A New Description OF IRELAND: Wherein is described the dispositi­on of the Irish whereunto they are inclined.

No lesse admirable to be perused then credible to be beleeued: neither vnprofitable nor vnplea­sant to bee read and vnderstood, by those wor­thy Cittizens of London that be now vndertakers in Ireland: By Barnabe Rich, Gent:

Malui me diuitem esse, quam vocari.

Printed at London for Thomas Adams. 1610.

The Contents of the Chapters contained in this Booke.

  • OF the little credite that is to bee giuen to their testimonies, that haue hitherto written of Ireland. Cap. 1.
  • Of the temperature of the ayre, and the fertility of the soile vniuersally through Ireland. Cap. 2.
  • Of the nature & disposition of the Irish how they are inclined. Cap. 3.
  • From whence it proceedeth, that the Irish are so re­pugnant to the English. Cap. 4.
  • That the Irish by nature are inclined to cruelty. Cap. 5.
  • Of the ingratitude of the Irish. Cap. 6.
  • Of the inciuilty both of manners and conditions vsed by the Irish. Cap. 7.
  • Of the Vulgar sotte of the Irish, what account they make of an Oath. Cap. 8
  • That a Conquest should draw after it, Law, Language, and Habite. Cap. 9.
  • Of certain septs and degrees amongst the Irish. Ca. 10.
  • Of the manner of the Irish Coshering. Cap. 11.
  • How Ireland was purged from all venimous wormes, by the praiers of Saint Patrick. Cap. 12.
  • Of the holy Saintes that hath beene borne, bred, and brought vp in Ireland. Cap. 13.
  • Of the superstitious conceit that is holden by the Irish, about certaine Wels. Cap. 14.
  • [Page] A true discription both of the Citty, and Cittizens of Dubline. Cap. 15.
  • Of some defects in the gouernment of Dublin. Ca. 16.
  • Of the trade & traffique that is vsed in Dublin. Ca. 17.
  • Of the ambition of the Irish. Cap. 18.
  • Of the Doctrine of the Pope, how imbraced by the Irish. Cap. 19.
  • How the Papists of Ireland, are neither ashamed nor afraid, to manifest themselues. Cap. 20.
  • The inconuenience of Popery, how it hurteth in Ireland. Cap. 21.
  • Whither there by any possibility, that the Irish should be able to maintaine warre against the Kinges Ma­iestie. Cap. 22.
  • Of those lets and impedimentes that defeated our late gracious Qu. in her seruices against the Irish. Ca. 23.
  • Of Pardons and protections, how hurtfull in Ire­land. Cap. 24.
  • Of the dallying out the time of seruice, and the de­layes of Ireland. Cap. 25.
  • How Tyrone was still supplyed with Souldiors, and all other prouisions for warre, at the Queenes charges. Cap. 26.
  • That the Irish are more dangerous then necessary, for his Maiestie seruice in Ireland. Cap. 27.
  • The conclusion.

To the Right Honourable, Robert Earle of Salisbury, Ʋicount Cranburn, Baron Cecill of Essenden, Lord High Treasu­rer of England, principall Secretarie to his Ma­iestie, one of the Lordes of his Honourable Priuie Councell, and Knight of the Noble order of the Garter, &c.

MOst Honorable, and most worthie Earle, the seuerall Bookes that are spread, bearing the names and Titles of Histories, of summaries of Chronicles, & of diuers other collections drawn from vnworthy Authors: some of them printed, some otherwise published here in Ireland, by Papists, by lieng Chroniclers, by idle Poets, by Bardes and Irish Rythmers, all of them conteining matter of vntruth: As the memories of superstitious foundations, lies and Fables, foolishly medled and compacted togither: written rather in the maintenance and fauour of lewd misdemeanor, of Superstition, of Idolatry, and do rather giue encouragement to wicked Subiects to en­ter the field of Rebellion, to take Armes against the Prince, to disobey, to contemn, to despise, not onelie the Princes lawes, and his Maiesties gracious proceedings, but also setting o­pen the wide gate that leadeth to many misdemeanors against the Prince himselfe. I haue therefore thought it a matter much importing his Maiesties seruice, to do my best endeuor to stop this gap thus broken downe, that thus openeth the way to the wastfull spoile of Rebellion, of Treason, of Superstition, of Idolatrie, of Disobedience, of Contempt: and to giue a [Page] Booke to the well-disposed of that Realme of Ireland, where­in they may behold that truth, which they themselues haue heard with their eares, haue seene with their eies, and are a­ble to testifie vpon dailie experience.

These lines thus squared out, I durst not presume to pre­sent to your Honor, in respect of anie abilitie that I acknow­ledge to be in my selfe, I knowe there can come nothing from me, that may be anie waies answerable to your exquisit iudg­ment or worthinesse: but it is your owne vertue, your owne affabilitie and Noble disposition, that was yet neuer knowne to despice or discountenance any mans endeuours, that were honestlie intended, or vndertaken to a good end and purpose.

It is this, your Honorable inclination, that hath encou­raged me: this is it hath made me to presume of a fauorable acceptance. To you therefore, and to your honor alone, I haue in most humble and submissiue manner, bequeathed those ex­periments, which forty yeares obseruation hath taught me to know. To your Honor, whose exquissite iudgment is best able to discerne, and whose wisdome and knowledge is most fitting to redresse: by whose Honorable care for the good of the com­mon-weale, England and Ireland, are both made happie. By whose prouidence and wisdome (next vnder his Maiestie) we haue hitherto reaped the fruits of a most happie and blessed gouernment. To your Honor therefore, I submit my labors, my Loue, my lines, my seruice, my selfe, my endeuors, & all that I haue, to be at your Honors dispose: and thus will rest to praie for your Honour, that GOD would still continue his blessinges vpon you, as hitherto he hath done.

Your Honors, in all humble and dutifull affection: Barnabe Rych.

❧ To the Curteous and friendly Reader, either English or Irish, either Prote­stant or Papist, either learned or vnlearned, or to any other whosoeuer, I care not.

ONe of the diseases of this age, is the mul­titude of Books, that doth so ouercharge the worlde, that it is not able to disgest the abundance of idle matter that is eue­ry day hatched and brought into the world, that are as diuers in their formes, as their Authors be in their faces.

It is but a thriftlesse, and a thankelesse occupation, this writing of Bookes, a man were better to sit singing in a Coblers shop, for his pay is certaine, a penny a patch: but a Booke-writer, if hee get sometimes a few commendati­ons of the Iudicious, he shall be sure to reape a thousande reproaches of the Malicious.

Bookes are like Cheese, that is neuer well seasoned to euery mans tast; for one will say it is too salt, another wil say it is too fresh, a thirde will say it is to tart, another thinkes it to be too milde; one will haue it too hard, an­other too soft, another too tough, another too brittle, it neuer pleaseth euery mans tast; no more do Bookes.

I am censured for writing of a Book, to be a malicious enemy to Ireland, to poore Ireland, that (God knoweth) is rather to be pittied, then spighted.

I confesse, I haue made my selfe known in print, to be an enemy to Popery, but not to Ireland.

Aristotle being vpbraided by some of his friends, that he had beene ouer mercifull to a wicked man: I haue in­deede (saide Aristotle) bin mercifull towardes the man, but not towards his wickednesse.

So say I by Ireland, though I finde fault with the Idola­try that is committed in the Country, yet I find no fault [Page] with the Countrey it selfe, nor with a great number of good people that are of the Irish birth, that I neuer ment to reproue, neither am I able to detect.

But for those that haue found, so many faults with my book, that I so honestly meant for the good of the coun­trey. I forgiue them from my heart, for I durst sweare for them, they did it more for want of wit, then for any ma­lice they beare to my person.

I haue liued in Ireland of a poore pay, the full recom­pence of 47. yeares, spent in my Prince and Countreyes seruice, I haue not begged nor purchased any man lāds, rents, or reuennewes; I haue not heaped to my selfe, ey­ther Offices or Church-liuinges: yet something I haue noted of the Countrey by obseruation. I see a number of good people, that are both capable of obedience & dis­cipline, if they were not misled: but their minds (alas) are still poysoned with Popery, and what is he that it not touched with a kinde of compassion, to see the poore & silly people so seduced & carried away by these iuggling Iesuites? What monstrous miracles are there daily pre­sented, and how many lying woonders are there to bee witnessed, testified by men scarce worth to bee credited, and yet with what confidence are they receiued and be­leeued?

I haue yet once againe betaken me to my penne, and I haue writ something. I know not what my selfe: he that would vnderstand it, let him read a Gods name, he shall finde I haue dealt plainly, without welt or gard.

I woulde not haue it thought, that I make any diffe­rence between the English and the Irish, in respect of their birth, for I know there be as woorthy men in Ireland, as any are in England, though not in such generality, nor so many in number: neyther is that to be wondered at, for there are many reasons to enduce it: So I know, there are too many of the English, that are planted in all the parts of Ireland, that are no lesse superstitious, no lesse Idola­trous, nor no lesse contentious both to God and the K. [Page] then the most wilde or sauage Irish man, that neuer came in place where to learne good or bad.

It is not therefore either the Countrey or the Coun­tryman, that maketh me either to loue or hate, it is their manners and conditions that maketh mee both to prayse or dispraise.

As M. Stanihurst therefore in his description of Ireland, in the 8. Chapter, discoursing of the manners and dispo­sitions of the Meere Irish (for so hee tearmeth them) be­fore he entereth into the matter, fore-warneth his Rea­der, not to impute any barbarous custome, that he shold there speake of to the Cittizens, Townes-men, or to the Inhabitants of the English pale, for that he reputeth thē to be men of another spirit, better trained vp in science, knowledge, ciuility, in curtesie, and such other like com­plements of humanity. Let mee intreat the like fauour, that hauing now occasion to speake of the manners and customes of the Irish, do not thinke me yet to be so ge­nerall, but that I doe make a great difference, betweene those that are rude, vnciuill, vnreuerent, vncleanly, and vntaught, and those other againe that are milde, modest, mercifull, kinde, curteous, and that are euery way indu­ed with wit, reason, and vnderstanding. And I do make the like exceptions betweene those that are irreligious, superstitious, Idolatrous, seditious, rebellious; that doe retaine Iesuites, Seminaries, and other Traiterous priests, then of those, that contrariwise are professors of the gos­pell, that do embrace the holy Scriptures, and do inde­uour themselues in the seruice of their God, and obedi­ence to their Prince.

Now, for these men of little wit, and lesse vnderstan­ding, that because by the Text of the holy scriptures, I haue hunted their Pope from Saint Peters Chaire, to the seat of Antichrist, would therefore conclude, that I were an enemy to Ireland; let them vnderstand, that I loue Ireland, and that I thinke there is as neere a high way to go to Heauen from out of Ireland, as there is from any [Page] part of England, or else my selfe would neuer haue stay­ed so long in the Countrey. Now, for the people, they are in Ireland, as in all other places, some good, some bad, yet more rude & vnciuil in Ireland, then they be in any part of the worlde that is known: but for Poperie (I protest) they are more foolish-superstitious in Irelande, then they be in Rome it selfe. But I do therefore, rather pitty, then malice them; there be a great many of known Papists in Dublyne, that I doe loue, and wish well vnto: for, may not a man loue a papist, as hee loueth a friend that is diseased? Admit I had a Brother that were visited with Morbus Galicus it selfe, might I not loue him, and hate his sicknesse both at once? Euen so I loue a papist, I loue the party, when I defie his Religion. But Popery is a malady not easie to be cured, and I thinke these lines of mine will sooner moue Choller, then giue content­ment, or produce amendment. And yet as I meane not in this my Description of Ireland, to busie my selfe about any matters of State, so I will not meddle with the dis­couery of any hidden secrets, that may bee brought into any question of doubt, for the truth and certainty: for, as I haue vsed no other helpe then mine owne experience, so my best method shall be, to speake nothing but what is true, and so to be approoued. If there be any excepti­ons taken by Fooles that be ignorant, I hope the wise & learned will make no worse construction then the mat­ter doth import: for the rest that bee of a wrangling dis­position, let them do as they haue done, fret and fume at that which they are not able to contradict: let them ioyn impudencie to their ignorance, and because they cannot comprehend the sincerity of true religion, let them carpe and cauill against it, and let them neuer spare.

