting downe of the Images at Towers, and at Blais: I protest that I was very sory for the same: in so much that I signified to the kinges Officers which are in those places, that I would ayde and assist them, to punish those according to the kings lawes which should be found gilty in the fact. This is and may be an Argument of my will and meaninge, the which also I haue done, and doe as yet, at Orleans. Euery one of what state and condition so euer he be of, prayseth and commendeth the moderation and behaui­our of al those which are with me, which liue peaceably and quietly with the Townes men, without any ma­ner of offence, or breach in any poynt of the Edicte of Ianuary.

And as touching those which kéepe in hould certayn Cities: I affirme that they do it for no other cause, than to keepe those Cities for the vse of the Kinge, and not to suffer them to come into their handes, which abusing both the Kings name, and his Artillery, do séeke to get power for their owne priuate profite. For so sone as the Quéene shalbe restored to her former liberty, and into that state wherin she was within these thrée Mo­nethes, [Page 68] she shal wel perceiue and vnderstand that those Cities will shew all obedience to the Kinge and to her as they had euer done before: and will alwayes conti­nue in the same so faithfull, that in that point they will geue place to no Citie within the Kings dominion: no not to Paris, which of late hath gone about to cause this ciuill warre, spending great store of money to that end and all vnder pretence of Religion.

And nowe, I and mine are so farre from forgetting these thinges and buryinge them in silence (as we are wished to do) that we would rather haue thē to be chro­nicled for euer, to be written in Tables, and to be por­trayed in letters of Golde, and to be shrilly proclaymed throughout all Christian realmes, that they may sée our dutifull obedience and faithfull trust, shewed towardes our King greatly iniured in this his younge and tender yeres: and also that so notable an example of my cou­rage & concord with the rest of the Nobilitie of France, which haue ioyned our selues together with one hart & consent, to preserue the dignity of the kinge & Quéene, may be a memorial for euer in writing to y ^e posteritie.

I for my part, truly, do thinke, that I could not haue better occasion offered, to expresse my loue and duty to­wards the kinge, and to get vnto my selfe true honour and prayse than by this meanes: and fully I am perswa ded, that my King and Prince will consider my dutifull seruice which I now shew vnto him, when he commeth to that age that he is able to iudge hereof: and to weigh the sayth and truth of my good wil, shewed in such time of néede.

For these causes duly considered and weyed, I which haue sought al meanes and wayes to pace [...]y these trou­bles, which are like to bring destruction to the realme: & which haue offered and do offer still al reasonable cō ­ditions to be takē for the laying aside of armour on both [Page 69] parts, only vpon consideratiō of the king and Quéene, & of the cōmon welth, do protest again before the king & quéene, & before al the states of the realme, y ^t the whole fault and blame of all those calamities and mischéeues, which are like to ensue by the meanes of these warres, is to be attributed to those alone, whom I haue decla­red to be the causes of these perturbations & troubles: who refuse in the presente peryll of the destruction of the Realme, to departe from the Courte and the kinges Counsell: which their armor layd apart, would bring peace and concord. I do earnestly pray and beséech all the kings Courts and Parliaments, and all estates and degrées, to weigh and consider all thinges in due time: and to be diligent in doing of their duties, for the preseruation of the kinges dignity, and the authority & gouernement of the Quéene: that one day they may geue an accoūt of their doings (as I trust to do of mine) to the king, when he cometh to his lawful age, that they may rather haue praise & reward for their doings, than reproch & ignominy And not to forslow themselues, ei­ther for to satisfy their own desires, or for fear or fauor of those which seeke to colour their faultes. And to con­clude, I hartely pray and beséeth all the Kynges fayth­full subiectes to helpe, ayde, and assiste, me in this so good and iust a cause: callinge God to witnesse, that I, onely for the aduancement of Gods glory, for the set­ting of the Kynge and Quéene at theyr former liber­ty, whom I sée beséeged and inclosed about with theyr subiectes, for the mainteyninge of the Quéene in her authoritie, for the defendinge of the common wealth, and for the putting away of those iniuries offered to the Kinges subiectes, for these causes I say, I haue bene prouoked to put my selfe in armour, and to resist theyr violence: The which euen at this day I iudge and sée to bée so profitable, to bridle the outragious madnesse, that [Page 70] I trust hereafter God will blesse my labours, and will bringe the woorke which he hath put into my handes to so good effecte, and to so prosperous an ende, that his name shalbe glorified, our Kynges dignitie and Royal seate defended, and peace and tranquilitie main tayned.

This was the whole summe of this Protestation, which the Prynce of Conde sente to the Kinge and Quéene, by certayne Messengers, to whom he gaue commaundement to declare howe earnestly he deūred peace: for the which he woulde refuse no indifferente conditions. He wrote also to dyuers Princes that were his fréendes in the kingedome of Fraunce, and spe­cially to the Princes of Germany: whom he prayed to be meanes to make peace amonge them. He wrote also letters to the Emperour the fower and twenty day of May, to this effect.

In consideration of the singuler clemency, humani­ty, Letters of the prince of Conde to the Em­peroure. and wonderfull wisedome, which for diuers causes, I haue thought to be in you, I thought it my dutye (al­though to my great gréefe) to make you acquaynted with the state of Fraunce. ‘Know you therfore that the matter is come to this, that the Guises conspiring with the Constable, and the Martiall of S. Andrew, haue gotten the king into their hands, insomuch that they haue ta­ken away from him and frō the Quéene their liberty: and setting at naught the kinges Edictes, they do euen what they list themselues. And they haue already so be­goon their Practises and Counsailes, that if they may bring them to effect, ther is no doubt but that the kings dignitie, and the liberty of the kingdome of Fraunce wil quight be ouer throwne. But to the ende you may vn­derstand the whole matter, I sende here vnto you the trew and plain explication of al things, whych both the Guises and I my selfe haue done in this businesse. By [Page 71] which it may euidently appeare, that the Guises, are the conspiratours, and the breakers of the kings lawes and dignitie. But I to stay these troubles, & for the defence of my kinge, to whom I am bound, both by duty, and al­so by the bonde of nature, & also for the Realme, my na­tiue contrey, will spend all that I am able, and my life it selfe: And I alone will not do this, but a great manye more of the same mind. Wherfore I hūbly beséech you to waigh and consider the reasons of all my doings: the which if they seme iuste and good, be an ayde I pray you in these perillous times to the king and Quene, and to al the family of Valesia: and set to your helping hand for peace and concorde. In so doing your maiestie shall do a most godly acte.’

He sent letters also to the Countie Palatine called Letters sent to the prince of Palatine. Frederike, all most to the same effect, with both his wri­tings also in the which he declared the maner of his do­inges: and because he had alwaies wished al his actions to be knowen to all men, and to be iudged of those, that will vprightly consider of the same: he sayde he greatly desired that the truth of all thinges, might be faithfully and truly knowen to all men: to the end all those slaun­ders might be takē away, which his aduersaries, the authours of al the trouble, to his infamy, euery where co­lourably spred abrode.

Although therefore the truth nedeth no defence, and although he had both the testimony of a good conscience, and also a sure testimony of many men, for all his do­inges, to maintaine his cause, yit notwithstanding, he said, he thought good to signifi vnto him, with how great care & labour he had sought (as it became a faithful sub­iecte to do) to make peace and quietnesse. Where by hée trusted that he should sée, both his faithfulnes towardes the king, in the which he would alwaies abide: and also should marualle at the peruerse obstinacy of his ene­mies: [Page 72] which intend rather to cōfoūd & peruert al things than to forsake their ambitiouse desire to rule. There­fore hée sayd that hee wold write vnto him those things which he had great cause to lament, beséeching him, that for the loue and friendship which he bare to the King & the realm, he would helpe to further his purpose, which only tended to the working of peace and tranquillitie.

To the same effect also, he wrote two letters to the Duke of Sabaudia.

About the same time, there was a Synode of the refor­med churches of Fraunce, at Orleans: to the which there A Synode at Orleans. came diuers Ministers of Gods word, and certaine cho­sen men also of other churches. There was chosen, accor ding to custome, by the cōmon consent of the whole as­semblie: to moderate this Synode, Antonius Champd [...]us, minister of Gods word in the congregatiō of Paris, a mā of singular godlynes, learning, eloquence and modesty. This man was borne of a noble house, and being but a very yong man, be embraced and professed the doctrine of the Gospell, in so much, that hée was chosen by the church to the ministery of Gods word, the same church being but tender and yong, and beside that, much anoyed with affliction: & as he was chosen to this office, so was he no lesse diligent in the same: whereby hée became a most profitable mēber to the chuche but specially to the cōgregatiō of Paris, of y ^e which he was Superintēdent.

In this Synode there arose a great controuersie concer­ning ecclesiastiall discipline: which certaine light heads at that time began to discusse, seeking to maintayne the licentiousnesse of the common people. This controuecsy being at this time stayed, burst forth afterwarde more vehemently, and troubled many churches. And because the ciuill warres increased more & more, the Ministers by a common decrée, proclaymed publique prayers to be made in euery congregatiō, to turn away the wrath [Page 73] of God from the Realme, who was not without great cause displeased with the same. And they sent to euerye congregacion, letters, to this effect.

Al mē euidently sée what great troubles are at hand, Letters sēt from the Synod. like to fall vpon the Realme and the whole churche, for the which specially this mischief is prouided, Sathan & his soldiers, enuying the propagation and prosperity of the Gospell, and the peace which the same hath enioyed by the great goodnesse of God.

And do perceyue that the causes of those troubles are the iuste iudgements of God, punishing the sinnes of men, which reiect so notable a benefite, as the glad ty­dings of the gospel, the power of God to saluatiō, or else estéeme not so reuerently of the same as they ought.

Our sinnes therfore are the very causes of these calami ties, so that we must seriously séeke all that wée may too appease the iust wrath of God: but specially they, who vnder the name of the reformed Religion, liued very wickedly. But to such as doo truly and from the bottom of their hartes repent them, & study to liue in newnesse of life, the promises of God are effectuall and doo apper­tayne. Séeing therfore the matter is come to this point that all men maye plainly sée, that they which raise vp these troubles of warres, do séeke the ruine of the Gos­pel and of the church, and therfore do warre and fight a­gainst God himself: they must pluck vp their spirits, be of good courage, and certaynly perswaded that God will not fayle his seruaunts, whom he vouchsafeth so to ad­uaunce, that whereas thei haue deserued to be seuerely punished for their sinnes, they might be afflicted for the truthes sake, and for the glory of his name What haue the enemies left vndone, by which thei might extinguish the doctrine of the gospell? Yet notwithstanding it hath escaped, Sathan and the Romish Antichrist [...]etting & fuming in vayn. Therfore we must make this our cry, [Page 74] The Gospell is assaulted, the destruction of the church is sought, and open warre proclaymed against God. Therfore god will fight for him selfe and for his. There are also other causes [...] for beside y ^t their de [...]estable coun­seil to abolish the Church, all men knowe that they goe about to bring most gréenouse troubles vpon the realm, to the ende they themselues alone may gouerne. They haue arrogantly broken the Edict of Ianuary: they haue added cruelty to their impudent boldnesse: they haue put the Kings subiects to death in diuers places, vsing qui­etly the benefit of the Kings Edicts: and they haue hād­led them more cruelly, than euer were any forreyn eni­mies. What mischief hath not their vnbridled crueltye brought to passe? They came to the king being but yōg, to the Quéene a woman, and not able to resiste, armed with a band of men, and tooke them and caryed them, wil they nil they, whether they would. And hauing cap­tiued both their bodies and their willes, at their owne pleasure, they most impudently abused them, breakinge the Kings Edictes, and violating his dignitie. There­fore (say they) there are great causes why we shuld hope that God the author of humane societie, but specially y ^e preseruer of his church, will not suffer the vnbrideled force of those violent and cruell counsailes to procéede more outragiously than they doe: but will make hys Churche in the middest of all the trouble, the conque­rer. And we haue a new and manifest argument, beside those which haue appered heretofore, of this his good wil towards his seruants: in that hée hath in these dayes of his afflicted church, raysed vp the Prince of Conde to be a Patrone and defender of this cause, by miracle of hys diuine prouidence. For this cause, we must gyue harty thanks vnto God, the first and principall author of thys benefit, & we must looke for happy successe of his cause.

And because hée will vse this meane to preserue his [Page 75] church we for our partes, must be diligent, faithful, cou ragiouse, and constant: least we omitte good occasion to bring things to passe, being offered. Wee séeke the cōser uation of the Gospell and of the church, and for the be­fendinge of the libertie and dignitie of the King, of the Realme, and the whole common wealth.

Who will denie that these are iust and lawfull causes, to put on Armour, and specially for them to whom that authoritie appertaineth? It is méete and necessary ther fore (say they) that you and we to the vtmost of our pow er, and to the spending of our liues, do aid and assist the Prince of Conde, & the rest of the kings officers, which haue made a sollemne vow for the defence of the King, the Realme, and the Church: and to be very carefull to giue vnto the Prince of Conde, for this cause, money, fourniture, and all maner of warlike prouision when­soeuer he shall require the same. In so doing (they said) this thing should be so profitable for them all, that no­thing can be more necessary, the time being considered: And as they thought it to be their dutie, to admonish them of these things, séeing that now, the glory of God, the safetie of the Church, and the preseruation of hu­mane societie, was to be sought for: euen so (saye they) you must not delay the matter, being of so great waight by any maner of meanes. But forsomuch as all mans helpe is wholely vnprofitable and vaine, except wée haue first of all the helpe and ayd of God, the aucthor & reuenger of this cause: We must take héede that wée be diligent in calling vpon God, and that we professe the true Religion with holines of life, least in the mid­dest of these troubles of warres, the care of true godli­nesse be quight extinguished. The best weapons that may be had to fight against our enemies, is holines of life, and godly prayers. If these be wanting, our words shall runne through our owne sides. And because (saye [Page 76] they) we sée before our eyes such horrible calamities: we, following the approued custome of the Church, haue appoynted by a common decrée of all men, that in all congregations, their should be fasting and sollemne prayers for certaine dayes, which we admonish you to vse modestly, deuoutly, and godly: and also that God should be prayed vnto publiquely and priuatly, to send a happie successe of all these troubles, to the glory of his name, and to the peace and tranquillitie of his Church.

They wrote letters also in the name of the whole Letters to the Coun­tie Pallen­tine, from the Synod. Synode, to Frederike, County Pallentine at Rheine, whom the refourmed Churches of France had found alwayes in time of cruell persecution a fréend, and ready to helpe at néede. This was the coppie of their letters.

‘We are not ignorant, that the basenes of our con­dition is such, that we should not trouble you with our letters: but notwithstanding both the experience which we haue had of your singuler clemency and humanitie, and also the waight and sharpenes of our miseries and calamities, do constrayne vs in these our extremities to flée vnto you for ayd: séeing that of long time you haue professed the trueth, and haue had a singuler care to pro mote the glory of God, and to mayntaine and defende those which professe the trueth of the Gospeel in what place soeuer they are. First of all therfore we pray vn­to God omnipotent, and to the Father of our Lord Ie­sus Christ, which will haue Kings and Princes to bée Nourses of his Church, that he will vouchsafe to con­firme and strengthen your highnes, in true fortitude & constancy, by his holy spirit, which fortitude you haue hitherto aboundantly shewed, with great commendati­on, in setting forth and promooting the woord of God in your Churches. And we giue you most harty thankes for those benefites which we receyued of you within these few yeares oftentimes, intreating our kynges [Page 77] on the behalfe of our bretherne which were afflicted for the doctrine of Christ.’

‘And now we being gathered together of late out of all partes of the Realme, for a common Counsell or Synode, gladly call to mind the benefits which you haue shewed vppon vs: and so much the more willingly al­so, because at this time the truce being broken, by which we began to enioye the benefite of the Kinges Edict, we stand in great néede of your clemency. We foresée the great tempest, and calamities of our Churches like to ensue, the state of your Churches of Germany in that Ciuill warre, comming into our mind: the which trou­bles and calamities, being ended by God so happely, who hath promised without all doubt to helpe his ser­uants, there is no cause why we should feare. Notwith standing we cannot chuse but be very carefull for our flockes commited to our charge.’

‘But to make the matter more playne, because we know that ye vnderstand already our care by certaine Noble men, we will not be tedious vnto you. Thus much we ad concerning our Churches, namely, That there is such a conspiracy made against our Churches, that except God in his mercy do prouide for the same, there is like to ensue no lesse calamitie and confusion, than there hath happened long agoe, to the Orientall, Greeke, and Affrican Churches. For, to conclude the matter in few wordes, when the Duke of Guise, and they which haue conspired with him, perceyued that by the Edict of Ianuary, men had leaue fréely and openly to preach the Gospell, and that they were restrayned of crueltie, which till that time they had declared by all maner of punishments: many of the Kinges officers & Noble men imbracing the doctrine of the Gospell: they made a conspiracie with the enemies of the true Reli­gion, to kill in euery Citie the professors of the Gospel. [Page 78] Of which their conspiracy we haue had manifest argu­ments: First, by the horrible slaughter committed at Uassi it may appeare, and then by the cruell and bloudy murther of the men of Sens, the Bishoppricke wherof pertayned to y ^e Cardinall of Guise, so great slaughter of them being made, that for the space of fower dayes, there was such killing and steying, of men, women, & children, without any respect of person, that the only remembraunce therof, cannot but cause teares to bée shed: Yea, the dead bodies of such as were slayne, came swimming down the Riuer of Seine, to Paris requiring (as it were) their buriall, and complayning of this tira­nie, or rather calling for vengeanee of God, and man. And now, although we know it rather to be our dutie to pray for our enemies, and for those which do perse­cute vs, than to accuse them: yet notwithstanding, we trust that you will interprete to the best these com­plaints of our iust grief, & of our manifold calamities. And for so much as, those our aduersaries, to leaue no thing vndone that might be to our destruction, haue re­quired your Realme of Germany to ayd and assist them, we earnestly pray and beséech you, for the loue which you beare to the Church of Christ, that you will bend all your might, to withstand and put away this euill, least Germany imbracing the same truth of the Gospell which we do, be euill spoken of, for séeking to hurt and anoye vs. And we intreat your honour by the tender mercy of God, that you will vouchsafe to be a meane for vs to the King and Quéene, that there may be some consideration had of our Churches: and that you would helpe to mayntayne and defend, so iust a cause, the time requiring the same.’

Concerning the Letters which the Prince of Conde sent to the refourmed Churches of Fraunce, we haue spoken before: in the which he willed them, when they [Page 79] sawe warres to begin, to prepare themselues to the warre with a good courage. Whereuppon in many pla­ces they obeyed his commaundements, some prospe­ring very well in their affayres, othersome, not hauing so good successe. They fortefyed with men and munitiō, so much as they could the Cities. And after the inhabi­tants of Towers, of Blais and of Angewe, had so done al­so, the men of Poicters, did the like, and then the Nor­mans, which fortefied diners Cities, & tooke their chiefe Citie called Roane. But at Burdeux, and almost through Vasconia is Gascoyne. but Gascoyne, except in certaine meane townes, the faith full were molested, by Monsiere Monluce, the Lieu­tenant, who delt very cruelly with the faithfull euery where, but specially at Bourdeux. By the meanes of this Monsire Monluce, there was a great slaughter the slaugh ther of Tolosa. committed vppon the faithfull at Tholoz, and the rest of the multitude, which were many in number, and had escaped this gréeuous murther, brake out of the Citie, being a necessary place of refuge, both for them, and also for al the faithfull of the Countries therabout. The citie Montaubane in Langnedoc being taken by the Mont au­bon. faithfull townesmen therin, and fortefied with their garison, who, being oftentimes assaulted by the inha­bitants of Tholoz and M. Mōluce, and encountred with all also in playue battaile, with great courage and con­stancie defended themselues, and had good successe.

¶ Therfore in the prouince of Languedoc diuers things attempted, had diuers successe. In the Townes called Chatronouar, and Limos, many of the faythfull were slaine. The faithfull fled out of Narbon, being not able to withstand the power of Monsier de Iuoys the The actes of Narbon in general. Liuetenant: they fled also out of diuers townes about Towers, the inhabitants wherof are called Rheni. Castra Albiens a Noble Citie was taken by the faithfull, and many other cities néere adioyning to the same. Pezenac [Page 80] chum, a Citie, so called, yéelded also to the faithfull, but within a while after they were troubled againe. Also the Citie called Blitter, was taken and fortefied by the faithfull. Aijgnes also a Noble hauen lying vppon the Mediteran sea, was yéelded into the hands of the faith full. Monpellier, also a Citie very famous for Phisicke, and healing diseases, and very rich also for that it bor­dered vppon the sea, was fortefied by the faythfull. Al­so the faithfull tooke a very strong hold called S. Peters Castell, & thrust out a Bishop that kept the same, after which they got the whole Citie, the Ile, and the castel of Maguelon. The tooke also a towne called in old time Foss Marian, but now Aquae Mortuae, a noble hauen of the Mediteran Sea: but the Captayne thereof being slayne, through treason, the Papistes got the same a­gaine. Nemaux otherwise called Nimes Moreouer the faithfull tooke Nemaux a Citie very rich, and noble by the auncient monuments of the Romanes, and they tooke not only this, but the whole ter ritory thereabout. The whole territory also almost of Uiuar, and Seuenas yéelded to the Faithfull: with the Medowes on both sides the riuer called Roane, from Lions almost to Auinion, after the which, they tooke a very strong holde called Rochmor Castell, which after­wardes Auinion in Prouince. greatly anoyed the men of Auinion. Therfore, a great part of Narbon, which is called Languedoc, being very rich and replenished with stout and valiant soul­diers, yéelded to the faythfull.

On the other part, the Inhabitants of Dolphiny, being a great number which professed the reformed religion, made almost the whole prouince on their side, putting al such as were Papistes to silence. And herein they vsed the helpe of Baron des Adretz, who hauing with good successe done many valiant actes in those regions, with the very terrour of his fame and name, euen at the first quayled the mindes of the Papistes thereabouts. The [Page 81] Citie of Ualentia also was taken by the faithful, but not Valentia taken. without great perill In the which Citie there was one M. Mottecondrin, Deputie to the Duke of Guise, (who was gouernour of that prouince) a man of warre, and by the meanes of the Guises, a mortall enemie to the re­formed Religion. This man to withstand the faythful, gathered togither all the power hée was able to make: Mottecon­drinus slaine. and brought into the Citie new garrisons of soldiers, & apointed new watch and ward at euery gate of the Ci­tie, to the great terror of the faithfull Citizens, who per­ceyuing the present daunger, fled to the Churches that were reformed thereabouts, crauing their helpe & ayd. Wherevpon many came from Roman and Montill▪ noble citties, and from the hyther part of Viuaretz. And now when assault was made, the faithful of the ci­tie of Valencia got the gate, and whilest the souldiours of Mottecondrin made hast to withstand them, the fayth­ful rescued them on euery side: in so much that the Pa­pistes were constrayned to giue backe: And Mon­tecondrin himselfe, after he was come to his house from the tumult, was besieged, & at the length by fire, which was set to his house, constrayned to yéeld himselfe into his enemies hands. Then the Captaynes entered into communication with Mottecondrin. And while they were thus in talk togither a good while, the people stood wayting at the dores, and long looking when Mottecon­drin shoule be slayne: and at the last they threatened certaine of their captaynes which went about to saue his lyfe, that except they deliuered into their handes Mottecondrin, they would slay them. Uppon this, one Mongoni, a noble man came to Mottecondrin, & sayd vnto him: That which thou wentest about to bring vpon o­ther, thou shalt now taste of thy selfe, and shalt suffer punishe­ment for so many good men that haue ben slayne. And then vnarming him, he thrust his dagger into his side, and so [Page 82] slew Mottecondrin: and hoong the dead carcasse out of the window for the people to behold. And thus the faith full enioyed Valentia, and almoste all the chief Cities in Dolpheny, as Grenoble, Uienna, Romans, Montil, Crest, and others. It was reported that letters of the Duke of Guise were found among the writings of Mottecon­drin, in whiche hée gaue commaundement to kill the faythfull in euery Citie: and it was reported, that the fourth of May, was the day appointed for that murther the which rumour greatly stirred vp the mindes of the faithfull, they plainly vnderstanding whereabout their aduersaries the papistes went.

While these things were thus a working at Valen­cia, and throughout all Dolpheny, at Lyons also (as com­monly it commeth to passe in so great garboyles) diuers mens mindes were diuersly occupied. The papistes sée­med to excéede the faythfull both in strength, and also in nomber. Who notwithstanding, what with their own might, and what with the help of their neighbors, were not weake, and as touching their mindes and courage, they did no doubt far excell their enemies.

The Lieuetenant at that time of Lyons, was one Sal­tain, a Noble man being of quiet and modest dispositiō, Saltanus Liefetenāt of Lions. and was not altogither an enemie to the reformed Re­ligion: & yet hée was very carefull to maintayne peace, according to the prescript of the Kings Edictes. There­fore hée endeuoured himselfe all that hée might, to kéepe both partes and sortes of men in peace and concorde.

Neuerthelesse there came newes to the Elders of the reformed churches, that the destructiō of the church was euen now a working: certeine noble men papistes, that were of the Guises faction, intending to be at Lyons, by a certeyne daye, as Mottecondrin, Aches, Calmentius, Mongeronius: who were reported to haue gathered great armies of soldiours from euery place. Soldiours [Page 83] also were mustered at Lyons, Saltain not knowing thereof. Their conspiracy and purpose was, to remoue Saltain from the custody of the Citie, & then to destroye all the faithefull. Then came Mongeron to Lyons, and shewed to Saltain the kinges commaundement, that Saltain Liuetenāt of Lyon. hée should be ioyned with him in the custodie & gouern­ment of Lions. By whose comming the Papistes were not a litle cōforted. Wherevpon the faythfull thought, that in this extremitie, it was not good any longer to de­lay the time. According to their manner, they had Ser­mons in the suburbes: notwithstanding being carefull to defend thēselues, euen now of late, they had brought soldiours, & armour into the Citie. In the meane time newes was brought to Lyons of the tumult of Valentia, almost about that hower, in which the sturre was there made. Then wente Mongeron from Lyons: and by and by Fame reported, that Mottecondrin was slaine at Valentia.

