THE motiue of this Discourse, most renoun­med Soveraign, which at this time I intend to handle, for that it hath relation to two ends or periods, to wit, peace and warre, the one much to be preferred before the other, as well by divine, as human Arguments; yet for that the time agreeing with the necessity, we are in regard of the feare of the Spanish greatnesse hereafter, which undoubtedly he will attain unto by the innumerable masses of his Indian treasures, which are the nerves and sinewes of all martiall in­tendments, by which fair opportunities offered unto the greatnesse of his desire, for the enlargement of his state, glory and renoume, and that there may be no object that may impediment the let thereof, but onely a determination in himselfe not to offend his neigh­bours, I shall hardly beleeu that he will so much differ from his Progenitors, I mean Ferdinand, Charles and Phillip, who raised not the fame of the Spanish Monar­chie, by just, noble and laudible warres, but by cruell, bloudy and treacherous invasions, especially against Princes of their own bloud; who under pretence of re­lieving [Page 2] or giving them aide against the oppression of others, haue made these passages unmoueable assu­rance, for the obtaining of the lands, Crowns and liues of their neerest Allies, which giveth me no cause of hope of his good dealing towards your Highness, and the States, who are neither allied unto him by bloud, as these former Princes were, nor tyed unto him by offices of Confederacie, wherby for former good turns received he might let you liue in peace: but contrarily, we being onely the stop of the Spanish fury of this part of the world: and a Nation who haue not onely given him infinite disgraces, as well by open battell, as sundry invasions and incursi­ons, made upon his frontier Townes and Territories, to the irrecoverable dishonor of the Spanish people, and unmasking his former forces to all men; which indeed are but a meer shew, and frighting them one­ly; knowing their Greatnes depends with filling the world with an imagination of their Mightiness. For the Spaniard may well becompared to a drumme, or empty vessell; that being beaten upon makes a great and terrible noise; but come neerer them, break them, and look into them, and there is nothing within can hurt you. Or rather like the Asse, that wrapt him selfe in the Lyons skin, and marched a farre off, to strike terrour into the hearts of the beasts, but when the Fox drew neer, hee not onely perceived his long eares, but likewise discovered him and made him à jest to all the beasts of the Forrest. So that I inferre (most gracious Soveraign) that un­lesse he now prevail with you, and by that means gain a peace to make himself more strong for a fitter [Page 3] time to hunt you and your neighbours; his forces at this time, in respect of you and your Confederates, are so weak and resistable, as it may well appear un­to your Highness, that his Monarchy is rather main­tained by Opinion then Might; as it hath ever stood since the losse of the low Countries (if it had been with judgment exquisitely looked into) rather by giving out greater rumours of power, and by se­crecie, then by the greatnesse of their own forces: So as to make this Shadow a Substance, wherby not onely his Indies should be sure, but all the world tremble at his greatnesse. What oath is it that he would keep? What condition that he would not break? Or, what opportunity that he would let slip for the accomplishment thereof, if therby he might assure himselfe of the Ile? And therfore, though I commend peace before warre; yet if the Country cannot obtain a good peace without a warre, I think it consequently follows, that it is necessary for you to make a warre with your enemy, whilst you haue the advantage in your hands, wherby you may lay a foundation of a sure peace for your Selfe, Po­sterity, and State for after ages; rather then to dream of a peace which shall no longer hold, then he is able by breaking to revenge: For doubtlesse in the preser­vation of Kingdoms, it is no injurie to doe that to your enemie which he would doe unto you, if he could. And therfore those Princes, States or people whoso­ever, that shall build so firmly upon the condition of peace to be kept by the enemie, the breach wherof may turn to his or their great danger or destruction; that Prince, State or people, in my opinion haue either lit­tle [Page 4] judgment of themselues, or are ill advised of the Councell: Securitie of their own estates, or too much fidelity to others, haue not onely been the destruction of many families, but likewise of great and potent Kingdoms, Provinces and Towns. And therfore to this day, there could never be found so great safety, to pri­vate men, or publique States, as mistrust; as appeareth by Demosthenes in his second to the Athenians against Phillip of Macedon. ‘There are (quoth hee) devised many strengths and defences for the maintenance of of Cities and Townes; as Trenches, Walls, Ram-parts, Dikes, Bulwarkes, and such like, the which are made by mens hands, with great cost and charge: but nature (saith he) hath given to all wise men a common defence and safegard; the which as it is profitable to all men particularly, so it is a most wholesome and sure hold and fortresse, to all Countries and Cities, against all manner of tyran­nie, and what fortes to mistrust, that which if it be well and truely kept, it will preseru and keep you all.’ And therfore to prevent danger in a con­venient season, and to provide in time against the worst, is a thing most wholesome, necessary, and worthy of greatest commendations: For as fore­sight makes men wary, so confident suspicion help­eth judgment, and bringeth to light many hidden practises: and those that doe not fear the complots of their enemies, nor regard of forces preparations against them, are doubtlesse neer some dissastrous fortune, or extrem ruin of their estates and for­tunes.

How prejudiciall their treatise of peace haue ever [Page 5] been to such Princes or States with whom they haue contended, is most evident, as well to us, as other Nations, as appeares by their Armado in 88, who came with fire and sword to cut the throats of the people of this land: (had not God prevented their treacherous resolutions.) At the selfe same time they had entertained us with a main shew of a desire of peace, and our Commissioners being with them for the same purpose. As also when Ferdinand of Aragon the last, and Phillip Archduke of Austria were in treaty of marriage of Madam Stawdii of France, with Charles the fifth; and after was concluded, sworn and confirmed at Blois, the King of France being Lewis the twelfth; his Lieftenants mistrusting no­thing in respect of the promises, the Spaniards set upon them, defeating two French Armies, the one at Calabria, under the conduct of the Lord D' Aubigney; the other at Cernigola, led by the Duke of Nemuers; by which treacherous overthrow of these two no­ble Captains, by don Consolis de Cordua, called the great Captain Commander of the Spaniards in these parts: they wrested from the French, most of the places in Italy, which they keep untill this day. And therefore howsoever other men be opinionated of the Spanish faith and fidelity with your Majesty and State, yet for my part, I will think of them, and their promises, as a Noble man of Athens thought of a certain Oratour. ‘Your words (quoth he) my friends are like the Cypresse, which although great and high, bear no fruit.’ And truely, as they are Spaniards I cannot well blame them; for they well know, that the Crown of Spain is at stake, and all [Page 6] the Indies, and his other Signiories, and therfore will not fail to put in practise all tricks that may win the game, though it be by foule play. For if he haue not peace with England at this time, it is not un­known unto him that the foundation of his Monar­chy will be shaken in peeces. And we cannot but see this, and yet will take no advantage therof, wher­by we may secure our selues both for present and fu­ture times; we may be compared to the Athenians, of whom I haue spoken before, who by Titus Li­vius report were men, who knew what to doe, but would not doe it: which is a fault so ominous to all states, that it not onely presenteth it selfe against; but like­wise followeth disasters and ruin to the Common­wealth that refuseth. For opportunitie doth not at­tend upon Captaines and Councellours pleasures, but sheweth it selfe on a suddain; and if not im­braced, passeth away without returning: And ther­fore the advantages that one State, that are enemies hath of another, happen so seldom to the Globes, as Saturn finisheth his course but in 30 yeares. But our enemy is free, and I speak it to his honour, from this base and earthly resolution; for it is reported of them, by this speciall vertue, they haue raysed their state to so high a pitch: which is, that no people can readier finde the occasion, or sooner take, or resolue it, when it is offered. And doubtlesse, to say the truth, I am much more fearfull of the Spanish pro­ceedings, for that he goeth by precedent: which is an excellent kind of discipline, as well in Martiall as civill actions; especially when the action is groun­ded upon a sure foundation. And as all Kings [Page 7] and Captaines which desire to attain to great things, doe imitate some one Prince, or Generall that hath preceded them: so doubtless haue the Kings of Spain for these many yeares, imitated in all their actions (as neer as the time and States with whom they haue contended would giue them leaue) that noble, valiant and politick Captain Phillip of Macedon, who indeed laid the foundation of his sons Monar­chy, and this was his Maxime, That where force could not prevail, he alwaies used bribes and mony to corrupt the prin­cipall of the inhabitants: Insomuch that at a certain time at the assault of a Citie, which to a Captain of his seemed impregnable, and therfore thought to di­vert his purpose in the besieging therof. ‘Then art a fool (quoth he) for I will haue this great Citie, notwithstanding the walles and ramparts, if the Gates be so big that an Asse laden with gold can but enter.’ And questionless, if your Majestie would but search into the Spaniards proceedings, since he had the Indies, you should acquaint your selfe with many such presidents of their part, to be a warning to you to look at this time advisedly to your own safety, lest you fall into the like misfor­tunes. And although I could alledge many which (for brevities sake) I omit, yet I will recite one (lest it should be thought I knew none) which is, viz. ‘When Ferdinand of Aragon saw, by the sword he could not get the country of Rows [...]ton and Perpig­nan, out of the hands of Charles the French King, which as they say had been ingaged to Lewis the 11, he fell to practise with them of Religion; wherfore he corrupted with a great summe of mony one [Page 8] Oliver Maillandor, as some say, Iohn de Madron a Franciscan Frier, Confessor to the Lady Brawnen the Kings sister, who under the root of Religion, cloaking his hypocrysie and coveteousnesse, per­swaded this simple Lady, that unlesse restitution was made of those Territories to the King of Spain, his government could not prosper, nor please God; she being moved in conscience with this Friers perswasions, brake this matter to Lewis of Amboise Bishop of S. Albie, the Kings Schoolemaster, who together with her, so terrified the Kings conscience, that hee not onely made restitution of the said Ter­ritories, by the said Bishop, but likewise freely re­leased to the King of Spaine, the said Ferdinand, all the mony that Lewis his father had paid for them: Marry with condition, that the said King and his Successors should ever loue and honour the King of France, that he should make no warres against it, nor aide with mony, victuals nor counsell, any ene­mies therof, nor permit them to haue passage through their Dominions.’ And thus were the countries restored to the Frenchmens griefe. But the French King misreckoned himselfe in the Spa­nish fidelity, for having occasion to warre in Italy shortly after, he was no sooner past the Mountains, but the King of Spaine forgat all his kindness, and be­gan to practise a leagu with his enemies. So as I in­ferre (mighty Prince) that either by shew of Religi­on, or subtle and sophisticall Arguments; or in desire you haue to trust some about you, on whose shoul­ders ever (in regard of your opinion of their wise­domes and fidelities) you cast your selfe, and your [Page 9] care of your estate, in all, or either of these, you are like, without the more grace of God, to receiue dis­advantage in this your peace-making (and yet per­haps no fault in them.) For it seemes to me wonder­full, that the truth of things being one; yet may fals­hood be so apparelled with the habits of likelihood and truth, as (changing countenance) it is often re­tained in stead therof. As for as much as upon this Treatie now in hand, not onely dependeth your own happiness, the happiness of your noble Issue, States, Kingdoms, Subjects, or whatsoever else is deer unto you; but likewise the happiness or unhappiness of all the Princes of Europe. So (most gracious Lord) in respect of these great and mighty depen­dances, as well in regard of your own particular, as generall good of the Christian Common-wealth, which so long hath groaned under the fear of the Spanish greatness, digest and distinguish every parti­cular; and in a point, in your own person, without trusting of any man with a matter of great impor­tance: which although it will be very intricate by the diversitie of so many things as will offer them­selues to be considered, yet (renoumed Soveraign) it will be very profitable to your Highness, and most acceptable and pleasing to the people, when they shall hear and see the great care the King hath of them and their safety: For as Commines saith, ‘hee thinketh it the greatest plague that God can lay up­on a Realm to giue them such a Prince as shall in great things giue his Authority unto others, which most especially in such a case as this hee ought to re­seru unto himselfe.’ Although I confess Princes [Page 10] ought to haue Ministers in all things, especially in great matters, but not to conclude any thing without the Princes assent; nor with him neither, but by the relation of many circumstances, in regard of that affinity which truth and falsehood haue in many mat­ters of great moment. And yet I protest out of my own opinion, I am no way jealous of any of the Councell; for as for them I hold them to be all most noble and worthy personages, and fit to manage great Kingdoms, as part of the Indies, and other Seig­niories: which are as fit for you to take as the King of Spaine to keep; which by your just command and va­lour of the English and Scottish Nations shall be gained unto you and your posterity; without which, what­soever your Selfe thinketh, or other men say, neither you, nor your posterity can ever be safe, upon pro­bable and reasonable grounds, if the Spaniards intend to disquiet you, as I will now my selfe proue; and as these following projects made by the Castilian them­selues, may appear, by the necessity they are in to be Masters of the Ile, viz. ‘That a mighty King, deter­mining to preserue his own, hath no better meanes then by conquering that of another mans; alwaies holding this as a Maxime, That whosoever preser­veth getting nothing, neither by keeping his own, can subdue the will of perverse men, that they may not be able to make him a disturbance. These rea­sons ought more to prevail with your Majestie (quoth he) then with any other Prince, since you hold your great State much dispersed, and the grea­test part of your power consists in things moueable and uncerrain, which are the Indian Fleet; which [Page 11] neither Garrisons, Fortresses, nor any good procee­dings can hardly assure; although your Majesty had great forces and power: as at this present we may well perceiu by this Pirat Drake, who with nothing is able to molest the whole world, notwithstanding the provisions which are made on your Majesties behalfe for the preventing therof. Wherfore (saith he) let your Majesty entertain an enterprise against England; which both is, and may be the principall disturber of your Indian Fleet and Commerce. Neither let your Majesty suppose there can be a bet­ter or safer way, for the quiet of States, or the ad­vancement of your certain Greatness, then by re­moving this Mountain of Disquiet to your most high and Kingly purposes, and conquering of this Ile. As also Don Phillip the second, of Castile, having a great and earnest desire to make himselfe Master of this Ile of the world, and perceiving two obsta­cles to curb his proceedings in that kind; to wit, the warres of the Netherlands, and the Iealousie of this State of ours hath ever had of his Greatness; and being desirous to haue the fountain of this happi­ness to spring from one of those two heads deter­mining to build this resolution, which with most ease, most honour, most safety, and most advantage, might be carried to his after designes.’ Vpon consi­deration wherof, and mature deliberation, reasons were alledged pro & contra, amongst which, in my judgment, some are most prevailent reasons, and such doubts as the Spanish King from the mouth of him who made Reason his ground, and Experience his schoolmaster for what he said, and are following. [Page 12] ‘It is my determination in this present Discourse (said he) to shew, as your renoumed Seigniorie comman­deth me, by way of Reall foundation, that it is much more expedient for that purpose of your Catholike Majestie to moue your war against England then the Netherlands, declaring thus much notwithstanding reall foundation in this point, I mean not common principles of nature, or of science, neither of Ma­thematicall demonstrations of this present subject, is not capable, but rather reasons probably groun­ded upon truth. There are many, who but obser­ving the first view of your Catholike Majesties in­terest to Flanders and England affirm, that though this Iland by just pretention pertaineth to your Majestie, yet you are so much the more bound to recover those countries of the Netherlands rather then con­quer England; by how much by all policy, the preser­vation of things already possessed, must goe before things never injoyed. But though this be a great po­sition in publick affaires, yet we intreating of mat­ters of State (I) will not judge it of that weight as that it may weigh down the ballance; which gal­ling the one side more then the other, might im­pair the whole summe and safety of things. Wee must consider what ought; but further how it is pos­sible, more profitable, more easie, more expedient to be done: For oftentimes Princes are so pricked to warre by the stimulation of honour, or of their de­sire to some enterprise, as that the bridle of many other circumstances, which would requisitely be considered cannot draw them back. For an example of this, we may set before our eyes the Venetian [Page 13] Common wealth, who thinking of nothing else but their duty to be revenged on the Duke of Mil­lain, preferred immoderate ambition before all other respects; and so, too late, remembred, that the office of prudence, is to moderate passions, and spleen in important resolutions: especially when they draw after them a tail or train of great inconveniences. The consideration therof; that we are more bound to preserue the things we possesse, then conquer new, is not sufficient to conclude that your Majesty ought to take in hand the enterprise of Flanders rather then England; neither in that so importunate affaires should we seek occasions so light. But to the end it may appear evidently, that in every respect your Ma­jesty is bound to the enterprise of England, I will before any thing establish a foundation to that whole edifice of my opinion, viz. That in subduing of England, you overcome at the same time the Ne­therlands also; but having overcome the Netherlands, England is not presently subdued; neither doth per­adventure the hope increase that you shall after con­quer it. But I affirm moreover, that to conquer Eng­land is not an action more difficult, or lesse certain, then if it were the Netherlands: For if England doe consequently draw after it the Netherlands; and if it be more easie and more secure, who doubteth, but he that should pervert this course would be a right destroyer of Opportunity; and so become the forget of his own disgrace. But I will proue with prevai­lent Reasons, that one and the other member of my foundation, which is, that the victorie of England, is more profitable then that of the Netherlands, & more [Page 14] easie to obtain. As for the proofe of my first foun­dation, I betake my selfe to these principall heads. The first is: If the Netherlands had not maintained warre so many yeares, but by the aide and succour of England; that which hath still supplyed fewell to the flames and fire of the rebellion: For if England would but fail them, it is cleer, they could not stand out; no more then a living body can be preserved without nourishment, and it is more securely extin­guisht by taking away the maintenance and nourish­ment thereof, then by striving to quench it by his contrary: For having no nourishment at all, the vio­lent heat is used against