An Epistle, added in the due praise and commendation of that worthy and worshipful Gentleman, Maister WILLIAM COKYNE, Sheriffe and Alderman of the most renow­ned and Honourable Citty of LONDON.

WOrthy Gentleman, if the kingdome of hea­uen were to be merited by a mans owne de­seruings (as a number of Grosse-headed Pa­pistes will not let to affirme) you were then happy, for you neither needed to purchase any Popes Pardons, or to buy any Masses of Scala Celi, to be sung for your soule when you are dead.

You haue begun a worke of Supererogation, more merri­torious in the iudgements of all those that are (indeed) godly wise, then either the building of a Chappel, or a Chantery, or the giuing of perpetuities, either of lands or liuings, what or how soeuer bestowed about any Popish purposes.

This enterprize, the rather by your encouragement thus vndertaken, for the planting of the Northerne parts of Ire­land, with the English, cannot be but acceptable in the pre­sence of God, when it shall draw so much to the aduancement of his glory, making way for the Gospell of Iesus Christ to be truely preached in a place where there was nothing but I­dolatry and superstition formerly practised; giuing light and vnderstanding to a blind and ignorant people, to discern the way of saluation, that do rather hope to be saued by the means of Saint Patricke, then by the mercy of God.

This action cannot be but pleasing to the Kings most excel­lent Maiesty, when the sequell shall not redound to his honor, but likewise to his profit: But how happily will it fall out for a [Page] number of poore people in England, that are oppressed with penury, by reason of the multitude that doth so superabound, whereby the scarsity of victuals doth the more exceede, that may there be releeued by their owne industry: for Ireland is able to render relecfe to forty thousand people, but to be pla­ced in those parts of the Countrey, that at this present lyeth wast, and altogether vninhabited: and yet where the Coun­trey is best planted and peopled throughout the whole realme, the thirde part of the commodity is not raised, that the soile would affoord: the reason is, by the ill Husbandry of the I­rish, that either for want of wit, or for want of knowledge, doth not mannage their Husbandry according to skill.

And although it be out of my element to speake of husban­dry, that all the dayes of my life, could neuer play the good Husband for my selfe: yet I am not so dull of conceite, but I can see a number of defects, and that in the most principall points of their Husbandry; as in the manner of the Tilling of their ground, and sowing of their Corne, they haue no other meanes whereby to draw the Plough, but euery Horse by his owne taile, so that when the poore beast by his painfull labor, hath worne the haire of his taile so short, as it can bee no lon­ger tied, the Plough must stand.

I might speake of many other defects, and one amongst the rest, of the vnseasonable time that they vse in the making of their Hay: but to speak truely of their ill Husbandry in that point: in the greatest part throughout all Ireland, they vse to make no Hay at all, although they haue as good grounde as any other Countrey doth affoord: so that their poore Cat­tle in the Winter season, haue no other fother, then what they can picke vp, and gather from the ground: but in those parts neere about Dublyne, where they vse to make Hay, they ne­uer meddle with the cutting of their grasse, till they bee like­wise ready to cut their Corn, so that they wil haue their Hay haruest, and their Corne haruest, to come both together, which cōmonly neuer falleth out, till September be wel spent: at which time of the yeare, there sometimes falleth out great store of raine, so that from the best Meddow Lands, which is [Page] euermore vpon their lower grounds, their hay is many times either vtterly marred, or altogither swept away with a floud.

I might heere conclude and boldly affirme, that if those parts of Ireland that now lieth wast, were inhabited by an industrious people, and that the rest of the Countrey were manured aud husbanded according to skill, Ireland woulde sustaine more people by two parts, then are now inhabiting in it. But leauing to speake of Ireland in generall, I will come to that part of the North now intended to be planted, namely of the Derry and the Colrane. In the time of Sir Iohn Par­rates Gouernment, I my selfe lay at Colrane, with a hunde­red souldiers vnder my leading, I may therefore speake some­thing of mine owne experience.

For the Land that is adioyning about Colrane, it is verie firtill, and the whol Countrey that stretcheth it selfe between the Riuer of Bande, and the riuer of Lough-foile, that was sometimes O-Cannes Countrey, is not onely a most pleasant place, but is likewise verie commodious both for Corne and Pasture.

On the South side of the riuer of Bande, fast by Colrane, there lieth a goodly country, called the Rowt, no better Corn land in any part of Ireland, and it did at that time so abound with Conies, so exceeding fat, and therewithall so sweete, as I neuer saw the like, neither in Ireland, nor in any other place where I haue trauailed.

What should I speake of the Salmon fishing of the Bande, which is so famously known and spoken of: and there is more­ouer for three moneths of the yeare, betweene September & December, such a fishing for Eeles, as I thinke is not the like againe in Europe, especially when there shall come men that hath skill to take them, which the Irish hath not to any purpose, yet they take great store, by reason of the great a­boundance of such notable Eeles, both for greatnesse and for goodnesse, as the like are no other where else to be found.

I might speake heere of the fishing for fresh water Trowts, whereof there are great plentie in euery Riuer, in euerie Brooke, in euerie Lough, and that throughout the whole [Page] Realme of Ireland, but speciallie in those Northerne partes about Colrane and the Derry.

But let me speake now of the fishing for Sea-fish, and first for Cod and Lyng: what shippes are yearely set out from all the parts of England: some to New-found-land, some to Is­land, some to Shotland, some to Ward-house, some to one place and some to another: and I thinke of my conscience, that at the verie entrance aswell of the riuer of the Bande, as of the Riuer of Lough-foyle, which are not aboue some eight or ten miles distant, there will fall out as good fishing both for Cod and Lyng, as in any other place that I haue formerly spoken of.

Now for Herring-fishing, who can name a better place then Loughfoyle it selfe, and there is one other Loughe fast by, called by the name of Lough-Sully, where hee that were but standing vpon the shore at the time of Herring-fi­shing, would thinke that the very Sea it selfe did swell of her­rings, there are such abundance all along that Coast.

Without doubt, there will be found good fishing for Ray, for Haddock, for Whiting, for Gurnard, and for all man­ner of other fishe, which neuer faileth all along the Coast of Ireland, if it be sought for.

As I haue now spoken of fishing, so I might yet again speak of fowling: but let it suffice, that aswell for fish, for foule, for Conics, for Cattle, and whatsoeuer is otherwise needefull for mans sustenance, the whole Realme of Ireland is as rich and fertile as any other Countrey in Christendom: yea and for all manner of fruites: as Apples, peares, & plums, in manie parts of the Countrey, where men haue bin industrious to plant, they haue as good fruit in Ireland as anie is in En­gland.

To conclude, there wanteth nothing in Ireland but the true knowledge of God, & obedience to the Prince, the which by Gods permission, will so much the rather bee brought to a good passe, when that part of the Countrey that in former a­ges hath bin most rude and inclined to inciuilitie, that hath [Page] euermore bin the receptacle and refuge for the worst disposed people, shall by this Plantation, be made a patterne of good example, aswell for Godly as Ciuill Gouernment, to all the Realme besides: but there is a kind of temeritie that doth no good, yet is conueyed by those men, that are vtterly ignorant in the affaires of Ireland.

Since my comming from Dublyn, within sixe daies after my arriuall here at London, I thinke I was asked sixteene seuerall times, what I thoght of this Plantation in the north of Ireland, and whether it were possible that those labouerers and workmen that are now sent ouer for the building, coulde saue their throats from cutting, or their heades from beeing taken from their shoulders, before the worke were finished: or what assurance there could bee, but that when this erection were fullie perfected, and that men did thinke themselus to be most quietly setled: why might not the Irish do then as they had done before, in one night to lay wast and consume al with fire and sword? So that I see there be a number that are a­fraid, but it is but of their owne shadowes.

But let timerous men doubt as they list, and let igno­raunt men write what they please: Ireland (God be praised) is in no such daungerous manner of plight. That doubt is dissolued, and the daunger is past: for menne may worke as quietlie in those places wherevnto they are now sent, as they might doe if they were in Cheapeside. And in that part of the Countrey, through the which a thousand menne in times past would haue beene intercepted, I dare now vndertake to passe my selfe and my Boy.

But there be some will saie: And why may it not come to passe, that there may be as great daunger as euer there was, and that the Irish may be as Potent to execute mischiefe, as euer they haue bin before?

I say, They cannot. And whosoeuer shall please to read the sequele heerein contained, I hope shall be fullie satisfied in that point, for onelie to that ende and purpose, I haue en­deuoured these Lines. And all the matter that I ayme at [Page] throughout this whole Booke, is but to make it manifest, that the Irish are of no such resistance at this houre against his Maiestie, as they haue beene in times past against our late Queene.

I am not ignorant, that although Ireland be reduced to a great conformitie, and that his Maiestie hath a number of loyall and faithfull Subiects in euery part of that Kingdome, yet I know againe there be some, that are not to be trusted, and therefore I speake not of their mindes, but I speake of their manners: And I say, that the Rebel of Ireland shall neuer more stand out hereafter, as they haue done in times past.

If any man please to read, let him iudge of my reasons, in the meane time, there is but one thing (worthy Gentle­man) that is to be feared, and may very easily be holpen, if you suffer no Papist (either English or Irish) to plant himself among you. Looke well but to that, and there is no doubt but the Almightie God himselfe will blesse your enterprise, and England and Ireland both, shall hereafter call you happy, & I shall rest still to wish you well.

Your wel-willing Friend Barnabe Rych.

A Description of IRELAND, to­gether with the Manners, Customs, and dispositions of the people.

CAP. 1.
Of the little credite that is to be giuen to their testi­monies, that haue hitherto written of Ireland.

I Thinke Ireland to be in nothing more vnfortunate, then in this; that the Hi­storie of the Countrey was neuer vn­dertakē to be truly set forth but by Pa­pists. Giraldus Cambrensis, whose testi­mony of that Countrey is most auncient, & vpon whose authority all that haue hitherto written of Ireland doe especially relie, was a Papist, and in his description of Ireland hath fabled so many follies, as Stanihurst himselfe, though he maketh mention of them in his Historie which hee hath written of Ireland, yet he durst not auouch them to bee true, but leaueth them to the discretion of the Reader, to iudge of them as he findeth himselfe disposed.

But to put the matter quite out of doubt, Cam­brensis himselfe, in his Epistle Dedicatorie to King [Page 2] Iohn, giueth aduice to the K. that the Peter-pence might be paide throughout the whole Realme of Ireland, that his Father had formerly promised to the Pope; in performing whereof, he might thereby deliuer his Fathers soule, (I thinke hee meant from Purgatory) for he was not so mad to beleeue that a soule could be deliuered from Hell.