Therefore the faithful thinking it best to behaue thē selues māly, they in y ^e night time, secretly placed diuers armed soldiers in sōdry places of the cōmon streates: & & at the length when thei had gotten the Townhouse, & had fortified euery place of the Citie, and had taken the Churches they came into Parley with the Brother hood of saint Jhons, which were fat and rich priestes, who had leaue giuen them to departe out of the Citie vnarmed. And so the faithfull had the City to themselues, placed certaine péeces of ordinaunce in diuers conuenient pla­ces, & fortified, the City. After those things, they came to Saltain the Liuetenaunt, and declared vnto him, that they had not done these thinges, eyther for contempt of the king or his magistrates: but to defend the Citye frō iniuries of open enemies, and to kepe it for the Kynge: obeyinge (as their dutye required) the commaunde­mēts of the Prince of Conde, to whom the conseruation [Page 84] of the king and Quéen appertayned: and therefore they willed him, according to his accustomed maner, to pro­ceed in the gouernmēt of the citie. But M. Saltain with­in a while after forsaking his office, got him home to his own house. And M. des Adretze, in the name of the Prince of Conde, tooke vpon him the gouernment of the Citie. And when consultacion was made by the Citi­zens what were best to be done, they agréed at the last vpon this: That there shuld be chosen out two thousand men of the reformed Religion to kéepe the Citie: and y ^t they should be payed their wages, both out of the com­mon treasury, and also out of Ecclesiasticall liuings. That no man should be indammaged or hurt for his re­ligion: but that it should be lawful for euery one to liue with his conscience to him selfe. Notwithstanding, that there should no Masses or other rytes and ceremonies be vsed, either within or without the citie. That there should be twelue of the chiefest of the reformed Religi­on, ioyned with the Consuls or Aldermen of the Citie. And that it should not be lawefull for the Aldermen of the citie to do any thing without their cōsent. And thus Lions came wholy into the handes and power of the faithfull. After this the people spoyled the popish chur­ches, brake the Images and pictures of saincts and other ornamentes belonging to the Masse. And it is reported that there were only thrée slaine in the winning of thys Lions wonne by the Pro­testants. so great a citie. Lyons being after this manner brought into the handes of the faithfull, they tooke also the grea­test part of Burgundy: Monsieur Tauuanes the Liefete­nant séeking in vaine to hinder and let them.

The newes of these things, thus prospering on the Protestants side, being spred throughout Fraunce, trou­bled the mynds of the Guises a new, and encouraged the Prince of Conde, and those of his syde to procéed in their purpose. Notwithstandinge the Prince of Conde was [Page 85] very sory that the men of Valentia had slayne M. Mot­tecondrin, The Prince of Conde sory for that Mo [...]: condrin was slayne and much discommended them for the same. Neyther did the Prince of Conde allowe the breakinge downe of Images, and the spoyling of other such super­stitions, the which notwithstanding hée him selfe could not staye when hée was at Orleans: the people crying e­uerywhere, that the Idolles which were the causes of all these troubles, ought not to be spared: and that séeing the defenders of them were so cruell, that they would not let to kill liuing men, is it not necessary then to o­uerthrow those false worshippes of Idols, that the Ido­latrers themselues mai see their punishments for their abominable wickednesse? And the people were not a little displeased with the Prince of Conde, for that he se­uerely forbad these things to be done. Therefore vpon a certayne small rumour of the throwing downe of I­dolles which were set vp in a certaine place in the sub­urbes, the fame thereof was by and by spred throughout the whole citie, in so much that all men ran to the chur­ches, some into one church, and some into an other, and made such a spoile of Images and other monuments of Idolatry, as thogh it had ben so appointed by the kings commaundement or by an Edict: this I saye, they dyd, notwithstanding that the seruauntes of the Prince of Conde did all that they could to staye them. And least y ^t the church called Holy Rood Church, which was more beautyful, should be thus serued and spoyled, the Prince of Conde commaunded certayne souldiours to garde the same: but they also shutting vnto thē the church doores, began to pull downe the Images and to deface the pic­tures. In the meane tyme the papistes being sorrowe­full, ran vp and downe the Citie & cryed, that the kings Edictes were broken. At the last the faythefull of the Churche of Orleans (where this broyle was) with much a do, obtayned leaue [...]f [...] [...]rince of Conde to haue [Page 86] sermons in the citie: yea & with importunate sute they went about to obtayne at the laste leaue to haue their Sermons in those Churches, in the which the Idoles were defaced.

But the Prince of Conde said, that his purpose was not to deface Idoles: but to see that nothing shoulde bée done contrary to the Edict of January, for the breaking wherof his aduersaries, he sayd, being giltie, were to be punished. But the common voyce notwithstanding of the people was this to him againe: Séeing, say they the aduersaries of the trueth haue first begoone to ex­tingnish the reformed Religion, and to persecute the professors thereof, why should we not destroy all false worship? And why should they deale coldly, which had taken vppon them the defence of the trueth, and of the liberty of the Realme, séeing that their aduersaries had proclaymed open warres against the truth, the Kyng & the Realme.

The affayres of the faythfull going forward as ye sée, diuers rumors of them in the meane tyme, being brought to the Court, the Duke of Guise, the Constable, Momorencius, and the Marshiall of Saint Andrew, to the end they might make it séeme a matter of enuy that they were charged to put themselues in Armour to kéepe the Kyng and Quéen captiues, (as might appéere by the Letters of the Prince of Conde which were spred abrode to that effect) they would haue all men, they sayd, to know that all thinges were done by the autho­ritie and will of the Kyng and Quéene, and that ther­fore they were falsely sclaundered. They offered ther­fore to the King and Quéene a Supplication to this ef­fect following.

TO THE intent it may appeare vnto you to the whole worlde, that we haue alwayes borne towardes you and towardes the kinges your auncetors of happy [Page 87] memory our soueraigne Lordes, a faythfull and louing A Supplica tion offe­red in the name of the T [...]ium­uiti. mind, and haue sought to the vtmost of our power the aduauncement of your dignities (for the mayntenance whereof next to the glory of God, we will spend our liues and all that we haue:) we pray and most humbly beséech you that ye will vnderstand our very purpose and meaninges, which we wholely and truely declare vnto you in this Supplication: to the end also we might declare the causes why we came vnto you, and why al­so we are with you as yet, and why we do thinke in our conscience that we ought not (in cōsideration of the offices cōmitted vnto vs) to depart from you, except we woulde incurre the daunger of perpetuall oprobry and shame both to vs and our posteritie, as carelesse and vn­trustie seruants to you, and as despisers of the glory of God, the safetie of the Kyng, and of the common peace and tranquillitie of the countrey: the which wée sée in most gréeuous perill at this time of ineuitable destruc­tion, vnlesse it be holpen in time by the only remedies of these Edictes, which we hope you will preferre, and which ought to be confirmed by all Parliaments, but specially by the Parliament or Court of Paris. The which remedies we propound here before your Maie­stie with all obedience, and reuerence, in manner and fourme following.

First we thinke it necessary, not only for our con­science sake, but specially for the conseruation of the Kynges dignitie, and for the defence of that othe, which the Kyng tooke at the time of his coronation, by which he bound him selfe to mayntaine the peace, tranquilli­tie, and safetie of the whole Realme: least the Lawe both of GOD and also of man should be confounded, (whereby the perturbation and vtter destruction of all Realmes, Kingdomes, and Monarchies, must néedes follow.) For these causes it is necessary, that the Kyng [Page 88] declare by and euerlasting Edict, that hee will not suf­fer hereafter diuersitie of Religion, and of Churches, diuers doctrines, and sundry fashions of administrati­ons of Sacraments, and of Ecclesiasticall rites, nor the Ministers of such, in his Realme, But that he would will and commaund one Catholike, Apostolique, and Romish church, which he and the Kyngs his Auncetors before him had receyued, to be retayned & kept through­out his whole Realme: forbidding all other assemblies or congregations to set forth and teach any thing to the contrary.

That all such as beare any office in this Ralme, as Iustices, Treasurers, or any other such like officer vn­der the King, be cōmaunded to imbrace and follow this only Religion, and openly to professe the same: and such as should denie or refuse so to do, by any maner of waye, to be depriued of their offices. Prouided notwith standing that for the same thei be indammaged neither in body nor in goods: so that they be found not to be the au [...]thors of troubles, of Seditions, and of forbidden as­semblies.

That all Prelates of what state or condition soeuer they be of, make the same confession of faith & of Reli­gion: and such as shall disobey this, to lose their spiritu­al promotions, and the profites therof to go to the kings treasury: or els to place fit men, ordinarily called, in their roomes. That all temples and churches through­out the Realme, which were violated, spoyled, broken downe, and defaced, to the dishonour of God, the con­tempt of the church, and of the king, and the manifest breaking of the wholsome lawes made both of late and also aforetime, should be reedefied, repayred & restored to y ^e former comlines & decēt beauty that it euer at any time had: & that y ^e breakers of the Kings Edicts shuld be punished according to the prescript of the kings Edicts. [Page 89] That all maner of men, what state or condition so euer they were of throughout the Realme, or what couler or pretence soeuer they had, should put of their armoure, except they had put on the same by the expres cōmaun­dement of the king of Nauar, the kinges visegerente of the whole Realme: and if any refuse so to do, that then they bee proclaymed and accompted of all men for Traitours, Rebels, & enemies to the king & the whole Realme. That it may be lawfull for the king of Nauar the kinges deputy, or for whom soeuer he shall appoint, to haue bandes of armed Soldiers for the orderinge of these things and such other like, which shal séeme mete for the conseruation of the king and quéene. That those Armies which were gathered togither at the Kinges cōmaundement for the causes afore sayd, may be main­tayned for certain monethes: in the which space there is great hope that there wil spring some frute of these re­medies, and that we shal sée publique peace. Other mat­ters and necessary Cautions for the workinge of thys peace, shalbe supplied and put in by the counsell & iudge ment of the highe courte of parliment in Paris. These things (without the which we must néedes looke for the destruction of the Realme) being thus ordered and ap­pointed, we are euery one of vs ready, not only to go home to our houses, if it so séeme good vnto you, but also to be banished for euer into the vttermost parte of the world: wée being fully perswaded that wée haue gyuen vnto God, to the king, to our countrey, and to our selues that honour, obedience, loue, & natural affection which wee owe vnto them, in so great perill and daunger, as is now: to auoyd the which wée are ready to spende our lyues, and whatsoeuer els wée haue in this world. The which, we signifie to you and to the king of Nauar, both to the end ye may be Iudges & witnesses to vs of these thinges, and also that ye may apply these conuenient re [Page 90] medies to those inconueniences. And wée testifie & pro­test before God and you, that we only séeke the safetye & peace of your dignities, and of the whole Realme. And we trust that all they which séeke the same, will gladly yéeld vnto the things contayned in this Supplication, which we wishe to take effect, for the duties sake which wée owe vnto God and you. This was the summe of their Supplication.

To which the King and Quéene made answer, that it was not their willes, that they should departe thence to any other place. Therefore, the same day they offe­red another supplication to the Quéene to this effect:

Beside those things which wée haue already offered to your Maiesties in writing, that ye might plainly vn­derstand that wée will submit our willes and opinions Another supplicatiō offered to the Kinge by the Guise and his. to your Iudgements: after we hearde that it was your pleasures, that we should not depart to any other place: wée thoght good to make this offer, namely, That if they which were at Orleans, laying asyde their armour, and yéelding vp to the King, the Cities and Townes which they had taken, would be sworne to shewe all obedience toward the King, as to their soueraigne Lorde, & would also obey the Kings Edictes which were al ready made, and shalbe made hereafter by our cōsent, and confirmed by the Senat of Paris, we would depart of our owne ac­corde. To the which, except they will graunt, wée can­not in consideration of our office depart from the King, except we would shew our selues to be carelesse in de­fending the King and the Realme, in so great necessity. But if they will yéeld vnto these conditions, we are rea­dy to get vs to our owne houses, and to obey the cōmaū ­dement of the King of Nauar. But we meane not here­by to seclude the Prince of Conde from the Kings com­pany, nay we wish rather that he were néere the King, and that he were sent for, to come from them with whō [Page 91] he is now linked, and to be daily with the King: trusting that so worthy a Prince will do nothing but that which shall become him to doo.

After that these supplications of the Guise and his fel­lowes, The Aun­swer of the Prince of Conde to the Sup­plications▪ came to the eares of the Prince of Cōde, he made answer vnto them, sending letters to the Quéene with his answer, beseeching hir that she would also diligently wey and consider his reasons, and that she would cause both his writing & his aduersaries also to bée kept for a memoriall for euer, y ^t both their actions might one day be shewed to the King. The aunswere which he made was to this effect: Although (saith he) I haue heretofore oftentimes declared, both by writing, and also by other meanes, why I haue put myself in armour, and vppon what condicions, I am ready to vnarme my self agayn, and to go to my house: yet notwithstanding I could ne­uer obtayne any thing at their handes, which haue the King and Quéene in hold, but threatnings & contumeli­ous wordes. So soone as I came hither, before they vn­derstood any thing of me, they sent letters, & such seuere & sharpe commaundmente, as though they had had to do with théeues, & the most wicked men aliue. But nowe, when they perceiue that I regarde not their impudent boasting & proud threates, & that thei cannot stay me frō my purpose, & also that I cōstātly perseuere in my law­full request, hauing no consideration of my selfe, but of the libertie of the King & Quéene, and of the peace and tranquillitie of the realme, they séeke to preuayle by o­ther subtil wayes. And this forsooth is their deuise, they haue offered a certayne supplication to the king, in the which they pretend al obedience, submission & reuerēce. But if a man read & mark the same well, he shall find it rather a Decrée than a Supplication. For it is a flat sen­tence and decrée made & concluded vpon by these thrée, namely by the Duke of Guise, the Constable Momorencie, [Page 92] and by the Martiall of S. Andrew: & with these also was the Popes Legate, & the seruants of straungers. But they which for six monthes ago, marked & noted al their doings, can testifie vpon what foundacions these conclu sions do stand, not vpon zeale of Religion and fayth: but rather vpon the fraude, deceypt, and ambition of those thrée: who séeing thēselues to be out of the court, were offended, not that thei had any iniurie offered them, but because they could neuer yet abyde that the Prince, be­ing of the kings bloud, should be about the king: percei­uing also that the Quéene rather sought the Kings pro­fite, and the peace and tranquillitie of the Realme, than to satisfie their willes: they began to ioyne ano asso­ciate themselues togyther, to recouer their former libertie againe, to rule and gouerne all thinges as they list themselues. And when they saw that they could not haue helpe of the Nobles, nor of the common sorte of people to bring their matters to passe (for y ^e they were iustly hated of them): they coloured their purpose wyth the pretence of Religion, hoping therby that the popish priests and those y ^t hoong vpon them, would ayde & assist them. And thus winning so many to take their parte as they could, and séeking to haue ayd by straungers of for reyne Nations, they minded to come to the kinge and Quéene in such battayle aray, that no man should once resist them. And to the end they might haue better hope to rule, thei tooke and kept the names of all those, whom they thought or suspected would be hurtfull vnto them, minding to kil some, to banish other some, and to spoyle and depriue many of their offices: And among the prin­cipall number, was Michael Hospital, the Kings Chaū ­celour, & diuers of the kinges counsell, and many other good men, set in authoritie and office vnder the Kinge. There were also already some placed in their roomes, which were eyther slaine or banished. And truely, they [Page 93] very well declared their iudgement of late, in chosinge those six, whom they appointed to be of the Kings coun­sel: the matter being so ridiculouse that the people made a game or ieste of that choyce. The Quéene was sent a­way to C [...]enoncellum, to busie hir selfe in gardening. The Prince Rochsurion, the kinges néere kinsman, be­ing a very wise and godly person, was called away frō the King: and in his place were set new Tutours, that he might neuer heare any mention made of God, or of any godlynesse, nor any thing else which appertained to good education, he being of himselfe of a good disposition, and well inclined: And that he might not bée taught to vnderstande his estate, which the Quéene his mother went about to instruct him in, teaching him to heare e­uery mans cause peaceably: to make much of his noble men: to estéeme the vse of armour for necessities sake: to looke to iudgement, to maintaine his people, & to be a gard to the afflicted, & to deliuer the oppressed: and aboue al things to beware least he retayned any suche persons about him, which vnder colour of frendship & humility, would take vpon him the kings office, & vse tyrannie a­gainst the kings subiectes. These things (I say) were taught him of the Quéen his mother: which these thrée Suppliants much mislike of, who would haue the King frame himself to their bent & disposition, as to daunce cunningly, to sit or ryde a great horse well, hansomly to carry a speare, to be a wātō louer, to loue another mans wife more than his owne, and (to be short) to bee igno­rant of all honesty & vertu. For they say, y ^e it is not méet for a King to be occupied and troubled with suche hard matters. But rather (say they) it is méete for a king, to shewe him selfe very seuere towards his subiectes that come vnto him: to enriche his housholde seruaunts, and to commit the gouernement of the Realme wholy vnto them: not to trouble himself in hearing mens causes, in [Page 94] reading letters, in setting too his hand and seale: (least their deceites which they vse vnder the coullour of his seale should be espied:) to fancy and fauour a few (which cōtend one with another who shalbe the greatest theef:) to be liberall only to a few, and to other some sparing & hard: and to dispoyle the people of their goods: to sell the offices of Judges for money to simple and vnlear­ned men: & last of all to fill the Court full of al vanities, and wickednes. I speake not these things vnaduisedly: the Quéene knoweth these things to be true as wel as I. These Suppliants therfore haue made a more per­nicious and hurtfull conspiracy to this Realme, than e­uer was that which Sylla, which Caesar, and which the Triumuiri made. And it had by this time caused much mischiefe to be done, if I my selfe had not with all my might withstode the same vnto this daye. I marueyle that they so impudently contend before the Quéene in wordes: and I doe wonder that the Quéene will hear­ken and agrée to their wordes, as though she had neuer heard any thing of their wicked counselles: the which truly playnly declareth that she is more than a captiue. And truly if she were not afeard to be stifeled or stran­geled in her bed, (which they haue threatned to her, as I appeale to her selfe if she may speake her conscience) she would not haue giuen her consent to their Suppli­cation: but would haue tolde them to their téeth, that their couetousnes and Ambition is the cause of all these troubles. Séeing therfore at this time the Quéene, in so great perill, cannot speake of the matter, as she would, nor restst those which abuse her w ^t feare, to bring their purpose to passe: I my selfe am constrayned to defend her aucthoritie and the Kinges also, to answere to their suppliant petitions, in the King and Quéenes name, of whose libertie I confesse my selfe to be a defender. And why should I not trust that God will prosper my inde­nours, [Page 95] and that good will which he hath giuen to mée, and the Kinges faythfull subiectes also, doing their duty in so honest and godly a cause?

1 First of all they begin with their titles of dignitie, séeking therby to get the more aucthoritie: and magni­ficently paynt forth the memory of their actiōs in time past: and would haue men to iudge of their minds and meanings, by these their actions.

Truly it is necessary that so glorious a beginning, shuld haue as euil & base an end set against it. And why so? They haue very well behaued themselues towards their Kinges (they say) in times past: is that sufficient not only to couer their faultes at this time, but also so to countenaunce them, that wicked actes shalbe taken for meritorious déedes?

If they haue done any thing profitable or worthy of commendation for their Kings (as they haue done no­thing so farre as I know) if they haue not in all this time receiued their deserued recompence, it doth not fol­lowe that they should so importunatly craue to bée re­compenced at this time, to the ruine and destruction of the King, and the Realme. But they thrée séeke so great ly for their profite, and are such carefull followers of gayne, that they would not tary so long before they would craue and receiue a reward for their deserts, if they euer deserued any thing. For probation wherof, what say you to this? That their profites and yerely re uenewes do amount aboue the summe of two hundred and fiftie thousand french Crownes, more than their patrimony, beside other helpes. On the contrary part, let them remember (if any of them will say that they haue not ben fully satisfied in all thinges) How many good and singular men, by their meanes, were cast in prison: how many Noble families haue ben, by them destroyed, in the raigne of Henry the second, and Fraun­ce [Page 96] the second: In so much that it may euidently appeare that they abused the fauour of those Kinges, not onely to the inriching of them selues, but also to the reuen­ging of their malicious mindes, to the ruine and de­struction of many. Wherefore if they will haue their mindes and counsayles (as they say) to bee examined, tried, and iudged by their actions in time past, go to then, and let them haue that triall and iudgement: and let them denie, if they can, whether their doinges haue not ben such, that they ought to be reproued and resi­sted, by all the Kynges true and faythfull subiects:

Further more they saye that the Kyng and the Realme are in great perill: and least they should fall into that meui­table destruction, they offer vnto him certayne sure remedies? but (say they) with all reuerence and obedience. If it should be demaunded of them what were the very cause of this destruction, and if they aunswered truly as their con­science beareth them witnesse, they must néedes im­pute the cause, and the whole blame hereof, vnto them­selues. For after the proclamation of the Edict of Ja­nuary, there was peace throughout all partes of the Realme.

Now if they will denie that they were not the di­sturbers and breakers of this peace, then they shall de­nie a thing so manifest that all men can giue testimo­nie against them. For in what state was the kyng­dome when the Duke of Guise, began warre and com­mitted horrible murther at Uassi? To what end were the conspiracies of the Constable and the Marshiall of Saint Andrewes? What ment the beastly barbarous rudenes, and rude barbarousnesse shewed at Paris? For where as they professe their reuerence and obedi­ence to the Kyng, how incredible séemeth that in the eares of all men?

Those thrée often times contemned the Quéenes com­maundements: [Page 97] as when the Quene commaunded thē to go to their Mannors, & Lordships: when by her com­maundement also in tyme ef perill, they were sent for to Monceaulx: is this to shewreuerence and obedience to the king and quéene? They came also contrary to the Quéenes commaundement to Paris, with an armye of men: and would not departe from thence, for any thing that the quene could do either by intreaty or otherwise. Whereas I my selfe to obey the quéenes commaunde­mentes went from Paris: they abyding in Paris at their pleasure, when they had made there al things sure, came to the king and quéene with an army of men, & brought them whether they would or no violentlye, from Fon­tainbleau, to Paris. I appeale to the conscience of the Quéene for testimony of these things, if shée may fréely speake. They were fully determined to rule all thinges at their owne pleasure. But this is their obedience to­ward the king which they shewe by the open breaking of the kinges Edictes: This is their loue toward theyr countrey, to destroy the which they thinke it not suffici­ent to arme thmselues and theirs, except also they cause the aunciente enemyes of the Realme to arme them­selues against the same.

3 They seke to haue a perpetual edict made for religiō: but to what end? Whē wée desired to haue the Edict of January kept, vntil the king came to sufficient age him selfe, they sayd it was a very vnlawfull, request: adding that the king might order change, amplify, and restrain the Edictes, when, and how it pleased him: and that we, in desiring that the same which was decréed by the king and his Counsell might be kept vntill he came to his full and ripe age, went about to make the king a bonde man, and to shut him vp as it were into prison, which would limitte his power and authoritye with these exceptions. They then saide. And now they go about to [Page 98] make that an euerlasting and irreuocable lawe, which they thrée themselues haue deuised and decréed. Truly, we may with better reason and truth conclude, that they go about to make the king a captiue and bon [...]man vnto them, not only in this his minoriti, but in his ma­iority also. Who séeth not their sondry and contrary de­uises? Who séeth not that they go aboute, not only to haue the king in their handes, and to rule him at theyr pleasure, but the whole Realme also? when as in a mat ter of so great waight and perillouse, they dare take vp­on them to determine & decre what they thēselues list.

Dyd euer those Triumuiri of Rome namely Au­gustus, Antonius, and Lepidus, which by their conspiracie peruerted the lawes and the common wealth of Rome, any thing more bould and presumptiouse? If they had ben moued by the loue of peace (as they say) and not by the outragiouse heate of sedition: if they had ben moued by zeale of Religion, and not by the force of ambition: they would not haue begon those their counsailes with force and murder: they would haue come reuerentlie and modestly: they would haue declared the causes whi they could not allow of the Edict of January: And they would haue intreated the kinge and quéene to consulte with their Coūsail for the remedeing of those troubles, to the glory of God, the dignity of the king, and the con­seruation of the Realme. And so they should haue decla­red that they were moued by zeale of their consciences. But while they go about these things, they sufficiently declare that they take Religion but for a colloure, to the end that they may draw away the Kinges subiectes to take their part: y ^t by their help, & by y ^e help of straūgers, they may bring al things to their rule. Can the Princes the kings kinsmen suffer this, that straūgers shal make lawes, & Edictes, to rule the king & the whole Realme?