it selfe, and so by it selfe con­sumed: but we determining to overcome it by the contrary, it may fall out, that instead of extinguish­ing it, the force of it may be much increased, if the contrary be subdued by the same: And therfore the Florentines then, and not before, quenched the fire of the Pison rebellion, when they took away the fewell and nourishment from it, which came from stran­gers, by cutting off Princes their Collegates, and the gaining their Citie in one action; which other­wise all their own force, and their Confederates would not haue been sufficient to obtain. The other is; for if England with her succours which shee send­eth, not onely maintaineth the Netherlands secure, with the bare hope of her shadow: for they count themselues in banishment, as it were, while they see before their eyes the Spanish forces; and so would still doe, if they did not know the English will alwaies be ready to buckle with any one, that with a mighty Fleet should passe by these parts. In this respect the [Page 15] Athenians thought themselues sure from Phillips force, while the Town of Ohinton stood out; and so on the contrary, when the Olintons were overcome, then saw they no impediments that could keep the enemy from them. Even so, if England should fall into the hands of your Majestie, the whole founda­tion of the Rebells obstinacy were shaken, the for­tresse and back being removed, by favour of which they haue daily nourished the spirits of pride and in­solencie: so as the soule and spirit yeeldeth England, being taken away; we may perceiu that the conquest of the Netherlands is easily brought forth by the vic­torie, as her lawfull daughter; and that the end fol­loweth not as the daughter, or as the other being her mother, but even as inseparably, as the shadow the body, or nourishment the life. As also this rea­son which I will now recite, is infallibly grounded upon the direct rule of Art Millitarie: which is, that you ought never to imploy your selfe in the assault of any place, if there remain still at your back a a mighty meanes of some disturbance: Wherfore it is no sound deliberation to fasten first on the enter­prise of the Netherlands; when you leaue one ill­affected on your back, which peradventure may sud­denly assail and break through in the midst of the Ca­tholike Army, in the heart of the warres with the Netherlands. Charles the 5, his attempt in Province had unhappy successe, for no other cause but that he contemned the advise of the Marquis Masto: which was, that first, before any thing, he should expugne the fortresse. But that resolution being not taken by Charles, was no lesse pernitious to the Imperialists [Page 16] then to the Author of that Councell, Antonio de Leva. Another reason is, attempting the warre up­on the Netherlands, you come to buckle with braue experienced Souldiers, and men brought up in warre; as on the contrary, the English want Art and Discipline Millitarie. I may giue the same comparison, that may be made between Idleness and Experience; armed and unarmed; and how advantagious it is to fight with unskilfull Souldiers: Amongst many other; the example of Meltiades, in the field of Manathon, sheweth evidently; who with lesse then ten thousand braue Souldiers, put to flight the force of unhappy Xerxes, who had more then six hundred thousand with him. An other is, that the Netherlands must be conquered by handfulls, and haue full, or whole Armies imploy­ed in beleagering this or that Fort; otherwise per-adventure of no great importance; but as it may be a stop to his course of victory, that goeth about to seiz upon the Country. Wheras contrarily Eng­land hath no strong Towres or Fortresses, as well within as without: there is no doubt of that en­terprise, and is as much more easie then this; as it is a lesse matter to overcome them that doe not resist, then those that doe fight upon warlike advantages. There is no better example to bee pro­duced to your Highnesse, then of the selfe same Countrie of the Netherlands; in which, notwith­standing that your Majestie hath placed such strong Garrisons, yet at every step such prevailent accidents doe occurre, that oftentimes the Assay­lants are overcome, by the often oppositions that [Page 17] these Fortresses use towards them: Even as on the contrary, the Kingdom of Portugal, there being no convenient Fortresses to giue impediment to the forces of the Souldiers, were suffered to enter into the very heart of the land; they being not able to make any manner of defences to defend the same. Another reason is, for that the Fortresses are as prejudiciall to the Assaylants, after they haue obtained them, as they were before, by reason the Conquerour is forced to distribute his Army into many members, by which they are great­ly weakned. So that, by this that hath been spoken, it may appear, that it is much more convenient; nay, as it seemeth, much more easie for your Highnes to push at England then the Netherlands; and therfore I will discourse of that Enterprise; not in comparison of the other, as heertofore I haue done, but in respect of it self; manifesting certain principles, which doe better declare and make manifest the opportunity & facility therof. In my opinion therfore it is a thing not to be doubted, if medicine is then truely to called wholesom, when it hath reference, not onely to the offended part or member, but further to cut off the root of the evill. And therfore if your Majesty shall enter into the conquest of the Netherlands, you but peradventure cure the wounds of that rebellion, but you shal not evacuate the causes of the beginnings of these ill humors, which haue daily sent nourishment to the disease: considering England is the place which hath given sustenance to the rebellious States. And though these Provinces were yours of this present disposition; yet what can that be, in a body subject to [Page 18] continuall suggestion of matter, which in it own na­ture presenteth in the stomack some portion of offen­siue humour: Your Majestie must therfore necessari­ly assault England; to the end you may afterwards ei­ther securely digest, or evacuate these concourses. But to discourse more at large of the facility of the enterprise; I deny not truely but that England is a very mighty Kingdom; and the greatest Iland that ever wee finde any mention made of by the Anci­ents, seeing it containeth Scotland within the same, running 2000 miles in a circuit, although our mo­dern Writers make a computation of 200 lesse. By Nature it hath been favoured with a security of a wall, or with a rampart: but yet notwithstanding it is most true, that the reputation that that Iland holdeth in warlike actions, is rather grounded on that it was in time past, then that which it hath at this present: and therfore as it often happeneth, the minde grown great, with the bundles of ima­ginations wherwith it is maintained, though the foundation wheron it dependeth be changed, and diminished: Yet for all that, is the estimation of England great in our minds; because wee all behold it with the selfe same eye of consideration, as wee are wont to doe at all other times; when as in an­cient, for succession of more then 300 yeares, it possessed Normandie, Britaine, Guienne and Gascoigne, and made Scotland tributary, and for a long time enjoyed the most part of the Kingdom of France, upon which Henry the 6, was publiquely crowned at Paris. But those that haue diligently observed her, now when shee is deprived of so great forces [Page 19] and aide, will judge that shee is greater through the reputation of her ancient fame, then for the quality of her present power and force: and that shee is now no more England, so grievous and ter­rible to the greatest Princes of Europe; and since that with so unhappy a resolution shee fell into ob­scurity, shee hath been driven of necessity to sub­mit her selfe to those fearfull things, which altera­tion of Religion and faith draw after them. A most mighty and prevailent meanes to the ruin and de­clination of States: For if Religion be the onely base of all the peoples obedience and loyalty, who doubteth, but that being removed, all rule of life goeth to the ground; and together all lawes, both Divine and Human haue dispensation. In which parties, or rather habites, of this most pernicious beast, are most miserable, how much the mutations haue been sudden and violent; as aboue all other, these of England haue been, which from the height of Religion threw it selfe headlong into the depth of Infidelity; from thence rising againe into the Catholike light from whence it came; and a fresh to fall ruinously into the darknesse of heresie: which is so prejudiciall unto States, as there is no greater pestilencie; or that more weakens the solli­dity of their forces. England therfore in these out­ragious stormes must needs haue suffered ship­wrack, of which we may plainly see the effects, if wee doe but obserue shee hath lost the foundati­on, wherupon no lesse her reputation, then secu­rity was grounded: that is, shee hath lost the power and authority which sometimes shee had in sea-affaires; [Page 20] for in times past this Iland maintained a great number of Shippes, and kept a continuall Fleet of Armes, wherupon it came to passe; that minding to try the strength of her own forces, the preparation was admirable; amongst others wee may see that when Henry the sixth of England, went against Charles the sixth of France, with neere eight hundred great Ships, which made a bridge over the Ocean: but the quality of that Iland is so diverse, and changed, that since the daies of Henry seventh and eighth, it hath not been able to maintain one hundred ordinary Ships; which it was wont to wey, and haue in readinesse for the secu­rity of the State: and further, this Iland hath been put to such pinches, that they haue not onely been constrained to diminish, but to sell out-right a great part of their Shipping, which both was, and is, their onely securitie from forraign danger: so much more urgent in Princes is feare of present po­verty, then the respect of their future safety. So that now, comming to resolue on the point of facility, that your Majesty shall now finde in that Enter­prise against this Iland, I will offer to your Highness two principall heads; the one of the Defendant, the other of the Assaylant, wherby I will shew, that the assayled is as unable to defend, as the Defend­ant is to assayle. As for the Defendant (which is the Kingdom of England) it may certainly be aver­red, that it cannot stand out in defensiue warre against the forces of your Majestie, if you will but invade it with the provisions, which is easie for you to compass, and such