A second Writer, that hath made colections of the History of Ireland, as Stanihurst himselfe repor­teth in his Epistle to sir Henry Sidney, was his fast & sure friend Edmond Campion. I need not discribe the man any further, for his ende made tryall of his honesty: but like will to like (quoth the Deuill to the Colliar) and birdes of a winge (they say) will flie together: but for maister Stanihurst himselfe, I knew him many years sithence at Antwarpe, where hee professed Alcumy, and vndertooke the practise of the Philosophers stone, and when hee had mul­tiplied lyes so long, that euery body grew weary of him, hee departed from thence into Spaine, and there (as it was said) he turned Physition, and whe­ther he bee aliue or dead I knowe not: but these three, Giraldus Cambrensis, Edmond Campion, and Richard Stanihurst, are the onely Authors that haue patched & peeced together the History of Ireland: who besides, that they haue stuffed their volumes with manifest vntruthes, so they haue enterlarded their lines with such ridiculous matter, as they themselues are ashamed to auouch them for truth. For the rest that hath been attempted by Holinshed and Hooker, they haue referred the whole matter of what they haue writ, concerning Ireland, to [Page 3] those mens authorities: Holinshed, to what had bin collected by Campion and Stanihurst; and Hooker, to no more then he had translated out of Giraldus Cā ­brensis.

These lying authorities, do euermore engender ignorance, & there is nothing that hath more led the Irish into error, then lying Historiographers, their Croniclers, their Bardes, their Rythmers, and such other their lying Poets; in whose writinges they do more relie, then they do in the holy Scrip­tures, and this rablement do at this day endeuour themselues to nothing else, but to feed & delight them with matter most dishonest and shamefull: for in their speaking and writing, they do nothing but flatter them in their vngracious humours, still opening the way with lying praises of their proge­nitors, what Rebellions they haue stirred vp, and how many mischiefes they haue performed; this is such a whetstone to their ambitious desires, and being thus made drunke with these lying reportes of their Auncestors worthinesse, that they thinke themselues to be reproched for euer, if they should not be as apt & ready to run into al manner of mis­chiefe, as their fathers were afore them. From hence it commeth, that being thus drowned in ig­norance, they thinke it to be the true high-way to happinesse, for euery man to do what hee list, and do therefore seeke to free themselues from Lawe, Iustice, and reason, because they would not be bri­deled, or compelled to obey, either to duty or ho­nestie.

For Ireland otherwise, the lesse it hath been fa­med [Page 4] for any memorable matter, the more it hath bin replenished with horrible murthers, and acti­ons of bloud; there are no histories of good things worthy to be followed, but Tragedies of crueltie, fit to be abhorred.

One of the greatest felicities wherewith Ireland hath bin blessed, is the gouernment of godly prin­ces, which haue endeuoured themselues, to their great expences, to reforme that countrey, and to reduce the people to ciuility, and to a reasonable knowledge of humane society.

CAP. 2.
Of the temperature of the Ayre, and the fertilitie of the soyle vniuersallie through Ireland.

MY meaning is not to make any Cos­mographicall description of Ireland, I haue nothing to do with Longitude, with Latitude, nor with Altitude: I will not speake of the Countrey how it stretcheth it selfe towards the East, or towardes the west, nor how it is deuided into Prouinces, in­to Shires, nor into Countries; nor how the coun­trey is replenished with Citties, with Towns, and Villages: but to speake something of the tempe­rature of the Climate, vnder the which it is adia­cent. I say, we do not find Ireland to be cold in the winter, nor so hot in the Summer, as it is in Eng­land. The frosts in Ireland, are neither so harde nor of that continuance as they be in England, and yet [Page 5] the Countrey is verie cold, with a kind of rawish moisture, but not so nipping, nor dureable, as the dry cold that commonly coms with frosts.

Ireland is wonderfully inclined to fogs & mists, and giuen to very much raine, aswell in summer as in winter, and the Countrey is full of springs, and great currants of water that fals from the moun­taines, which with a shewer of raine will rise verie suddenly, and will fall againe as quickly when the weather cleareth vp.

Ireland is full of great Riuers, and mightie huge Loughes, such as we call Meeres in England, where­in are many large and spacious Islands, where the Irish haue many times fortified themselues against the Prince, but are still ferreted and drawne out by the eares, though other whiles with great difficul­ty. To speake of Ireland generally, it is replenished with Riuers, with Woods, with Bogs, and with as good lande, both for corne and pasture, as any Europe affoords; but not so well manvred, nor so well husbanded: for the Farmers of Ireland, are far to seeke in many pointes of good husbandry, and the women (for the most part) haue as little skill of huswifery.

From hence I might affirme, and confidentlie conclude, that throughout the whole Realme of Ireland, what betweene the ill husbandrie of that which is inhabited, and so much of the Countrey againe lying wast for want of Inhabitants, there is not the third part of that profit raised, that Irelaud would affoord.

For fish, for foule, for Conies, they are very plen­tiful [Page 6] throughout all the partes of Ireland, and for red-Deare, they haue them vpon the mountayns, but not in such plenty as I my selfe haue knowne. Fallow deare are not so common, vnlesse it bee in some few Parkes.

To be short, there is nothing wanting in Ireland that is behouefull for the sustinance of man, yet I dare not stretch so far as M. Stanihurst, that would haue Ireland the Treasure-house of the world, as he hath published in his Booke, I will not say how vainely or how vnwisely. Let other men iudge of that, but I thinke he meaneth of hidden Treasures that are not yet discouered. It is truth, there are some small store of Pearle now and then found, chopt vppon by chance, but not in such abundance that they bee worthy to be so spoken of, nor those few that be found, are neither so oryent, so praise worthy, nor of such price and estimation, as those that are brought from other places, both from the East and West Indies, and yet I once saw an Irish Pearle that was sould for xv. poūd. I neuer heard of any Mines either of Gold, or Siluer, or Copper, or Tinne, or Leade, or of any other Minerall matter that was found in the Countrey, that would quit the charge in refining; but to speake truly, the Irish are so malicious that they wil not suffer men of art and skill to make search for them: One of the best Mines that is knowne to bee in Ireland, is that of Iron, which is very rich (indeed) if it would hold out, or that there were any store of the Oore to be found, as like enough it would do if the Irish would giue men leaue to seeke for it. It is many [Page 7] yeares agoe since I heard talke of an Allum Mine that was found, and great hope was had of profit and commodity, but how it was left, I know not, I thinke by the vnwillingnesse of the bad disposed people of that Countrey, that will neuer (by their good willes) suffer men to worke with their heades vppon their shoulders. Ireland (without doubt) is a fruitfull Countrey, and it yeildeth in most abun­dant maner, all conuenient necessaries that is be­houefull for humaine sustinance, but to hope after Mines and Minerals in Ireland, I thinke there is no such likeli-hood, for those are euermore to bee sought after, in those Countries that are warme, or at the least very dry, but not in those places that are so ouercharged with raine, and so much giuen to moisture as Ireland.

CAP. 3.
Of the nature and disposition of the Irish, and howe they are inclined.

I Thinke it shall not bee impertinent to this my discription of Ireland, to discipher the disposition of the Irish, of what temper they be framed, and wherevnto they bee naturally incli­ned. But before I will set down mine owne vnder­standing, what I my selfe haue gathered by expe­rience, I will deliuer what M. Stanihurst hath writ­tē on the very same matter, whose words be these: The inclination of the Irish people is, to bee Religious, franke, amorous, yrefull, sufferable of infinite paines, [Page 8] very glorious, many Sorcerers, excellent Horsemen, de­lighted with warres, great Almes-giuers, passing in Hospitality, The lewder sort (both Clarkes and lay-men) sensual and ouer-loose in liuing, the same (being vertu­ously bred vp or reformed) are such mirrours of holinesse and austeritie, that other Nations reteyne but a shad­dowe of Deuotion, in comparison of them. As for absti­nence and Fasting, it is to them a familiar kinde of cha­sticement. They follow the dead Corps to the graue with howling and barbarous out-cries, pittiful in apparance, whereof grew ( as I suppose) the prouerbe; To weep Irish.

Thus farre haue I cited, what Maister Stanihurst himselfe hath published of the disposition of the Irish whereunto they are inclined. And now (not to impugne any thing that Maister Stanihurst hath written) I will yet once againe take a superficiall suruey of what hee hath set downe, and will giue him mine opinion, what I doe thinke of his De­scription.

And first, he saith [ They are Religious] I say, It is truth, but I would to God it were according vnto knowledge. [ They are franke,] Neither will I im­pugne that, for the Irish are beneuolent enough among their friendes and acquaintance. [ they are Amorous] I thinke he meaneth to women: but if he speaketh in generall, I say and affirme, that the greatest number of the Irish, are vtterly ignoraunt what honest Loue doth meane. [ They are yrefull] the more is the pitty, for it hath cost the price of much Christian bloud. [ They are sufferable of infi­nite paines] but yet at any hand they wil not, or can [Page 9] cannot indure to labonr, for there is not a greater plague-sore to Ireland, then the ydlenesse thereof. [ They are very glorious] very true; and they are no lesse proud, for the meanest Shackerell, that hath scarce a mantle to wrap himselfe in, hath as proud a mind as Oneal himselfe, when he sits vpon a green banke vnder a bush in his greatest maiesty. [ There are many Sorcerers] and the Countrey doth no lesse abound with Witches; and no maruel that it should so do, for the Deuill hath euer bin most frequent and conuersant amongst Infidels, Turks, Papistes, & such other, that doe neither know nor loue god, then he can be amongst those that are the true pro­fessors of the Gospell of Christ. [ They are excellent horsemen] yet good for nothing but for the seruice in Ireland. [ They are delighted with warres] they are delighted with Rebellions, Commotions, and In­surrections; but they cannot be called wars, that are stirred vp by subiects against their Prince. [ They are great Almes-giuers,] I neuer heard any great commendation of their Almes-giuing, in any such generallitie, vnlesse it were to a Fryer, a Priest, or to some other of that annointed Order. [ Passing in Hospitalitie,] I would be loath to barre the Irish of that right; for to giue them their due, they are as bountifull of their meate and drinke, as any other Nation in Europe whatsoeuer. [ The lewder sort both Clarks and Lai-men, sensual & ouer-loose in liuing,] By that same word [ Clarkes] so ioyned with the Laity, I thinke he meanes the Irish Clergy, which he saith are of lasciuious and lose liuing: hee might haue added farther, that the greatest number of them [Page 10] are trayterous Priests, protested Enemies to their Prince, and so vowed to their Pope; [ The same be­ing vertuously bred vp or reformed, are such Myrrors of holinesse and austerity, that other Nations retaine but a shaddow of Deuotion, in comparison of them.]

A proud praise, that the holy ones of Ireland should so farre out-stretch all the holinesse in the world besides: but I will not contradict M. Stani­hurst; for without doubt he spake but as he thoght: And heere wee may see, that these lying suppositi­ons thus published by our Irish Writers, haue led the people into such a blind arrogancy, that they will admit nothing for truth, but what they re­ceiue from their owne Authors, or gather out of their owne bookes; And now it followeth.

[ As for Abstinency and Fasting, it is to them a fa­miliar kind of Chastisement.] I thinke this Abstinen­cy and Fasting, is the holinesse which Maister Sta­nihurst hath formerly spoken of, for this is a visible holinesse (indeede) which euery man may see and wonder at: for let mee speake of the most abiect Creatures, that I think either Ireland or the world affoordeth, and those are the Kearne of Ireland, a­mongst whom, there is not so notable a wretch to bee found, that will not obserue his fasting daies, three daies in a weeke at the least, and those are Wednesdaies, Fridaies, and Saturdaies: then they haue other Vigiles, and such Saint Eeues, as I neuer heard of but in Ireland, nor I thinke be knowne in any other place, which they obserue and keepe with such religious zeale and deuotion, that I am sure Cardinall Bellarmine himselfe cannot be more [Page 11] ceremonious then these bee, nor shew himselfe to be more holy, nor more honest; yet that very day, that for conscience sake, they will abstaine from eating of Flesh, Butter, Cheese, Milk, Egges, and such like, that very houre they will not forbeare to spoile, to robbe, to rauish, to murther, nor to commit any other villany, what or howsoeuer.