4 They require to haue y ^e church of Rome, which they [Page 99] call Catholike and Apostolicall, to be alone through out the whole Realme: and that the vse and administration of the reformed religion should be forbidden. Let this be the Edict of the Duke of Guise, a straunger, of the Con­stable Momorentius, and of the Marshall of saint Andrew, the kinges seruauntes. Let their willes, mindes, and decrese, be set against the authority of y ^e kinges Edict, which the king, the quéene, the king of Nauar, the Prin­ces, the kinges kinsmen, the kinges Counsel, and forty chosen men out of euery court of the realm, haue made. Let them oppose, and set this their Edicte both against the decrées of the nobility, and the cominaltye, by their supplicatiō, which they offered to y ^e king first at Orleans, then at saint German, concerning the orderinge of Re­ligiō after this maner, & thē they must nedes acknow­ledge and confesse that their Edict, will be the cause of ciuil warres, and in tyme, the destruction of y ^e realme. But blinde Ambition carieth them out of the way, to bind the king and the Realme to them, (as they saye) by these merits. For this I affirme that the Duke of Guise and his brethren, can not deny, but that while they go a­bout to molest, & trouble those that are of the reformed Religion, what zeale soeuer they pretende, they brynge the Realme into greate perill. Let them remember what happened of late almost in the same counsel to thē in Scotland. There, both sortes of men, y ^t is to say, both papistes and Protestants, liued peaceably, & obedient­ly vnder the gouernement of the Quéene: vntill it was commaunded by the aucthority of the Guises, that no o­ther religion should be there receyued, then that which is of Rome. Then a certen smal nomber of men for this cause being raised, and appointed to battaile, by the wis­dome of the quene, and by the help of the Nobility, were easely put down again. The which thing ought to haue made the Guises, sease from their former purpose, for [Page 100] feare of greater trroubles, whiche would ensue by the meanes of those Edictes. But they on the contrary part more obstinately went forwarde with their purpose to hinder the reformed religion, writing sharp letters vn­to the Quéen, because shée shewed hirself so fauourable: and perswaded with hir, that it was necessary that the principal authours, and many of the Noble men, should be put to death. Therefore to bring that to passe in déed which they vttered in woordes, they sent an army of mē into Scotland with M. Brosseus, & the Bishop of Atniens. At whose comming most seuere Edictes were made cō ­cerning the obseruation of popish rytes, and comming to Masse. The Bishop said that he would soone cal those that were gone astray (as hée sayd) to the obedience of the Church of Rome: and monsieur Brosseus said, that hée would quickly within few dayes by force of armes put all the rebels to flight. And as cruelty hath always co­uetousnesse ioyned with it, they beheld & considered the landes and possessions of the noble men, and wrot to the Guises, that they could both make the people tributary, to pay vnto the Frenche king two hundred thousande Crownes, and also assigne to a thousand Noble men of France which should continually maintayne warre in Scotland, houses and land. The Guises hearinge of the which, were glad: but the Quéene & Osellus (a noble mā of Scotland) said vnto M. Brosseus, that the Scotts could not be so easely cōquered: who if they were cōstrayned, would craue helpe of straungees, which imbracinge the same Religion, would not desire to haue better occasion to banish the Popes Religion out of Scotland, whereby the Kings Royall estate should come in peril. But they refusing these admonitions of the Quéene & Osellus, said that the Quéene with hir facilitie and sufferance would marre all: and they called Osellus, foole and dastard. Ther fore these wise men so wrought, that the greatest parte [Page 101] of the nobility gathered vnto them an army of men, and within few dayes eyther slewe or put to flight the Pa­pistes and sacrifising priests: which if this had not ben, might haue liued peaceably. And thus thei which before would binde Beares, and which triumphed before the victory▪ did not only dishonour the Duke of Guise, but al­so lost the aucthoritie of the Church of Rome.

By this example the Guises ought to acknowledge their fault and to leaue of their enterprise, & also to haue no more in their mouthes these wordes: One of those two Religions must be banished the realme: and some muste needes giue place to other some. These proud words become not subiectes and seruaunts: but a king, of full and per­fect age. And whereas they would haue no religion but y ^e Romish religion established within the realme, which they go about to defende by force of armes, they bring the realme into great perill and daunger: And truly, it were a great deale better, to kéepe both partes in peace and concord, and to vse in stéede of blowes, woordes and writings, omitting all force, warres, & sheding of blood. The which peraduenture will so prouoke God, and his vengeance to fal, that the papists and priests thēselues, which might quietly enioye their offices & liuings, shal­be the first that shal féele the furour and madnesse of the people. To be short, the protection of the Suppliantes, cannot chuse but bring great trouble and garboyle vnto them. But, when they may be assured of this, that they néed not without they will themselues, be endāmaged, neyther in body, office, nor goods, haue they iust cause to complayne? except peraduēture they will say that they were carefull and sory for the losse of our soules. But what hath made them so sodenly so carefull, when as neyther any one Bishop, Curate, or popish priest, hath laboured or takē any maner of paines to that end? Sée­ing therfore we neuer intended to hurt any of thē, what [Page 102] néed was there to bring them into this contention, and to pretende the name of the Church? Is not this too set one against another? and to cause the people whiche be­fore could not abyde those priests, to hate thē the more? Was there euer a more sorowfull sight séene in thys Realme? Can there be any profit, benefite or good turn so great, that it maye make a sufficient mennes for so great destruction? Can the Popes pardones and Indul­gences restore the bloud that▪ is shed for this cause? These Suppliantes maye one day say vnto the Kinge, that they to defend that which no man gainsayed, and to preserue the Romish religion, which no man wente a­bout to hinder. haue lost, or went about to loose the one half of his nobilitie, and chiefest of his subiectes. Then, and that truely it shalbe obiected vnto them, that as by their fayned and dissembled opinions concerning Reli­gion, they had brought the Realme of Scotland into great perill of destruction, and caused much bloud too bée shed: euen so by the same opinions, counsayles and In­struments, great discord hath ben sowen in this realm: and▪ both sortes of men set togither (as it were) by the eares, in such sort, that they may iustly hereafter amōg all posterities be sayd, to be the authours and causes of all mischéeues and calamities which shall happen to the men, both of the reformed, & also of the Romish Religiō.

And, to cause more trouble, they would haue all the Kings officers, and all Ecclesiasticall persones, to pro­fesse the confession of their faith: and that such as should denie or refuse so to do, should be depriued, if they were temporall men of their offices, if they were priests, then to loose their benefices. For this is the other Edicte of those thrée Suppliants against the receyued & approued lawes of y ^e king. For there is no man that can remēber, neither hath it ben heard of, that any king, that hath ben heretofore, hathe constrayned hys true Subiectes to [Page 103] receiue any other confession of faith, than that which is in the Apostels Créede. Let that Lawmaker, by whose craftie and subtill witte these their supplications were made, bring forth but one only example. The which, truely, he cannot do, except hee will bring into this Realme the Inquisition of Spaine: the which by the iudgement of all other Nations is counted so wicked, that they all reiect the same. These are the very same trappes and snares, which they layd at Aurelias, (other­wise called, Orleans,) a little before the death of Kyng Fraunces the second, and which cannot chuse but bring the extreame ruine and destruction of the kyngs sub­iectes. For those Suppliants know that there are ten thousand Noble men, and a hundered thousand souldi­ours, which neither by authority nor by force, will for­sake that Religion which they haue receiued: and wyll not suffer the preaching of the woord, and the administration of the Sacraments according to the forme of Re­ligion which they professe, to be taken from them, and will defend themselues with the sword, against them which abuse the aucthoritie of the Kings name.

That great number cannot be ouercome and de­stroyed (which God forbid) without the anoyance and ruine of those that shall set vppon them.

And to conclude the matter briefely, I saye and af­firme in the name of the Noble men, Gentlemen, and of many others which are here with me, that this De­crée is made by thrée priuate men, which by their autho­ritie peruert the kynges Edictes and make no accompt of them, and to put their decrée in execution, before they made the Kyng and Quéene acquaynted with their do­inges, they put themselues in armour, and tooke them both captiue. I say and affirme that the same Decrée is against the lawes of this Realme, against all Christian order, against the State, against the Edict of January, [Page 104] which was only made for this cause & against the digni­tie & safetie of many of the kings subiects: whose ene­mies they openly shew themselues to be, & whose goods and life they séeke to take away, and all vnder the pre­tence of Religion & conscience. This decrée also, taketh away the liberty of going to a Counsaile, the which should haue ben considered by that subtill counsayler. For if it be decréed, that the same confession, which they call the confession of the Faith, shalbe receiued of all the inhabitants of this Realme, that is to say, if all men be constrained to receiue the Popes doctrine and ceremo­nies: this must néedes be a plaine sentence of condem­nation against the reformed church: neither is it then lawfull for our Ministers, or for the Ministers of for­reine Nations, imbracing the same doctrine, to go vnto a Counsaile: when as they, being not heard are condem ned. But before the Duke of Guise, and the Cardinall of Loraine his brother, bring forth the decrée, concerning y ^e confession of the Romish faith, let them renounce & de­nie many speciall poynts of the confession made at Aus­burge, which, when they were at Sauern, they said thei imbraced, & promised to one of the Princes of Germany, that they would cause them to be obserued in Fraunce. It is néedfull also that the Cardinall of Loraine, should declare by open writing whether he do persist in that opinion, which sometime he said to the Quéene before a great many witnesses, concerning Transubstantiatiō, concerning the carying about of the Sacrament, concer ning Iustification, Inuocation of Saints, Purgatory, Images, and concerning many other speciall points al­so, of which he spake plainely against the iudgment of the Catholique and Apostolique church of Roome.

6▪ Furthermore in that supplication, straight after this, they call to mind the throwing downe of Images, & require, that the same Images be repayred, and the [Page 105] breakers of them be punished. But thervnto I make this answere: The punishments, wherwith I punish them, which brake downe Images, first in diuers pla­ces, & at the last in Orleans, shall witnesse before God, & men, that this misdemeanor of the rash multitude, al wayes displease me: both for that it was contrary to y ^e Edict of January, & also against the forme of y ^• League & othe taken of vs not long since. But if that deiection of Images deserueth any punishment, because any such fact is contrary to the kyngs Edict, what punishments then deserue they, which so greatly abuse the kinges name, that vnder the coullour therof, they cōmit great wickednesse, as may appere by the cōmitted murthers at Uassi, at Sens, at Paris, at Tholoz, and in many other places He that preferred this Supplication, shuld first of all haue considered and remembered himselfe, that it is read in no place, that a dead Image requireth ven­geance: but it is read, that the bloud of a slaine man, which is the liuely Image of God, cryeth and calleth for the vengeance of God, and doth at the last cause the same to fall vppon the bloudshedders.

7 Moreouer those Suppliants, or rather commaun­ders, require that they may vnarme themselues, which without the commaundement of the king of Nauar put on the same: and that they should be counted for Rebels and enemies to the King and the Realme. I would glad ly demaund of them, which thinke them selues so wise, and saye, that they séeke for the peace of the common wealth, if that be not the way to cut of all hope of con­cord, when they require that I, and they that are with me should be counted Rebelles and enemies to the king and the Realme? For they say not, Let them which wyll not put of their Armoure, but, which haue put on Armour, be accounted the Kinges enemies. They which poynt re­quireth another maner of aunswere than by writing. [Page 106] But I trustw ^tin these few daies to sée them, & to disput [...] w ^tithē by y ^e dynt of sword, whether it be méete for straū ­gers, & two such mē as they are, to iudge a Prince the kings néere kinsman, & y ^e chiefest part of y ^e Nobility of Fraūce to be rebels & enemies to y ^e king & the Realme. And let not them pretend y ^e name of y ^e king of Nauar, to whom they in the former kinges dayes were sworne enemies. They abased him all that they could, and cau­sed him to be little regarded of the king, hys right and dignity being suppressed in matters of great waighte. They cannot deny, but that of late dayes, when they went about to vsurp the gouernement of the Realme, by their meanes it was brought to passe, that whatsoe­uer the king of Nauar required, was denyed: al occasi­on to rule and gouerne, either in tyme of war, or peace, being taken from him: and to discharge their spitefull stomacks, in the dayes of king Fraunce lately disceased, they made him to be lesse estemed then a man of meane state and condition: being sent for to Orleans with thret­nings: and commaundement giuen to Noble men that they should not entertaine him at his cumminge: also Marshall Tremen béeinge sent with two armies one of horsemen another of foote men, was commaunded, to take and▪ spoyle all his Dominion, and to cal the straun­ger to the pray. And when thei saw that their deuise and purpose was let by the soden death of king Fraunces yet notwithstanding they sought by all meanes possible to be deliuered of him, and would haue kept him from ha­uing any authority to rule or gouerne. The Duke of Guise openly sayd, that he would not departe from the Court, neyther at the intreaty, nor yet at the commaun dement of the king of Nauar: The Marshall of S. An­drew, euen in middest of the kinges Counsaile said that be knew no other king or Quene. And now, they abuse the name of the king of Nauar, whō they haue so much [Page 107] abused heretofore, vnder the pretence wherof they seke the ruin and destruction of his owne naturall brother. And they go about to bring to passe, that whereas the kinge of Nauar, is now beloued of all the Nobilitye of Fraunce, he may here after be hated of al: that they at the length may spy [...]te out their venemouse hatred at the full vppon him. These are their practises, and herevnto tend all their deuises and Counsailes.

8 Whereas they require, that the king of Nauar wil bend all his force to bring these thinges to passe, they plainly euough, declare, eyther great impudency, or els an earnest desire to hinder peace and cōcord. For seinge they are fully determined to subdew all those of the re­formed Religion to their willes by force of armes, they should haue kept it close in secret to themselues, vntill we [...]ad bin vnarmed. But séeing they do so plainly de­clare vnto vs their meaning, wée will take héede that we be not circumuented, and beguiled: that is to say, we will not vnarme our selues, but vpon very sure con ditions, and cautions.

9 Furthermore they require that by the sentence and wisedome of the Senate of Paris, al other things might be added & supplied to the making of the Edict. Where­by they euideutly shewe in what estimation▪ they haue the Quéene, the king of Nauar, and the kings Counsell. But I maruaile wherfore they haue no regard of those wise and graue men, to vse their Counsell▪ whom they chose of late to be of the Kinges Counsaile▪ I doubt not but that ther are in the senate of Paris, good men, which are nothing inferiour to those of the Senate heretofore in vertue, in wisedome, and in religion. But those thrée Suppliantes, haue so handled the matter by bying and selling of offices, and by other vnlawfull meanes, y ^e the greater number of the Senate are subiect to the Guises, so that the voyce of the smaller number▪ quayleth. For [Page 108] probation, whereof we haue this: The Senat of Paris, refused to cōfirme that Edic [...] which was made at y ^t peti­tion of the thrée estates of the Realme, and sollemnely confirmed by all the Parliaments and Courtes of the Realme, notwithstanding that the kyng him selfe sent his letters and Messengers twise vnto them: but of late by the simple commaundement of the kynges Letters, another Edict, which is contrary to that former Edict in many thinges, was by them preferred without any maner of stay. This is the hope that we haue of their good and wholesome counsaile.

10 To be short, they adde this request, that the Cities might be yéelded vp againe to the kyng, and the Inha­bitants therof sworne a new vnto him. They woulde bring to passe & earnestly séek (as they did in the daies of kyng Fraunces y ^e second lately disceased) to perswade men that they are the kynges enemies, which cannot abide their tirany. The Duke of Guise and his brethe­ren should hold themselues content with this, that they haue once already vsed these subtill meanes to the of­fence of many good men: when as they pretented and abused the kyngs name to defend themselues agaynst their enemies.

If any man were of them suspected to be their ene­mie, [...]ither for that he had at any time spoken vnreue­rently of them, or for any other cause, he was cast by and by into prison, was reported to be an enemie to the kyng and to the Realme. And because those their subtil flightes haue once had good successe and haue bene by them abused to the destruction of many, if God had not prouided for the same, they wold now put them in prac tise againe: & although there is not one of those which taketh our part, which would not willingly spend & be­stowe all that he hath, & his life to, in the seruice of the kyng, yet notwithstanding they call [...]e Rebelles & the [Page 109] kynges enemies. There is I say, not one of vs, which would not most gladly, for the preseruation of our king, whom we alone & singularly loue, serue & reuerence as the only gift of God, spend & bestowe his life. There is none of vs which hath put him self in armour to requi­er any thing of the Quéen or of the king of Nauar. We require no other kyng whom we may acknowledge & reuerence as our liedge Lord & Soueraigne. Neither do wee require to haue him and his authoritye in our hands. We desire not to haue tributes, customes, taxes, & other payments due to him to be made, to be eased & diminished: nay on the contrary part, we not only haue not refused to beare any burthen that hath ben layed vp pon vs, but do also now of our owne accord promise vn­to the king to giue vnto him whatsoeuer he wil require so far forth as our goodes wil extend. The Cities which are blamed as Rebelles, haue not forsaken or changed their Soueraigne: they gladly acknowledge al obediēce to the kyng. They haue not put themselues in armoure against the King: such wickednes be farre from them: neither haue they sought by force to make the King and his authoritie subiect vnto them. But they & we haue put our selues in armour against the Guises, the Consta­ble, and the Marshiall of S. Andrew, & that with such discre tion & modesty, that we séeke neither their bloud, goods, nor offices. Therfore they which shall say that we haue put our selues in Armour against the kyng, shall impu­dently lie: or els those Suppliants attribute to them selues the kyngs name & dignitie. But they which shal counsell & perswade the king to giue vnto them his au­thority, souldiers, & money, although warre were enter prised against him, shal truly one day make an accōpt of those their coūselles: & shall declare who hath caused the king & the Realme to contend: & who also hath spent the kings money contrary to the lawes of the Realme.

[Page 110]And I trust it will so fall out that the goodes which they haue taken out of the Kings treasury to mayntain warres, wilbe one day repayed againe out of their sub­stance, both to the profite of the Kyng, and also to the ea­sing and disburthening of the people.

11 Last of all they protest that they are ready to goe home to their owne priuate houses, yea to the vtmost partes of the world, if néede should require: and to the end we should not be ignorant, they assigne the time of their departure, saying: When these thinges are fulfilled and brought to passe, that is to say: When the Edict of January by their priuate authoritie is openly broken: when the reformed Religion is wholy abrogated, with the preaching of the word of God and the administrati­on of Sacraments: when our consciences shalbe subiect to y ^e vexatiō of straunge doctrine: whē al they y ^t haue im braced the reformed Religiō shalbe put to silēce & made subiect to the furor & outragions madnes of their ene­mies: & being in daūger of their liues if they liue other­wise than they would haue them: and (to vse their owne wordes) if they shall liue without offence, that is to say, if they will come to Masse, and to other popish ceremo­nies, this they call to liue without offence. These are the conditions which we may looke for at their handes. This is their discréete counsaile.

¶ But let vs now procéede a little farther, and let my petition be ioyned and compared with theirs, which I now make, as followeth.

I require the obseruation of the Edict of January: they on the contrary part, would haue the same aboli­shed. They desire the subuersion & ruine of many No­ble families, and of others also: I desire that al y ^e kings subiects of what estte or condition soeuer they be of, should be in safty, & stil inioye their goodes & liuinges, and to be deliuered from all iniury violence, and oppres­sion. They goe about to kyll and destroye all those [Page 111] of the reformed Religion: I séeke to preserue them, vntill the Kyng shall come to ryper age to iudge and determine of the whole matter as shall séeme best vnto him: and in the meane time I desire that both parts may liue quietly: that the papistes may enioy their liuings & reuenewes with safety. They séeke to deale by open vi­olence, not caryng to begin ciuill warre, séeking by for­rayne ayd to destroy vs, spending the kings treasure to the destruction both of the king, and also of the realme, wherby we are constrayned to defend our selues. I ney­ther desire warres, neither do I spend the kinges trea­sure, neither do I séeke the helpe of straungers: nay I re fused them alwais hitherto, when they haue offered me their seruice, & so wil I doe still, except I be thereunto greatly constrayned by these authours of warres. I de­sire to haue armour put of on both partes, & do promise, that all those which are of my part shalbe obedient, and that loue and the reuerence which we owe to the king, shal more preuail with vs thā force of armes, for whose preseruation we are ready to spend all that we haue. They desire that we may be counted rebells and open enemies, our cause not heard: yea they séeke our bloud, our offices, our goods, and our consciences. We neyther séeke their bloud, their offices, their goods, nor their con­sciences. This only we séeke for at their hands, to whō wée will be bound, that they and wée will go home eue­ry man to his own house, according to the tenor of those conditions which we haue more copiously declared in y ^e Instrument which we sent to the King and Quéene con cerning this matter. Neyther can they complayne & say that they are hereby dishonored, séeing that we submit our selues to the same conditions. Our peticion is alike without any manner of inequalitie, we desire nothing but that which is indifferent for both partes: séeing that they thēselues came otherwise then they ought to haue come to the king: and were the causes of these troubles, [Page 112] by their vntimely vsurping of armour. And they haue violently assaulted so many good men, that although our petitions are not alike and so indifferent, yet notwith­standing it should be expedient for the peace & tranquil­litie of the realme, to haue rather regard & consideration of many men than of a few, least the whole kingdome for these causes be brought into peril of ciuill warres.

But, although there be no comparison betwéene these two peticions, séeing the one is iust and equal, but the o­ther vniust and violent, the one seeking warres & horri­ble murther, the other peace, and the generall profi [...]e of all men: yet notwithstanding the Quéene may iudge & determine of the whole matter. But and if shée cannot at this time fréely declare hir iudgement, eyther beinge stayed by violence, or else because shée will not for other causes offend them: yet notwithstanding this thing wée craue and request at her hands, séeing these times great ly requireth the same, namely: That their supplication and myne may be registred in the publike Commenta­ries of the Senate: That the Edict of Ianuary maye bée obserued: and that both partes laying asyde their wea­pons, may depart to their own houses, vntill the Kinge comming to ryper yeares, shalbe able to iudge and order the whole matter as it shall please him: or else till the Quéene with the aduise of hir counsaile shal determine of the same.

The remedie appertayneth to both partes, neither cā any man complaine that hée receyueth any preiudice: & it is so easy to be done, y ^e whosoeuer shall refuse y ^• same, cannot deny himself to be an enemy to the king and the realme. Neither can it be but that they shalbe iudged of all men to be in the blame, which refuse the remedye so easie to be had, for so great misery and calamitie lyke too ensue. It shalbe iudged also who is a traytour and an o­pen enemie to the king and the realme eyther he which [Page 113] willingly offereth to vnarme himselfe: or he which had rather destroy all, than restore the King agayne to hys former liberty.

But because ciuil warres haue alwayes euill successe, the soldiers minds and handes being not easie to bée re­strayned: I protest before God and men, that I put my self in armour, and prepare my soldiers to battaill with great grief of mind: and doe hartely desire that so great calamities and miseries as are like to come by these ci­uill warres might be auerted and appeased by my bloud only, if it might so please God. But bicause my reasona­ble request is reiected, and séeing my aduersaries wil be Iudges in this cause, I protest agayn that my only pur­pose and intent is, to restore the king and Quéene into their former liberty, and to bring the gouernement of y ^• kingdome to the Quéene, and to the king of Nauar: and to deliuer the greatest part of the people from the tyrā ­nie and oppression of such as haue vsurped the gouerne­ment of the realme. I haue no regard to my owne pri­uate commoditie or gayne in this cause. I am not led by ambition, by a desire to reuenge, or by couetousnesse, as knoweth the Lord, whose glory and truth I séeke to de­fende, with the dignitie of the King, and peace and tran­quillitie of the Realme.

While the matter was thus canuassed too and fro by writing, and the Guises with their compartners bearing only an outward shew to the Quéene of reuerence, and séeking notwithstanding daily more and more to rule & gouerne the realme themselues, the Quéen by hir effe­minat and timerouse nature, was very doubtful, being carefull for hir libertie & authoritie which shée had lost: and fearing also the ambition of the Guises and his adhe­rents. And being afeard of their great power, she stood in doubt whether she should incline to them, or leane to the Prince of Conde. Notwithstanding shée wrote often [Page 114] letters vnto him by faithfull messengers, and sometime she sent her mind by word of mouth, not daring to send by letters. Of some of y ^e which letters we haue here put downe the Coppies.

Whereas the Quéene complaineth in these letters, that shée is in great sorrowe and greefe, and noteth also many authours of troubles, she speaketh of the Guises, and his fellowes: whom notwithstanding shée durst not openly resiste, neyther yet take part with the Prince of Conde. And whereas shée sayeth that shée trusteth it wil shortly come to passe that shée shall sée him face to face, the occasion was this: when nothing went forward nei­ther by letters, nor yet by messengers sent from one to another, the Quene made peticion to the Prince of Con­de that he would come & talke with the King of Nauar, to the intent they might haue mutuall conference of the Commu­nication be twene the Quene the King of Nauar, and the Prince of Conde. whole matter, and might deuise some way for peace and concorde. The Prince of Conde yelded to the request: the place and time, for their meting was appointed: namely the first of Iune. At which tyme the Quéene, the Kynge of Nauar, and the Prince of Conde met togither, in the Region of Beausse, in the mid way betwéene Paris, and Orleans. At this their méeting they commoned of many thinges, of the which we will speake hereafter, as they were publiquely put downe in writinge by the Prince of Conde. The Quene durst not graunt any thing to the Prince of Conde, neither did the king of Nauar, his bro­ther, shew himself any whit tractable or frendly. Wher vpon they brake of and departed without any profite by their méeting and conference: their minds being therby [Page 116] not a little exasperated, and grudge raysed against one another. The Quéene and the Kyng of Nauar, plainely denied to the Prince of Conde the remouing of the Gui­ses and his adherents from the Court, and the obserua­tion of the Edicte of Ianuary, throughout the whole Realme: the which two thinges were the principall poyntes of the petition of the Prince of Conde.

Therfore the Prince of Conde, when he was retour­ned Letters of the Prince of Conde to the Queene. againe to Orleans, and had told the whole matter to his confederats, sent letters to the Quéene the xi. day of Iune, certifying her, ‘that according to her commaunde­ment he had declared the whole matter to all those that were his adherents, & had conferred with them concer­ning the finding out, and deuising wayes for peace and concord. Who, when they had wisely wayed and consi­dered all thinges, gaue their sentence thus: That there could be no firme or certaine wayes for peace & concord deuised, so long as the contrary part their enemies, be­set the King and her with souldiours; & ruled them both by violence: insomuch that not onely all hope to pacifie thinges is taken away therby, but also good occasion is offered vnto vs to feare, least all thinges wa [...]e much worse than they now be: séeing that they, vppon whom the Kyng and Quéene do wholely depend, do vnder the pretence of the Kings name & authoritie, séeke to work their willes, and do accuse men of those things whereof they themselues are most of all giltie. Therfore (sayth he) they earnestly desire of you, that you would not take it in euil part, if they abide in that their former p [...]rpose séeing they haue now put them selues in Armour to de­fend them selues from the force of those enemies, least in very déede they, which haue declared them selues to be enemies, should be also Iudges of the cause in con­trouersie. For it was neuer séene in any assembly that when any matter is obiected against many men, they [Page 117] should by absence not be [...] suffered to haue their cause to be iudged & examined. Is it méete that they shuld be ab­sent, specially at that time when matters of so great waight come in question, as when they are burthened to be enemies to the glory of God, to the Kinges liberty & authority, & also to the common peace? Wheras they ar maintainers therof, & their accusers of such enimies. Wherfore, they say, except they may be permitted to come in presence to cléere them selues of these crimes, there is no other waye to be looked for than by force of Armes.’