as the Enter­prise, [Page 21] and importance of the action requireth, the which I will cleerly shew for divers respects. The first is; because, as I haue said, the Ile of England is poor; and therefore is her debility such, as if shee should goe about to manage a defensiue war against so mighty and potent, as your Catholike Majestie, shee might as well goe about to sustain heaven on her shoulders, being neither Alcides nor Atlas. The second is, for the consideration of the necessity which possesseth there the State of England; hath no more in readiness such num­ber of Shippes as were sometimes maintained for the protection and security of their Kingdom. The third is, that the Kingdom of England, by care­lessnesse neglected, or by poverty omitted, to haue alwaies in readinesse; prepared, or practi­sed Men, Armes, or provision, as all other Princes haue, to the end they may be a present re­medy to all suddain Insurrectson, which groweth either at home or abroad. The fourth is, because the desire of Innovation is proper to the King­dom, whose minds doe alwaies aspire after change; and whosoever doth but obseru for­mer histories, will judge that her seditious con­spiracies, and every other effect of a disturbed and moving minde, haue had their proper nest; being stirred up with considerations, which being accom­panied with the ordinary disposition of the people, to be alwaies attempting of new things, may ea­sily of a suddain, if it were assaulted, put the Realme into confusion; especially when the Ar­my of so mighty an enemy as your Majestie, [Page 22] shall present it selfe, wherby rebels may liberally discover their hearts without being chastised. So as this people being any way ill-affected, which meet­ing with their manner of disposition, may perad­venture easily giue occasion, if your Majesty had no party in England, which you shall never fail off to some unlooked for action, if your Catholike Ar­mies did but shew themselues. It being so ordina­ry a matter with that people, when they are masked with some great passion, either of hatred or disdain towards them that govern, that they will be ever ready to take all courses in hand that may be hurtfull to him: Even so that Tantanus discontented with government of Cajus Iberius brought in before his face the Carthaginians. First, the English in respect of their ancient greatnesse, haue been more accusto­med to molest others, then to be molested them­selues; and when they shall see themselues over­whelmed, as it were, with an innumeration of braue Souldiers and Captaines, they will grow wonder­fully astonied: even as that change of fortunes countenance is a terrible spectacle to those to whom this sight is unusuall: for by that meanes Greece which was sometimes Empresse of the whole East, fell suddenly into other mens hands; who of an Assaylant, became assayled. And lastly, though nature get thus much in behalfe of them, that Eng­land be well furnished with Armes, men, victuals, and ships, and whatsoever else is necessary for the warres; yet (say I) all this is nothing, when the quality and condition is wanting, which giveth form and essence to all enterprises; which is mony: [Page 23] which the Kingdom of England, no lesse through the scarcity of Revenues, as by the charge of ordi­nary expences is brought unto; which they shall never be able to recover, by their Trades and Com­merce, if the use of the sea be taken from them: and therfore will never be able to supply expence of a defensiue Army Royall, when it hath scarcely enough to supply their own necessaries; especially against so great and magnificent a Prince as your most Catholike Majestie, who embraceth within the circuits of your Dominions, the whole Diame­meter of the earthly Globe, and possesseth more land at this day, then all the Monarchs and Repub­liques of the world haue: A most opulent Prince in Armes, Men, Mony, Souldiers, Captains, Shippes, Victuals, and all other provision of warre: and a Prince, who like a Moderator, or Arbitrator, seem­eth to hold in his hands, the bridle of Empire, both of the sea and land. And wheras it may be objected that the Gallies which doe you no service in that expedition, being vessels of great consequence in battels by sea: your enterprise of Portugal, and of the Iland, if it did not quite remoue it; yet did it much abate the superstitious credulity of ours, that those Vessels are not good at any time to passe the Ocean withall; as if there were no faire wether in that sea in the Summer; or that fair weather were abortiue in shipping: there is no doubt but that Gallies may securely passe, and hazard themselues in that Sea in the Summe, for three moneths: And those that will object the contrary, by the over­throw of the Sea there, let them be contented to ob­serue [Page 24] well, that the same Anchor met not with no inward, but outward occasion, in the sea of that overthrow: For Caesar ignorantly could not dis­cern the time of the Moon which was then in the full, and being mistaken by reason of her 100 much humidity, doth use to disturb, not onely the Ocean, but all the coasts, and the dominion shee holdeth of the salt waters. And therfore in respect of the great honesty and equity accompanying the cause; with it so honourable and godly life, as the planting the Christian faith and religion, no obstacle can be sufficient to stay the force of divine power, serving under the standerd of Christ; and therfore most weake, and but a shadow shall all humane helpe bee which shall oppose it selfe against the will of the great Ar­bitrator. But such are the pretentions of your Majestie over this Kingdom, and such the obli­gations wherin you stand bound for the recovery of your own, the title of Grandfather and Prede­cessours of famous memorie; as there is no en­terprise so peculiar and proper for you to under­take as this: for that you goe not onely to pos­sesse your selfe of the right which you haue to this Kingdome, but likewise to make your selfe the most famous King that ever was in the memory of all the Princes of the world; adding by this meanes unto the Crowne of Spaine, a Kingdom so illustrious, so mightie, and so fa­mous.’

By the relation of this Spanish project, against this State of England, most Illustrious Prince, may well [Page 25] appeare unto your Highnesse, that the Spaniard him­selfe well knows, that there is no way for the ex­pectation of his further Greatness; no great pos­session of the high Monarchy, which he himselfe alledgeth that he already enjoyeth, but the conque­ring of this Ile, and adding it to the Crown of Spain ▪ and therfore, if he had any other meanes to at­tain to this, by him so violently longed for, then by a peace: why should not your Majestie thinke, that the peace hee meanes to make with you at this time, is for that purpose, and for no other in­tent? And therfore, my good Lord, I cannot, as one standing upon the firme land, gaze upon the shipwrack of my Countrie, being so doubtfully tossed, and floting in the dangerous sea of dissen­tion, betwixt peace and warre, with one that will make a peace with you, for no other end and purpose, but that hee may bee the better able to make warre heerafter against you. But to cast out the last anchor hold of my selfe, which is boldness and freeness of speech to you (my most renouned Soveraign) to prevent if I can these extreme and certain dangers, wherein both your Selfe, your States, and glory of the English and Scottish names, are likely to be plunged, when the Spaniards ability shall be such, as there shall bee no let, but his good nature, to insult over you: which howsoever your Highness, or o­thers, think contrary, will in foure or fiue yeares, if he enjoy his Indies be brought to passe. Surely, my gracious Soveraign, I am of opinion against Phil­lip of Spain, in the behalfe of my Countrie, [Page 26] as that noble Common-wealths man Demosthenes, against Phillip of Macedon in behalfe of the Athenians; which no doubt hath much affinity with our case at this time. For Phillip seeing whilst he had warre with Athens (at which he principally aimed) hee could never overcome the other Provinces of Thebeans, Lacedemonians, Thessaliars, Phocians, O intans, and the rest, and till they were overcome he could never get Athens, began to take another course: which was, to bribe with mony and gifts, Councellours or Ora­tors of that State to be of his side; and by that means to be secure from the forces of that Republique or Commonwealth, till he had, by one and one, over­come the rest. But good Demosthenes perceived him by and by, and warned the Thebeans of that Treason; but these traitors of Phillips Faction being grown great in the Citie, by meanes of the bounty they had dai­ly received for rewards of their treason; as also the Athenians were then, as we are now, not willing to hear of any warres or change to be brought against them; which alwaies these Traitors joyn with the multitude, in assuring them that Phillip of Macedon meant them no harm, was the onely cause that all the other Provinces aforenamed were overcome; but al­so the noble and stately Citie by him and Antèpator his successour. And therfore since that like examples, whilst the world doth last, will bring forth like effects, I will be of Demosthenes minde; if since we cannot shunne the warres with Spain, either at this time, or hereafter, when he hath made himselfe more strong; either by the conquest of his neighbours, or otherwise: that you should begin with him whilst [Page 27] you haue the advantage of him; and then you shall by proofe finde how profitable it will be unto you, when you must needs doe a thing, to doe it with a courage and cheerfulness: And forasmuch as there is no man of another minde, but that we shall haue the King of Spaine, by so much more our mighty ene­my, the greater Princes suffer him to be. Oh why be we so backward, or why linger you oh noble King, the great Commander of the braue spirits of the English and Scottish Nation, to doe that in reason and necessity you ought? Our fathers, when they were Masters but of one part of this Ile, were never wont to fear any thing in matters of warre, but if the skie should fall upon them, sailed over many a Sea to make their weapons glister in the bowels of other Kingdoms; being by the honesty of their actions, and nobleness of their courage assured. And shall your Majestie, by whose blessed arrivall to this part of your Ancestors, and having brought home once again in your ship of Vnion, our brethren and kinsmen, no lesse valiant then our selues, being descended from the bloud of our Ancestours, and turned from us by the iniquity of time, and dissentions of some muti­nous persons