And let mee say something for our Females in Ireland, and leauing to speake of woorthy Ma­trones, and of those Women that are honest, good, and vertuous, (as Ireland Good bee thanked is not destitute of many such) I will speake onelie of the riffe-raffe, the most filthy Queanes, that are knowne to bee in the Countrey, (I meane those Huswiues that doe vse selling of drinke in Dubline, or else where) commonly called Tauerne-keepers, but indeed filthy and beastly Alehousekeepers: I will not meddle with their honesties, I will leaue that to be testified by Maister Maior of the Bull-ring, but otherwise for the greatest number of them (for God defend that I should condemne them al) they are in the manner of their life and liuing to bee de­tested and abhorred: yet on their prescribed fa­sting daies, if there bee any sanctity in abstaining from flesh, from Butter, from Cheese, from Milk, from Egges, they are as holy (I dare vndertake) as the Pope himselfe, and why not as honest? This is the holinesse which (I thinke) M. Stanihurst hath so highly commended to be in the Irish; And this is to be lamented, that the poor people of that coun­trey should bee so seduced and made beleeue, that their fasting, their praying in Latine, their running [Page 12] wels and to other Idolatrous places, is a full satis­faction for any sins that they can commit, how de­testable or abhominable soeuer; for thus they are taught, and so they beleeue.

But is not this a madde manner of fasting, that marcheth in equall manner with Theft, with mur­der, with Treason, with drunkennes, with whore­dome, and with all manner of Sodometry? but the cause of all thinges must needes tell whose childe the effect is.

Now lastly, M. Stanihurst seemeth to find fault at the manner of the Irish burials, and sayth; They follow the dead corps to the graue, with houling and bar­barous outcries pittifull in apparance, whereof grew ( as I suppose) the Prouerbe To weepe Irish.

I think it would be admired in any part of Chri­stendom, to see the manners of the Irish, how they vse to carry their dead to their graues, in the re­mote partes of the Countrey; to a straunger that had neuer seen the sight before, at the first encoun­ter, would beleeue that a company of Hags or hel­lish Fiendes, were carrying a dead body to some in­fernall Mansion; for what with the vnseemlinesse of their shewes, and the il-faring noyse they doe make, with their howling and crying, an ignorant man would sooner beleeue they were Deuils of Hell, then Christian people. But as M. Stanihurst saith; [ it is pittifull in appearance:] pittifull indeed, that a people so many yeares professing Christia­nitie, should yet shew themselues more Heathen like, then those, that neuer heard of God.

M. Stanihurst farther supposeth, that the pro­uerbe, [Page 13] to weepe Irish, had heere the first begin­ning: It may be so, and it is troth, that in Citties and Townes where any deceaseth that is of worth or worthinesse, they wil hyre a number of women to bring the corps to the place of buriall, that for some small recompence giuen them, will furnish the cry, with greater shriking and howling, then those that are grieued indeede, and haue greatest cause to cry; and herevpon ariseth this Prouerbe, to weepe Irish, that is to say; To weepe at plea­sure, without cause, or griefe.

Heere is thus much more to be considered, that notwithstanding this vnchristian-like demeanour of the Irish, that in their burials do shew themselus like Infidels, repugnant to all Christianity, there is neither Iesuite, Seminary, nor Popish priest, (that do so swarme in the Countrey,) that wil once re­buke or find fault at the matter. But they are not to be blamed, for the Popes doctrine hath no such operation, to draw men from darknesse to light; but it serueth rather to hood-winke them, or put out both the eies, and so make them starke blind.

CAP. 4.
From whence it proceedeth, that the Irish are so re­pugnant to the English.

I Remember, there was sometime one Alan Cope, who hath written of many matters, who, if a man might iudge of, (but as hee hath testified of himselfe) was a most arrogant & superstitious Pa­pist, yet writing against that foolish conceit houl­den [Page 14] by the Irish, that Ireland was purged from ve­nemous wormes, by the only praiers of S. Patrick, was therefore complained on, and accused by M. Stanihurst, that Cope had wronged and slaundered the whole Irish Nation.

I hope I shal not be so dealt withal, that bicause I haue detected and reproued the vnciuill demea­nors of those that bee blame-worthy, I shall not therefore be exclaimed on, to be an open deprauer of all that whole Nation.

I protest, I do know neuer a man in Ireland that I do hate, or that I do wish any harme vnto, and therfore if I hapen to glance at the abuses of those that be ill, let not those that be good think them­selues thereby to be detected, or so much as tou­ched. But as the throng of fooles, doth euermore exceed the number of the wise, so the multitude of the rude and ignorant among the Irish, do far passe the number either of the religious, or ciuilly refor­med. I do not hold, that euery Citizen or towns­man that liueth in common society, is therefore to be accounted ciuill; neither doth it follow, that e­uery man inhabiting the Countrey, is therefore to be called vnciuill; for ciuillity and vnciuilitie, hath no relation to the Citty or Countrey, but it hath consideration to the manners and conditions of men, that are therfore to be accounted ciuil or vn­ciuill, according to the dispositions of the mind.

All the Countries that are knowne (especiallie in Europe) haue their seuerall inclinations aswel to vertue as vice: We say, the Frenchmen are politike and deceitfull, and not so valiant in conquering, as [Page 15] prouident in keeping. The Spaniard is saide to bee proud and tyrannous. The Italian full of curtesie, and full of craft. The Dutch are more wise when they be in their Cups, then when they bee in their Clossets; the English are reputed to bee more wise to look after, then they are to foresee: and the Eng­lishman (indeede) doth then thinke himselfe to bee best in fashion, when he is most out of fashion. To speake now of the Irish more at large, for to them my talke doth especially belong, I say they are be­houlding to Nature, that hath framed them comly personages, of good proportion, very well limbed, & to speak truly, the English, Scottish, and Irish, are easie to bee discerned from all the Nations of the world: besides, aswel by the excellency of their cō ­plexions, as by al the rest of their lineaments, from the crown of the head, to the sole of the foot. And although that in the remote places, the vnciuill sort so disfigure themselues with their Glybs, their Trowes, and their mishapen attire, yet they appear to euery mans eye to be men of good proportion, of comely stature, and of able body. Now to speak of their dispositions, whereunto they are adicted and inclined. I say, besides they are rude, vnclean­lie, and vnciuill, so they are very cruell, bloudie minded, apt and ready to commit any kind of mis­chiefe. I do not impute this so much to their natu­rall inclination, as I do to their education, that are trained vp in Treason, in Rebellion, in Theft, in Robery, in Superstition, in Idolatry, and nuzeled from their Cradles in the very puddle of Popery.

This is the fruits of the Popes doctrine, that doth [Page 16] preach cruelty, that doth admit of murthers and bloudy executions; by poisoning, stabbing, or by any other maner of practise hosoeuer: the pope teacheth subiects to resist, to mutinie, and to rebel against their Princes.

From hence it proceedeth, that the Irish haue euer beene, and still are, desirous to shake off the English gouernment.

From hence it doth proceed, that the Irish can not endure to loue the English, bicause they differ so much in Religion.

From hence it proceedeth, that as they cannot indure to loue the English, so they cannot be indu­ced to loue any thing that doth come from the En­glish; according to the prouerbe, Loue me, and loue my Dog: so contrariwise, he that hateth me, hateth in like manner all that commeth from me.

From hence it is, that the Irish had rather stil re­taine themselues in their sluttishnesse, in their vn­cleanlinesse, in their rudenesse, and in their inhu­mane loathsomnes, then they would take any ex­ample from the English, either of ciuility, humanity, or any manner of Decencie.

We see nowe the author of this enmity, is hee that neuer did other good, where hee had to doe with mens consciences.

There is yet a difference to bee made, of those faults that do grow from our weaknesse, and those that do proceed from our mallice: and the Irish in this are the more to be pittied, that are no better taught; whose educations, as they are rude, so they are blinded with ignorance, and I thinke for deuo­tions [Page 17] sake, they haue made a vow to be ignorant.

But although the vulgar sort, through their dul wits, and their brutish education, cannot conceiue what is profitable for themselues, and good for their Countrey, yet there bee some other of that Countrey birth, whose thoughts and mindes be­ing inriched with knowledge and vnderstanding, that haue done good in the Country, and whose example hereafter, may giue light to many others: For I thinke, that if these people did once vnder­stand the pretiousnesse of vertue, they would farre exceed vs; notwithstanding, our long experience in the Soueraignty of vertue.

CAP. 5.
That the Irish by nature are inclined vnto cruelty.

IT cannot be denayed, but that the Irish are very cruell in their executions, and no lesse bloudy in their dispositions, the examples are to many, and to manifest, to be by any means contradicted.

But some will say, their cruelty doth not so much proceede from that naturall inclination that is in themselues, as from the mallice and hatred they bear to the English gouernment, which they haue alwaies spurned at, and are still desirous to shake off; but their rebellious dispositions are thereby made the more apparant, and they ought there­fore to be so much the more restrained: for there is not a more daungerous thing, to relye either in the promises, or in any other assurances of those men, that are by nature ambitious, disloyall, cru­ell, [Page 18] and accustomed to shed bloud.

But let vs make a short suruay, what they are in behauiour amongst themselues, and wee shall find that it is the English gouernment that staieth them from their bloudy executions, the one of them against the other, and that our late gratious Queene was in nothing more troubled, then in keeping them from persecuting and prosecuting the one the other, with fire, with sword, and with such raging fury, that the most barbarous sauages that neuer knew ciuility, are not more tragicall in their executions, then are the Irish.

The time hath beene, when they liued like Bar­barians, in Woods, in Bogges, and in desolate pla­ces, without politique Law, or ciuil gouernment, neither imbracing Religion, Lawe, nor mutuall loue.

That which is hatefull to all the world besides, is onely beloued and imbraced by the Irish, I mean ciuill Warres and domesticall discentions.

The wilde vnciuill Seythians, doe forbeare to be cruell the one against the other. The Canibals, de­uourers of mens flesh, doe leaue to bee fierce a­mongst themselues, but the Irish, without all re­spect, are euer most cruel to their very next neigh­bours.

In ciuill broiles, euery base Rascall is an equall companion with the greatest commaunder, and their libertie to do wrong, is no lesse the one then the other; for they knowe they are the more wil­lingly drawne to vndertake commotions and re­bellions, for the aid & assistance of these licentious [Page 19] routes that follow them: they therefore forbeare no mischiefe, abstaining no more from that which is holy, then from that which is prophane: neither marriage nor honour so protect any, that Rape be not mingled with murder, nor murder with Rape.

All things are full of misery in ciuill Wars, and as in forraigne encounters, there is nothing more honourable then Conquest, so in ciuill and dome­sticall conflictes, there is nothing more miserable then victory: for the rebellious that are led by cru­elty first to vndertake, can vse no moderation where they become victors.