‘Also wheras you said, being first taught of those ene­mies, that it could not be that y ^e Edict of Ianuary should be obserued, the people being armed to break the same, it séemeth to them to be no lesse vnreasonable than the other. For what can be more vnreasonable than this, that the common sort of people should not only defend these opinions, without law to maintaine the same, but also being of all the Kynges subiectes the very rascall sort, should put on Armour both to breake the Kynges Edictes, and also to rule and gouerne the Kyng at their pleasure? Notwithstanding, this they know, that séeing that Edict was made and established by a notable and singular assembly of Noble, wise, and learned men, af­ter that matters on both partes were wisely considered of, the Nobillitie of Fraunce will not suffer themselues to haue such ignominy, neither yet straungers to break the Kings Edicts, & to make new Edicts at their owne pleasure. These things being of her wisely considered, she may iudge whether it be méete that the consciences of the kyngs faithfull subiects should be tyed to the wils of factious men, and of the outragious multitude: or what concord is to be hoped for of them, which tooke a­way all power of gouernement from the Quéene her selfe: and whether it be to be suffered that they shoulde [Page 118] haue the Kinges power at their commaundement any longer, which séeke to appresse those that defend and mayntaine the Kings authoritie and his lawes. Final­ly she may iudge whether it be more méete that they go home to their owne houses, or whether by their pre­sence, they bring the kyngs State into perill: the which all men sée they will sooner do, than they will loose on iot of their wills. The which notwithstanding he sayth he trusteth to let with the helpe of God the mayntainer & defender of all right. And to conclude, séeing there was no other way to bréede peace and concord, than for the Guises and his adherents to depart from the Court, hée prayed the Quéene, that she would bring the same to passe, the necessity of y ^e time, greatly requiring the same.’

¶ The fyfth Booke of Commentaries concerning the state of the common wealth, and Religion in Fraunce vnder the raigne of King Charles the ninth.

THESE petici­ons and admonitiōs of the Prince of Conde, to cōcorde tooke no place, but were lightly regarded: whereby the matter daylye waxed worse & worse. The quene could neyther retaine her authoritie, neyther did shée care at the length to haue the same. And whereas at the first shée was drawne a­way from the Prince of Conde, through feare, shée be­came now through effeminate rashnes, and inconstan­cy, a bitter enemye to him and his cause. The Kinge of Nauar, being vtterly blinded and bere [...]t of iudgement, was so inflamed with wrath, and greate indignation a­gainst his brother, and his adherents, & also against the reformed Churches, as though he had neuer heard any thing concerning the truth, neyther yet had had experi­ence of the mindes of the Guises.

Therfore he was wholely led and caried by the Gui­ses, whethersoeuer they would haue him: who, to make him more sure, on their side, ins [...]ared him with harlots, and with other intiseing vaine pleasures, in the which [Page 124] they perceiued the King of Nauar, to haue most delight. The begin­ning of ci­uill warres. He therefore fulfilling the minds of the Guises in euery point, stoutly thondred out the Kings authority against the Prince of Conde, and his fellowes. These were the first beginninges of this Ciuill warre: the kingedome and the Church of God being cast into great extremi­ties▪ So greatly may the subtil deuises of vngodly men disturbe the societie of the godly: vnlesse the prouidence of God do gouern the euent, and pronide a prosperouse ende, amiddest so great outrage.

There were certain letters brought in the kings name to the Prince of Conde & to his fellowes, the which pro­mised peace vnto them after a sort vpon these cōdicions, The condi­tions of peace offe­red by the king to the faithfull. namely: If the Prince of Conde and his fellowes, accor­ding to their former cōmaundement frō the king, wold out of hand vnarme themselues: and would yéeld vp in­to the Kings power their cities. The which if thei wold doo, the Guises, the Constable, & the Martial of S. Andrewe, promised (as they had also done before) that they would go home to their houses. Also, that the King of Nauar should haue at his commaundement all maner of Artil­lery, and should take and chuse out of the armye of the Prince of Conde, for the vse of the King and the realme, whatsoeuer séemed good vnto him. To these thinges if they would yéeld and graunt, the King would forgyue & pardon their offence in putting themselues in armour: and would leaue to euery man the frée vse of Religion, so that euery man should liue peaceably at home, with­out receyuing of any hurt for Religion. This was don the twelueth day of June, the Martial Vielle and the aarle Villarius, being sent with y ^e letters for this matter.

To these letters the Comparteners of the Prince of Conde made this aunswer. First, We render all hum­ble The petiti­ons of the faythfull. thanks to your Maiestie, for that you seeme to haue so great a care and cōsideration for our peace and safety: [Page 125] But whereas it is thought that the putting of our ar­mour, would be a great cause of the same, it séemeth too vs otherwise, for y ^t you stand in néed of our ayd against those which séeke the destruction of you, of your realme, and of your faithful subietces. For by these meanes we may séeke to restore your Maiestie and your mother too that liberty & authority which ye had, before the Duke of Guise came into the Court. It séemeth vnto vs at this time, y ^t neyther you nor your mother are at libertie, as may be perceyued by the effects. This we request, that the Edict of January may be generally obserued & kept throughout the Realme: that in certayne places in the which there is most daunger of sedition, the faithful mai haue leaue to haue their Temples within the Cities, that the Guises, the Constable, and the Marshiall of S. An­drew, may depart from the Court: and that they come not into the same agayn, nor haue any maner of gouern ment of the kingdom during the Kings minoritie. Also, that whatsoeuer hath ben done by the kings counsaile, from that time since the which the Guises haue kept the King and Quéen in their custody by force of armes, may be boyd and of none effect. Furthermore, wée request, that the Cardinall of Ferrar, a pr [...]uoker and mouer of warres, may forthwith depart the Realme, and spéede him to Rome: and that he certefie the Pope, that if hée will appoint a common counsell, either at Lions, Auini­on, or Bezance, they were ready by the Kinges leaue to come to that Counsell.

But whereas it is sayd that wée shall haue pardon for putting on armour, there séemeth to vs no cause why we should need any pardone. Since we haue not horne armour against the king but for the King: yea wée are sofarre f [...]om deseruing blame herefore, that wee ra­ther deserue all commendation, prayse, and rewarde: Which shall well appeare to the Kinge when hée com­meth [Page 126] to that rypenesse of yeares that he may iudge of our merites and well deseruing, vntill which time we desire that the writings of the Prince of Conde, and of the Triumuiri, might be registred in all the Courtes of Paris. Moreouer, it séemeth not necessary vnto vs that Triumuiri are these three, Gui­se, the Cō ­stable, and the Marshi all of Saint Andrew. any manner of artillerie should be taken awaye: onely it is necessary to bring to passe that the Triumuiri, which are the authours and causes of the war and these trou­bles, do lay asyde their armour: for wée desire nothinge more than peace. As for the Cities which we haue for­tified, we doe and will euer acknowledge them to be the Kings. And wée vtterly mislike that the Triumuiri sould bring into the Realme any forrain power.

Wherefore we desire not that the armies of forrein Princes be brought into the realm: but that they would only be suerties for the performance of the Condicions. Therefore we desire the Emperour, the Princes Electors, the Quéenes of England and Scotland, the King of Spaine, the common wealth of Vennize, and the Switzers, to giue their warrantise and suertiship for the performance of these condi [...]ions.

These thinges notwithstanding were attempted in vayne, mens myndes on both sydes béeing inflamed to warres. The Prince of Conde and those of his syde, tru­sted to the goodnesse of their cause, howbeit they sought all that they coulde for peace and concorde, althoughe both in number and also in courage, they farre excéeded their aduersaries, perswading themselues to haue the victorye. The Guises and hys fellowes, greatly lea­ned to the Kinges authoritie, and had in their custodye the Kinges treasure: So that what with their own sub­till practises, and what with the helpe of the Kinge of Nauar, they brought many things to passe. For y ^e kings name and authority carieth with it such a maiestie and reuerence throughout the whole Realme of Fraunce, as [Page 127] euer the name of a king hath done or may, in any King­dome: the subiectes hauing in them, a certaine naturall loue, as it were ingraffed. By which name how greatly the Guises, haue preuailed, experience hath taughte. The Guises also were holpen by the Spaniards, by the Italians, and by the Swizers, wh [...]se helpe the Guises required, e­uen whē they tooke their coūsaile first to begin warres. The Guises had also on their part the Citie of Paris, the Senate, the people, and many other great and mightie Cities: So that they were very strong on both partes, insomuch that all thinges considered, it was not easie to be di [...]erned which was the stronger part. At this first beginning the Prince of Conde & his part, were both in number and courage far surpassing the Guises: but the Guises and his adherents excéeded the other part in pol­licie and subtill sleightes. Notwithstanding God did so moderate and order the whole matter, least the victory one the on [...] part being to great, bothe the Kingdome should be brought to great calamitie, & also the Church to extreame ruine and destruction. Herein therfore moste miraculously appeared the great prouidence of God, in afflicting his seruantes, and yet notwithstan­ding sauing them from destruction: and in punishing the great outrage of the whole Kyngdome, and yet not vtterly ouerthrowing the same.

The Guises therfore perceiued that they must néedes stop and represse the proceedings of the Prince of Conde and his ad [...]erents, with whom they had not ben equall if they had ioyned battaile: and also intended to shift of the couragious forwardnes of the Prince of Condes Ar­m [...]e by subtill meanes, vntill they had the helpe of these Straungers whom they looked for: To bring y ^• which theyr purpose to passe, the vehement inclination of the Prince of Conde to peace, did greatly helpe them.

While the fa [...]hfull were in good hope one while to [Page 128] haue peace, another while to haue victory, by dayly ru­mors, and the Cities being more negligently kept than they were wont to be, certaine of them were lost: as Angeu and Caloniū, and others, the which were at the first counted but small losses: but afterwardes great losses, as the faithfull found.

Now séeing there ensued no frute of the communi­cation had betwéene the Prince of Conde, the Quéene, & the King of Nauar, (as we haue before declered) both Armies prepare themselues to take their iourney. The Army of the Guises was neither very great in number, nor yet furnished w ^t many expertsouldiers. Ther were certaine bands of souldiers footemen, gathered out frō among the rascall sort of people of Paris, which were so rawe that they were faine to be taught euen the first principles of Martiall feates: and among th [...]se were many popish Priestes, which had obtained leaue from the Pope & of the Bishoppes to go to the warre. And as for horsemen, they had scarse one whole army: ma­ny of the Noble Captaines being with the Prince of Conde.

The chiefest part of the Garisons of souldiers, which were appoynted to defend the strong holdes in diuers partes of the Realme, were called home to helpe the Guises: of the which a great number stale away secret­ly to the Prince of Conde.

The Armie of the Prince of Conde was the greater in number, the moste couragious, and the best ap­poynted. The greatest and most principall part of the Nobillitie being very well appoynted and furnished both with courage and armour, and a great multitude of souldiers comming vnto him from all partes of the Realme almost: y ^e which was deuided into thrée parts. The first part consisted of Uascones, of the which Mon­ure Grammuntiu [...] was general. The secōd of Oscitanes, [Page 129] & of the Inhabitants of Dolpheny, of whom Monsure Rohainus was Captaine. The third consisted of those Inhabitants of Fraūce, that are called Franci, in Latine, of which the Andelot was Captaine: who notwithstan ding was made the Captaine generall of all the foote­men. Concerning field péeces or great Goonnes, the e­nemie had great abundance, wherof the Prince of Con­de had small stoore: which either he had taken at Orle­ans, or els were cast of purpose for him.

The common Counsell and consent of all men was to go to Paris with all their power, being the chiefe Mee tropolitane Citie, and the head of their enemies, and to assault the same.

Notwithstanding, the Guises remoued their Armie from Paris: commaundement being first of all giuen by the Kyng of Nauar, that all those which professe the re­formed Religion, should depart out of the Citie with in three dayes. And then they came to Stapulas, towardes Orleans.

The Prince of Conde also remoued from Orleans, with all his Army, the twenty of June, to méete the e­nemie. Then sent the Quéene Letters to the Prince of Conde, intreating and perswading him to peace and cō ­cord, vppon indifferent and reasonable conditions. The Prince of Conde alwayes desiring peace, sent Letters back againe, & was contented to come to Parley. Wher­vpon truce was taken for sixe dayes. Then the King of Nauar wrote to his brother y ^e Prince of Conde more lo­uingly than he was wont to do, & desired of him to haue for himselfe and his familie only a Citie lying neare to the riuer Loyer, called, Bogencia, which Citie was kept with Garrisons of the Prince of Conde: the which he de­sired but vppon this condition, that if they did not con­clude vppon peace, he would yéelde it into his handes a­gaine. The Quéene also came into the army of the Gui­ses, [Page 130] & wrote to the Prince of Conde very louinge & frend­ly The Guises vnder the collour of peace seeke to deceiue the Prince of Conde. letters, desiringe him earnestly, to come and talke with her. By reason hereof it was commonly reported through out the whole army of the prince of Conde, that there should be peace: the Guises intending nothing lesse, but a farther mischi [...]fe, as the euent afterward decla­red. The Prince of Conde, in the tyme of the truce, tal­ked oftentimes with the Quéene, and with his Brother the King of Nauar.

Then the Prince of Conde, whē he had told his fellowes that the Quéene had promised him that the Guises and his adherentes should foorthwith depart to their owne houses, and vnarme themselues, vpon condition that he himselfe should come vnto her as a pleadge, for the con­firming of the peace that should be concluded, when I say he had reported these things to his fellowes, he cre­diting the same, perswaded his fellowes to giue him leaue to bring this thing to passe, that he might séeme, to leaue nothing vndone that might bréede peace and con­cord. To the which they graunted, making this request in maner and forme followinge.

Before the matter procede, let the Guises, the Consta­ble Momorentius, and the Marshall of saint Andrewe, departe home to their owne houses: immediatly after the which departing, we desire that the Prince of Conde may remaine and abide in the handes of the Quene, and of his Brother the king of Nauar, as a hostage & pleadge of our faith: promising with one consent, that we will gladly, and readily obey al things that shalbe commaun­ded vs to do, which concerne our obedience, and dutie to the kinge, the profite and commoditie of the Realme, and the conseruation of our liues and goodes: but speci­ally for the glory of God, and the libertie of our consci­ences.

Then was this request, which the adherentes of the [Page 131] Prince, of Conde had made, brought to the Quéene with letters: & o [...]t of hand, the same night, al to soone, it was subscribed by y ^e Prince of Conde & the rest of his frends, and solemnly also subscribed by the King of Nauar, and sealed with the Kings seale: and then it was sent backe again with letters, by which the Quéene and the King of Nauar declared y ^t thei liked very wel of the condiciōs. This returne was made the fower and twentye day of June, being the last day of the truce taken: at which time notable occasion was offered to the Prince of Con­de, to anoie, and gaule his enemies. The Guise go home to their houses, & the Prince of Conde became pledge.

Notwithstanding he attempted no maner of force, because of the letters that came in the meane time. The sixe and twenty day following, the Guises, the Constable, and the Marshall of Saint Andrew, departed from their Campes. And by & by word was brought to the Prince of Conde, that those thrée, accordinge to the forme of the peticion, were departed from their armie home to their houses. When the Prince of Conde vnderstoode this, he came to the King of Nauar, to Baugence, with a fewe on­ly attending vppon him.

Wherevppon he was brought through the middest of the host, in al the hast to a village called Talsiac, wher the Quéene aboade: and betwene Baugence, & that Uil­lage Talsiac, were placed certain Garrisons of soldiers. When he came to the Quéene, he was of her very lo­uingelye entertained, and had many faire promises made him: and by request easely obtayned leaue of her, that certain of his fellowes might come vnto that place: both to the end they might salute her, and also that they might conferre and talke togither concerninge concord The prac­tise of the Guises to take the Prince of Conde. and peace. In the meane tyme woord was brought to the frendes, and fellowes of the Prince of Conde, that the Guises, the Constale, and the Marshall of Saint An­drew, abode still at Chastellodune, which was not far dis­tant [Page 132] from Talsia where the Quéene and the Prince of Conde abode: and certaine letters also of the Dukeeof Guise to the Cardinall of Loraine his Brother, were ta­ken by the way, and brought to them: Of which let­ters this is the summe word for word as they were written.

I send vnto you this messenger in all hast possible, to certefie you that all thinges were yesterday finished. And They meane the Queene, and the Kyng of Nauar. know you this also for certaine, that many are blinded and deceiued very much. Our Mother, and her brother, sweare that they will not forsake vs: and that they will followe no other Counsell than the Counsayle of such whom you know. To be short, the reformed Religion, if we behaue our selues wisely (as we mean to do) will haue a fall: Ye and our Admirall shall haue euill successe. All our power remayneth still whole, but theires is broken and dispersed: our Cities are rendred vp againe, without any maner of mencion of preaching or of the admini­stration of Sacraments. This messenger which I send vn to you is trustie.

There came also to the hands of the Prince of Conde by y ^e meanes of one of the kyng of Nauars houshold ser­uaunts, a note in writing of the Duke of Guises, left with the Kyng of Nauar for a remembraunce: to this effect.

Let there be no obligation made for Religion: See that the pledge be kept in any wise: Concerning the ren­dering vp of the Cities, let there be no delay: Order the matter wisely: Suffer them in no wise to come any neerer to Orleans: Let vs be diligently certefied and admoni­shed of all things.

These forewarnings greatly troubled the Prince of Conde and his adherents: they sawe that he was fallen into the handes of his enemies: so that there was great daunger on euery side. Notwithstanding his friendes thinking it not good to delay the matter, and to suffer y ^e [Page 133] Prince to be in perill, when they had giuen the Cap­taines charge to be vigilant, and to haue their souldiers in a redines, came to the Queene. The principall wher­of The nobles of the Prince of Cōdes side wēt to the Queene. were these, the Admirall, the Andelot, Monsuer Por­cia, Monsuer Rochfocald, Monsuer Rohan, Monsuer Genluis, Monsuer Grammontius, Monsuer Soubizius, and Monsuer Piennius.

These saluted the Quéene, and were very louingly entertayned of her: She gaue vnto them thankes, for their great diligence and paines for her and the kynges prifite at that time: insomuch that she sayd they had pre serued her life and the kyngs: y ^e which their merits de­seruing honour, & pryce, the sayd, she wold neuer or get.

Then they declared to the Quéene, with what fide­litie they had serued the Kyng with their body & goods, vnder the Prince of Conde: they shewed vnto her the e­quitie of their cause, which at that time was in contro­uersie: and their earnest care also which they had for The com­municatiō betweene the queene and the Nobles. the preseruation of the kynges dignitie, and the peace & profite of the whole Realme. Whereuppon they most hartely prayed and beséeched the Quéene, that they might not preferre the immaginations of a few men, before those things which appertayned to the glory of God, and the safetie of the Realme: For God (saye they) will defend euery good cause, and seuerely punish all kind of wickednes, which are committed against the Kyngs Edicts, abusing the Kinges name therunto. For himselfe also the Prince of Conde protested, that it sée­med very straūge vnto him, y ^t some shuld be had in such estimation, and no regard at all to be had of him, which was not only néere of kin to the king, whereas the o­ther were straungers, and but seruants to the kyng, but also had offered all maner of indifferent conditions and submission. Wherefore he sayd it was now high time to prouide some remidies to resist and repell those [Page 134] calamities at hand.

The Quéene being before instructed concerning e­uery thing what answere she should make, began, not to answere to those things which were spoken by the Prince of Conde, but to declare: That the number, pow­er, The queen denieth the vse of the reformed Religion. and authority of those was very great which follow­ed and imbraced the Church of Roome: and they haue the sword in their hands (sayth she) and are fully deter­mined to defend that Religion, which all former kings haue receiued and imbraced: so that they meane this shalbe the principall condition among the rest, for con­cord and peace: That there be no other Religion obserued & followed throughout the whole Realme, than the Catholique Religion of Roome.

But the Prince of Conde in y ^e name of y ^e rest, replied, that they did not plead their owne priuate cause: but whatsoeuer had ben done by them vntill that day, was done first for the defence of the kynges libertie and au­thoritie, and secondly for a common wealth: and here­vppon they put themselues in armour at the first by the Quéenes commaundement: for the which cause, they did not care if they spent their goods & liues, so that the kyngs Edict might be obserued and kept, wherby eue­ry man might haue leaue to vse the reformed Religiō, and the libertie of their conscience: without the benefite wherof, they thought them selues to be but dead.

Insomuch, that if they in whom so great a number of faithfull did repose their trust for the handling of these matters, should so much ouershoote themselues, and for­get their dutie, that they should agrée to those thinges which were so repugnant to the glory of God, and the common profite of all men, it could not be auoyded but that they should be counted of all men forsakers & con­temners of the glory of God, of the kings dignitie and [Page 135] safetie, & of the cōmon peace & tranquillity of y ^e realme. The which, rather then it should come to passe, shoulde cause them to forsake y ^e realm, before they would agrée to those so vniust and seuere conditions. And if their de­parture out of the realme, might remedy the matter, he beséeched the Quéene, that there might be no regarde or consideration had of them but of publike peace and qui­etnesse.

The Prince of Conde had oftētimes vsed these words: Let there be no consideration had of me, I would gladly bring to passe that by my exile the kingdome might be in peace, and the vse of the reformed Religion restored. And the Quéene euen of purpose had entised and prouoked the Prince of Conde, shée hauing the Triumuiri, hir Schoole maisters, to vse these wordes. Therefore, the Quéene hauing féete occasion offered hir, answered, That shée had alwayes the Prince of Conde and the rest in as great estimation, The queen woulde haue the Prince of Conde & his friends banished, as became hir. But for somuch as the matter was come to this point, that suche remedies must be vsed as shée wished not, to her great grief, yet notwithstanding, be­cause of the present necessitie, she said, she receiued that condition, namely, that they should forthwith depart the Realme, by whose absence the myndes of the Bishopps would be the better pacified, and so the Realme should be at peace and quietnes. And shée would (she said) make generally and particularly to euery man such assurance for their peace and safetie, as they could desire.

The Prince of Conde and his fellowes wonderinge greatly at these wordes of the Quéen, which they looked not for, said at the length, that they had respecte vnto o­thers as wel as to themselues, whose aduise thei would haue. But the Quéene prosecuted hir former talke say­ing, that so the common wealth should be greatly profi­ted: and there are some saith shée, that threaten to pro­long the kings minoritie, vntill hée come to the age of [Page 136] one and twenty, if so be néede should require to resiste their violēce, she was persuaded (she said) that the Prince of Conde and the rest of his friends, would come and help the King, although he were neuer so far of.

Thus they made an end for this day. And the Quéen came to Talsiac. The day following there came a Mes­senger betymes in the morning to the Prince of Conde, from the Quéene, with short letters, which made men­tion of the communication had the daye before, & of the concluding of the same: for the which cause she sayd shée would haue him come vnto hir. Then the Prince of Cō ­de and his fellowes, came to the Quéene: and when hée had talked with her a while, séeing that the time of hys aboad with her was not limited: and séeing also that hée could bring nothing to passe as he would, he prayed the Quéene that he and his fellowes might haue leaue to retourne back againe to their armie: for so much as also hée perceyued that those perleyings wanted not the accu­stomed treasons of his aduersaries. And thus y ^e Prince The Prince of Conde retourned to his army of Conde the same day retourned agayne to his armie: who very ioyfully receyued him, notwithstandinge the soldiers was almost displeased, that the Prince of Conde came into so great peril, with the common consent of all the Nobles: saying that those parleyes should be néede­full no more: and that the pollicie of the aduersaries, was not perceyued and seene, who go about to detract & delay the the tyme, to the end they may increase their power with forreyne helpe, to set vppon vs, whom they now feare. We for slow (say they) the aduantage when it is offered: Where we had rather suffer any extremi­ty, than to haue these delayes. Let vs set vpon the ene­mie, and contende no more with wordes, but with the dynte of sworde.

And in very déede, if the Prince of Conde had brought hys armie at the first to Paris, being so well appoynted, [Page 137] and of so great courage, there had ben great hope of vic­tory. But these delayes, through parleying, dyd both abate the number and also the courage of the soldiours: where as the enemie thereby greatly increased his power.

The Guises hearing of this, retourned with all spéed The Guises remoue their army frō Bogen­cia, & take Blesa, and Towers. to their hoaste, and were not a little gréeued that the Prince of Conde was so escaped their handes. And be­cause they thought it necessary, they remoued their host secretly in the night from Baugence, leauing there only certayne garrisons of Souldiours to defende the same. The day following they assaulted Blais, being a Noble Citie, which wanted sufficient power to defende the same, because the enemie came vnlooked for: This they tooke, and put a great number of men to the sworde. From thence they went to Towers, and sought to haue the same rendered vnto them: the which when they had taken by surrender, they spoyled: & horrible slaugh­ter was committed by the Papistes in the same towne agaynst the faythfull. Men and women without anye respect of age were drowned in the Riuer by shipfulls. And diuers also were beheaded.

These sodayne, and vnlooked for rumours, stayed the Prince of Conde: also the great and huge stoare of raine which fell in that Region, being of it selfe very déepe and foule, made the Prince of Conde to alter his purpose and to leaue following the enemie: For there was no ioyning of battayle by reason of the foulnesse and dyrti­nesse of the Countrey, the tyme rather seruing to assalt and besiege Cities. Wherefore, hée determined to re­serue his power, vntill better occasions were offered: The Prince of Conde returneth to Orleans with his▪ army. and so retourned to Orleans agayne with hys whole Armye.