of either part; which we must not ac­count proceeded by consent of both people; neither measure the intents of great Nations according to the notable wickedness of some particulars? Shall you I say, who hath renewed again the ancient fame of this Ile (by which, for valour, for men, for munitions, for engines, for warre, no Prince under heaven can lightly compare) be doubtfull to undertake a warre to which you are so necessarily incited; as well for [Page 28] the glory of God, the advancement of Christian Religion in all parts; as also your particular safety, which can never be certain to You, nor us your pos­terity, but by the abatement of the Spanish great­ness, by means wherof many murders, massacres, and rebellions haue been made in Europe. No no (my renoumed Soveraign) be it farre from your mag­nanimous minde, to harbour a thought so unworthy that vertue, that shineth so apparant in all mens eyes; but rather since the nature of the Countries, the in­clination of the Subjects, and the valours of the peo­ple, doe seek to overcome the violence of the ene­mies; let them be seconded by the Kingly command, under which word, there is no question of victorie. Your Predecessours of famous memory, undertook these warres upon discreet, and premeditated consi­derations; not onely chewed for many yeares toge­ther, but likewise digested by the experience of time, Conclusions of the Spaniards part of divers things against this State, and probability of many more dan­gers like to ensue, both against the people and coun­try: And therfore (most renoumed Soveraign) if the addition you adde in your own Greatness and Person, to this your right inheritance of England, be not sufficient to alter the consideration of your for­mer policies, in my minde; you ought to be well-advised, before you stray from the pathes of your Pre­decessours, who built their onely safety upon the pre­servation of the Netherlands, and abatement of the Spaniards Greatness, as by divers excellent reasons, wherupon they undertook openly these warres, may appear. But perhaps it may be said, that the person of [Page 29] the Prince doth alter the pretence of the enemy. I hope I shall need to say little on that point, to so highly wise, learned and judicious a Lord, as your Highness; especially when it is apparant to your Ma­jestie, that the Spaniards build their certain Greatness upon no one thing so much, as the ruin and destructi­on of this land, as by their foregoing projects appear­eth. But moreover, if they could not loue the Prin­ces of their bloud, race, and kindred; as the King of Naples, Cicily and Navarre, whom they not onely de­posed from their Kingdomes; but likewise some of them from their liues, under no pretence of reason or justice; but onely thirsting after bloud and Seignio­ries, I shall infinitely mistrust his regard of the safety of your noble and fortunate Issue. And if your Ma­jesty will goe by precedent (which is most fit to most actions that doe minister themselues to men) and but examine how the Monarchy of Spaine, hath but ray­sed himselfe to his Greatnes, you shall no doubt per­ceiu (by comparing time past, with that which is like to follow) the irrecoverable dangers you are like to fall into, by making peace with them, that for advan­tage, will hold it Religion to break with you. And for that, from Ferdinand of Aragons time they haue begun to render themselues so fearfull to their neigh­bours, which as it were yesterday, your Highness may acquaint your selfe with their unjust actions, which are fresh in memory to their unchristianlike wounds, gi­ven to many Christian Princes, still Bleeding; wher­by you may the better discern and distinguish them. For as Ferdinand himselfe, which was the root from whence their Princes sprang, there was no King in his [Page 30] time more unjust, more cruell, or more bloudy, thirsting after bloud, and breach of faith with all Princes, with whom he had to doe; although they were his Cosen germaines; his brother in law, his Sisters and Neeces; and indeed laid his foundation of the Spanish Monarchy upon such base and treacherous foundations: For Charles the fifth, how hee behaved himselfe in his time amongst the Princes of Christendome, I cannot more aptly referre your Majestie to a briefe re­lation thereof, then by an Oration made by a worthy Gentleman, who had particularly acquain­ted himselfe with the accidents of that time, which hee wrote, and dedicated to the two yong Earles of Embden long since. For Phillip the second, what bloud hath hee caused to be shed both in England, Portugal, France, the Netherlands and Ire­land; is it not knowne to all Christian Prin­ces? Besides, the often seeking of the innocent bloud, of that most noble, and thrice renou­med Predecessour of famous memory Elizabeth, Queen of this land, which if, so it were, there were no other witnesse of his Goatish and Moorish in­clination (as there are thousands) were it not enough to enroule and memorize him in the ranke of unworthie and tyrannous Potentates? For Phillip the third, although hee bee yong, yet is hee a Spaniard: and whatsoever the wisest of the world haue ever thought of the nature and quality of a Spaniard is apparant: For Francis Quicchardine (a man so sufficient, as the very rec­koning of his very worth and perfections would [Page 31] require a story) saith of them. ‘The Spanish Nation are covetous and deceitfull, and where they bee at libertie, exceeding outragious, ty­rannous, and very proud and insolent.’ And An­drew . . a famous Senatour of Venice, saith of them; ‘That they are unfaithfull, ravenous, and the most unsatiable of all Nations: For where is it (saith hee) of all the places of the world, where these infamous Harpies set their feet, which is not defiled with the foot-steps of most abominable vices; and yet the shot of their Pistols doe so dazell the eyes of many in this land, that they are not ashamed to defend them to be the most noble, most faithfull, most honourable Nation in the world. Another writes of them; That they are loathsome Swine, thee­vish Owles, and bragging Peacocks: For (saith he) whosoever would behold the liuely portra­ture of them, without troubling himselfe with the overturning of Martial or Terence, let him but behold the grim speech of a stately Spanyard.’ By whom, most mightie Prince, I may well say, and according to truth, that the world of America was not so much unknown to the former ages, as their monstrous outragious, and new devised cruel­ties, which these divelish and tyrannous Spanyards haue unhumanely practised amongst the simple and innocent people, as appeareth by Don Bartholmew de la Casas Bishop of . . . and other of their own Historiegraphers. And although my selfe, being a stranger, which haue some time served against them, both in the Indies and else where, could say [Page 32] much of their cruelties, by relation of such their slaues as I haue taken, yet for that my eyes haue not seen them, I will forbear in modesty to charge them; onely I will relate, from the mouth of a true repor­ter, a worthy Gentleman of this land, Sir Francis Drake, one truth; that by that, your Majestie might be induced to beleeu the rest. Hee once talking with me of the Indies, told me, ‘That he being in the South Sea, after he had taken his prize, he had thought to haue ventured to haue come home by the North­ward, and stood his course to the Ile of Canes, be­ing in 12 degrees of the North latitude, and from thence to Aqua Palce, upon the maine, being 16 de­grees, at one of the poore townes of the Citie of Mexico; where going a shore, he found an old Ne­gro, tyed in a chain of 20 yards long, which had been condemned by the justice of the place; for that sometimes being oppressed with too much labour, the poor old man would runne into the woods, and absent himselfe from his Majesties work; his sen­tence was, that he should be whipped, with whips, till he was all raw and bloudy; and afterwards being tyed in a chain to be eaten with flies; which poore soule hee released from that miserable death, and took him away with him: And therfore oh Turke, oh Scithians, and Tartarians, rejoyce yee now all, since now, there is to be found at this day a Nation in Christendome, which by the unhappy and cur­sed behaviour, doe increase the hatred that men haue born to the barbarous and ungracious cru­elties.’ And therfore, most renowned Soveraign, I should be sory, in regard of the premises, that you [Page 33] should commit so great a fault in the government of the great and mighty Kingdoms, which is not suffera­ble to a private Captain over a few souldiers, to say, I doe not thinke it: so when hee hath by his own te­merity, or fool-hardinesse, committed an action for want of due respect, to the subjects, undertaken that hath made him disastrous, and unfortunate in his ho­nour, and the times of his people, (which desire rather to giue them received Lawes . . . For the desire of honour to advance States and enlarge Kingdoms, is naturally grafted in the hearts of all Princes of noble spirits; and there was never any King, of a worthy and high courage, but desired to leau to his posterity the memory of some noble and worthy action (as the American world) by doing wherof, you shall not onely procure safety to your selfe, and those that shall succeed you in your Royall Seat, but generall happiness to so many millions of people, which at this day sit in darknesse and the sha­dow of death; and is a thing so farre from discom­mendation or reproach, as you shall be so qualified in all succeeding ages, with the most happy, most gra­cious, and most fortunate Princes of the world. But yet I doe not deny, but Princes may haue such grounds and reasons to trust some private men, or forraign Princes, as being deceived by them, and they should say, I never would haue thought it, yet are not worthy of reprehension: as for example; That Prince ought not to bee blamed, that hath put in a Fortresse some one Captain; or place, in a Country some one Prince, either of which haue received goods or honours from him, and yet in the end is betrayed [Page 34] by them, and heereupon the knowledge thereof should say, I would never haue thought it, that such a man would haue betraied me, that Prince is not to be blamed; as it happened to Lewis Morre Duke of Millaine, who having committed the Castle of the Citie to one Damerdine Covet, whom he had so abso­lutely raised, and made obliged to him by infinite graces and benefits; yet notwithstanding was by the said Covet betrayed to his perpetuall dishonour and infamie. This Duke was no way to bee blamed. As also your Majestie ought not to be reproved, who providing for every mischiefe, is assailed