These ciuill furies, are by seuerall means ingen­dered: many take armes oppressed by the tyranny of Princes, but these through sufferance and ouer­much liberty: some others, hauing beene offered wronges and iniuries, haue therefore betaken thē ­selues to actions of rebellion; but these fearing to be punished for wronges by themselues commit­ted, doe therefore seeke to preuent it by playing the Rebels: Some to free themselues from thral­dome, (as they pretended) haue opposed them­selues against their Princes (and as they say) to pur­chase liberty: but what Subiectes in Europe, doe liue so lawlesse as the Irish, when the Lords and great men throughout the whole Countrey, doe rather seeme to bee absolute, then to liue within the compasse of subiection? neither haue I known any amongst the Irish, that haue stood vpon those tearms of liberty, but whom they wuld set free frō the Prince, they would inthrall to the Pope. I ne­uer yet heard of any man that was an enemy to the [Page 20] common quiet of a Realme, but he was likewise an enemy to the commonwealth.

Alexander was wont to say, that the clemencie of Kings & Princes, consisted not so much in them selues that were to command, as in the disposition of their subiects, that were to obey. And one, at­tributing the flourishing estate of Sparta, to the gouernment of the Kings that knew howe to rule well; nay, answered another, It is to bee imputed to the vertue of the Citizens, that knowe how to obey well.

Alasse poore Ireland, what safety may bee ho­ped for thee, that art still so addicted to disobedi­ence, to contempt, to sedition, to Rebellion, that thy wounds are no sooner closed vp, but thou thy selfe goest about to open them againe? Your gran­fathers haue felt the smart of disobedience, your fa­thers haue complained of it, your selues haue seen the calamities of contempt, and God grant that your childrens children, haue not iust cause to curse the miseries that are raised vp by Rebellion.

The extreamest point whereunto the crueltie of man may stretch, is for one man to kill another, yea Diuinity it selfe, willeth vs to shew fauor, and not to be cruelly inclined, no not to bruit beastes, which the Almighty hath created and placed a­mongst his other creatures, aswell for his glory as for his seruice, and hath himselfe had mercifull re­spect vnto them; as when he saide to Ionas, Should not I spare Niniuy that great Citty, wherein are sixe score thousand persons that cannot discerne between the right hand and the left, and also much Cattle.

[Page 21] We see here God himselfe had some commi­seration to the poore cattell, and it was not with­out respect, that he prescribed to Moses in the first Table of the Commandementes, that aswell the cattell as the stranger within thy gates, shuld cease from their labour, and rest on the Sabaoth day.

If it hath pleased God the Creator of all things to be thus regardfull to the worke of his handes, I am fully perswaded, that such as by nature do shew themselues to be no lesse bloudy minded towardes men, then towards beasts, do shew themselues to be naturally inclined to cruelty, the vglines where­of, is to be abhorred and detested amongst men.

CAP. 6.
Of the ingratitude of the Irish.

THE Irish, as they are naturally inclined to cru­elty, so there is neither lenity, loue, nor libe­rality, whereby to confirme them in their du­ty and allegiance to their Prince.

Some will say that there is not a readier meane whereby to draw subiects to a setled loue, then a gracious clemency to be vsed by the Prince: but in times past it would not serue, and I shall not need any far-fet presidents, let vs but remember our late gracious Queene, with what mildnesse and with what mercy, she ruled and gouerned forty & odde yeares, and with what disloialty was she still requi­ted.

Her Maiesty thought in being gracious, she might thereby haue woon their hearts to a more louing [Page 22] and willing obedience, and to this ende, to drawe them to a more dutifull regard, what did she neg­lect, that was either befitting for a Prince to grant amongst subiects, or behouefull for subiects to re­ceiue from their Prince? If clemency might haue mittigated the rigor of cruelty, what pardoning, what protecting, and what tollerating of offences that were daily and continualy committed against her.

But for the better discouery of their ingratitude towardes her Maiestie, how did shee continually grace and countinance the Nobility of that realm, not onely suffering them to triumph and tyranize ouer their Tenants and followers, with such priui­ledges and prerogatiues, as were more befitting Kings, then behouefull for subiects, but also shee bountifully bestowed of them, contributions, sti­pendes, pentions, and other daily paies out of her Cofers, for the better vpholding of their decayed estates, and to haue woon them (if it had bin possi­ble) to her loue and their allegiance; and how som of them requited her, it is so manifestly known, as it were but lost labour any further to rehearse.

How many Gentlemen againe of that country birth, came daily into England about sutes, that were still begging and craving, and were continu­ally returned from her Maiesties Court back again into Ireland, laden with guiftes and prefermentes, that she graciously & liberally bestowed on them; who after they had passed & possessed their grants, would neuer com in place to say Amen, when they heard her Maiesty praied for; but rather by their ill [Page 23] example of contempt, made some others more ob­stinate and stubborn, then otherwise they would.

I thinke the ingratitude of the Irish (considering how mildly they haue bin and are yet gouerned) deserueth no lesle to be condemned thē their Trea­sons: and Rebellious: and there is nothing so much detested amongst the Irish themselues, as this vice of ingratitude.

Ingratitude is no way to be excused nor colou­red, Theft, Robery, Murther, yea Treason it selfe, may bee a little flourisht ouer with some blind ex­cuse, but ingratitude can neither bee couered nor shadowed by any meanes, but remaining naked, must mannifest it selfe euery where with shame & dishonour.

Not to requit a benefit receiued is ill, but this may be said to bee the frailty of man: but to render and requit euill for good, is most pernicious, and this malignity hath euermore proceeded from detestable Creatures, denounced and abhorred by God and all good men.

The Egyptians vsed to geld such persons as were detected with this vice of ingratitude, to the end that there might been no farther procreation of so viperous a brood: if this seuerity were vsed to those of the Irish that haue tasted of the bounty, li­berality and mercy of their Princes, & haue repay­ed them againe with grudge; murmnre, disobedi­ence, contempt, and sometime with Treason it selfe, I say the Eunuches of Ireland, would farre ex­ceede in number ouer and aboue all the rest that were fit for propagation.

[Page 24] They haue bin still gouerned by such Princes, who shunning the seuerity of Lawes, haue rather conformed themselues to diuine mercy, then to due Iustice; they haue bin and still are, gouerned by Christian Princes, endued with the knowledge of the truth, that haue ruled and do rule with curtesie and clemency, but it is the imperfections of their iudgements, that maketh them to mistake the per­fection of their Princes.

CHAP. 7.
Of the inciuility, both of manners and conditions, vsed by the Irish.

IF I should set downe the sluttish and vncleanly obseruations of the Irish, as well of the men, as the Women, but especially of those manners & conditions whereunto they invre themselues in the remote places of the Countrey, I might set downe such vnreuerent and loathsome matter, as were vnfit for euery queasie stomacke to vnder­stand of.

I will not speake of those affaires belonging to Child-bearing women, that are no lesse vnciuill then vncleanly, in many their demeanors belong­ing to those businesses: Neither will I speake of their vnmannerly manners in making of their But­ter, nor of the beastly Physicke they haue vsed to apply to a Cow, when she will not giue down hir Milke.

I might speake heere what I my selfe haue seen in the North parts of Ireland, how vnhamsomely [Page 25] the women do vse to grinde their Oat-meale.

But to speake generally throughout the whole Realme of Ireland, in those thinges wherein they should be most neate and cleanely, they doe shew themselues to be most sluttish and filthy; namely, in making of their Butter, and washing of their Linnen.

First, they do abuse one of the greatest blessings of God bestowed vpon that Country, for as God promised the children of Israell to transport them into a land that flowed with Milke and Honey, so the plenty of milke throughout all the parts of Ire­land doth so abound, that the greatest part of the people (of the poorest sort) are especially relieued and sustained (both Summer and Winter) with Milke and Butter; but according to the Prouerbe, GOD sendes meate, and the Deuill sends Cookes; so, it pleaseth God to send them plenty of Milke, but as they behaue themselues in the vsing of it, it is fit for no body but for themselues, that are of the vncleanly diet: not onely in their Milke and But­ter, but in many other vnsauoury dishes besides.

It is holden among the Irish, to bee a presage­ment of some misfortune, to keepe their milking vessels cleanly, and that if they should either scald or wash them, some vnlucky misaduenture would surely betide them: vpon this conceit, al the vessels that they vse about their milke, are most filthily kept: and I my selfe haue seene, that vessell which they hold vnder the Cow whilst they are in mil­king, to be furred halfe an inch thicke with filth, so that Dublyne it self is serued euery Market day with [Page 26] such Butter, as I am sure is much more loathsome then toothsome.

Now, in the manner of their washing, they are yet more filthie then in any other of their exerci­ses, wherein they are most vncleanlie, and I do al­most loath, but to thinke of their scouring stuffe which they doe vse in the stead of Sope; but hee that came in place when they were in their Laun­dry, in their Nettyng (as they call it) would neuer after stop his nose, if he chanced to goe by where they were scouring of a Priuy.

These and many other loathsome obseruations are vsed by the Irish, from the which they wil not be diswaded, but the vnnurtered sort among them are no lesse admiring our decencie, then wee their rudenesse & vnciuility. And as I haue said elswher, they wil not take any presidents from the English, and long it was before they coulde bee brought to imitate our English manner, in diuers pointes of husbandry, but especially in the ploughing of their land; in the performing whereof, they vsed the la­bour of fiue seuerall persons to euery plough, and their Teem of Cattle, which commonly consisted of fiue or sixe horses, were placed all in front, ha­uing neither cordes, chaines, nor lines, wherby to draw, but euery horse by his owne taile; and this was the manner of ploughing when I knew Ireland first, and is vsed still at this day in manie places of the Countrey.

Demand of them, whie they should be so much addicted to their owne durtie demeanures, & that they should not conforme themselues to those ci­uill [Page 27] courses which they see are to bee perfourmed with lesse paine, and more profit; they can satisfy vs with no other reason but custome, Thus did our Ancestors.

Custome is a Metall amongst them, that stan­deth which way soeuer it bee bent; Checke them for their vncleanlinesse, and they plead Custome: reprehend them for their Idolatry, they say thus did our Fathers before vs: and I thinke it bee Cu­stome that draweth them so often into rebellion, because they would do as their fathers haue done before them.

But alas! their iudgements are both blinde and lame, and they are deafe to all good counsels, they are falne into a blinde arrogancy, and they are so generally bewitched with Popery, that they will neither draw example nor precept from the Eng­lish.

But I hope my generall speeches, will breed no generall offence; to say that the Irish are generally adicted to Poperie, it would argue but a quarrel­some disposition, to denay that truth which wee see in daily example before our eies, and the Irish themselues (I am sure) would be much offended, if they were not able to drop ten Papists, for one Protestant, throughout the whole Realme; them­selues are neither ashamed, nor affraid to confesse it, and I would wee might as well trust them in their fidelity to the King, as we may beleeue them in that: but they all speake faire, and they say they loue the king, and without doubt there are some small number, to whome it hath pleased God to [Page 28] open their eies, and that doe stand assured to his Maiesty: but for the greatest number of those that be Papists, what fair semblance soeuer they make, his Maiestie may well say with our Sauiour, This people honoureth me with their lips, but their hearts are far from me. And for these, whatsoeuer they speake with their lippes, their harts are at Rome. Do they not shew it through euerie part of the Realme, in Cittie, Towne, and Countrey, in their receiuing and entertaining of Iesuites, Seminaries, and Popish Priests, the protested enemies to his Maiestie?

With what face may they then auouch them­selues to loue the King, that dooth with such fer­uencie embrace his Maiesties deadly enemies. I will neuer beleeue them, neither can it sinke in my head, that an honest man may be brought to be in league with God and the Deuill, and to be in per­fect loue and charity with them both together.

The vulgar sort of the Irish, wanting facultie to iudge of thinges truely as they are, and suffering themselues to be ledde and carried away with out­ward apparitions, are not only possessed with bold nesse to despise, but likewise with malipertnesse to impugne those meanes, that should aswell induce them to the loue and obedience of their Prince, as to the true knowledge of their God, wherin consi­steth the state of their saluation.