About this tyme wel néere, the Aumal, brother to the Duke of Guise, assalted Roan in Normandie, and battered [Page 138] a very strong and well fenced Castell, commonly called the Castle of Saint Catherin, with great store of ordi­naunce: but he preuailed not, but had euill successe, the City being stoutly defended by the soldiers in the town, Moruilleirs a noble man, being their Captaine. There­fore the sixtéene day of the seege, the Duke Aumale with out his purpose, remoued his hoste from Rhoane, and Roan besie ged in vain by the Au­male. departed, with losse of a great nomber of his Soldiers at this séege.

At Lyons, and about the vtmost regions, as Dolpheny, Burgundy, and the prouince of Langres, the faithful were diuersly vered and troubled. In Burgundie, the losse of Chalon (which in old time was called Cabilo) was the oc­casion that many other Townes also were lost: Tauua­nies the vicegerent of that prouince, hauing alwaies, at euery occasion an armie ready and appointed to fighte. Matisco was kept and defended by the garrison of sol­diers of Lions, whose Captaine was Mombrun. This Mombrun. geuing to the Soldiers in the night a watch word or signe to depart, stale away by ship and lefte the City, and came to Lyons. Then Tauan, easely tooke the Citie of Matisco, being quite voide of defence. Herevp­pon all Burgundie, yéelded to the Pope.

In Prouince, which is a Region nere vnto the Medi­taran Sea, the faithfull were very euill intreated and murthered. Before the first motions of this Ciuil war, there was stirred vp a greuouse sedition, the chiefe au­thor and Captaine whereof was one Flacean, a despe­rate person, who had gotten vnto him a band of wicked and lewde men: the which sedition, notwithstandinge, was easely repressed by Monsuer Cursol, whō the King sent for the same purpose, and by the helpe of the refor­med churches, notwithstanding that Monsuer Somme­riue, the gouerners Sonne of Prouince, and many No­ble men, and diuers other in authority, for bicause of the [Page 139] Guises, assisted those lewde persones. Neuerthelesse, the Gouerner of Prouince, Counte de Tende of Sauoy, openly maintained the faithfull and being oftentymes assaul­ted by his Sonne, came in great peril of his life. Ther­fore Monsuer Sommeriue, so soone as he heard that warrs should begin, fortyfied the Cities of greatest trust, as Marseile, Aiigues, and others, gathered togither so great an armie as he could, and euery where euell intreated the faithfull. Thus the matter daily waxing woorse and woorse, and both partes being bent to battaile, the faith­full also gathered an Armie, with no small nomber of soldiers and captained▪ but they had small store of great goonnes, and of cities, out of which they were excluded by the subtil practises of the papistes. Their Captaines were these, Monsuer Cardet, Monsuer Bari, Monsuer Pa­nard, and Monsuer Mouans, a very good and expert cap­taine. These marching forth with their armies came to Pertus, and beséeged the same, and for want of greate goonnes, they intended to vndermind the citie. Notwith standing when they heard of the comming of their ene­mies, which in dede were mani mo in nomber, they rai­sed their séege, and came to Cesteron, which at that time they themselues possessed. But while Monsuer Somme­riue, intended to follow and pursue them, behold hée got a new occasion to commit great wickednesse. There was at Auinion (which was a towne belonging to the Popes iurisdiction or territory, and of great wealth) a certain man called Fabricius Cerbello of Bononia, béeing Gouernour of the same towne, expert in the warres, & the Bishop of Romes Nephew, and a mortall enimye to the reformed religion. This man intreated Monsuer Sommeriue by his letters, that, for so much as he had al­ready an army prepared, he would come out of hand to Orenge (which is a Noble citie, and the Lordship or seig­norie of the house of Nassau) to the whiche there came [Page 140] dayly a great multitude of Huguenotes, who vnlesse they were oppressed euen at the very first, not only Auinion, which bordered vpon the same, should be endammaged, but also all Prouence, should thereby receiue great detri­ment. Therefore by this mans aduise and counsel▪ Mon sieur Sommeriue marched with his armie toward Orenge, and had this occasion offered vnto him, easely to assault the same.

Monsieur Parpalia of Auinion, Lord chief Iustice of the Parliament of Orenge, returning from Lions, was taken at Bourg, which is a towne in Languedoc, néere vn Orenge as­saulted & takē by the papistes. to the riuer called the Rosne, the inhabitants of the same towne being sworne enemies to the reformed religiō. Therefore, to deliuer and redéeme this Parpalia, the in­habitants of Orenge, and the borderers thereabouts, lea­uing a small garrison to kéepe the Citie, came in battail array to Bourg. Whereupon the army of Monsieur So­meriue, being ayded with many of Dolpheny and Auiniō, whose Captain was Monsieur Suze, a notable enemy to the reformed Religion, besieged the Citie of Orenge, be­ing voyd of men to defend the same: battered the walles thereof with ordinance, the which being shaken downe, they easely obtayned the Citie. After the taking wher­of the furiouse and outragiouse soldier, exercised al ma­ner of crueltie vpon the poore inhabitantes. For besyde the accustomed cruelty vsed in warres, and at the ray­sing & ouerthrowing of cities, as rapines, forcing of wo­men, & the deflowring of virgins, they vsed a new kind of torture▪ as by casting downe the prisoners frō Tur­rets & other high places, the soldiers in the meane time watching the fall, that they might receyue them vppon the toppes of their speares, and points of their swoords. They vsed also to hange vp men with their héeles vp­ward, boaring holes through their féete for the thouges and tye ropes to hold by. And after this they burnt and [Page 141] destroyed the chiefest & principal buildings in the city.

The victorie being in this wise gotten, the army by and by marched to Cesteron, which we saide before the faithfull possessed: and determined to giue the assault vp­pon the Citie. Notwithstanding after certayne dayes, they hearing of the comming of the army of Monsieur Sorez and Mone [...]s, with other necessary aydes & helpes, thei raysed their sieg & departed without their purpose.

The losse and destructiō of the citie of Orenge brought great terrour and feare vpon all that Region, and vpon the Inhabitants there abouts: but especially to all Dol­pheny: Monsieur de Suze (of whom mencion is made be­fore) abyding still also about that Region after the de­parture of Monsieur Sommeriue, with a prepared army, playing the mortall enemie, and was of great might & The army of Suze in Dolpheny greatly an­oyed the faithfull. power, both by the helpe of the inhabitants of the same countrey, of whom he had gathered togither a great ar­my by his own authoritie and also by the ayde of Mon­sieur Fabricius, gouernour of Auinion. Where vppon hée tooke the Cities bordering thereabouts, some yéelding vp themselues without assault, and some being cōssray­ned thereunto by siege, as Pierlot, Mornac, and diuers o­ther little townes. (All the villages in that Region are walled round about, because of their often and accusto­med warres) and in the territorie of Auinion, (whiche men call the Countye of Venais) being a very frutefull soyle, he wan many little Townes. For in that Coun­tye the faithfull held many of them.

And if hée had marched with his army toward Dolphe­ny, he had woon with litle ado, diuers Cities, being slen­derly fortefied: all men quaking for feare, and the cities almost being quite voyd of men to defende themselues. For at that time the faythefull were gone to winne the citie of Puj, in the Region of Vellay. Notwithstanding at Lions was M. Adretze, at y ^t instāt gouerner of the city.

[Page 142]This man by his singular diligence and indeuour, hauing gathered together from diuers places an Army of men, came from Lions to Montiil, a noble Citie of Dolpheny: at whose commaundement suldiers came to him frō diuers places. For at that time his name was of such authority throughout all those Regions, that he might rule and gouerne as he listed himselfe, al those places in the which the faithfull abode, as the Prouin­ces of Lions, Dolpheny, and Languedos. Monsuer de Suze hauing gotten a great Armie, went to besiege the City of Vauriac in the Countie of Venais, but being the more bold by reason of the successe that he had at Orenge, hee was carelesse and rechlesse in his busines. Therfore hée incamped him selfe néere vnto the Citie, and willed the Citizens to yeeld vp the same vnto him. In the meane time, the souldiour being carelesse talked of the spoyle, and of the pray, assuring himselfe of the same: and the Captaines euen as if they already had gotten the victo­ry, began to deuide the spoyle among them selues. Also Monsuer de Suze him selfe, sate wholely vnarmed in his tent playing at the Dyce after hee had dyned, and boasted and triumphed greatly of the praye before the victory. And when the Scouts of the Army cryed out that the enemies were come, Monsuer de Suze made a iest and scorne of the matter, saying that they went a­bout in vaine to deliuer the citie out of their hand: not­withstanding he gaue commaundement to certaine vn­der captaynes which were with him, to make better enquiry what the matter was, and to commaund the souldiers to arme them selues. But hée in the meane time followed his play, till euery man began to crie, that the enemy which had ambushed themselues on the other side of the hyll, which lay betwéene them, was come. Therfore at the length he arose, and commaun­ded the souldiers to set them selues in battayle araye: [Page 143] hée him selfe tooke vnto him his Armour: and had scarse­ly put on his brestplate, when euery man began to crie that the enemy had giuen the onset vpon the first froont of the battayle, which was now constrayned to retire and flée. He therfore in all hast, without his helme mounted on horsebacke, set the souldiers in their araye, ran vp and downe, and cried out like a mad man so that all were now on a roare, and at their wittes end. Yet neuerthelesse many of them stoode stoutly vnto the bat­taile, so that the sight began to wax fierce on both parts. Notwithstanding the faithfull being vnder the conduct and charge of Monsuer de Adretze preuayled, and flew a great number of their enemies. Then the souldiers of Monsuer de Suze turned their backes and fled before the faithfull. And Monsuer de Suze him selfe being beset with a certaine troupe of horsemen, escaped by flight, but very hardly. Thus when the faythfull had gotten the victory, with losse of a fewe of their souldiers, wher as on the enemies side two thousand were slaine, they tooke and caried away their tents and artillary. They tooke allso some of their enemies prisoners, and had it not ben that they wanted horsemen, fewe of them had escaped, the souldiers were so sore moued to wrath by the remembraunce of the destruction of Orenge.

After this, when Monsure de Adretze, had fortefied U [...]uriac (which hee had now valiantly defended to the ouerthrowe of the enemie) he went forward, and tooke diuers townes, which had yeelded them selues to Mon­suer de Suze: and then he came to Auinion, the souldi­ers The actes of Monsuer de Adretze in Dolphe­ny, and in the Coun­tie of Ve­nais. of Monsuer de Suze, fléeing from the same with all spéede.

There is a certaine towne in the County of Venais of no great fame, called Mornac, yet notwithstandinge by reason of the cituation of the same, and also of a Ca­stell belonging thereunto, it is very hard to be woone. [Page 144] This towne also Monsuer de Adretze obtayned: but the Castell, the Garrison of souldiers appoynted to kéepe the same by Monsuer de Suze, held, with two hundered townesmen also. Yet notwithstanding at the length, partly by force, and partly by surrender, he enioyed the Castell, vpon condition that the souldiers should escape with life. But so soone as he was come into the Castell, the men of Orenge which were in the Army, cried out saying that all those souldiers, which were dismist with life, were at the winning of Orenge, and many of them were noted to be great shewers of crueltie at that time. The Inhabitants of Mornac also shewed what iniu­ [...]ie they had done vnto them, and how they had broken thei [...] faith and promise after they had yéelded vp vnto them the citie. Then said Monsuer de Adretze: As they haue handeled others so let them bee handeled them­selues. Then were they caried into the Castell againe, from the top wherof, to requite the crueltie which they had shewed towardes the men of Orenge, they were cast downe headlong: The like execution was done at Pier­lat, when the souldiers of Monsuer de Adretze had taken a very strong holde that appertayned to the same. And from hence forth this kind of punishment was vsed eue ry where among the enemies. But while these men of whom we spake before, were cast downe bedlong from the Castell of Mornac, there happened a thing worthy to be remembred. One being cast downe from the Ca­stell, fell by the way by a wilde figge trée which grewe to the banke of the Castell, and caught hold of the same: the which when the lokers on sawe, they greatly won­dered. But some to cause him to fall shot at him: Not­withstanding by the earnest intreatie of certaine capi­taynes, Monsuer de Adretze graunted vnto him his life. This happened in the Moneth of Iuly. And thus the name of Monsuer de Adretze was a terrour to all those [Page 145] that dwelt there aboutes.

Now the Prince of Conde (as we sayd before) being retourned backe againe with his Army to Orleans, the Guises and his adherents hauing gotten Bla [...] and Tow­ers, and all that Region besides, shewed all the cruel­tie that they could against the faithfull.

The Marshall of S. Andrewe, went with some part The Mar­shiall of S. Andrew winneth Poictiers. of the Army to Poictiers: and the same being but slen­derly fortefied, he wan.

After the surrender whereof the souldiers shewed great extremitie, murthering, spoyling, rauishing, and carying away mens wiues.

There came also, into the host of the Guises great aid The Ger­manes and Swisers aid the Guises. from the Swisers, and shortly after that there came an Armie of footemen and horsemen of Germaynes vnder the conduct and charge of the Rheingraue, and the Roken­dolphe. Aud they looked for ayde out of Spaine, and Gas­coygne.

In the meane time, the Guises vsed other meanes and wayes to helpe and defend themselues. For by the The decree of the Se­nate of Pa­ris, against the men of Orleans. decrée and ordinance of the Senate of Paris, they which had put them selues in Armoure at Orleans, were pro­claymed to haue put on the same against the Kyng and the Realme, and that therfore they were Rebelles, and giltie of Treason, and ought to die, and to haue open warre pronounced against them. Also that they ought to be depriued of such dignities as they enioyed by the Kyng.

Furthermore that they should be made an open shame and a perpetuall ignominie that neither they themselues, nor any of their posterity euer after might beare any publique office vnder the King. And last of al that their goods should be confiscate to y ^e King. But they excepted the Prince of Conde, as though he had bin con­strained to do that which he had done against his will. [Page 146] In like maner the Guises, sendinge letters to all places but especially into Germany, openly accused the Prince of Conde and his adherents, to be the authors and de [...]ē ­ders of newe and monstrouse opinions: that by this meanes they might make the Germanes, whose helpe both they and the Prince of Conde wanted, to take their parte.

The Prince of Conde was hindered many waies. For beside the greuouse sickenesse of the pestilence at A greeuous pestilence at O [...]leans. Orleans, which daily wasted his armie, his power was greatly also diminished by the losse of Cities, and by the increase of his enemies. Also by reason of the delaies of doubtfull thinges in chaunce, and by the threatnings of the enemie, which so triumphed of their good lucke at the first, & finally through the daunger of the pestilence, a greate nomber of his Soldiers went a side, and many quight forsooke him. Then were fastinges and prayers solemnly proclaimed to be in the Church, to the which the Prince of Conde came oftentimes in his owne per­son. He exhorted also his soldiers to be of good courage: and was very carefull for the preseruation of Orleans. and he sent Monsuer de Subize, a noble and wise man, to Lyons, to be Lifetenant of the same, because Monsuer de Adretze séemed to be to rash hardy, and aduenterouse in his doing [...]s.

And he sent letters oftentimes, willinge that there should be diligent héede and care had of Lyons, Dolpheny and Languedoc. Also because the enemies power dayly The Prince of Conde craueth helpe of the queene of England and of the Germane Princes. increased, by the meanes, of forreine aids, and because they were the more stout and bould vpon hope of newe aide, the Prince of Conde, sent Monsuer de Stuard a Scot with letters to the Quéene of England, requiringe at her handes ayde, in his owne name and in the name of his fellowes. And he wrote also diuers letters to the princes of Germainy, that were protestants, in the which [Page 147] he craued help at their hands the Andelot himselfe be ing sent for the same purpose the more spedily to bring the matter to passe. The helpers in this matter, were said to be the Lantgraue Hessus, the County Pallatine, and the Duke of Bipont.

About this time the Prince of Conde published a wri­tinge, by which he ment to put awaye those rumores which were spred abrode of him and of his frendes, by the Guises, as though they had bin the authors and defen­ders of new and monsterouse opinions. The libell pub­lished was to this effecte following. ‘Because (saieth he) we heare daily that our aduersaries accordinge to their accostomed maner oh lying, and maliciouse dealinge a­gainst vs, do in euery place slaunder, and speake euill of al our doinges, one while laying to our charge that we are Atheistes, and Anabaptistes: that by this meanes they might withdraw from vs their good willes & care, which séeke with vs to defend and mainetaine the true and pure worshippe of God, by the doctrine of the pro­phetes and Apostles: we thought good ouer & aboue the former declarations of our cause to propounde a briefe summe of our faith. By which faith we woorshippe and cal vpon the liuing God, in the name of his only Sonne our Lord and sauiour Iesus Christ: abiding in his feare & seruice, by the ministering of his woord and holy Sa­craments, that is to say by the institucion of Baptisme, and of his holy supper. To be short, we condescend to al the articles of the primitiue Church, as to the only rules of our saluation, being grounded vpon the bookes of y ^e Prophets & Apostles: as it is set forth more at large in the confession of our faith, confirmed with the whole consent of al the reformed churches within this realme: the copie whereof we send out into al forrain Nations, to take away those detestable and wicked sclaunders and lyes, by which the enemies both of God, and of thys [Page 148] our realm, being voyd of al shame, haue sought in their libelles & sealed letters, to sclaunder, backbyte and de­fame vs. Wherefore we humbly pray and beséeche all those that loue the pure and sincere doctrine of the Gos­pell, and which are the faithfull seruaunts of God, yea & we require them in the name of the liuing God, that they first of all set before their eyes the flowing strea­mes of innocent bloud that hath bene shed throughout this realme, crying both from heauen and from earth for vengeance. And we require all such that they helpe and ayde vs, and that they ioyne with vs in this cause, which is not our cause alone, but also the cause of all the faithfull, to represse and asswage their cruell tyrannie, which goe about to take from vs the perfect and frée li­bertie of our consciences, the benefit wherof was graū ­ted vnto vs, by our soueraign and leige Lord the Kings Maiestie, and by the consent of all the states of y ^e realm: we being perswaded that we linked togyther in one religion, and in one mind, the most mighty and eternal God, will stretch forth his gloriouse hande to saue hys Church, and will also blesse our labour and indeuour, to the glory of his, and to the inlarging of the kingdom of his sonne Iesus Christ: to whom with the father and the holy Ghost be all honor and glory world without end.’

The Prince of Conde also made answer to the Ordi­nance The aun­swer of the Prince of Conde & his friends to the De­cree of the Senat of Paris. and decrée of the Senat of Paris, by the which his Adherentes were condemned of treason: First of al re­fusing all those of the College, as the Iudges and Se­natours, to be men vnméete for this cause: and writing the causes of their appeale, he sent the same vnto them. Their answer was in manner and forme following.

About this time also, the Prince of Condes fellowes sent letters to the Emperour Ferdinande, to whom they declared their cause, and rendered a reason of all theyr dooings, and frustrated the rumors of their aduersaries: praying him that hee would be carefull to defende thys cause: and also that hée would call backe the Germanes, [Page 166] that were gone to helpe the Guises. And although (saye they) the reportes of the troubles which were in France were euery where spred abroad, and were come also to the Emperours eares by letters sent from both partes: yet notwithstandinge the Prince of Conde sent to the Emperoure, (whom he vnderstoode should come to an honorable assembly) the causes of all his actions, that y ^e Emperour himselfe might certefie the whole assembly of the same: seeing so great and waighty matters were obiected against him by his aduersaries: the Prince of Conde thinking that it became him, in a matter of so great waight, to shewe the causes of all his dooings to all men and to the Emperour himself, being of so highe calling, that he might leaue to the whole world euident testimony of his innocency. To bring the which matter to passe he may be glad that he hath gotten so good occa­sion, to craue helpe to be ayded in this iust cause, for the preseruation of the yong King of France, being of suche age that the same of itselfe requireth, and ought to ob­tayne helpe.

It is no new thing neyther wanteth it exāples, that Kyngs in their minoritie and infanc [...]e haue receyued the Kyngdome of Fraunce: as appeareth by the late times of Charles the sixt, and the eight, and of others. In whose time of minoritie we do not read that there was any contention about the gouernement of the Realme: because the Princes which were the Kynges kinsmen, left alwayes the gouernement of the Realme to thein, By the states ye must vn­derstand the Nobi­litie, the Clergy, & the Tempo [...]. which were elected and created by the States of the Realme of Fraunce, to whom the gouernement of the Realme was committed so long as the King cōtinuing in his minoritie, which was vntill he came to the age of fouretéene yeares.

The which order of gouernement in the Kyngs Ne­ [...]age, hath ben alwayes so approued, that Kyngs haue [Page 167] warely prouided in their Testaments, that if they should disceace before their Sonnes were come to their perfect age to gouerne the Realme, then the States should prouide for the same gouernement. The which doth sufficiently declare that this kind of gouernement, doth in no poynt deminish the Kynges aucthoritie or power (whom whosoeuer resisteth, resisteth the ordi­naunce of God,) but is rather necessary to preserue and defend them, so long as they are vnméete to take vppon them any such gouernement, through the defect and im­becillitie of Nature.

But when the Kyng shall come to the age of foure­téene yeres, that vicary or substituted gouernemēt doth cease, and all things do so retourne to the Kyng, that whatsoeuer he shall will or decrée, shall be ratified.

In the dayes of Charles the sixt, after he had raigned many yeres, and that it pleased GOD for the sinnes of the people, to depriue him of his witte and sen­ces: and when the time came that the Realme must of necessitie be gouerned, there arose a certaine contenti­on among the Princes that were the Kyngs kinsmen, about the same gouernement. but this was neuer heard of that a forreyne Prince, would euer intrude him selfe into the gouernement of the Realme, and that, against the will, ordinance, and decrée of the States: as doth now the Duke of Guise at the first, with force of armes, and afterwardes vnder the coullour and name of the Kyng of Nauar: corrupting and breaking all Lawes, constitutions, and customes, that by all meanes possi­ble he might satisfie his ambicious minde, and get the gouernement of the Realme into his handes.

And (say they) most renowmed Emperour, you must not thinke that he is moued to do these things for the loue he beareth to any Religion: but doth only make Religion a cleake, to fulfill his ambicious desire: but [Page 168] vnder this pretence, he hath drawne a great part of the people vnto him, whom he hath so stirred to outrage & crueltie, promising that they shall escape vnpunished whatsoeuer they do, that now the mad and franticke people throughout the whole Realme of Fraunce, do no­thing els but kill, spoyle, and shew al maner of violence. After the death of Henry the second, and Fraunces the se­cond, Kynges of Fraunce, it was expedient according to the auncient vse of the lawes, that the States of Fraūce should be called together, and that in the greater num­ber because Charles our Kyng was of tender yeres. The true cause of the first warres.

Then the States, as it was méete, made certayne lawes and statutes, the which should only stand in force and strength duringe this time of the Kynges minority, according to the institution and maner of our elders. The which is the only foundatiō of those things which haue happened since that time, to the which all those things ought to be referred and brought as to the Power spe­c [...]all consti tutions in the Kyngs minority. toutchstone, that they may be discerned whether they be good or euill. Those lawes and constitutions were deuided into foure principall heades,

• 1 The first concerned the custodie and protection of the Kyng, and the Gouernour of the Realme.
• 2 The second concerned those which should be of the Kyngs Counsell for that time.
• 3 The third concerned prouision for warre, and all maner of Artillary.
• 4 The fourth concerned Religion, and the staying of such troubles as might ensue by occasion therof.

As touching the first, vppon great causes and rea­sons The first. wise, waighed and considered, the States or whole body of the Realme haue decréed that the Quéene the Kyngs mother, shal haue not only the charge and custo­die of the Kynges maiestie her sonne, but the gouer­ment also of the Realme, in her owne person, and the [Page 169] same not to be put ouer to any other without her con­sent, will, and pleasure. And this decrée of the States was confirmed and approued, by Princes the Kynges kinsmen.

Also the States decréed that the Queene Mother should be by them so directed, that she by her wise orde­ring and disposing of thinges, should discharge the great debt which remained to be paied after the death of king Henry and Fraunces: and so the people to be disburthe­ned from such great exactions and payments, as they had aforetime payed: And that she for her part should endeuour her selfe to bring all thinges to their former state and condition, and that the people might liue eue­ry where in peace and tranquillitie.

The second principall poynt, was concerning the The secōd. Kynges Counsaile: The which the States desired to haue furnished with men that were vertuous, wise, & carefull for the Kyng and the Realme. Therfore they thought good that the Kynges Counsayle should consist, of such men, as were not sworne to any forreyne Prince or power: as Cardinalles, Bishoppes, Abbats, & all such which they call Ecclesiasticall persons: both for that they ought to followe their ordinary and pro­per office and calling: and also for the oth which they haue sworne and vowed to the Bishoppes of Rome con­cerning temporall obedience, which haue ben often­times enemies to the Bishoppes of Fraunce.

Therfore they prohibite and disalow any of them to be of the Kynges Counsayle: or that there shoulde come vnto that Counsell two bretherne or more toge­ther, according to the example of other Parliaments. Notwithstāding here thei except those which are Prin­ces and the Kyngs kinsmen; to whom it appertaineth without limitation of number, by right to bée of the Kyngs Counsayle, except the States haue any thing to [Page 170] obiect against them to the contrary. Also they forbid such to be of the Kyngs Counsaile as haue had the ouer­sight, vse, and disposing of the Kyngs treasure, vntill such time as they haue made their accompts.

And last of all, bicause the Kinges Counsailers are bound, to make account to the King of their iuste and lawfull counsaile, and also to preserue and maintayne the Kinges treasure: and when the Kinges treasurie hath smal store of money in it, not to receiue of y ^e King, or to suffer to be giuen to any, great and large gyftes: the states do appoint and determine, that all such giftes shalbe reuoked: and that so many as haue receyued such gyftes be constrained to restore them backe againe: and in the meane tyme not to be of the Kinges counsaile.