by some strange accidents, that was not possible for your Majestie, in judgement or counsell to foresee, or prevent: as being not possible with reason to fore­see a thing, which of it selfe is a thing without rea­son. As for example, was that most grievous acci­dent of the powder, and other munition, prepared to be sent to diverse places before the Castle gate of the said Citie, which tooke fire, and was burnt by lightning from heaven when the weather was fair and cleer, wherby afterward ensued to the State so many losses and discommodities: upon this occa­sion, if the Captain of the Castle should haue said, I had never thought that this weather would haue brought so great and unfortunate a chance to me, hee had deserved no reproofe at all. But if be­fore your Majesties eyes, it be apparant, that a manifest knowne enemy to the State, who as De­mosthenes saith, hates the verie Religion of A­thens, who hath not onely long thirsted after the Seigniorie of your Kingdome, in his secret de­signes, [Page 35] but likewise by open force of fire and sword hath assailed them; If you will trust such an one, and after upon his breaking say; You would not haue beleeved, that the King of Spaine would haue dealt so with you: Doubtlesse (renou­med Soveraigne) the world will not faile to taxe you with such carelessenesse and improvidence, as I hope shall never haue any affinity with your most Excellent Majestie, or any other of your Royall Off-spring that shall sway the Scepter of this no­ble Ile. And therefore (my gracious Lord) in my judgement; you ought to doe in this, so great a matter of State, as concluding a peace with so dangerous enemies as the Spanish Nation, as good and wise Carpenters seeme to doe in sub­stantiall buildings; which is, to make a sure founda­tion, lest by aspiring minde or breach of the ene­my you be overthrown. And where as he saith in the fore-going project, that hee hath right and good title to the Crowne of England, by vertue of his Grandfather and Predecessours (which I know to be otherwise) yet contrarily can I proue your Ma­jestie, by the vertue of your Grandfather of fa­mous memory Henry the 7, to bee as rightfull Heire to all the firme land of the Indies, as the King of Spain is to the Ilands of Cuba, Iannura and His­paniola, with the rest of the Ilands of Lucaites Grante, and A [...]tile: and for that it is not incon­venient fully to take notice, and understand how these Kings intitles themselues and their Successors to the right and Seigniories of the Indies, I haue thought good to set down my opinion, how many waies [Page 36] they doe, or may take their claim: And first by disco­very; secondly, by the Popes gift; thirdly, by consent of the people; fourthly, by conquest and consent. So as if neither of these, be able to proue or giue a good and sufficient title (or at least such an one as may barr you and other Princes that will, to inhabite in those parts) I know no reason why your Majestie should not doe as he hath done; that is, to possesse as much as you can of those Heathen Countries; especially where the Spaniard is not seated, nor hath no com­mand: wherby you might not onely propagate the Christian faith, amongst those Pagans and Infidels, as you are bound to doe, as much as you can; but a gol­den world to the Crown of England: wherby you be more enabled, as well to undertake a forraign warre against the enemy of the Christian name; as also to make your State the more strong by the Indian trea­sures, against such of your neighbours as shall envie your Highness. And therefore to come to his Title: If he claim his interest by possession, and first Disco­very (which doubtless must be the strongest Title that he can challenge) then your Majestie hath as much title for all the firme land of the Indies, as he hath for these Ilands before named. As for proofe of this, the Captaines of Henry the 7, being Sebastion Cabot, and his companions, discovered the Iland of the Indies, on the north part of the Indies, from 60 degrees, coasting the north latitude; the verie year before Christian Co­lumbus discovered the high land of Dania, on the south part of the Indies; which was the first day that ever the Spaniards saw the maine, and took possession of that new Discovery in the behalfe of Henry [Page 37] the 7, and his successours their Lord and Master. So, as if first Discovery and Possession be his Title, your Majestie preceding him in that said Title, must neces­sarily precede him in the right thereof. If he claime it by the gift of Pope Alexander the sixth, then it must be argued whether the said Pope had power to giue it; yea, or no; if not, then the gift is voide in it selfe: If yea, he must proue it either by Divine or Human Arguments; for Human he cannot, for that no way belonged to him, or any other Christian Prince or Potentate, at that time; nor were so much as ever heard of, before that present Discovery of Columbus, upon which the gift was made in the year of grace 1492. All things never known to him, or his Ancestors, can no way of right belong to him or them; so as not belonging to him, directly or by cir­cumstance, hee had no right to giue or dispose there­of, either in present or future, and thus for Human. For Divine Arguments; if he say he gaue them as Christs Vicar, wherby he may dispose of Kings or Kingdoms, he must proue that authority by the word of God, or else we are not bound to beleeu him, or think his gift of any value: As for example, if hee be but Christs servant heer on earth, he must chal­lenge to himselfe no more prerogatiue then his Ma­ster took on him whilst he was on earth; for if he doe, it is a great token of pride and arrogancie: And our Saviour being but requested to make a lawfull di­vision of a certaine inheritance betwixt one and his brother, refused to doe it; saying, Who made me a Iudge over you; as also he confessed openly to Pilate, That his kingdom is not of this world. Why then doth [Page 38] the Pope, who acknowledgeth himselfe to be no bet­ter then his servant, take upon him the giving of so many Kingdomes of this world. But the Popes say they, gaue Ireland to Henry the 2, and his successours: and indeed they did so in word; but when had he it? when he had fast footing in it, and when Dernitius the King of Lemster had made the King of England his Heir. But for all that donation, had not the Kings of this land, by the sharpnesse of the sword more pre­vailed, then by this gift, the Popes donation had stood in little stead; neither did the rest of the Irish Kings admit or allow of the Popes Donation; for, if they had, they would never haue rebelled so often against this Crown. But to conclude this point; though we confesse, that the Popes haue done this, or that; yet it is no good argument, in my opinion, to say that they did it, and therfore it was lawfull, unlesse they could shew they did it rightfully. But the Popes gift of the West Indies, may well be compared to the Sermon of Iudge Molineux his Chaplain in Queen Maries daies, who would make it appear, by a liuely text out of the Scripture to his Parishioners, what a lying knaue the divell was: and for his Text, he took the place where the divell took Christ, and carryed him up to the mountain, from whence he shewed him all the King­doms of the world; & told him, it he would fall down and worship him, he would giue them all unto him. ‘My Masters (quoth he) by this you may well per­ceiue what a lyar he is; for he had no more right to haue given him these Kingdoms (if would haue fal­len down and worshipt him,) then my selfe, that am now in the Pulpit. If I should say to you all [Page 39] now; Sirs, if you will all fall down and worship me, before I goe out of the Church, I will giue eve­ry man his Copie-hold for ever; which if I should doe, I should giue you your livings in words: But my Masters (quoth hee) that sit there below to whom they belong, would take them from you again: And therfore (saith he) if he had given all these Kingdoms to Christ, the Kings of the earth, to whom by right they did pertain, would never haue suffered him to haue injoyed them.’ And so for that.— For the earth is the Lords, and all that dwell therin, he founded and prepared it, as in the Psalmist: and so consequently, neither the Popes, nor the divels, doe dispose to whom they please. The copie of which foolish donation of the Popes, truely translated out of the originall, hath been delivered to your Maje­stie long since, and (I hope) perused before this time. To proue that he hath no generall consent of all the people and Nations of the Indies, appeareth most evidently, by this reason; for that no Spaniard farther inhabiteth northward then Florida, where they haue but two little Forts or Villages, the one called S. Austine, the other S. Helena: All the rest of that huge tract, whose insinitenesse is such, (as no mortall tongue can expresse, nor eye hath seen,) doe not so much as think there is another world but that they themselues inhabite, except some few of them which dwell upon the edges of the shore, that some­times see both us, the French, the Dutch, and the Spa­nyard, when we come a fishing, but are not able to distinguish of us, but think us all one people: then how can we imagine, that these people haue freely [Page 40] given themselues to the Spanish obedience, and ac­knowledge him for their Lord and King, when they never so much as heard that there was such a man or Nation. Againe, from Capi culli formia, all the land that runneth and maketh the stange of Anian, and the Netherlands therof, whose bounds and li­mits are never discovered; the Spanyard hath not so much as once seated himselfe to make himselfe known, whereby there might bee any likelyhood that they had acknowledged him for their Sove­raign. And for us to beleeu that the Spanyard is Lord of such, whom he hath never seen nor known, nor they him, were a manifest sign of a strong faith in us. And there were no way for any man to make me beleeue Miracles sooner, then by making me be­leeue this: for after the beliefe of this, I should ne­ver doubt of any miracle, though he should tell me a thousand in a day: So that if this title come not by consent of all in generall, he neither ought to write himselfe Lord of the whole Indies, nor debar other Christians from conquering or trading in those parts where the Spanyard hath neither residence nor Seig­niory, nor command. If he challenge right by con­quest and consent, then must he claim no more, then he hath by conquest and consent obtained. As for example, all that part of the West Indies, which at this day is scatteringly inhabited by the Spanyards and Portugals, is almost contained in two Tropicks, ex­cepting