It is ignorance that hunteth after light in darke­nesse, that beleeueth shaddowes to be substancial; but Diuine knowledge, from whence proceedeth all blessings, it is the parent of Peace, of Wisdom, of Obedience, and it is the light of reason, that dis­couereth [Page 29] truth from falshood, and therefore the most resplendant ornament of Man.

CHAP. 8.
Of the vulgar sort of the Irish, what account they make of an Oath.

THe multitude of the Irish (I meane the ruder sort) are very regardlesse of their Oathes, and there are many reasons to induce it; for I haue knowne Ireland these forty yeares, yet (to my remembrance) I neuer knewe any man punnished for periury, by any Iudiciall course of the Princes Lawes.

They haue a custome, that vpon any controuer­sies amongst themselues in the Countrey, the Te­nants are inioyned to sweare by their Land-lordes hand; the which Oath, if the Land-lord do by any meanes disproue, he imposeth a great fine vppon the partie, and he shall be sure to pay it: they are therefore verie circumspect in taking of that Oath.

They haue some respect againe to their Oaths, when they are deposed vpon a Masse-booke: And I will trust him better, that offereth to sweare by bread and salt, then him that offereth to sweare by the Bible▪ I meane, amongest the greater number, that make no conscience what they swear vpon an English book. And the simpler sort of them, do hold their Oathes to be so much the more, or so much the lesse, according to the bignesse of the book: for if they sweare vpon a little Booke, they think they take but a little Oath.

[Page 30] Thus, what betweene those that are simply ig­norant, and the other againe that are blinded with Poperie, there will hardly be found a Iurie that wil find for his Maiestie. And heere (with al reuerēce) I must needes remember that euer renowned Qu. Elizabeth, who would many times saie, That the Irish were so allyed in kindred the one with the o­ther, and she hauing neuer a Cosine in the Coun­try, could neuer get her right. But woe be to him, that hath his state depending vpon the verdict of a Iurie in Ireland, especiallie if he be a Protestant.

The honestie of him that should giue testimo­nie in any matter whatsoeuer, is to be reputed for more or lesse, according to the companie that hee is knowne to frequent. I do not thinke it therfore conuenient, that a Papist, that is trained vp in the deuillish doctrine of Equiuocation, and that they may sweare what they list, with A mentall reserua­tion, is to be receiued as a witnesse against a prote­stant, or to bee beleeued or credited in any thinge that he shall either say or sweare against him.

Because the two Midwiues, Shiphuah and Puah in the first of Exodus, tolde a lie to the King, who had commaunded that all the male children of the Hebrewes should be slaine, therefore saith our holy Father the Pope, it is lawfull to lie for aduantage. Methinkes his holinesse might haue borrowed such another from the 12. of Exodus, where by the commandement of God, the children of Israel bor­rowed Iewels of Siluer and Gold of the Egyptians; if the Popes catholiques might haue the like liber­ty with Protestants, then it were an excellent mat­ter [Page 31] to be a Papist, for then a man might both lie & steale by authority, and they are not farre from the matter: for it is knowne well enough, that in the time of our late gracious Queene, the Pope gaue full power and authority to dispence with all Po­pish Recusants, neither to holde worde, promise, contract, nor protestation, what or howsoeuer, that had bin formerly conditioned, or were heere­after to be made with any Heretique (as they call him) that will not acknowledge the Pope to bee Christs high Vicar heer on earth, and that he hath thereby full authority to depose Kings and princes at his owne will and pleasure.

Methinkes this Doctrine of Equiuocation and Mental reseruation, was very acceptable to the yong married wife, who in her Husbands absence being solicited by an amorous friend, she consented vnto him, vpon condition, that hee should not meddle with her lippes, neither to kisse, nor so much as to touch them; Hir louer demanded the reason, she answered; That at my mariage day, this mouth of mine made inuiolable promise to my husbande of continencie; and therefore, what my mouth hath Religiously vowed, shall Ceremoniously be kept: content thy selfe therefore with the other parts of my bodie, for my lippes are onely vowed vnto my Husband, and for him I will reserue them. I think of my conscience, this Woman was as firme in the promise she made to her husband, as a number of Papists in their Oaths they do make to the king.

This Doctrine is not onely warrantable against Protestants, but it may sometimes serue to salue a [Page 32] vow that is rashly made to God himselfe, as the holie Pilgrim, that made solemne protestation to offer the one halfe of his good fortunes at the high Altar, whatsoeuer should betide him in his iour­ney. And by the way as he passed, fortuning to find a bag of Nuts, hee eate vp the Kernels, and offered vp the shels.

What call you this, Equiuocation, or Mentall Re­seruation? But call it what you list, this Doctrine doth fit our holy Fathers tooth, for he hath taught vs long agoe, There is no Faith to bee holden with He­retiques.

CAP. 9.
That a conquest should draw after it Lawe, Lan­guage, and Habit.

MAister Stanihurst is of opinion, that a Con­quest should draw three things after it, and that the vanquished should surrender them­selues to imitate the Lawes, the Language, & the manner of Apparrell vsed and accustomed by the Victors.

I could wish that the Irish would submit them­selues to the obedience of our English Lawes, for I say the Countrey is accursed, that is not gouerned by Law, but it is ignorance that breedeth contempt of Law; contempt of Law, draweth on Rebellion; and Rebellion is the vtter decay, ruine, and desolati­on of countries and kingdomes.

It is ignorance ioyned with obstinacie, that hath [Page 33] not onely contemned the positiue lawes of Prin­ces in Ireland, but they haue likewise dispised and impugned the deuine lawes of the liuing God. And where God is not knowne, the Prince cannot bee obeyed: for it is the light and knowledge of Gods word, that conteineth subiects in obedience vnto their Princes; and where the Gospell is generallie receiued, there is peace and tranquillity vniuersal­lie embraced.

It is not so in Ireland, and they are in nothing more repugnant then against the law of God. And as for the imitation of Language (as M. Stanihurst hath said) it hath been thought very expedient, for diuers respects, that the conquered should surren­der themselues to the language of the Conqueror: and for this very cause, when William Duke of Nor­mandy had conquered England, hoping to translate our English language into French, he caused al our English Lawes to be written and set downe in the French tongue, and so they haue continued, and are still remaining at this very houre.

But heer beehold the godly disposition of our gracious King that now raigneth, who comisera­ting the calamity of the hunger-starued Realm of Ireland, that hath neuer yet tasted of any thing pub­lished in their owne language, but lies, fables, and popish fantasies, that hath but led them into igno­rance and error. To giue them some tast therfore of that heauenly foode, whereof they haue neuer yet felt smack or sauour; he hath caused the New Testament, togither with the Booke of Common Praier, in that forme and manner as it is now vsed [Page 34] in our English churches, to be both translated in­to Irish, and to be printed in the Irish Charracter, that aswell the lettered sort, that can reade their owne language, as also the vnlearned, that can but vnderstand what they heare others read, may reap the benefit of his Maiesties clemency and loue to­wards them, that doth seeke by curtesie to winne them, that might otherwise enforce them by com­pulsion of Lawes.

Now, for the Irish to invre themselues to speake English, I thinke it were happy for England & Ire­land both. If neuer a Papist throughout that whol coūtry, could either speak, or so much as vnderstād a word of English: and it is holden for a Maxime in Ireland, that ten English wil sooner become Irish, then one Irish will be found to turne English.

Now, for the imitation of habit and attire, that (M. Stamhurst saith) should likewise follow a con­quest, I protest I would not wish the Irish so much harme, to inioyne them to follow our English fa­shion in apparrell, when there is almost neuer a passage from Chester to Dublyne, but one Foole or other commeth ouer with a new fashion, either for men or Women, or for both. And although the Irish are proud enough of minde, yet they are not lightly proude in their apparrell; and yet the example of our English pride, hath doone a great deale of harme amongst that people.

I remember many yeares ago (when I was a lit­tle Bookish) I haue read of a pretty Prouiso, deuised for the preuention of Pride, an Act established, de­barring all sorts of people, aswell men as women, [Page 35] from the wearing of any gayish or light-coloured apparrell ( Players and Curtizans onely excepted) to whome free liberty was giuen to weare vvhat they themselues listed.

This did not onely incite those that were ho­nest, to liue within the compasse of modest and comly attire, but it was alike inducement to those that were well knowne Strumpets, to shelter themselues vnder the habit of modesty, thereby to escape from being reputed infamous.

But as the Prouerbe is, It is not the Frocke that maketh the Friar, so without doubt, those women are not all dishonest of their bodies, that by the outward showes in their Attyre, a man woulde thinke, they had sent their Consciences vnto the Stewes.

It were pitty that beutie should be Mercenary, or that by strange inuentions it should set it self to sale; And why are those beauties vailed, that Wo­men themselues desires to shew, and euery man desires to see? But they say it is for modesty, and I commend it, but let them bee modest likewise in their Manners.

Pithagoras Neece was wont to say, that a Wo­man going to bedde with a man, ought together with her Peticote, to put off all bashfulnesse, but in the morning to put it on againe: Not like her, that when she first went to bed with a Sea-faring man, stript her selfe quite of her modesty, & could neuer finde a time to put it on againe after. But modesty (aswell in attire, as in conuersation and manners) hath euer beene the reputed Ornament [Page 36] of women; but to speake truth of our Gentlewo­men of Ireland: that be of Irish birth, they haue lit­tle practise, either in pride or in good huswiferie; for they are for the most part alwaies busied in ta­king their ease. And it is holden for a seruile kinde of basenesse amongst the Irish, for a gentleman or a gentlewoman, to be seen in any manner of facul­ty, Idlenesse onely excepted. And this conceipt of theirs, is another occasion of ignorance, which as it engendreth many vaine & lasciuious thoghts, so it draweth after it, wicked and dishonest deeds.

To conclude this Chapter, I say, that those of the Irish that haue reduced themselues to ciuility, (were it not for their Religion) are otherwise, of very good conuersation; and aswell in their man­ners, as in the decencie of their apparell, they are very modest and comly, but they are so charmed by their ghostly fathers, that if an Angell shoulde come from heauen, and speake against Poperie, he should be condemned amongst them, yea and hol­den for accursed.

CHAP. X.
Of certaine Septes and degrees among the Irish, how they are reputed.

THere is amongst the Irish, as amongst all the Nations of the world, diuers degrees, accor­to the which each man is regarded.

For the Nobilitie of that Realme, they are a­mongst them as Honorable, and as worthy to bee honoured, as of any other Nation whatsoeuer; so [Page 37] likewise againe, both of Knights and Gentlemen.

After their Gentlemen, whereof a great num­ber of them are rude and vnciuill enough, the hors­men succeedeth in the next ranke, who is more fit to serue his lord and Captaine in an action of Re­bellion, then in the seruice of his Prince.

The Galloglas succeedeth the Horsman, and hee is commonly armed with a Scull, a shirt of maile, and a Galoglas Axe: his seruice in the field, is nei­ther good against horsmen, nor able to endure an encounter of Pikes, yet the Irish do make great ac­count of them.

The Kerne of Ireland are next in request, the ve­ry drosse and scum of the Countrey, a generation of Villaines not worthy to liue: these be they that liue by robbing and spoiling the poore Countrey­man, that maketh him many times to buy bread to giue vnto them, though he want for himselfe and his poore children. These are they, that are ready to run out with euerie Rebell, and these are the ve­rie Hags of Hell, fit for nothing but for the gallows.

We are now come to the hors-boyes, so tear­med by their professions, which is, to keep or dress horse; and as in England we cal them hors-keepers, so in Ireland he carries the name but of a horse boy how yong or old soeuer.