Upon this second point dependeth the occasion of the [...]uill warre and sedition, which at this day shaketh and violently assalteth the whole Realme of Fraunce: the Guises, the Constable, the Marshall of Santandre, percey­uing that they by thys meanes should not only be exclu ded out of the Kinges counsaile, but also be constrayned to restore those giftes againe which they haue receyued of the Kinges, & thereby greatly in riched themselues. And so they haue ioyned themselues, and cōspired togy­ther, specially to hinder and frustrate that decrée. It is no new thing, that giftes which Kings haue bestowed, contrary to the lawes appointed, should be nothing re­garded, not only of the States, which are chiefe in au­thoritie in the tyme of the Kings nonage, but also of the ordinary Iudges of the exchecker, by whose indgemēts, the Kinges afore tyme haue ben put to great expences in gyftes, contrary to the lawes of the realme. Of these thinges we haue many examples: as of the Constable Clisson in the dayes of Charles the vi. who was depryued of his office, because he had gayned by the seruyce of the King to the valew of sixtene thousand pound. But there [Page 171] is greater and more vehement cause at this tyme, why they which are bound by the decrée of the states, should be called to giue an account of that which they haue re­ceyued: and seing that now there is found in the kinges Treasurie the sūme of 330000, poundes (which was ne­uer séene before) and yet the people at this present are more burthened with exactions and tributes, than euer they were before. And it is manifest that King Frauncis the first of that name, which had diuers warres for the space of thrée and thirty yeares, & paied for his discharge a great summe of money, and toke not so great and so many tributes of the people, lefte notwithstanding in his treasury a greate masse of money. Therefore the states demaunde the cause of so great expence. And be­cause it is likely that they were spenders and wasters, whose dutye it was to husband and increase the same: the States vppon verie good consideration do desier to haue an account, that restitution and allowance may be made of such vnmeasurable expences. The which truly is the verie cause why those thrée haue brought the Realme of Fraunce into these troubles, to ouerthrowe those decrées of the states: that the same may appeare most true which we saide before, namely, that they con­spire, not for religiōs sake, but for because they are co­uetously and ambitiously minded, which Religion not­withstanding they take for a cloake, to couer and hyde their wickednesse withall

The third principall point of their costitutions is The third this: The States would haue it in their power and au­thoritie during the tyme of the Kinges minoritie, to or­der and appoint warres: and at their pleasure to com­maund the subiectes to arme themselues. Because be­fore they take warres in hand, they should vnderstand the causes thereof, and by what meanes they might be appeased. Therfore also they would haue this authori­tie, [Page 172] that they which haue prouoked the people to Ciuyll warre, might be made knowne to be the authoures of all the calamities and detrements which come by these warres.

The fourth principal point is that which concerneth The fourth Religion: by which the states haue decréed that there must be a difference made betwene the cause of Religi­on, and the cause of sedition: in so much that for Religi­ons sake no man ought to be condemned as a seditiouse person aud a Rebell. Therefore they thinke it lawfull for the kings subiects to haue liberty to take which re­ligion the ilist, that is to say, eyther the cōmon Romish Religion, or els the Religion reformed according to the Gospell, and to cleaue to none other: and that all vio­lence, eyther pryuate or publique, against eyther parte, ought to be prohibited: and that the Ciuill magistrates should prouide Temples for the ministers of the refor­med Religion to haue their diuine seruice in: and that no man should receiue any maner of violēce or harme, for vsing the benefit hereof. But because those constitu­tions manifestly touched the Guises, the Constable, & the Marshall of Saint Andre: the Guises, for that there were two Cardinals of them which were chosen to be of the Kings Counsaile, also the Duke of Guise, and the Duke de Aumal: also because the Duke of Guise, and the Cardi­nall of Lorraine his Brother, were the Kinges treasu­rers: And they touched the Constable and the Marshall of Saint Andrew, because they by the same meanes, were come to great aboundance and wealth. For these cau­ses they haue sought by all meanes possible, to adnihil­late and disanull these Lawes.

In the meane time, the Quéene the Kings Mother, as she hath ben alwaies in al her doinges wyse and cir­cumspecte (the which she declared when she had full li­berty, and was not Ruled by other mens power and vi­olence) [Page 173] indeuoured her selfe to make an vnity and con­cord betweene the Churches by frendly and quyet con­ference.

To the which Conference and Disputacion came all the chiefe Prelates of France, and many Doctors out of the vniuersitie of Paris, many Moonkes also which were sent from Rome, and the Cardinall of Ferrer the Popes Legate: and beside all these, twelue Ministers of the Gospell: both partes hoping it would come to passe by this friendly conference, that they should come to some concord and agréement. The which was greatly hinde­red and let by the Cardinall of Lorraine, by whom, after certaine principall pointes of the Cōfession of Ausburge were dissēblingly imbraced, y ^e Assembly was dissolued. Then the Guises tooke other practises in hande, and per­swaded the Quéene and the King of Nauar, to sende for the Iudges and Counsellers of all the Parliamentes of the Realme; that they with the Princes and the Kinges Counsaile might giue their aduice for the present neces­sitie: And to this Counsaill they sent suche as they had bound vnto them afore time by one benefite or other: that by this meanes they might abolishe that which the States had decréed. The which notwithstanding by the prouidence of God, fell out otherwyse than they looked for. And to the end they might the more craftely bring their purpose to passe, they departed from the Court.▪ But before they should go, to the ende they might leaue nothing vndone that might serue to worke their wills, they subtilly practised to carry with them the Duke of Orleans our Kings brother, that if their deuises had not had good successe, they might haue had one with them of the Kings linage whose name they might abuse▪ This thing was plainly proued by diuers arguments, and cō ­fessed also by the Duke of Orleans himselfe, who stayed the matter.

[Page 174]Here it may please you to consider at what time, and by what meanes the Guises began to be iniuriouse, and to shewe violence to the Quéene, out of whose lap shée being a widow, and in great trouble, they went about to take her sonne. Afterward the Guises departed not on­ly from the Court, but also to the vtmost partes and li­mites of the Realm, and came to Sauern. And there they fayned to like of the Confession made at Ausburge be­fore one of the Princes of the Empire, that by theis meanes they might insinuate themselues into the num ber of the Princes of the Empire, the which as known to your highnesse, we touch by the way. But their de­parture out of France, caused all men to hope for peace & concorde, which was euery where receyued by the ru­mour of their absence. For in all places, euery man of what religiō soeuer he wereof, liued peaceably, without any offence committed for the diuersitie of Religion: all men receyuing that religion which liked him best. And y ^e word of God was preached in diuer [...] places, ma­ny ioyfully imbracing the same, & if a few had made any stour or businesse for Religiō, they by and by were ease­ly suppressed.

About this time there was an assembly of Iudges and Counsellers, which sate in the Court that belongeth to These things are touched before. the Princes and to the Kings priuy Counsaill: amonge whom was the Constable, and the Mashall of S. Andrew, who wayted for new troubles. The Bourgeses or cho­sen men for the states, declared that there was nothing in those things which the States had decréed to be alte­red, but must stand wholy vpon their determination & liking: and they sayd that before they began with any other matter, they must séeke to purge and to reforme the Kings Counsaill. On the contrary part, they which were to be thrust out of the Kings counsail by the same decree of the States, bare themselues so bold vppon that [Page 175] assembly, that they perswaded themselues to escape vn­punished, notwithstanding all that the▪ States could do: Who neuerthelesse when they vnderstood the power & authoritie which belōged to the States, would not giue their consent to doo any thing contrary to their decrees. And although many of them openly declared, that they fauoured the Guises and his fellowes, yet notwithstan­ding there was an Edicte made, called the Edicte of Ia­nuary, because it was made the 18. day of Ianuary: by the which Edict liberty and leaue was graunted for the word of God to be openly preached▪ as it was decreed by the States. Notwithstanding with this exception, So that it were done without the walles of the Citie: and that the Churches dedicated to the vses of the Church of Rome were not vsurped. The Magistrate being com­maunded to take an othe of the Ministers of the gospel, that they should preache the word of God purely, since­rity, & quietly without any sedition: as is more at large declared in that Edict, which was confirmed by the de­crees of the States.

And although that same Edicte was suspected of the men of the reformed Churches, least when they were out of the Cities, and vnar [...]ed, and farre from their houses to helpe themselues, they should easely be made a pray for their enemies: (as it came afterward to passe in deed) yet notwithstanding because they would not be importunate and troublesome to the Queene, to y ^e King of Nauar, to the Princes, & to the whole assembly, they agreed thereunto, vpon this condicion, That they should deale vprightly and in good fayth: the which also the whole assembly promised vnto them. And then euery man sware to obserue and keepe the Edict, faithfully & truly: and the men of more noble calling sware agayne before the Queene, that they would not craue pardon for those which had violated or broken that Edict.

[Page 176]The Ministers of the Gospel after their othe, had au­thoritie giuen them by the Magistrat, to preache in all Prouinces: they had also places for the preaching of the word; and for the administration of Sacraments graū ­ted vnto them in the [...]of the Cities, & al things else peaceably, and without any [...]umult. Our aduersa­ries enuying that all things went forwarde so well, sought daylye newe occasions to moue troubles. At the length their Captaynes, the Constable, and the Mar­shall of S. Andrew, thinking it good to delay the tyme no leager, wrote letters to the Duke of Guise, to come with ayde and a power of man to the Court [...] and hauing got­ten the King of Na [...]ar, on their syde, there was great hope that they should haue all things at their pleasure.

Then the Duke of Guise comming with a great Ar­mie of footemen, and a troope of horsemen, made hast toward the Courte: and by the waye as he came, hée [...]uelly handeled the reformed Churches, which peace­ablely vsed the benefite of the Edict at Vassi, setting so­denly vpon a great number of the faithful, which were gathered togither to heare the word of God, he slew mā, woman and child, without all pitie or mercy. Thus beginning his busines, he went forward on his iourney without feare, and came to N [...]antuil the house of his territory or Lordship: whether the Constable and the Marshiall of Santandre came. And when they had de­liberated of the matter, and had opened the causes of their complaynts, some of them bewayling the decaye of their aucthoritie and rule which thei had in the daies of Kyng Fraunces the second: other some repining that they must make their accompt according to the decrée of the States: at the length they determined to arme them selues. And thus of their owne priuate authority they put them selues in Armes, to mayntaine their ambition and couetousnes, which notwithstandinge [Page 177] they couer with the cloake of Religion: they came to the Kyng and Quéene with an Army of men, and made them subiect to their power, and tooke vppon them the gouernement: subtillie foreséeing that there was no better way to make the people to take their part, than vnder the pretence of Religion and the name of the Kyng: & so to abolish the Lawes and constitutions of the States, and the Edict it selfe.

Therfore from that time forward, hauing gotten Paris into their hand, and brought the Kyng captiue thi­ther, they left no kind of mortall crueltie vnshewed, no one corner of the Realme was frée from the Ciuill warres which they had stirred vp: insomuch that the lamentable remembraunce of things past, and of the great destruction like to come, would make a man to tremble. Nothwithstanding the Quéene being certified of these thinges, was very carefull to let and stay their purpose, and to frustrate their deuises: sent for the Prince of Conde to come to Monceaulx: and prayed him to resist the violent force and crueltie of these men by force of Armes: and for this cause she appoynted him to be Captaine generall, and named certaine men vn­to him, whose helpe and furtherance he might vse.

But the Prince of Conde delaying the matter for feare of tumults and vproares, was preuented with the expedition and hast of his enemies: who had so got­ten the Kyng and Quéene into their handes, that they abused their willes at their owne pleasure: deludinge and abusing also the facillitie and sufferance of the king of Nauar, they séeke thereby coullers to hide their tir­ranie.

The which sufferaunce notwithstanding of the king of Nauar, although his full consent were ioyned ther­with, as it ought not by any meanes to restraine or de­ceiue the king of his libertie, euen so it can be of no force [Page 179] to excuse the vnbrideled ambition and presumption of the Guises. For in giuing authority the simple and bare ratefying is not sufficient, but the ciuill lawes do shew that it is néedefull to haue expresse commaundement.

Furthermore the Kyng of Nanar hath not this au­thoritie to rule and gouerne the Realme, without the Quéene: and neither of them haue any such authoritie that they can set ouer the same to any other without the consent of the States.

Moreouer as touching the tractation of warre and artillerie, the Quéene her selfe during the time of the Kynges nonage, can do nothing, as of her owne autho­ritie: séeing this thing pertayneth to the States: who notwithstanding haue not decréed and appoynted this warre, but the Guises, which haue caused the same to be in euery corner of the Realme. Is there any man in the whole Realme that can or ought to take vnto him such power and authoritie, as to gather Armies of men and to moue warre to the detrement and hurt of the Kyng and the Realme, as the Duke of Guise now doth? And this is the seruice that the Triumuiri, namely the Duke of Guise, the Marshiall of Saint Andrew, and the Constable do to the Kyng their soueraigne Lord, in this his tender age, in the which he is subiect to many iniu­ries: that is to say, their wicked actes, by which they go about to ouerthrowe the Kyng with the kingdome. Which are the causes (O Emperour) that we put our selues in Armour, and haue chosen the Prince of Conde to be our Captaine: who shewed him selfe willinger to take so notable a matter in hand, being moued the run­to by no lesse good will toward the King and the realme than we were.

The Quéene also her selfe both perswaded and com­maunded him to take this warre in hand, to deliuer her from that iniury which both she and the king sustay­ned: [Page 178] as appeareth by her expresse wordes in letters to be séene, the Coppies wherof we haue sent vnto thée (O Emperour.) Notwithstanding al this, the Prince of Conde, which was the last which put himself in armes, and that at the commaundement of the Quéene, neuer ceased to séeke peace and concord, offering all indifferēt and reasonable conditions that might be, as, That hée would put of his Armour, depart from the Court, and would go also, if néede were, out of the Realme, so that his aduersaries would do the like, and that the Edict of Ianuary might be obserued.

Also he prayed and doth pray and beséeth by his let­ters, al Christian Princes that are in League and ami­tie with Fraunce, to be meanes for the making of peace and concord: and with them all Noble Princes of the Empire, whose godly and commendable indeuours for peace and concord were notwithstanding hindered by the Guises: who in the meane time sought by al meanes possible to be ayded by straungers.

And it is manifest that the Prince of Conde, hath sought so many waies to establish peace and concord, as they haue sought by all meanes possible to hinder the same: as may appeare by the last Parley betwene the Quéen & the prince of Conde, at Baugence, they séeking by Trea­son to circumuent the Prince of Conde.

Wherefore, by the demonstration and knowledge of al these thinges, both the trueth and equity of our cause, and of the Prince of Conde, and also the falsehood, treche­ry, and vniust dealing of our aduersaries may appeare: as is more at large set forth in those writinges publi­shed concerning this matter. Of the which matters, be­cause thou art certified alreadie (most noble Emperour) we will at this tyme be no longer tediouse vnto thée.

This one thing the Prince of Conde requesteth at your highnes hand, that you will take into your custody the [Page 180] crowne of our yong King from those thrée priuate per­sones which haue brought him into so great daunger, and to restraine them of their willes: séeing it is many­fest that these thrée priuate persones, the one of them a straūger, the other two not comparable to the Prince of Conde in no condition, haue caused Ciuill warres, to the destruction of the Realme. And aboue all thinges this he requesteth, y ^t you would deliuer the King, the Quéene, and the Realm from their presumption, tiran­ny, and falsehoode, and that you would helpe the states of the Realme to their authoritie, and the Kinges Sub­iectes to peace, and to the benefite of the Kings Edictes. Also because vnder the couller of defendinge the King, the Rokendolfe, and the Rhengraue haue brought troupes of horsemen out of Germanie into Fraunce: notwithstan­ding meaning to helpe our aduersaries, whereby there cannot chuse but ensue great hurte to the King and to the realme: the Prince of Conde humbly beséecheth you, that by your commaundement and by the commaunde­mentes of your noble Princes, they may with all spede be called backe againe, and may be seuerely & straight­ly charged not to beare armoure against vs: and also that hereafter it be lawful for none within the limmits of the empire to musture either horsemen or footemen, to serue the Guises, which vse not, but abuse the Kinges name and authoritie.

The which dede (most noble Emperour) shal become you very wel, since God hath made you a refuge for the afflicted in time of trouble: and a helpe for Kings, espe­cially when they are in daunger of men, by reason of their tender yeares. Defend therefore our Kinge, oure Quéene his mother, the Kingdome, and the lawes and states of the Realme from the tyrrannie of the Trium­uiri.

Concerning the vayne assaulte that was giuen to [Page 181] Cesteron a Towne in Prouance, by Monsuer Sommeriue, The assault geuen to Cesteron. a Captain on the Papistes side, we haue spoken before. Yet notwithstanding they came to the same place again the xxvi day of August with a greater armie, & with al maner of artillery better appointed, carying with them from Marsiles certain great fielde péeces. Therefore the Citie began to be battered with greater force of ordi­nance than it was before. Thē word was brought that Monsuer Monbrun, came with an Army of men to rayse the siege, (his Army contained a thousand footemen, and two hundred horsemen) Monsuer de Suze, hearing of this, went out to méete him with a company of wel ap­pointed Souldiers, and geuing the on set vppon Mon­suer Monbrun, he slew an hundred and fiftie of his Soul­diers, and put the rest to flight. Monsuer Monbrun also himselfe fledde, leauing behinde him two field péeces, The Army of Monsuer Monbrun put to flight. which afterward came into the handes of Monsuer de Suze. At the cōmaundement of Baron des Adretz, Mon­suer Monbrun came to Cesteron, minding with the ayd & rescue of mōsuer de Adretz, which on y ^e other part had in­uaded the County of Vena [...], both to remoue the siege from Cesteron, and also with the greater force to assault Prouance. Against the men of Auinion which went a­bout to resist hym, Baron des Adretz preuailed, and had the victory, geuing vnto thē the ouerthrow at a village called Orgo. Notwithstanding when Baron des Adretz heard, that Monsuer Monbrun was put to flight, he re­tourned into Dolpheny. New, Monsuer Someriue and his Souldiers at the returne, and good successe of Monsuer de Suze and his men, were not a little incouraged, in so much y ^t with greater force & vehemency they began to assault the city, & whē by battery they had made a great breach in the wals, y ^e soldiers began with great viol [...]ce to enter therat: who notwithstanding were cōstrained to retire again, many of thē being s [...]ain by the faithfull.

[Page 185]But when their vitualles were wel nigh spent, and that they were dayly oppressed more and more with pe­nury and scarsitie, Monsuer Senaz the lifetenaunt of the Towne, Monsuer Mouens, whose helpe he greatly v­sed, began to consider concerning the yéelding vp of the Citie: and placing certaine Souldiers in the breach of the wall to kepe the Citie, accordinge to the custome of warres, they in the night without noyse, caried out a great multitude of the Townsmen, with Wemen and Children, and aged persones, at a certaine place, to the which the enemy could scarcely come, being let with a riuer and a hill which lay betwene them. The enemyes scoutes, were wary of the noyse, and gaue intelligence thereof vnto the Army: but rather thinkinge that some came to helpe them, than that the faithfull went out of the City, suspected nothinge, and therefore held them­selues still in their tentes. Thus Monsuer Mouens and a great multitude of people escaped the peril. But Mon suer Someriue, being certyfied of the whole matter by the Papistes of the Towne entered into the Citye: and there slew all that he found in the Citye both Papistes and Protestantes without respecte of persones. Mon­suer Mouens caried the people which he brought out of Cester [...], most miraculously through diuers places, which were possessed by the enemy, & yet notwithstanding es­caped their handes, and came at the last, to Gratianople a Citie in Dolpheny. And so all Prouans, when the faithfull were ouercome, yelded to the Papistes: by whom all kind of cruelty, beside the custome of warre, was com­mitted in Cityes and Townes, as at Marsiles, and at Aijques, and in that whole Region. Many Women al­so in those Cityes, were so outragious, & best lyke cru­ell▪ contrary to their kind, that it is almost incredible to be tould. These, when they had gathered themselues to gyther to a sufficient nomber, would in the night, as if [Page 183] they had bin dronke or out of their wittes go vp & down the Citie, searching, and ransackinge the houses of the faithfull: and when they had founde a woman, they led Great wic­kednes cō ­mitted in Prouance against the faithfull. her and scourged her through the Citie vntill she came to the common place of slaughter which they had prepa­red for the purpose: and then hanged her vp by the féete, the which being done they draue vp a wedge or wodden pin into the body through the shame and secrete part of the woman, and so slewe her: an acte most horrible and shamefull to be eyther spoken or heard. Euery where robbery, rapine and spoyle was committed: the Senate in the meane tyme not only suffering these thinges to escape vnpunished, but also approuing the same.

Upon the Territorie of Lions, there bordereth a Re­gion called Forestes, the chief Citie wherof is Monbriso. Therefore the inhabitants of Forrestes hauing Monsuer Monselas their Captayne, anoyed the men of Lions all y ^t they could: Wherevppon the men of Lions hauinge the Baron des Adretz the Generall, came with an army to suppresse them: and being entered in that Region, they The horri­ble slaugh­ter at Mō ­briso by Adretz. besieged the head Citie Monbriso: and the Townesmen refusing to yéeld vp the Citie, being encouraged to fight by their Captaine Monselas, at the length their city was battered downe and taken by force: then the souldioure that got the victorie shewed such crueltie, that y ^e streats of the citie were couered with dead carcasses: Baron des Adretz himselfe vehemently encouraging the souldier to murder. There remayned a fortresse in the citie, into the which Monsieure Monselas with certayne of the chief citizens sled. The same notwithstanding being shortly after taken, partly by force, & partly by surrender, Mon sieur des Adretz, after hée had vewed all places of the ca­stle, sent in certayne souldiours, to murder and spoyle: who presently tooke Monsieur Monselas, and his souldi­ours that were with him, and cast them downe hedlong [Page 184] from the top of the houlde. The which cruell kynde of death made many to mislike of Baron des Adretz, & the rather because hee had giuen his faith (as it is reported) to Monselas, and to others with him to saue their liues. Thus the citie Monbriso was sacked and rased, and the whole Region therabout spoyled. And Baron des Adretz returned againe to Lyons, in the moneth of August.

About this tyme in the Region of Languedoc, there was much businesse. The inhabitants of Tolouze at the prouocation and setting on of Monsieur Monlace, often­times assaulted the citie of Montauban, into the whiche we sayd before many of the faithfull fledde from diuers places: but by the singular Industrie, vertue, and con­stancy of the men of Montauban, the inhabitants of To­louze preuayled nothing at all. Notwithstandinge the faithfull were thrust out of Pezenac, and out of certaine other Townes by Monsieur Ioyse, Liefetenant of Lan­guedoc. But Monsieur Sommeriue had very good successe in his affaires in Prouance, as wée declared before, the which gaue courage to the papistes to set vppon y ^e faith­full that were in Languedoc. Therefore Monsieur Ioyse, Cōspiracy against Lāguedoc. Liefetenant of Languedoc, Monsieur Sommeriue, Fabrici­us of Auinion, and Monsieur de Suze with others, consul­ted among themselues, & determined to make so great a power, as thei were able, and to ioyne togither in one with as much spéede as they could, to ouercome y ^e faith­full in Languedoc. All Prouance belonged to the charge of Monsieur Sommeriue, to whom, because of his victorie and late good successe of warre, many came from diuers places, Monsieur Fabricius had a great armye which came vnto him, some being Italians, and some comming out of the Townes & territorie of Uenais. And a great number attended and followed Monsieur de Suze out of Dolpheny. But Monsieur Ioyse was of greater power thā the reste, who had out of the mighty cities Tolouze and [Page 185] Narbon both a great number of Souldiers, and also all manner of artillerie and other necessaries for the war. These also were ayded by the men of Auuernoys, & they had hope to receyue helpe of the Spanish borderers, from whom came diuers bandes, whose Captain was Petru [...] Lapia, a notable theefe, who came from the Mountaynes of Pyrren.

But the faythfull had many wel fenced and fortefied Cities▪ land and ground enough, with sufficient store of cattell. Notwithstanding in men and other necessaries for warre, their enemies were mightier. In so muche that the Papistes perswading themselues to haue the victory thought it best to ioyne battayle out of hande. Monsieur Ioyse setting vpon the faythfull on the one side, and the men of Prou [...]nce and of Auernoys on the other side. Therefore while great armies were a prouidinge euery where, Monsieur Ioyse Liefetenant of Languedov, first of all remoued with his army, with Monsieur For­quenoz Lieftenāt of Narbon. Their armies cōtained se­uen thousand footemen, and a thousand horsemen: they had sir great Canons, and many other small péeces. They pitched their Tentes the fourth day of Septem­ber Monsieur Ioyse besie ged Mont­pellier. at a Uillage called Lates, being a myle from Mont­pellier. In this place he aboade lookinge for his fellowes, thinking himselfe so sure to winne Montpellier, that thei deuided the spoyles among them▪ as if they had already wonne the Citie.

Thither came the Bishop of Montpellier. whose name was Pelisser. This man being sometime well accounted of among learned men, and one that knew the trueth, but now hauing forsaken the same, became a notable e­nemie, bought and sold Montpellier, to certayne Mar­chaunts which only wayted vpon him for the pray.

At Montpellier beside the ordinarie and accustomed Garrison of the Towne, there were certayne rescuing [Page 186] armies belonging to the churches, contayning the num ber of eight hundred horsemen, whose Captain was Ia­cobus Bellodine, borne of a noble house, who afterwarde was called Acierus according to the name of the terri­torie of his Lordship, and did very notable seruice in the ciuill warres following: and also twelue Enseignes of footemen.

After they vnderstood that the enemie had encamped himselfe, they intended to breake out vppon them the same day, to the ende they might take a better vewe of them: and so they came néerer the enemie with twoo hundred horsemen, and fiue hundred Gonners, vnder the charge and conducte of Monsieur Ays of Nismes.