the two small Villages of Saint Augustine and Helena in Florida, the Province of new Biscay Northwards, and fiue Villages or Townes neere the River of Plate, called Sancto Sprinto, Saint Anna, the [Page 41] Citie of Ascension, Saint Fee, and Fuvirnan, lyeth halfe way betwixt the mouth of the river of Plate, and the Mine of Polossie; and in the South Sea beyond the Tropick, in the Kingdome of Chelix, the Townes or Villages of Coquenbo Persco, Saint Iago la impe: villa del Lago. And therfore, if the Spanyards haue no­thing to doe, any further; either to the Northward or to the Southward; what reason hath he to forbid any Nation to conquer or dwell there? But if hee should admit you, I think it not convenient that your Majesty should be so satisfied, for so should you doe your selfe, and other Christian Princes, great wrong: for his Townes and Castles are so divided, and such masses of land and Kingdome betwixt them, which he hath no right, nor dare to enter; as being duely considered by your Majestie, hee ought not to claime no more, then he ought to claime the King­dome of France, because his Fort of Graueling is of one side, and South Arabia on the other, France be­ing in the midst between them; or to claime France, because his Frontiers in Italy bound it on the one side, and Spaine, on the other: or to claime the Iland of the Venetians and the Turks in Levant; for that Cicilia and Sardinia, and a few others belong to him, that stands in that sea: Or claime all the Ilands or Shoares in Barbarie, for that he hath a Castle or two in the Straits, and another in Libia. These Countries they never lay claime to, because they are in the eye of the Christian world; which would make us rise up in Armes against them for their foolish arrogancy, if they should pretend it: But in the unknown parts, which haue been familiar unto us; whose light by the [Page 42] iniquity of the time, and troublesome warres in these parts, haue to us been hidden, although to the Ancient well known, where they began their foolerie. Betwixt the Castle of Argiue in Libia, and the Iland of Macoa in the river of Canton, in the King­dom of China, the foolish Portugals say all is theirs, when many a hundred Kings (as absolute and power­full in regard of people, as any King in these parts) dwelleth betwixt, and admit the Portugals by way of petition or bribes, to dwell in some place by the Sea side, and trafique with them; neither dare they lay claim to any Kingdome, but onely to such For­tresses, Factories and Villages, on the Sea side, as perforce and favour of the Iland they are permitted to dwell in, as most excellently appeareth by answer of Charles the fifth, made unto the Embassadours of Portugal, anno 1522, when they came to require and beseech him, that his subjects the Spanyards, might not trade nor commerce, as then they did, in the conquest or navigation of the Portugals; who after a most peremptory and noble answer of his part, told them; ‘he knew no reason, neither would he suf­fer them, that his subjects should be prohibited free­ly, to passe into any Country where the hope of gain offereth it selfe; and that if the Portugals in the cause of their Trade, should doe any violence to any of his people, either in their persons or goods, he would be revenged neerer home, meaning upon the Kingdom of Portugal.’ With which answer, at that time, the Lucitans were forced to depart. Which answer, if it should please your Majestie to returne upon the Castilians themselues, at this time, I know no [Page 43] reason how it can any way be bettered, having so good a president, as their own King against the Por­tugals, upon the same subject. But for the Portu­gals, where all their strength is seated, I mean upon the coast of Malubor, where they haue more Fortes and Castles then in all India besides; the Kings doe so pen and lock them up in their Garrisons and Fortes, as they can haue nothing the Countrie yeeld­eth, but by their friendship procured by yearly bribes; As for example, to the King of Cathaie, they pay an yearly tribute of 256000 Reis: to the King of Pimen­ta . . Reis: to the mother of the King of Pi­menta yearly 36000 Reis; to the King of Pargnan yearly 72000; to the King of Manfata yearly 72000 Reis. To Carto Babua, the proper name of a man of account upon that coast, an yearely tribute of 42000 Reis: to the Teratates, which are brethren and Kings, an yearly tribute of 72000 Reis. All which summes or tribute, are imposed upon the King, and Custome of goods, brought from these parts. As for their credit and reputation amongst these Heathens, it is so small, either for feare they haue of them, or loue they bear to them; that, when we, and the Hollan­ders pay no custome for goods bought and sold there, they make the Portugals pay 30 per hundred, we going free before their faces, and they paying be­fore ours.

By this, your Majestie may well perceiue, what base account the Princes in those parts make of them there; and yet these vain-glorious Woodcoks, will be very angry with us, if we will not beleeue, when they say, that all the East Indies is theirs, and they [Page 44] haue conquered it. In selfe manner (most renow­med Soveraign) stand the Kings of the West Indies, with the Spanyards, both in the South sea, upon the Kingdom of Cheley, Reta, Peru, and others; as at this time is apparant by the Kings of Cheley, who hath within this few yeares beaten down the Spaniard, and wonne from them the Town of Impetial, wher­in was wont to be placed and maintained, one of the greatest Garrisons of the South Sea; and not onely razed it to the ground, but likewise kild and driven the Castilians quite from them. Even so, upon the East and North part of the Indies, both upon the Coast of Brazil, with all the firm land upon the Indies from Parabia to Cartagene, the gulfe of Vraba, the gulfe of Mexico, and all alongst the Coast of Bahana, even to their Forts in Florida, they are in continuall warres, with the Kings and peoples of those lands. And surely under your Highness pardon, I am confi­dent of this opinion, that it hath been a main poli­cy of the Kings of Spain, for these many yeares, to keep us in continuall warres one with another in these parts; or if not, to encourage us himselfe; where­by being forced to look to our home defences, wee might not haue meanes to discover these his invasi­ons abroad, wherby he puts a mask before all the Princes eyes of Europe. And therfore since he is now laid open, and by no Nation so much as by your Majesties subjects of this land; I hope, for the prevention of future mischeife against this State, as for other honourable respects, and prevailent Rea­sons, in challenging of that which is your own; or at least as much yours as his; you will no bee un­mindfull; [Page 45] which doubtlesse will not tend onely to the enlightning of many soules, which to this day haue sate in the shadow of death, but likewise lay a ground (as before said) for the safety and preserva­tion of your States, Glorie, Person and Posterity, in despite of the Spanish treacheries in the time to come, which otherwise by no meanes, by the wit of mortall man can be prevented, as upon my life, by circumstances I will make apparant.

But least this field of reasoning whereinto I haue walked be too tedious unto your Highnesse, I will briefly end; referring my selfe to Argument with any one, against this mischievous and poysonous peace with Spain, which I doe see, cannot but proue very fatall to your Majestie and Common-wealth. And though I bee not called, yet considering I am your subject, I cannot forbeare, in respect of my great and loyall affection to your Majestie, the Prince, with the rest of the noble Issue, and my natiue Coun­try, I cannot but presume to speake of such things, which I think now fit to be considered: especially at this time; even as Merca [...]ie Gata [...]er, Chancellour of Spain, did against the peace that was concluded be­twixt Francis the first, and Charles the Emperour his Master; for he seeing, that the Emperour was dis­posed to make peace with the said King, and to set him at liberty, and that the Viceroy of Naples, and all other the Lords of the Councell tended to the same, and although he knew, as I doe now, that his counsell would not be accepted, yet failed he not to speak what he thought, but likewise refused, being great Lord Chancellour of Spain, to signe the Articles, [Page 46] which he defended with most excellent reasons, which reasons are well delivered, and with much gravity of speech by Quiccardine in the oration of the said Gataner. But this event made it known, that the counsell of Gataner was most noble, most just, and grounded as well upon the high wisedome, as great zeale to the loue and good of his Country. For as soon as the King was at liberty, all the Spaniards won­derfull hopes that they expected of this peace, and all the French Kings great promises to them vanished into smoke, according to the opinion of that wor­thy Gentleman. And I know no reason (most no­ble Soveraign) that I being your subject, as hee was the King of Spaines, and loving you and my Country, as much as ever he did his, and hauing a subject of the same quality, to fear, as he did them; although I may well say, as much more danger to us by the Spa­nyards, if our peace be not built upon a sure founda­tion, then it could any way be unto them by the French. But to speak my opinion, make what Arti­cles you will, and let them bee guilded over with the fairest shew, either they, or those of their Facti­on (if you haue any about you) can devise; un­lesse these foure be granted on their part to you, you can never make any sure peace with them: or at least such a peace, as if he haue the minde to breake he will haue the advantage of you. And Phillip Comines saith, ‘That for the many conclusions that hee hath seen in his time in the affaires of State, that it were inexcusable folly for a Prince, if he were able for to prevent it, to put himselfe under the power of another.’ 1 That your subjects may [Page 47] haue free accesse to the Indies, either to traffique or plant, where the Spanyards haue neither conquest, Seigniorie, nor tribute. 2 That he doe pull down all inquisition wheresoever your people shall resort in all his Dominions, and that the Customes be re­duced to an ancient order. 3 That he shall never come with a main Army of Ships into these Seas, un­der colour of chastising the Hollanders. 4 That it shall be as lawfull for your subjects to serue the States in warres against them, as it shall be to serue them against the States; these things accorded, your peace may be safe, otherwise not.

A short view taken of Great Brittaine, and Spaine.