There are other Septes or professions, namely of Bardes, which are in manner of Poets or Rythmers, which do nothing but sit and compose lies. Then they haue Harpers, and those are so reuerenced a­mong the Irish, that in the time of Rebellion, they will forbeare to hurt either their persons, or their [Page 38] goods, but are rather inclined to giue them, & are verie bountifull, either to Rymers or Fooles.

Then is there a certaine brotherhood, called by the name of Karrowes, and these be common gam­sters, that do onely exercise playing at Cards, and they will play away their mantels, and their shirts from their backs, and when they haue nothing left them, they will trusse themselues in straw; this is the life they lead, and from this they will not be re­claimed.

But here is now a matter to be noted, that among all these sorts and professions of the Irish, the child is euer desirous to imitate what his father hath bin before him. If the father hath been a horseman, the sonne will be a horsman: if the father hath beene a Galoglas, the sonne will be a Galloglas: if the fa­ther hath beene a Kerne, the sonne will be a Kerne: if the father haue been a horse boy, the son will be no better. But this is most of al to be wondred at, that if the father had bin a Rythmer, the son would bee a Rithmer; which seemeth strange vnto mee, that Poetry in Ireland, should succeed by discent from the father to the sonne, that must be holpen elsewhere, not only by Nature, but Art: and ther­fore, if their Irish Rymers be of such excellencie, as the Irish themselues will commend, I say it is won­derfull.

Euery great man in the Countrey hath his Ry­mer, his Harper, and his knowne Messenger, to run about the Countrey with Letters.

These altogither among themselues, do obserue the Law of Complements, and euery profession hath [Page 39] his particular Decorum, I cannot commend them for their Ciuility, nor they do not superabound in honesty: their Vertue is, they will do nothing but what their Fathers haue done before them.

CHAP. XI.
Of the maner of the Irish Coshering, and of the cre­dulity in beleeuing of Lyes.

THere is amongst the Irish, a kinde of feasting or banquetting, which they call Coshering, & this is the maner of it; Good company both of men and women being drawne together a fea­sting, to entertaine the time betweene meales, they haue their Rythmers & their Harpers; the one, to sing, and the other, to play: the songes that they vse to sing, are vsually in the commendation of Theft, of Murther, of Rebellion, of Treason, and the most of them lying fixions of their owne Collections, inuented but of purpose, to stirre vp their hearts to imitate the example of their Ance­stors, making repetition how many Cowes they had stoln, how many murthers they had commit­ted, how many times they had rebeld against their Prince, and what spoiles and out-rages they had done against the English.

The maner of their sitting in this great feasting, is this; Stooles nor Tables they haue none, but a good bundle of Straw strewed about the floure, they set themselues downe one by another: Ano­ther burden of straw being shaken ouer their legs, [Page 40] doth serue them to set on their dishes. Perhaps, if it bee in the time of Summer, or where the place will affoord it, then in the stead of Straw they vse greene Rushes; but whether it be Straw or Ru­shes thus strewed ouer their legges, this is both Table and Table-cloath, wheron they vse to place their dishes.

Victuals they shall haue plenty, Beefe, Mutton, Porke, Hens, Rabits, and all together serued in a great woodden platter: Aqua vite they must haue good store, or else it is not worthy to bee called a feast. Vpon Wednesdayes, Fridayes, and Satter­daies, they haue like plentie of fish, for vpon those daies, to eate a bit of flesh, is a more deadly sinne, then either drunkennesse or Letchery.

And commonly the Irish custome is, that when they are serued with flesh, they haue no bread with their meat, but if their store be such that they hauebread, their finest Manchets are ordinarily Oaten-Cakes, in this sort prepared.

First, in the remote places of Ireland, in the stead of Threashing their Oats, they vse to burne them out of the straw, and then winnowing them in the wind, from their burnt ashes, they make them in­to meale, but if I should say how vnhandsomely they doe grinde them, or if I should tel, how my selfe haue seene a woman sitting with a Mustarde Quearne betweene her bare thighes, grinding of Oatmeale, I thinke a man would haue little list to eate of the bread; but of this Meale, as ill in com­plexion (to looke vppon) as a little durt vnder a mans feet, they make their Cakes, for other bread [Page 41] they haue none, and it is but seldome when they haue this.

I might tell some other vnmannerly tales vsed by the Irish, in those times of Coshering, but I will let them passe. And as M. Stanihurst saith, the an­tiquitie of this manner of feasting, is set foorth by Virgil, when Dido entertained the Troyan Prince & his company; but Maister Stanihurst shall neuer make me beleeue, that the Irish maner of Coshering was drawne from that president: but the manner of our Irish writers, haue euer beene, to draw pre­sidents from ancient and Worme-eaten Authori­ties: for with these Trifles they doe bewitch the poore ignorant people of the Country, that they make them beleeue what themselues list to per­swade; and the Irish are wonderfully addicted to giue credit and beleefe, not onely to the fabulous fixions of their lying Poets, but also to the Prog­nosticating Soothsayers and Witches, like our Husbandmen of the Countrey, that doe draw all their knowledge from the Counsell of a Kalen­der. And if any of their wise men, or wise women (as they call them) do prognosticate either good or euill fortune, they doe more relie in their pre­sagements, then they do in the foure Euangelists: and sooner they will beleeue them.

They doe beleeue in Charmes and Incantations: then they haue words and Spels to driue away rats, & to heal diseases: then they haue inchanted Gyr­dles, that can defend the violence of shot, and are of such defence, that no sword, or any other wea­pon shall hurt the party that is girded with them.

[Page 42] It were both admirable and incredible for to set downe the obseruations vsed by the Irish, vppon certaine Saints Eeues, but especially on May-Eeue, & Midsommer Eeue; what watching, what ratling, what tinkling vpon pannes and candlesticks, what strewing of Hearbes, what clamors, and what o­ther Ceremonies are vsed, and not onely in the Countrey, but in Dublyne it selfe, the very markes and badges of infidelity, neither obserued nor be­leeued amongst any other people in the Worlde, but amongst Infidels, Pagans, and Papists.

And it is a wonder to see, how from these vain fantasies, so many famous impressions do arise, or rather (I may say) how many infamous lies are be­leeued, and as when a man hath once gotten the end of a Clue, hee may winde off at pleasure what himselfe listeth; so men that are naturally inclined to nourish Nouelties, hauing once receiued any thing for truth, he thinketh it a deede of charity to impart it to his friend, and feareth not to adde something of his owne inuention, the better to make the matter to be beleeued: and thus from a particular errour, by this manner of handling, it becommeth publicke: for as the flixability of our inuentions, to frame reasons vnto all manner of dreames and fantasies, are very apt and readie, so our immaginations are likewise found as easie to receiue impressions from falshoode, deriued from very friuolous and foolish apparitions: but it is commonly saide, that to bee light of beleefe, and easily perswaded, proceedeth from a lightnesse of the wit, and weakenesse of the braine.

CAP. XII.
How Ireland was purged from all venemous wormes, by the Prayers of Saint Patrick.

MAister Stanihurst, in his Chronicle of Ire­land, is very angry against Maist. Alan Cope, that seemed to scoffe at the Irish conceite, that will needs attribute the purging of venemous Wormes from out of Ireland, to the Prayers of S. Patruke.

Now, although Maister Alan Cope, sufficiently proueth by the Testimony of seuerall writers, that Ireland was destitute of all these venomous wor­mes, many hundred yeares before Saint Patricke was borne; yet Maister Stanihurst is so angry, that there should bee any doubt or question made of that which hath beene so long receiued and belee­ued for an vndoubted truth amongst the Natiues of Ireland, that he pickes a great many of quarrels against M. Alan Cope; finding fault first, that he nei­ther obserued Decorum persona, nor Decorum dialo­gi, and then he quarrelleth with his Diuinity, which (as hee saieth) is farre dissonant from the Rules of Charity.

And when he hath charged M. Cope with many other absurdities, he setteth downe this proposi­tion, That like as God in his Iustice punisheth a Country that is hard hearted, with Wormes and Vermine, so of his mercy they are remoued again from a Realme, that is obedient and ready to follow his Lawes and Precepts.

[Page 44] To put this out of Question, hee bringeth this President, That as Pharaoh woulde not listen to those threats denounced him by Moses & Aaron, was ther­fore punnished with Frogges and Flyes, and such other vermine, yet vpon his shew of repentance, at the instant request of Moses, those plagues were appeased, and the wormes extinguished: why then ( saith he) may it not likewise hold, that Saint Patrick, finding the Irish so prest and ready to embrace the Christian faith, might not stand so highly in the fauour of God, as through his earnest Prayers, the venemous and poisoned Wormes should be abandoned.

But alas ( saith he) this is not a matter of such diffi­culty to be belieued, when it was fore-promised by Christ himselfe, who in the xvi. of Marke saith, And these to­kens shall follow them that beleeue, they shall cast out de­uils in my name, they shall speake with new tongues, they shall driue away Serpents, &c.

Were not these places of Scripture well spyed out by our Irish Chronicler, and as aptly applyed, as those of the Deuill, that willed Christ, if hee were the sonne of God, he should cast himself from the Pynacle of the Temple, For it is written, That his Angels should hold him vp, that hee should not dash his foote against a stone.

But I will not contend with M. Stanihnrst, nor with any other, whether it were Saint Patricke, who by his Praiers hath thus purged Ireland from Toads, from Snakes, from Adders, & from other like venomous Wormes: but there are other, as­well Beasts as Birds, as the Roe-Buck, the Moule, the Pianet, the Nytingale, that are as meer stran­gers [Page 45] in Ireland, as the other, and I cannot thinke but that it was one mans worke to expell all these together, and all at one time. But if it were Saint Patrick, or whosoeuer otherwise, that was so se­uere against the Nytingale, the sweete Querrister of the Wood, whose delectable harmony is plea­sing to euery eare, I would he had been as strict in Iustice against that foul mouthed Bird the Cuckow, whose notes were neuer yet pleasing to any mans eare, that was iealous of his wife.

And yet to do the Irish no wrong, this gauling griefe of iealousie, is no generall sicknesse in Ire­land, it troubleth very few, and I account them so much the wiser; it is a kinde of frenzie, that neuer yet did good, the wise men of the world hath euer sought to restraine it by discretion.

If Histories be to be credited, Lucullus, Caesar, Pompei, Anthoni, Cato, and diuers other gallant men, were Cornuted: and although they them­selues knew it, yet they made no stirre about it, that Coxcombe Lepidus onely excepted, who dy­ed with verie greefe that his Wife had made him Cuckold.

But how many husbands haue their beene, that haue indured this accident, not onely without re­proach and offence against their wiues, but with singular commendation to their owne Vertue, in concealing it from the world.

Some women there hath beene, that hath pro­stituted themselues, thereby to aduance her Hus­bands credit, sometimes to saue her husbands life: but this subiect is not for this place, and these pre­sidents [Page 46] are out of season for this age, but there hath beene Husbands knowne, that haue of them­selues made Port-sale of their wiues honesties, as­well for their profite, as for their preferment: as Phanlius the Argian, who through ambition, offe­red his wife to King Phillip: And as Galba, who be­stowed a Supper of Merenas, and perceiuing him to cast some amorous glances on his wife, beeing risen from the Table, shrunke downe vppon his Cushion, as one oppressed with sleepe, thereby to giue him the better scope, whereby hee might persist.

It is a foolish curiosity for a man to seeke for that which he would bee loath to finde, and that when he hath found, he cannot amend.