The enemie being ware of their comming, rushed out of their tentes to méete them with all spéede: and thus the battaile began to waxe hot on both parts, the men of Montpellier fighting with such a courage, that they constrayned the proude enemy to retire and flée backe euen to their tents: from whence they dischar­ging certaine great péeces, but in vaine, the faithfull re­tourned safe into the Citie againe, with losse of two of their men only, whereas on the other part there were slayne 100.

For this good beginning, and happie successe, the faithfull caused publique and sollemne thanks to be gi­uen vnto God: the which being done they prouided di­ligently for the safetie and fortefying of the Citie: and at the commaundement of Monsuer Bellodine, the Su­burbes, in the which there were certaine great Chur­ches, and great stoore of houses, were with the diligent labour of the people throwne downe. And after this there were certaine Skirmishes dayly betwéene both partes, the Protestantes most commonly hauinge the victory: Insomuch that Monsuer Ioyse was discouraged from befieging the Citie, before he had more helpe and [Page 187] aide from his fellowes: Notwithstanding because hée would not in the meane while spend the time in vaine, he intended to assault a Castell which is in the Ile of Maguelon.

For in that part, bordering vppon the Sea coast, there is a certaine Fen or Marshe, which the Sea at certaine times ouerfloweth, being of a great compasse both in length and breath, in the which also there is a certaine Ileland lying out in length almost thrée miles: and vppon this Ileland there standeth a Castell both of great antiquitie, and also of sufficient force, the which at that time the faithfull held. Therfore Monsuer Ioyse tooke shipping and in his shippes great store of Ordi­naunce, with the which hee so battered the Castell, that the kéepers thereof for want of helpe yéelded, and deliuered the same into his handes.

The men of Montpellier in the meane time not know ing of the yéelding vp of Maguelon intended to go with all the power they were able to make out of y ^e Citie, & to set vpō their enemies camp being busied in y ^e besieging of y ^e Castell. Therfore they went out of the Citie to the number of eight hundered horsemen, and twelue En­signes of footemen, leauing behind them a Garrison to kéepe the Citie, carying with them also certaine fielde péeces. And they had not gone farre, but they met with y ^e Campe of Monsure Ioyse, whether hee was retourned with al his men from the siege of Maguelon, and al that day was spent betwéene them only with discharginge shot one at another, Monsuer Ioyse woondering at the boldnes and courage of the men of Montpellier.

And while he was in a certaine Manner Place, or ferme, sitting at supper with certaine of his Captains, and talking of the helpe and aide which he looked for, at which time they assured them selues of the victory, it came to passe that a certaine pellet which came out of [Page 188] the shot of the Protestants, fell vppon the toppe of the house in the which he sate, and shaking the house, it be­rayed the whole table at the which he supt with dust, & made their eares to ring with the cracke and rashing rent of the house. Then all of them began to feare and tremble, doubting least the house would fall vppon their heades. Then Petrus Lapas that spanish théese, of whom we spake before, being merily disposed, cried to Monsuer Joyse in the Spanish tongue, saying: Behold Mon sure Ioyse the keyes, which Montpellier offereth vnto thee: de­riding hereby his security. The same day being the xiii. day of September, Baron des Adretz came out of Dol­pheny with eight hundred well appoynted horsemen, to the Protestants Campe of Montpellier: by the rumor of whose comming, Monsure Ioyse and the rest of his soul­diers, were not onely greatly afeard, but also much of­fended with the delay of their fellowes. Then Mon­sure des Adretz, when he had found out the situation of their Campe, minded to besiege them.

First therfore he got betwéene them and the Marsh or fenne, & thē did so beset or inclose them on euery side round about with men and ordinance, that they could by no meanes escape, nor yet by any way attaine to ayy vittailes. And the mindes of the Papistes, which had conceiued that the Protestants were many mo in num ber than they were, (as they were in déede) were so dis­couraged and amazed, that they durst by no meanes set vppon their enemies, nor yet aduenture any waye to escape.

But now when the souldiers of Montpellier, were throughly incouraged by the aide of Adretz to the bat­taile, and that their enemies on the other part were quight discouraged, behold Baron de Adretz tolde the Captaines that he must néedes depart from thence that night, for so woord was brought vnto him from Lions. [Page 189] And entering into the Citie of Montpellier by the break of the day, he commaunded the Aldermen of the towne to giue vnto him 15000. Frankes. Who for feare of force A Franke is a peece of French coyne in value ij. s. ij. d. q. and sedition gaue vnto him so much money: after the receipt wherof he departed out of the Citie: minding no doubt to play the false Judas and Apostata, which af­terward came to passe.

Thus the siege being broken vp, word was brought to Montpellier that Monsure Sommeriue, and Monsure de Suze, were come with a great Armie, and that they went about to make a Bridge to come ouer the Riuer called the Rosne, and that on the other part the power of y ^e men of Auuergnoys came to y ^e teritory of Seuenas, vnder the charge and conduct of the Graun Prier. Word hereof also came to the Campe of Monsure Joyse, who when This great Prier was brother to the Cardi­nall of Lo­raine. they vnderstoode that they were deliuered from the pe­rill, of the siege and that there had happened so soden a change they were excéedingly cōforted and reuiued, as commonly it happeneth to men that haue escaped great daunger.

This rumour therfore dayly increasing more and more, the men of Montpellier sawe that it was necessa ry for them to learne and know, both what power the enemie of Fraunce had, because he was nere and peril­lous, and also how farre & which way he minded to go, & whether there were any way to stop him. Therfore by the common aduise of the Captaines, Monsure Grill, Monsure Bari, Monsure Bulargues, men very expert in the warre, went to Nisines the twentie day of Septem­ber with fiue hundred horsemen, and thrée hundred foote men, leauing the rest of their army behind thē to kéepe the Citie: Who in the meane time suffered not the e­nemy, which lay néere the citie to be in quiet, comming out oftentimes euen to their Camp, and skirmishings with them.

[Page 190]Now Monsieur Bulargues being a man expert and payn­full in warlike affaires, was put in trust to vewe the Town of Sangiles, whether the enemie minded to come, and to sée whether the Towne were sufficiently forte­fied to defende it selfe, and what garrison it had: who cō ­ming thyther, saw that the Citie was indifferently for­tefied: and was certefied by the inhabitants of Sangiles, that they had ben summoned by the enemie to yéelde vp the citie: and while monsieur Bulargues was there, the e­nemie summoned them agayn with the same comman­dements, saying that monsieur Sommeriue and monsieur de Suze, required them to yéeld vp vnto them forthwith the citie, vnlesse they would suffer and abyde all manner of extremity and cruelty, if the same were wonne by force of battery. So monsieur Burlargues leauing twenty of his men at Sangiles, they scarse hauing in their own gar rison in the towne so many more good & able souldiers and incouraging the townsmen with promise that out of hand they should haue more ayde, he returned to Nis­mes: & conferring with his fellowes, he had charge com­mitted vnto him to conduct to the Towne of Sangilles two hundred Gonners. And monsieur Grill and Bars pro­mised that they would follow with the reste of the foote­men and horsemen.

In the meane time word was brought to Sangiles, that the enemie was come with a great army, contay­ning six thousand footemen, and eight hundred horsemē, hauing with them also thrée great Canons, & that they intended to make a bridge ouer the riuer called y ^e rosne, and so besiege the towne of Sangiles. The proud & boa­sting Souldiour approched to the walles of the citie, who notwithstanding were driuen backe agayne by those y ^e kept the walles with gonnes. Then the enemies began to batter the walles with their great Canons, and to set ladders to the walles to scale them. They of the towne [Page 191] séeing this, called vpon their Captaines to make al spéed to defende them: for they were gréeued at the proude wordes of the papistes which bragged as if they had al­ready wonne the towne. And oftentimes the souldiers of monsieur Sommeriue would crye out to the townes mē saying: Say vnto thy God, Judge me O God: for that psalm was made a common ryme. Therefore monsieur Bular­gues remoued in the night to goe from Nismes with hys two hundred gonners, and troupe of horsemen, which we sayd were appointed to ayde those of Sangilles: hys fellowes followed after, notwithstanding with not so much spéede: and thereupon hée sent vnto them to make more haste from Estegell, where they taried their com­ming.

In the way to Nismes from Sangiles, there aryseth e­uen at the first a little hil, which lying out in length, ma­keth an euen playne, and then assendeth agayn with an other hill betwéene both which hilles there are certaine small valleyes: and then againe that playne or leuell (at the entrie whereof the towne of Sangiles is situate) is bounded with the Riuer of Rosne for the space of fower and twenty furlonges, and so extendeth it selfe to the Castle called y ^e Fourques, which lyeth ouer against y ^e city of Arles, the riuer of Rosne, running betwene them: on the other part there lyeth a very large Iland, and excée­ding frutefull, which, in the vulgar tonge is called Ca­margua; corruptly, as it is thought, of Campus Marius, be­cause Marius aboade there while he warred against the people of Denmarke: or else of the Gréeke worde wyth Chaimai­ergon the proper name of Camargua the which the people of Phocis, that built the citie Massi­lia in Prouance, called the same, which Gréeke worde is, [...], signifying the goodnesse and fertility of the ground.

By this meanes following, there was a bridge made by monsieur Sommeriue and his men. First they tooke cer­tayne [Page 192] Shippes, and tyed them syde to syde with ropes crosse the Riuer, vpon which then they layed bourdes & plankes, and so the whole armie of monsieur Sommeriue went ouer to the other shoare of Languedoc. For the ry­uer called the Rosne, diuidteh Prouance and Languedoc a­sunder. Monsieur Bulargues therefore looking for his sol­diours at Estegel, there came ryding out of the armie of monsieur Sommeriue ten horsemen, not ware of monsieur Bulargues, at whose commaundement eight of thē were presentlye hemde in: the other twoo, with great feare fled backe agayne to the armie, and made report that a great number of their enemies lay hid in the valleyes besyde Estegell. Therefore monsieur Sommeriue cōmaun­ded the horsemen to set themselues in aray, and euery one to marche from thence, and the footemen to arme themselues with spéede. Then monsieur Bulargues ha­uing placed certaine scoutes vpō the top of the hill which lay betwéene them and their enemies (for from thence they might easely behold the whole armie vppon the le­uell) was by them tolde that the horsemen of monsieur Sommeriue, were comming towardes them in battayle aray. Here monsieur Bulargues, being like to be ouercom easely by the greater number of his enemies, deuised a way out of hand, and brought all his souldiers out of the valleyes and set them vpon the top of the hill to make y ^e greater shew to terrifie his enemies. Whose pollitique deuise had good successe: for so soone as the enemie sawe them vppon the top of the hill, they suspected that it was a trayne made to beguile them: imagining also, that so small a nūber durst not come so nighe, except they were sure of more ayde, and that therefore they shewed them selues, because they would allure them forwarde vntill they had gotten the aduantage of y ^e place, and then with a great number to ioyne battayle with them. Thē they stayed euen right ouer against them, and so keeping a [Page 193] while their battaile aray, they retourned backe agayne to their campe.

In the meane time some were sent againe to accele­rate and hasten the comming of Monsure Grill, and Bari, who at the last came with the rest of the Army: which being ioynd with those that were before with Monsure Bulargues, made the whole Army to be in number one thousand, fiue hundred of them horsemen, and the other fiue hundred being footemen: and for the space of cer­taine howers they abode there still in battayle aray in the sight of the Army of Monsure Sommeriue: which Army when Monsure Bulargues perceyued to be quiet, they came to the towne of Sangiles, that as it was ap­pointed, they might both aid the Citie and also retourne out of hand to Nismes.

Therfore Monsure Bulargues leauing his fellowes hard by the towne, sent into the towne two hundred goonners, and shortly exhorted them and the souldiers that were in the towne to play the men, promising vn­to them that he would not be long from them. And then going out of the Citie he perceyued that the enemy had raysed their siege, & therfore he ran in hast to sée which waye they were gon. And he sawe the Army going to­wardes the Rosne, as though they fled away. Then hée ran and told this thing ioyfully to his fellowes, that thei might sée the discomfited enemy fléeing away: and ther­fore he sayde that they must not neglecte this occasion which God had offered them: for God fighteth for his: be therfore saith he of good courage, and let vs pursue the enemy. And thus talking a while with his souldi­ers, many of them because they were a few in number refused so to do, (for he had with him only a hundred & A wonder­full victory gotten by Monsieur Bulargues. twentie horsemen.) Then he sayd, Let him that loueth me followe me: And so setting spoures to his horse, he and so many as were with him pursued after the enemie, [Page 194] vntill he came within thrée hundred paces of them: at the sight wherof the horsemen of Monsure Sommeriue fled by and by before the footemen, which were appoyn­ted to kepe the ordinance.

Monsure Bulargues making no stay put forth his horse and began to skirmish: and after the discharging of two small péeces, the horsemen of Monsure Sommeriue, lea­ning their great ordinance, tourned their backes, and brake through the raye of the footemen, & so the whole Army began to flée. Then Monsure Bulargues with the rest of his fellowes began to crie, The victory, and killed whom soeuer they met, though they made no resistāce, and so they made a great slaughter. And by reason of the comming of more aide to Monsure Bulargues, there was the greater slaughter made, euery where some sle­ing and some pursuing and ouercomming.

Notwithstanding they which came last delaying the time, because they beléeued not the same to be true which Monsure Bulargues told them, many horsemen of Monsure Sommeriue, which were on the other part of y ^• Army, and had the better horses, escaped by flight ouer the Bridge and among these were monsure Sommeriue, and monsure de Suze, who breaking the Bridge for feare least their enemies should followe after them, caused a great number the more of their men to be slayne: Ther fore the scattered souldiers, ran vp and downe, to and fro, séeking how to escape, but found no way. Wherup­pon many cast themselues into y ^e Riuer called y ^e Rosne, that they might swimme ouer to the other side: not­withstanding many perished in the water.

It is said that monsieur Sommeriue lost of his men be­side Great slaughter of the Pa­pistes. those that were drownde foure thousand at the least: and of the faithfull but one onely, and the same was slayne by one of his fellowes vnwares. And in this skirmish, the most wicked murtherers and spoy­lers [Page 195] of the people of GOD were slayne, of which the greatest part of that Army did consist. The faithfull then caried away their tents, and all other moueables, of which there was great stoore: thrée great field péeces and a great number of Calleuers: they found also cer­taine Letters found. letters in the cariadge of monsieur Sommeriue, and monsieur de Suze, by which it appeared that they were fully perswaded to haue the victory, and determined al­so to make hauoc and spoile of the Churches in Langue­doc. But monsieur Sommeriue and the rest that were es­caped, to excuse this their effeminate consterantion and feare, afterwardes pretended: That they thought that Baron des Adretze had ben [...]come with an Army from Lions and Dolpheny: and that beside the credible suspiti­on, the great boldnes of monsieur Bulargues, and certaine red Ensignes like to the Ensignes of Baron des Adretz made them to beléeue more firmly their conceiued opi­nion. So that of so great a number, there were not ma­ny that retourned backe againe into Prouance, and to A­ [...], and that without the spoyles of Languedoc.

While these thinges thus came to passe at Sangiles, monsieur Beaudisne and the townesmen also were great ly carefull and occupied in fortefying Montpellier, and in prouiding all thinges necessary for the same. Not­withstandig the souldiers of monsieur Joyse boldly went about to inuade them: and after consultation, they went about to ouerthrow a Mill which the townesmen great ly occupied, being about halfe a myle distant from Montpellier: notwithstanding in vaine, being driuen a­waye by those that kept the Towne, and some of them flayne, among whom was Petrus Lapia the Spanish théefe.

Then newes was brought concerning the slaughter of the Papistes at Sangiles: the which as it dismayed Monsieur Joyse, and his men, so it greatly confirmed and [Page 196] incouraged the inhabitants of Montpellier. Whervp­pon they caused a sollemne assembly to be made to giue thanks vnto God, the which being done, monsuer Beau­disne gaue commaundement that fiers should be made vppon the toppes of euery house (for at Montpellier eue­ry house hath a tower built higher than it selfe of stone, and open in the top) both to put the enemies in minde of the vi [...]tory, and also to discourage them quight. And there were so many fiers made throughout the Citie, that it seemed to be on a light fier.

Monsuer Grill taking his handes of men returned towardes Montpellier, and was come to a little Town called Lunell, being in the midway betwene Montpellier and Nismes. This was well enough knowen to the ene­my, but not vnderstoode of monsuer Beaudisne, monsuer Grill not thinking it necessary, to giue intelligence here of to the inhabitants of Montpellier, and because of the fame of the late victorie he conducted his Souldiers out of order, and carelesly. When monsuer Joyse vnderstoode of the comming of monsuer Grill, he chose out the moste seruisable men in his whole Army, and went out of his campe by the breake of y ^• day, making a shew as though he would go toward the sea, but casting about again▪ he toke his iourney toward Lunell.

The which when the watchmen that were in the Towers saw, they admonished monsuer Beaudisne, there of: who suspectinge where about monsuer Joyse went, he armed and appointed souldiers so fast as he could went out of the City and marched forward in hast: and when he was come to his iournyes end, he found his fellowes disperst, out of their array, and fléeing, monsuer Joyse fo­lowing full fast. Then there began a whot skirmish be­twene them. But at the first méeting the Souldyers of Montpellier being the stronger part, monsuer Joyse began to retire till he came to an Oliue groue behind him, and [Page 197] there he and his men planted themselues, and skirmi­shed whotly with their gu [...]nes, by which th [...]y had now the vantage: for their gonners were foote men, and the place into the which they had gotten, was both very san dy, and also full of trées: at the last monsuer Joyse entered into a vineyard, & so returned back again to his campe▪ The dead bodies of both partes that were found in the fieldes were a hundered and fiftie, of which the greater part were Protestantes. This was done the third day after the victory of Sangiles.

Notwithstanding monsuer Joyse hauing no hope to be ayded from Prouans and Auuergnoys▪ thought it not best to attempte any farther, for that he was more lyke to be in perill of his enemies than to anoy them. Therefore packing and trussing vp his bagge and baggage, he mar­ched his armye to Lates, the third of October, hauinge thus spent in vaine all the moneth with losse of C C C. of his men at the foresaid skirmyshes. And the souldiers disdaining, & almost ready seditiou [...]y to fall vpon mon­sieur Joyse, bycause they wanted their wages vnder the couller of the spoyles of Montpellier, (for that was pro­mised them for their seruice) they sacked and spoyled by the sufferance of monsieur Joyse a litle Towne called Flo­rence, in the territorie of monsieur Cursoll.

Where vpon this iest was made of them, They fauou­red Montpellier a towne of Surgery & phisike. of purpose Montpellier, bicause they Wanted Surgeans, that they might spoile and sacke Florence, but not Florence in Italy.

From thence they went to Villeneufue, and there tari­ing certain daies, they minded to go to Agde▪ which bor dereth vpon the Sea to assault the same. This Agde was kept by the Garrison of montpellier, monsieur Senglar hauing charge of the same. There were sent also from y ^e borders of Blitter a hundred hargabuzeres to ayd those of Agde▪ To assult this Agde monsieur Joyse planted his [Page 198] ordinance and began to ba [...]er t [...]e walles, and at the length ma [...]e a breach in the same forty pa [...]es brode, at the which monsieur Joyse and his men seking to enter, the Townes men valyantly desended themselues, and gaue them the repulse▪ & slew at this ski [...]mish. CCCC. of them at the [...]east, among which were the Captaines and chiefe men of the Army. When [...]nsieur Joyse sawe that he could not p [...]uayle▪ & was certif [...]ed by his scouts, that the men of M [...]tpellier prepared thēselues to raise the siege, he remoued his campe from thence: and had scarsly▪ passed ouer the riuer, when as the men of mont pellier, came to Agde, and being certified that the enemie was [...]n, they went [...]the riuer▪ and began to pursu after: & monsieur [...] in pursuing, [...]with CCC. footemē which had for saken the army, & went to the hill countrey to rob & spoile, these he with a certain troupe of horsemen s [...]ew: and then he reto [...]rned to montpellier againe with two ensignes, and a very grea [...] sp [...]il▪ The rest of the Army ca [...]e to Narbon with monsieur [...] [...]oyse and [...]. These were the euentes and exploytes of both partes, in Languedoc.

But for all this▪ the Guise▪ and his compartners, cea­sed not to proc [...]de in their former wicked purpose. For Poictiers being wonne (as we said befo [...]e by the marshall of Santand [...], the army was conducted with all the pow­er that might be made, to assault and winne Burges in Berry, being a citie of great force and ner [...] to Orleans. Mo [...]sieur de Iuoy, a man of noble birth, was gouernour of this citie vnder the Prince of Conde, & had vnder his charge a well appointed garrisō conteining to the nom­ber of ten engsignes of footemen▪ & CC. horsemen. Now all the cities of Berr [...] being rendered vp, and the whole Region almost being spoiled, Burges was also besieged the [...]. day of August, with a verie stronge Army. In the which Army there were thrée thousand horsemen, and [Page 199] fiuetéene hundered footemen: and they had with them The besie­ging of Burges in Ber [...]i. very many great gunnes. The King and the Queeue, & the King of Nauar, almost followed the Campe. The citie being shaken and [...]hattered very sore with their great gunnes, they made at the length great breaches in the walles▪ the souldiers of the Guise lustely geuinge the assault. Notwithstandinge they of the Towne lyke taule Souldiers▪ manly defended themselues▪ and gaue their enemies the repulse: also dayly they brake forth of the citie, to the great anoyance and hurte of the enemy. But whilest there were sending from Paris more men both horsemen and foote men to ayde the Guise▪ and grea­ter gunnes also▪ with store of shot and poulder▪ the Ad­mirall remoued from Orleans with a bande of well ap­pointed souldiers, and set vppon them at Chasteaudun as they were going with the forsaid prouision. And he slew many of them, tooke their great gunnes, and caried a­way all their artillery▪ But for want of horses and ca­riage to cary away the great gunnes, the Admirall gaue commaundement to ouer charge the great gunnes with poulder, and so to shake them in péeres, and to fier the [...]poulder that remayned.

Notwithstanding, the same day, monsieur de Iuoy, either for want of ayde and vittayles; as he afterwardes excu­sed himselfe, or else by treason, as the souldiours for the most part commonly reported, tooke truce with the Guises about the yéelding vp of the ci [...]ie vpon these condici­ons: namely, that monsieur de Iuoy, his Captaynes, hys souldiours, and all in the towne, shoulde escape with their liues and goods, and be left to the libertie of their consciences: and to be in no perill of harme for bearing armour, or for their religion▪ Furthermore▪ that all his army should ioyne with the Kings power, and so be vn­der the kings protection, and vnder the protection of the King of Nauar▪ and of all his Prince [...] ▪ also that mōsieur [Page 200] de Iuoy his Captay [...]es, & noble men, should haue lea [...]t to salute the King. And, because monsieur de Iuoy sayde, that hée had made an othe to the Prince of Conde, preten ding y ^e obedi [...]ce of the King, it was agréed that he shold haue leaue (his souldiers remayning in the mean time with the Kinges power) to goe to the Prince of Conde: and comming backe agayne from him, should signifie vnto the King his whole mynde and conscience: as whe­ther hée and his fellowes could find in their hartes to be sworne to the King without any exception or condition: if not, hee shold haue leau [...] to go home to his house with­out perill of any manner of harm [...], eyther to him, or too any of his Captaynes or souldiers, vpon this condition, that they should neuer after beare armour against the king or enter into any citie which was kept against his Maiestie. And finally, it was [...]gréed, that whatsoeuer monsieur de Iuoy at the commaundement of the Prince of Conde, had taken out of the Kings treasury, or from the Church, to [...]this warre, should neuer be lay­ [...]d to his charge, or to the charge of any of his deputies, or substituts: and that the Decrées of the Senat of Pa­ris, or of any other Court, against these things should bée [...]ayde.

Upon these conditions the Citie was rendered vp, possessed by the Guises souldiours, and the Garrison of monsieur de Iuoy brought out of the Towne to the Guise▪ army. Then monsieur de Iuoy went towarde Orleans sending a messenger before him to signif [...]e the whole matter to the Prince of Conde, and to declare the cause of his comming: Who, when he vnderstood that [...]de Iuoy mad [...] request to be discharged of his othe, he sent him word that hée should not approche néere the Ci [...]ie: willing him to consider what it is to make an othe to God and to Religion: certyfying him herewith that he would not be an instrument and partaker of his trea­son [Page 201] and falshehood. And so monsieur de Iuoy retourned to the Guise [...] army agayne, the which hée followed after­wardes, almost during all that warre, and certayne o­ther Captaynes and souldiours with him. Notwithstā ­ding the greatest parte, by the sufferance of the Guise, were dismis [...]: and returned to Orle [...]ns vnder the cōduct of Damplerre. Therfore al that region, euen to [...], yéelded to the Guise: the faithfull being euerywhere cru­elly handled, to whom notwithstanding a certain town called Montargis was a present refuge, by the benefite of the Duchesse of Ferrer called R [...]nee, the daughter of Lodowic the xii. King of Fraunce: the Duke of Guise be­ing greatly offended thereat, and threatening the Du­chesse whom notwithstanding hée fauoured as his moo­ther in Law, and the Kings daughter.

The Duke of Guise hauing gotten the victorie, remo­ued from V [...]aron the eleuenth day of September, & came to [...]: the chief Citie in Normandie, which we sayde before, Duke de Aumall besieged in vayne. But now it The besie­ging of Roan in Normādy. was more strongly besieged, both with a mightyer ar­my, and also with more valeant and expert Captaynes: and was so assaulted that notwithanding the manhood, & strong defence of Countie Momtgomery and his souldi­ours in the towne, the Guise obtayned both the Castell of Sancatharine, and also the Citie. Notwithstandinge, Countie Momgomery and a great number of souldiours with him tooke shippe, and escaped. Great murther was committed in the Citie, and the same throughly sacked. And among others that were put to death in the Citie, Augustine Marlorat was one, being a Minister of gods word in the reformed Church of Roan, whom they han­ged openly vpon a payre of Gallowes: yea the profes­sors of the Gospell in euery corner of the Citie went to the pot.