HIs Majestie now is of more power then any his Predecessours; First, because our addition of dominion Ireland, is reduced to a more absolute state of obedience, and increase of revenue then heretofore. The footing wee had in France, was rather a greatnesse of trouble to us, then of strength; it was alwaies in division; it held us alwaies in con­tinuall fluxe of treasure and bloud, we never attemp­ted in the Front, but that attempted us in the Rear; which did both distract our Armies, and aggravate our charge: It is a Territory so separate from us by nature, as we could not advantage upon it, either for offence or reliefe, without the accesse of difficul­ty and charge that a State must undergoe, when it runnes the necessity of such an undertaking by sea, where the warre was bent upon a great Conti­nent, [Page 48] a populous Nation, a plentifull Countrey, and intire in its selfe, and that can be succoured without passing the Seas: In these things we found such disadvantage, as haue been the undoing of our Expeditions. In stead of departure of this broken Dominion we had in France, his Majestie hath brought another whole Kingdom to England, un­devided from us in seate; from whence we haue these benefits. The back dore that was open in the assistance of our enemies, both to offend us, and divert our attempts from them, is now open to us, and his Majestie hath the key of it; it saveth us the mony and the men that we were forced to employ in a second Army for the withstanding the invasion on that side: and not saues it us onely, but renders it, to bestow in undertakings of profit, which we were wont to spend upon defences. We haue ano­ther valiant Nation to assist us, whose service in Low Countrie warres hath often, and alwaies, given this testimony of their affection and faithfulnesse, even in Queen Elizabeths time; that in every Nationall quarrell between us and others (which hath often happened, and very remarkeable betwixt us and the French (they haue voluntarily and brauely sided with us, making the danger common both to them­selues and us; which was drawn out but particularly against the English. The joyning of Scotland hath made us an intire Iland, which by nature is the best fortification, and the most capable of all advantages of strength, that by Art can be added unto nature; wherby we may at one & the same time be able both to undertake any action abroad, and defend our selues [Page 49] at home, without either much danger, or great cost. Secondly, by reason his Majestie hath the neighbour­hood of the powerfulst nation by sea, that now is in the world, at his devotion: a people by nature more worthy of credit with us then any other; the use of whose neighbourhood our own histories will com­mend unto us, if we enquire of the ages past, even then when they wanted that power and knowledge in their industry, which they now haue, as well in matters of peace as warre, the memories of those times will tell us, that we seldome undertook any great thing without them; in so much as our losse of France, may probably be in part imputed to the breach we suffred in their friendship: and though they were then of the same Religion with England, as likewise now they are, yet the present condition that we doe both of us stand in, for point of Religi­on, doth place us in an estate of better assurance with them, then the conditions of those times did; for then considering no main Nationall separation, in the Church Religion was, but a common bond un­to them, and inclined them to particular side, where now it hath the motiue in it to make defence with, against an opposite Church, in such a Nation, as hath drawn both of us into one and the same cause in quarrell, as well of policie, as of Reli­gion: And lastly, their Army is the best Millitary Schoole of the world, from whence our Land­services may be sufficiently appointed, at least with Officers.

Now for the hearts of our people, and the wealth of our Kingdome (though it may be some [Page 50] of his Majesties ill-affected subjects could be willing we should distrust our own strength, when we re­ceiue these two points into our consideration) yet for the first; the occasion, wherof they haue derived from our difference in Religion, I may say the wrath of God hath been evident against them, in the confusion of their plots (One thinkes) it should be a horrour to them, for to think of attempting any farther that way; for those of them that haue made a covenant with bloud, wee stand not either in fear or need of their numbers, but we may both spare and suppresse them: And farre be it from me to think, that many men of those that hold no com­munion in the Church with us, should giue other Na­tions the cause to say, that in England are the false men, that take up Gods weapons against him, and their own vveapons against themselues, in favour of a forraign Ambition, that makes the pretence of Re­ligion but a port hole to lay his Artillery out at, or his scaling ladder to assault by. Now the second point touching the vvealth of the Kingdom, if I should call the Councell of Spain it selfe to giue judgement in the cause, I should need no better sen­tence to condemne their opinions, vvho think the King of Great Brittain poor; their Master knows it vvell enough, he shall finde it otherwise, vvhen­soever hee shall undertake to attempt us, or vvee them.

Now for Spain, his Majestie there, though ac­counted the greatest Monarch of Christendome; yet his estate being enquired throughly, his roote vvill bee found a great deale too narrovv; for the top of [Page 51] his Dominions are so farre in distance asunder, as they cannot giue reliefe time enough one to another upon an alarum; vvhich is the reason he is more povverfull to assault then defend, and therfore are compelled to haue continuall Garrisons of that charge he is unable to maintain: he hath more to doe vvith shipping then any other Prince, and yet hath fevv men at his devotion, but by extreme charge, and those of vvorst sorts; his poverty hath therfore appeared in the mutenie of his Lovv Country Armie, for vvant of pay, vvhich vvas great cause of his ill successe there; and I cannot see how his estate can be much bet­ter now then it vvas. For though it be true, that his charge is somevvhat lesse; yet it is likevvise true, that his Subsidies in Spain be also diminished; as vvell in respect of insupportablenesse, as of indisposition of his Revenues out of the Indies decaied: And in­deed but for his Indies, he vvere the poorest Prince in Christendom. Novv it serues the better for the finding his vveaknesse or strength, to inquire vvhe­ther he be able to stand upon the termes of defiance, and yet hold his Indies, I think not: for his Majestie of Great Brittain, joyning with the States of the Vni­ted Provinces, is of power to raise Armadoes, the one to block up Spain, the other the Indies; the least successe that may be hoped for out of this enterprise, the cutting off his returne would beggar him: the feare of this project was the thing that stopped his Greatnesse to the Vnited Provinces, when hee de­parted with his pretence of Soveraignty to them: and that feare is an Ague he is not yet cured of. This is a right design, and a great one, such a one, as I [Page 52] wish we had the treasure, and valiant bloud of our Ancestors to bestow upon; for the expence wherof we haue nothing to shew now, but two poore Ilands Iarsey and Garnsey. And to say the truth in that case; if all the Ilands or Lands that belong unto the Crown of England, were offered to his Majestie, I should not giue my advice to receiue them, much lesse to con­quer them. Now for the disposition of the Low Country men, I assure my selfe there cannot be a thing more desired, then they to joyn with his Majestie in any undertaking, especially in this: for they are sorie they understood the King of Spaines weaknesse so little in Queene Elizabeths time, when her Majestie so much affected their joyning with her; and that now they know it, his Majestie being grea­ter in power, will yet suffer such an enemy to all Christian Princes, chiefly to those of his Majesties Religion to creep into his bosome: For all the great­nesse he hath, he holds by the curtesie of his Majesty, (and to that end Courts it;) he knows he were un­done else. To conclude, I will inferre some of the Reasons, that perswade to the undertaking of his de­sign, the policy of Spain hath troden more bloudie steps then any State of Christendome; look into his Treaties, and his Negotiations of his Ministers abroad, you shall finde as much falshood in them, as bloud in the other: He never paid debt so truely, as those he imposed in corrupting of the Ministers of other Princes; He holds league with none, but to haue neerer accesse to doe him harme: a Match in kindred shall not hinder it when he apprehends his advantage: He disturbes all Christendom with his Alarums and [Page 53] Armadoes yearly; and yet doth lesse hurt to Infidels and Pirats then any, unlesse it be to get wherwithall to arm himselfe the better against other Christian Princes; and he hath an ambition to the whole Em­pire of Christendome. These are motiues wherin all Christian Princes are interessed, so as with reason they cannot oppose the designe, nor will (I thinke the most of them) he hath brought himselfe into such an hatred with them. Let us, between his Ma­jestie and the Vnited Provinces, consider how the par­ticular causes of both Nations doe importunate us both to the undertaking thereof. Who hath been so thirsty of our bloud as Spain? And who hath spilled so much as he? Who hath been so long our enemy? And who hath corrupted so many of our Nation as Spain? And that all with the help of gold, which by reason of the neglect of this Designe he doth still en­joy, tempting our weak ones, and our false ones with­all. Would you finde a Traitor on a suddain? Balaams Asse will tell you where, at the Spanish Embassadours dore? And when? when they come from Masse, and otherwise. When to? when they Match with us. For his malice is so great he cannot hide; nor will God (I hope) suffer it. Yet let us examine in reason: now if we be so charitable as to forget what is past, whether we may promise our selues assurance of his amity for the time to come or not? Because peace with a true neighbour is a condition to be embraced, nothing more certain then the contrary. We cannot promise it, his ambition to the Empire, so long as he holds the In­dies, shall never die. The Vnited Provinces is an Object, which though he hath an eye to, yet he likes not. [Page 54] What other thing so ever we communicate with him in, we shall never be assured of him (such is the nature of his Religion,) so long as we differ in matter of faith, he knowes verie well the perill he stands in, if hee be attempted by his Majestie and the Vnited Provin­ces. Consider what suggestions these are to keep him thinking upon; and imagine then, what his own part will prompt him to doe vvhen he sees a time for it. He then to the end hurts, that hee may not be prevented by the Enterprise. Now of the fitnesse and honour of it, to be in that undertaking of his Maje­stie, who is the greatest Ilander in Christendome, and therfore a Navie most proper to him: He is a Defen­der of the Faith, as well in understanding, learning and godlinesse, as in title; therefore in the planting of the true Church, there is a sacred work, that even by office, as it were, belongs unto him: He is of a great liberall minde, the Indies will affoord him meanes to exercise it. These Considerations, and the great mul­titude of his subjects, doe seem to invite him: and in every part, considerable in the Designe, we may finde something to perswade us, that it seems to be a kind of offer, both in Religion, Policy and Nature, preferred unto his Majestie; as the Prince for maintai­ning of it.