In the tyme that the Citie was besieged, the King of [Page 202] Na [...]ar, as he was leaning vpon his Ten [...]e, or makinge water agaynst the same, with his backe towarde the The death of the king of Nauar. towne, was shot in the shoulder with a small pellot: & being sore wounded, was caryed from thence by the ry­uer of S [...]in to Paris: and there within fewe dayes after, being weary of his lyfe through extréeme payne, despe­rately dyed: The Quéene, the King of Nauars wyfe, be­ing very carefull for his health: who shewed hirselfe al­waye the Queen of Nauar a vertuouse Lady. very modest and constant, both in doing her duty with all obedience, notwithstanding his euill dispositiō towardes harlots, and also in firme abyding in y ^• truth: being also very carefull for the vertuouse education of her children, but specially for the trayninge vp of her sonne in the reformed Religion, whom the Guises went about to nussell in all kind of wickednesse.

Therefore the Prince of Conde wrote letters of com­fort vnt [...] hir: certefying her, that a great many at Orle­ans were sore agréeued for the death of hi [...] husbande. This therefore was the ende of the Kinge of Nauarr [...], who after that hée had forsakē the defence of the trueth, was the cause of many troubles▪ being so muche more hurtfull to the church, as hée might haue ben profitable, if it had not ben the purpose of God to declare that hée himselfe is the only authour, builder, pre [...]eruer and de­fender of his church, and not man, how noble so euer h [...] be: for herein standeth the glory of God.

The Prince of Conde had oftentimes intreated the Quéene of England [...], while there was some hope that peace might be had by intreaty▪ that her hignnes would be a helpe to him therin: but at the length, the matter being brought to be tryed by force of armes, as we shewed before, hée required of her highnesse, money and [...]ouldiours to maintayne warre.

Therfore about this time, when there was a rumor spred abrode of the comming of the German [...]s, and of the [Page 203] [...]ide out of England, to helpe the Prince of Conde, there A writing published by the Queene of England concerning the helpe she sent to the Prince of Conde. was a writing published in the name of the Quéene of England, (who also had sent Ambassadours to the king about the same pacification: but they little profited, yea, & returned almost without any answere) In the which she both layed to the Guises charges that they were the authors and causes of all the warre, and also affirmed that she would take vppon her, as it became her, the de­fence of the Kynges cause: And also that all Christian Realmes and Princes, ought both to be moued to com­passion and pitie, at the afflicted and troubled state of Fraunce at this time, and to moue thom to haue a deepe consideration and care to prouide remedies, by which not only the Kyng a child, the Quéene his mother, and all the Kynges sonnes her children, and so all the people of Fraunce, may be deliuered and frée from present trou­ble: but also to euell and rent vp by the rootes, so great a mischiefe, least the same should spred it self to other na­tions: Notwithstanding (sayth she) there is no man to whom this common care doth more specially appertain than vnto me: which being both of my selfe inclined to care, and also confirmed and prouoked thereunto by the iudgements of my Counsaylers, haue hitherto gone a­bout by all meanes, to do the best I could, to stoppe and preuent the first beginnings of the great mischiefe like to ensue. And why I ought thus to do, both the commi­seration and pitie of the kyng, my welbeloued brother, a child, and my neighbour: of the Quéene his Mother, of all the Kynges children, and of so great a people: and also the present perill of conueying the same warre ouer the Sea vnto as (all men of sound iudgement, ey­ther hare, or [...]ls where, both beholding and talking of these things, and also praysing this care, of it selfe very commendable) may sufficiently declare, and shew my mind in this matter worthy of commendation: Not­withstanding [Page 204] it séemeth reasonable to setforth in open writing how and after what maner I haue behaue [...] my selfe herein: that all men my sée how I haue delt with my neighbours, and how I meane to deale hereaf­ter.

First, all men might sée how greatly euen since the beginning of my raigne, I haue desired, that euery She mea­neth▪ Cal­lice. Christian might enioye prate and concord: when as be­cause of the same I haue willingly departed from my right, and haue let go some part of my auncient Domi­nion for a time: when as otherwise they for whose sake I haue receiued this losse, recouered and receiued by and by all that was taken from them. And yet notwithstan­ding▪ all men remember and know in how short tyme after, and for what iust and manifest causes I am con­strained, seeing that I am offered great iniury and vio­lence, Shee mea­neth the Scottish Queene. to proclayme also my selfe, open warre: both to deliuer me and my kyngdome from perill, and also to frée my neighbours which fled vnto me for succour, frō open tirrany. In the which matter notwithstanding how vprightly I haue delt, all men may sée: first by ex­hortations to abstayne from warre: then by open de­claration that I mynded to deliuer my selfe and mine from violence and wrong: after that, by all maner of good gouernement and disposing of matters: and last of all by the very [...]and end of the thing it selfe.

After the pacification of those troubles, to the end I might leaue nothing vndone to make true and assured peace & concord▪ I made a firme and euerlasting League with the Quéene of Scots my welbeloued Sister, and my neere neighbour. In the which matter; how sincere­ly and truly I haue behaued my selfe, God knoweth, & sundry benefites and gifts whith I bestowed vppon the Guises, Uncles to the Quéene of Scottes, and vppon their seruants, may sufficiently declare my great good will [Page 205] herein: beside the mutuall and fréendly communication also which I had w ^t the same Quéen of Scots. But amōg these deliberations, and communications concerning peace, beside the lacke which I had of the fruite of peace. I am also constrayned to haue a study and care for those new troubles in the kingdome of Fraunce, raysed vp by those, which haue alwayes shewed themselues to be e­nemies towards me: and what they haue done to make new suspicions betwéene me and the Quéene of Scottes, for the same Quéene of Scottes sake, I haue alwayes hi­therto kept silence.

At the beginning, when I knew well enough, if these troubles should prenaile, it would not only come to passe amidest the Ciuill dissentions, that the kyngdome of Fraunce should come into great perill of destruction as now it is: but also that other Christian Realmes, & especially my owne Realme should fall into the same perill, both for the néerenes of the places, and also be­cause the authors of those troubles are my enemies: I vsed all meanes that I could, both by Letters & also by Ambassages, that there might some wayes be taken for peace and concord betwéene both partes. Notwithstan­ding one part refused the same; and bursted forth into open violence and mortall warre, yet I ceased not from my purpose and good intent.

But when I sawe, that the desire of crueltie dayly more and more enereased, and that euery where bloud­shed, & butcherly murther was committed: and (which was most perillons) that the young Kyng and his Mo­ther were sodenly besieged, and came into their handes without aide and succour, and that he was so forced by them, that he would suffer his authoritie to be abused, to the murthering of his poore and innocent people, to the besieging and spoyling of his Noble Cities, to the breaking of good and wholesome Edictes, to the iniury [Page 206] of the Kynges kinsmen and Nobles, and to the ruine & destruction of the Kynges faithfull seruants, beside an infinite number of wickednesses mo: and all, to satisfie their willes and mindes, which determined to breake the Kynges Edictes, without punnishment: which Edictes were made by thē States of the Realme, for the preseruation of peace and tranquillitie, and for the safetie of the Kyngs Maiestie: When also I perceiued that they went about and had already put in practise to ouerthrowe and destroye the Religion, and the profes­sors and followers of the same: I thought it good and most necessary for these causes, to prouide out of hand a more effectuall and forceable remedy, that the authors of these troubles, might at the last he constrayned, to come to peace and concord, vppon reasonable conditi­ons: least the whole Kyngdome of Fraunce, through the vnbrideled and outragious willes of a fewe, should bée brought into so great perill.

And for these causes I sent some of my Counsayle Ambassadours into Fraunce, wise, graue, and experi­ensed men, and addicted to neyther part: that in the ex­tremitie of these matters, there might bee a remedy found out, whereby their Kyng and soueraigne Lorde might be obeyed, and the peace and tranquillitie of the Realme mayntayned. Notwithstanding this my labor and good indeuour, was not thankfully taken, neyther could I haue any answere frō the yong Kyng, nor from his Mother the Quéene, being made a feard by that part which was the cause of all these troubles.

Whilest therfore I was carefully busied about these thinges, and had no other care than for the profite of the Kyng, my welbeloued brother, without condemning of either part: I was other wise delt withall than I loo­ked for. Wherby appeared that their will and minde was, which so often times denied the bearing of those [Page 207] things, which were propounded by me and mine at my commaundement, for peace and concordes sake. For al my Marchaunts of London and of other partes of my Realme, which came into certaine places of Brittaine, only about their Marchandize, and were preparing to retourne home againe, were taken, and robbed and di­spoyled of all their goodes: and they which sought to de­fend them selues, were cxuelly slayne, their shippes & Marchandize taken, by the Magistratrs of those places whereunto they arriued: and that for no other cause, but for that they were reported to be Huguenotes By the which woord, although it séemed strange to those poore Marchaunts and Marriners, who knew not what it ment, it sufficiently appeared from whom they recey­ued commaundement to doe these thinges, and what they would do more, if time and occasion would suffer. This was no small rapine or light spoyle, but of great waight: it was not done sodenly or marage, but by y ^e common Magistrate, vpon the commaundement of the Gouernour of those partes, and that by great contenci­on with my subiectes. The matter being complayned of to those that should haue reformed the same, nothing was done: but to make a mendes, one of my messengers comming homwards with letters of my Ambassadour was robbed: the which also escaped vnpunished with­out any farther examination. Wherby I perceiue, that the Kyng, or Quéene his Mother, or rather the Kyng of Nauar, do rather want authoritie than good will. And certainely it is manifest both by this and by an infinite sort of other arguments, in what state and condition y ^e young Kyng standeth: when as he maye not preserue his people and houshold, establish his lawes and Edicts, nor giue no iust answere to other Princes and Nati­ons. By which, and by other wicked deuises, practised against me and my Realme, it appeareth to all men of [Page 208] sound iudgement, how greatly that violence, (which is now vsed in Fraunce by the Guises and his fellowes) doth toutch not only Fraunce, but also mée, and my whole Realme, more than any other Prince.

Therfore, forsomuch as the dignity and authoritie of the Kyng and the Queene his Mother, & of his Coun­sellers louers of peace, cannot at this time so much pre­uaile, as to haue abillitie and leaue to rule and gouern, or to do any thing els appertaining either to their own people, or to other Nations, or to their owne proper persons: séeing also the Kynges tender age, and the Quéene his Mother are so circumuented and snared, that they must condescend and agrée to whatsoeuer the Guises will haue them: as may testifie those great de­structions and manifold calamities, which the authors of these troubles haue brought, in besieging, assaulting, and sacking the Kynges Cities and Townes, and in shedding the innocent bloud of his subiects: also, séeing they haue caused ciuill warre that they might abolish and extinguish in euery place the reformed Religion, & do séeke to make mortall warre in euery part of the whole world: furthermore séeing they are the authors and fautors of these pitifull and lamentable troubles & are noted so to be of all men, who, if they might haue time and oportunitie, would séeke by all meanes possi­ble, to violate and diminish the state and dignitie of my Realme: and to conclude, séeing of late also they haue openly gone about to cōtend with me by force of armes, (but by the grace and goodnes of God were disapoynted of their purpose) and do yet diligently séeke the same, & also to aduaunce them selues to my incōmoditie: shall I suffer and beare with those sworne and mortall ene­mies to peace and concord? Shall I suffer the bloud of my neighbours to be cruelly shed, if by any maner of meanes I might let the same? Shall I suffer the young [Page 209] Kyng my welbeloued brother, to bee besieged and in great perill, and not to be counted vnthankful and mer­cilesse? Shall I as vnwise and negligent haue no con­sideration or regard to my mortal enemies, and to their practise. Therfore for these iust, euident and necessary causes of the Kynges subiects, requiring my helpe and aide in these tempestes and calamities: I commaunded many of my subiectes, to be armed both by Sea and land, to deliuer the subiectes of my welbeloued brother the Kyng of Fraunce, from tirrany, Rapine, murther, and destruction: and to kéepe certaine Cities, bordering vpon the sea coast and more néere vnto vs, in saftie from those enemies, least the peace made betwéene me and my brother the Kyng being broken, they might the more easely warre against my Realme.

To prouide for the which thinges tyme calleth vpon me. For I haue the testimony of a good conscience, and do protest that I in these thinges do vse such sinceritye and integrity, that I séeke and iusue christian peace, as I ought: and I doubt not, but that the protection and de­fence of innocent bloud is acceptable vnto God: & wilbe taken in verye good parte, of my wel beloued Brother, when he shall come vnto that age, that he shall be able with equity to Iudge of these matters. It wil serue also for the lawful protection and preseruation of me and of my people.

And to be short, by the great goodnes of God, it shal­be an occasion of more firme and sure peace, betwéene me and my well beloued Brother the King of Fraunce: that eyther of vs may peaceably vse our libertys. And this one thing also I most earnestly say and affirme, to my beloued Brother the King of Fraunce, to the Quene his mother, to the King of Nauar, and to all his faithfull Counsaylers and seruantes. That I, whatsoeuer any mallicious person hereafter shall report, will deale in [Page 210] this matter with such sincerity and integritye, as both the thing it selfe and the tyme shall require: and will v­surpe nothing to my selfe, nor offer iniury and violence to any one of his subiectes. And this I protest before God, his Angelles, and before all men in the vniuersall world, that my full mind, & intent is, in these extreame and perillouse times, to deliuer the subiectes of my bro­ther the Kyng of Fraunce, from the destruction lyke to come by these Ciuil warres: séeing that I imbrace the peace and concord made betwéene me and my Brother the Kinge, I will omitte no occasion to set him in hys former lyberty, and to restore peace and tranquilitye to his people. The which shall come to passe, when it shall please God to giue a better mind to the authors of these troubles, and to make them content with that which is their owne, that they may both kepe them within the li­mites of their duty, & also as good subiectes to be louers of peace. The which at this time ought specially to be sought for, namely, rather peace and concord, by the con sent and agrement of the Christian Princes and states, than to sturre vp lamentable warre among Christians, by fier and swerd.

About this time there was a certaine writinge of Letters of the Princes of Germa­ny, to the Germaynes which wer in the army of the Gui­ses▪ all the Princes of Germany that were protestantes, sent to those armies of horsemen and footemen, which seruid the Guise vnder the conduct and charge of the Rokendolph to this effect following: All the Princes Electores, pro­testants, of the sacred Empire, will and commaund this thinge to be notified and declared to all the Germaines, which serue the Duke of Guise vnder the conducte of the Rokendolph▪ being by him dereyued: which Guise abusing the age and authority of the king of France, would abuse your handes and power to be instrumentes, to ertyrpe and destroy all those which professe the Gospell. And al­though the horrible murthers & cruelties of the Duke [Page 211] of Guise, of his Brother the Cardinall, and of the rest of his fellowes, haue ben openly shewed vppon al Christi­ans louers of the truth, yet notwithstāding, you (which we heard of to our great griefe) are ready to helpe & aide the Duke of Guise. And besides this it is euidently kno­wen to all men, that y ^e Rokendolph your Captaine is ba­nished discredited, and openly proclaymed a traitour, by the publique iudgement, and solemne decrée of the Em­perour, and of al y ^e states of the Empire, for his false be­traying of the Germanes into the handes of the Turke: notwithstandinge ye beinge deceyued by their wonted guiles, and subtill wordes, haue agréed to go with him into France, and at this time also are ready to obey him, and to do whatsoeuer he will haue you: whereby it is plaine that ye wil forsake al christian faith and charity, and loue of vertue and praise, for the Duke of Guise, and for the Rokendolph your captaines sake: such an example gyuen hereby as hath not bin heard of heretofore amōg the Germanes. For these causes, we will and commaund you, being admonished by this writing, and do exhorte & earnestly require all and euery of you, which haue anie regard to your good name and fame, and haue hitherto bin deceiued by the fraud and subtilty of the Rokendolph, that ye take héede and haue regard to the great infamie and reproch which you shall sustaine hereafter: that you forsake out of hand your Captaine the Rokendolph, and the Army of the Duke of Guise: whose principal purpose and intent is, to roote out and destroy Christians, whom we mind to defend with all our might and power. And therefore whatsoeuer he be that shal refuse to obey this our commaundement, let him be well assured that hée shal haue the same punishment of ignominy and shame that the Rokendolph hath: Let all men knowe this for a suertie.

¶These letters greatly troubled the mindes of the [Page 212] Germanes, of which the greatest part of the Guises armie consisted: but the vnder Captaines and Centurions be­ing corrupted for the most part with money, they litle or nothing preuailed. Notwithstandinge a fewe vnder the charge and conduct of Countie Waldech forsakinge the Guises armie, came to Orleans to the Prince of Con­de.

The Duke of Guise hauing good successe in his busi­nes according to his mind, and contrariwise the Prince of Conde, comminge daylye more and more into far­ther Quillebe­douius. extremity, many forsoke the prince of Conde, amōg which were many noble men: who, by the Guises com­maundement, were peaceably receyued, notwithstan­ding with the reprochful name of Quillebedouius, which signifieth a Trayterous coward. These startawaies had the Kings letters of warrant giuen to euery one of them, in maner and forme as followeth.

But as by these meanes snares were layed to trap & entangle the simple and héedelesse sort (as shortly after appeared in many when they were come home) so there was no staye of excommunications thoondered out at [Page 214] Paris. at Tbolouze, and at Bordeaulx, and in other places where the papistes ruled, against such as were counted Huguenotes: strayt charge being geuen to al mē to detect such persones: the payne appointed, threatened to suche as should conceale any such so suspected, and a rewarde promised to him that would detect any such person: the Kings Attorney being commaunded to inquire and [...]nd out such causes, and to bring them with all spéede before the Senate. Then after the publishing of those letters of warrant from the King, whereof we spake before, the Senate or Parliament of Paris decréed, that all those men which came from Burges, Poytiers, Meaulx, Roane, Lions, and from other Cities which were kepte by the Prince of Conde, to Paris, should be taken: and that they should be punished according to the prescript of y ^e Kings Edicte, which commaundeth al men of the new Religi­on to goe out of Paris, notwithstandinge that they had gotten the Kinges letters of warrant, and had made a Catholique confession (as they terme it) of their fayth.

Roane being wonne, as we declared before, the army of the Guise came to Paris about the beginning of No­uember, The Guise tetourneth to Paris. the rumour increasing more and more concer­ning the ayde of the Germanes and of the Englishe men, which should come to the Priuce of Conde very short­ly.

Therefore Roan being fortified agayne, & the breaches of the walles being builded vp, and a Garrison left in y ^e towne, the Duke of Guise retourned backe agayn with The Guise cōmeth to Paris. his armie to Paris. In y ^e meane tyme came the armies out of Germanie to Orleans, sent by y ^e protestant Princes vnder the conduct and charge of the Marshall of Hes­sen. They were thirtéen enseignes of horsemen, con­tayning Ayde com­meth from the Princes of Germa­ny to the Prince of Conde. in iust number 2600, and eleuen enseignes of footemen, contayning thrée thousand souldiours. Then the Prince of Conde, when hée had gathered togyther an [Page 215] armye, mynded to remoue from Orleans and to goe to Paris. But before his departure from thence, hée publi­shed a writing, in the which he cleareth himselfe from being the author of the first motions, and of the ciuill warre, deryuing and laying the same vpon the Guises & his fellowes: and protesteth that dutie moueth him too enter into warre, to deliuer the Kinge and the whole Realme from those iniuries and violence. This which followeth is the summe of his letter.

This writing being published abroad, and all maner of warlike prouision being prepared, the Prince of Con­de (as we sayde before) remoued with his armie from Orleans, and conducted the same by the Countrey of Be­ausse toward Paris. And as hée went, hée besieged a town called Plu [...]iers, which was kept with seuen Enseignes of footemen, and at the length, when hee had sore batte­red the same with his ordinaunce, he had it deliuered vp vnto him. Then he tooke twoo of their principall Cap­taines, and caused them to be put to death, as for the reste of the common soldiers he spared them. After this many Townes yéelded vnto him, as Escampes, la Ferte, Dordan, and others, which hée receyued into his seruice vpon trust. Also he minded to besiege the Citie of Cor­beil, which the Guises kept and mayntayned with a great garrison of souldiours. This Citie is of great forte, b [...]r­dering vpon the riuer of Sein, by which ryuer great pro­uision and store of vittailes, were caryed to Paris. [Page 234] And while he was making al things ready for the siege, word was brought vnto him of the death of his brother the King of Nauar. Whose office of Uiceroy, he percey­uing that he ought to haue by order during this tyme of the Kings minoritie, and then hoping to moderate and end al things by peace, he left of his purpose of besieging Corbei [...] and comming néerer Paris he pitched his campe at Arcel▪ the first day of Decēber. Therfore the Queen sending letters vnto him, desired to conferre and talke with him: not purposing neuerthelesse (as the euent de­clared) to conclude concorde and peace, but onely to de­lay and differre the time, and to diminishe the force of y ^e Prince of Conde his armye, vntill the armies came out of Spayne and Gascoyne, which were dayly looked for: this was done by the subtill practises of the Guises. But be­cause the Prince of Conde was not at that tyme very well at ease, the Admirall went firste to talke with the Quéene, passing ouer the ryuer of Seyn by the port An­gloyse. In the meane tyme the Constable came to the Prince of Conde for a pledge. But this iourney was in vayne, the Quéene saying, that she would neuer agrée, that the reformed Religion should be vsed in any parte of the Realme. Then was the parley appointed againe in a more conuenient place, [...]éere vnto the suburbes of S. M [...]rceau, in a certayne Mill. At which méeting, the Prince of Conde propounded these condicions of peace: First, that the vse of the reformed religion might be frée in those Cities, in the which it was before the warre be­gan: and that the faithful might liue peaceably in other places, and that they might goe vnto such Townes, as they knew the reformed Religion to bée vsed in: also, that there might be diligent héed taken, that they sustai­ned no manner of perill for enioying the benefite of re­ligion. Secondly, that it might be lawfull for all men of the reformed Religion, to enioy their goods, offices, & [Page 235] dignities, but specially their religion in what part of the Realme soeuer they dwelt: and that all sentences and iudgements of any Court pronounced against them for religion be voyd and of none effect: that they which for religions sake were fled the realme, or hauing before fled were now come home againe, might enioye y ^• same benefite, and might haue leaue at their retourne to en­ioy all that they had: that euery Noble man might haue libertie to vse the reformed Religion in his house: and also that it might be lawfull for euery one of the Kings Counsell to haue the same religion in or about y ^e Court, so long as he shall there giue his attendance. Thirdly, that the King himselfe might ratefie and allow y ^• warre which they had mayntayned, and what soeuer they had spent of the Kings money to mayntayne the same: that there might be a cōmon and generall Counsell appoin­ted in some conuenient place within this six monethes, in the which neyther the Pope, nor any other for hym might beare any rule: Or, if it might not be generall: y ^t then it might onely consist of our countrey men, leaue being graunted to euery one to come thyther, that both armies whether they were domesticall or forreyne, might depart home, euery man to his owne house: and that it would please the King to account the Prince of Conde his army, as his owne, the which he protested hée gathered togyther to serue and obeye him: And finally, that for the establishing of this concord, it would please the King and Quéene to gyue their fayth, and that eue­ry one of the Kings Counsell, and Gouernour of any Prouince within the Realme, might in lyke manner sweare to obserue and kéepe this peace.

These were the special condicions which the Prince of Conde required, which were for certayne dayes sent abroad into diuers places, the Guises for the nonce prac­tising [Page 236] with the Quéen subtillie, so to doo, that they might haue the better hope of the ayde which was comminge, and also that the Prince of Conde beginning now in the winter, might fall into greater straytes. For the Duke of Guise went about at no time to séeke peace & concord, fully perswading and assuring himselfe to haue the vic­torie of the Prince of Conde and his. And herevpon it is reported that the Duke of Guise sayd to the Quéen whē shée went about to make peace, If I thought that you would make any certayne and firme pacification with the Prince of Conde, I would neuer agree to the same. To the which the Quéene made aunswere agayne, that shée ne­uer ment it.

This therefore was the aunswer that was made in the kings name, to the peticions of the Prince of Con­de. First, the libertie of religiō was graunted, but with so many exceptions, that it was no libertie at all. For the king denyed any of his Counsell to vse the reformed religion in his Court: hée depriued the Cities of warre which were in the vtmost partes of the Realme, of the benefite of the Edict: among which also hée put in Lions, being no citie of warre: Hée also exempted Paris, & the whole Territory of the same, from the vse of the refor­med Religion: commaunding the armye of the Prince of Conde to breake vp, and to depart home, but the Army of the Duke of Guise, which was called the Kings power, to remayne at the kinges pleasure as it was hée denyed also leaue, for those that had forsaken the Realme to come home agayne, hauing not already enioyed that benefite: Hée would not haue the Decrées and sentences pronounced, to bée quite frustrated, but for a tyme suspended: He denyed any Protestantes too enioye his office, sauing the Prince of Conde: And final­ly, he refused to allow that expence of his money vppon the warre.

[Page 237]Uppon this answere, the Prince of Conde was out of all hope to haue peace. The Guise would not go out of the Citie of Paris, mynding by delay to weaken the pow er of the Prince of Conde. While these thinges had this successe on both partes, the Guises, because they would loose no time, went about to make Monsieur Genly, a Noble man, whose Brother was Monsieur de Iuoy (which had forsaken the Prince of Conde, after the yéel­ding vp of Burges) to take their part also. Monsieur Gen­ly therfore, being earnestly trauailed withall, fell from the Prince of Conde to the contrary part, and was re­ceiued into Paris: Whose departure made the Prince of Conde to alter his former purpose, because he knew that he being one that had knowne al his secret and pri­uie Counsel, would now bewray the same to the Guises. The Prince of Conde remoued from Paris to Ioyne to him the Englishmē So that when he should haue approched néerer Paris, & haue besieged the Citie, he altered his purpose, and re­mouing his Campe, went from Paris with his whole power, going through Normandy, myndinge to ioyne him selfe to the English men, who were now come to the Hauen le Grace, being a Citie which bordered vppon the sea coast: that then he might be the better able to ioyne battayle with the Guises.