I rather commend me to him, who taking his wife so tardy, that hee needed no other witnesse, then what himselfe had seene, would not yet be­leeue his own sences, but would say, that he wold neuer condemn a true dealing wife, for a false mis­deeming eye. I applaude his Wisedome, that with his owne Vertue, could suppresse his ovvne shame.

It is not said without iudgment, that a good ma­riage might be made betweene a deafe man, and a blind woman. But I say, I woulde not wish that a man should either be too light in hearing, or too quicke of sight, to looke into his wiues affaires: and for him that would liue in a quiet content, I say that one eye were enough, and with the most, for him that will be still peeping and prying into his wiues businesse.

CHAP. XIII.
Of the holy Saintes, that haue bin borne, bred, and brought vp in Ireland.

IF a man may beleeue Maister Stanihurst in his discription of Ireland, there hath bin many holy Saints, natiues of that Countrey, that were full of Miracles, & performed so many wonderful mat­ters, as there is neuer a wise man in the worlde would beleeue them to be true, and so they con­tinue still at this present houre. Our holy, holy brood of Iesuites, Seminaries, Fryers and such other, do performe stranges thinges, but specially for the increase and propagation of children, not a barren woman in an house where they be lodged: for she that is not Child-bearing, a blessing from one of these of the holy order will make her so to fruc­tify, that her husband (whatsoeuer he wanteth be­sides) shal be sure to want no Children.

But as Maister Stanihurst aduiseth his reader not to be ouer credulous to beleeue all that is written of those holy Saintes themselues, nor yet of their fained Miracles: so I protest, for the loue that I beare to a nūber of my Ireland frends, I could wish them to bee well aware of this holy brood of the Popes Cockrels, the prouerbe is old, and not so old as true: That Pigeons and Priestes do make foule houses.

I haue heard of many Miracles, and there is no place or Countrey where Popery is profest but they are full of Miracles, full visions, and full of [Page 48] strange euentes, but the Miracles of Ireland, they are more foolish, more ridiculous, more grosse, and more absurd then any other, that I haue either heard or reade of. It were strange to make relation of the Miracles that haue bin wrought at the holy Crosse, but especially at Saint Patricks Purgato­ry; and it is a peece of Rethoricke, sometimes by see­ming to affect ignorance, to set forth a subtilty; and he that should but reade, what Maister Stanihurst himselfe hath set downe of that miraculous place of S. Patrickes Purgatory if he hath bin but a little touched with the Tincture of wit, will finde out the very mystery of grosse and palpable Knauery.

And as Ireland is full of strange Miracles, so I thinke there are more Saints known in that Coun­trey, then euer was heard of in Heauen, or were e­uer registred in the Popes Golden Legend.

Wee reade of a holy saint that was long sithens in the North of Ireland, called by the name of Saint Wooddoge, to whom was giuen a large portion of lands, the which were after translated to the Byshops sea of Rapo; but some of those landes being houl­den at this day from the Byshop that now is, and be­ing called in question vpon what consideration the Church liuinges should bee so detained, there is a recorde brought foorth, how a holy Byshop, many hundred yeares sithens, conueied away that parcell of lād to one Sugere a Boylle, with these plain words, For the vse of his Daughters body. They haue more­ouer in the North of Ireland, an old monumēt (cald by the name of Baughall Murry) and this is reserued onely for O-Neale to sweare by. There is mention [Page 49] made of many other Saints; as Saint Colme, Saint Branden, Saint Keuen, Saint Mac-Looge, Saint Do­locke, and they say there are some few Saintes of a later edition: as Saint Bedloc, Saint Brown, & there is great hope that if Tyrone bee not already in the Popes Kalender that he shall not be long out.

I thinke this Saint Colme before spoken of, is that great Saint in the North, called by the name of Coleme Rille, in great veneration at this day for many strange Miracles, the which they say hee still performeth. Then they had a gentlewoman Saint, that Stanihurst in his History maketh mention of, called by the name of Bridgit, not that Bridgit who in the time of Pope Vrbane errected a certaine order of Nunnes, (called Bridgidians) but this without doubt was a very holy woman, for she lyes buried with two men; namely with Saint Patrick, and Co­leme Rille, as apeareth by an ancient Monument in the Cathedrall Church of Doune in the North of Ireland, where this inscription is to be reade:

Hi tres in Duno, tumulo tumulantur in vno,
Brigidia, Patricia, atque Columba pius.

I haue not numbred Saint Patrick amongst these Saintes that be of Irish birth: for if a man may be­leeue M. Stanihurst, hee was a Welch-man borne. He setteth downe in his Chronicle the certaine place of his birth, and how comming ouer into Ire­land, he bound himselfe Prentise to a Maister, that set him to keepe Hogs, and following his Maisters Swine in the fielde, one day as they were rooting, one Hogge among the rest, turned vppe with his snowt a parcell of Gold, the which Patricke taking [Page 50] vp, brought home his Hogges to his Maister, and with that Gold, he bought his own Freedome: & thus departing againe into his owne Countrey, he trauailed after that to Rome, wher being instructed in the Christian Faith, from thence he returnd again into Ireland, where he established the Christian Re­ligion, & wrought a great many of Miracles more then were true.

Thus farre M. Stanihurst, and till I had read it of his owne setting downe, in his description of Ire­land, I would haue layed two to one, that S. Patrick had bin an Irishman borne. But I will be better ad­uised hereafter, both how I lay any wagers, & how I beleeue any such authorities. But let S. Patricke be what countriman he list, I wonder how he foūd the Irish so confirmable as M. Stanihurst reporteth, that will beleeue nothing now, but what their fa­thers haue beleeued before them.

They are now so much inclined to custom, that they will giue no place to reason, but let thē stand vpon Custome as much as they list, yet truth is truth, in despite of Customes hart: but presump­tion is our naturall and originall infirmity, and this opinion of wisdome is the plague of man.

I think the ouer good conceit and self-weening opinion that man hath of himselfe, is the mother of false opinions, both publike & perticular, when there is nothing whereunto men are more addic­ted, then to giue way to their owne opinions.

It was a bold speach deliuered by Pliny: This on­ly is sure, that nothing is sure, and nothing more misera­ble, and yet more arrogant and obstinat then man.

[Page 51] Obstinacie, is no other thing, then a setled and firme purpose and determination, either to do, or not to do something: he that is in this manner re­solute, is vnfit to receiue either councell or aduise, how wise, how learned, how behouefull, or how honest soeuer. And such men, preferring their own opinions, are the cause of many euils, & do manie times bring themselues and others into extreame dangers: and it is but lost labour to disswade any such persons by the rules of reason, for they presu­ming to know more then all the world besides, do stop their eares to all good councels, and their eies to all daungers, and persisting in their obstinacie, without reason or iudgement, the Brownists them­selues are not more precise, nor sir Patricke, (Saint Patrick I meane) the canonized saint of Ireland, was neuer more holy, then these obstinate fooles doe assume vnto themselues in their owne conceits.

Curtesies that are bestowed vpon obstinat per­sons, are euermore bestowed in vaine, for there is no curtesie nor clemency that can be so vsed, but the nature of obstinacie, is rather to impugn, then to make any shew of humilitie.

CHAP. XIIII.
Of the superstitious conceit that is holden of the Irish, about certaine Wels.

THere are yet other admirable matters in Ire­land, such as I am halfe ashamed to speake of, and yet if there were but one halfe of the ver­tue in them that the Irish do beleeue, and wil con­fidently [Page 52] auow, wee needed no other physicke nor Surgerie to heale all manner of diseases. The blind might be restored to their sight, the halt and lame to their limbs; there is no infirmity, but it might be cured at sundry sanctified and holy wels, where­of there are great plenty in Ireland. The Citty of Dublin is quartered out with them. First, on the East part, they haue Sai. Prtricks Well, the water whereof, although it be generally reputed to bee very hot, yet the very prime of the perfection, is vpon the 17. of March, which is Sai. Patricks day, and vpon this day, the water is more holy then it is all the yeare after, or else the Inhabitants of Dublin are more foolish vpon that day, then they be al the yeare after. For vpon that day thither they wil run by heapes, men, women, and children, and there, first performing certain superstitious ceremonies, they drinke of the water; and when they are retur­ned to their owne homes, for nine daies after, they will sit and tell, what wonderfull thinges haue bin wrought by the operation of the water of Sa. Pa­tricks Well.

On the west part of Dublin they haue Sa. Ieames his well, and his feast is celebrated the 25. of Iulie, and vpon that day, a great Mart or faire is kept fast by the Well. The commoditie that is there to be vented, is nothing else but Ale, no other merchan­dize but only Ale: I thinke such another Faire was neuer heard of in any other place, where a man can not buy so much as a penniworth of pins, but what money hee hath to bestow, hee must lay it out for Ale, and yet it carries the name of S. Iames his faire.

[Page 53] The multitude of rascall people that vseth to frequent this faire, are first accustomed to perform certaine ceremonies at S. Iames his well, in casting the water, backward and forward, on the right side and on the left, and ouer their heads; then drinking a draught of the water, they go into the Faire, and there installing themselues in som Brothel-booth, they sit and drinke drunke all the day after.

On the South side of the towne, they haue Sa. Sundaies wel: I cannot tell what countrey man Sa. Sunday was himselfe, but his wel is of pretious esti­mation amongst the Irish (I meane) amongst the Popish sort of the Irish, that doe flocke thither so thicke vpon sunday mornings, in the summer sea­son, that I am sure, that if saint Sunday were there in person to read a Lecture out of the New Testa­ment, they had rather go altogither to an alehovse then they would trauell so farre to see him.

To the North-wards from the Citty of Dublin, they haue S. Dolocks well; another sanctified place ceremoniously frequented at certaine seasons, foo­lish and ridiculous to be spoken of; so that let the wind blow which way it list, East, West, North, or South, Dublin is so seated, that a Papist may go from the high crosse, with a Blowne Sheat right be­fore the wind, either to an Idalatrous Masse with­in the towne, or to a Superstitious Well, without the Towne.

But this is most of all to be admired, that a peo­ple that hath bin so many yeares instructed and in­formed in the doctrine of the Gospell, should still submit themselues to such grose & peruerse foo­lerie.

[Page 54] I might speak of diuers other Wels, for I think there is neyther Apostle nor Patriarch, that neuer came neere vnto Ireland, and yet there be Welles, Fountaines, and other holy places, that be attribu­ted vnto them. But if I should speake of the won­ders and myracles, which they say are wrought there, it would make a more admirable history thē that of sir Iohn Mandevile: It woulde vndoo all the Physitians in England and Ireland. For at those ho­ly Wels, and at many other of those sanctified pla­ces, the blinde are made to see, the Lame are made to goe, the Cripple is restored to his limbes, or what disease soeuer, neuer so strange, neuer so in­ueterate, which is not there cured.

But I am sory for Dublyn, the place where I my selfe do liue, the towne that of all others in Ireland, I do best loue, I do not therefore speake any thing maliciously (I appeale to their owne knowledges) whether I speake true or false: I haue often said, & still do say, that there be many good people in Du­blin, and so throughout all the parts of Ireland be­sides, men of all sorts, of all professions, and of all degrees, that are not to be detected. And thus (I hope) the good will take no exceptions at anye thing that I shall truly report of those that be ill.

And although I direct my speech stil to the Irish, I make no such difference between the English and the Irish, but that I know there bee as peruerse Pa­pists that come daily creeping out of Eng. to plant themselues in Ireland, that giue worse example, & are more daungerous to his Maiesties estate, than those that are naturally borne in Ireland.

[Page 55] I dare be bould to avowe it, that there is neuer a Pulpit within the City of London (that at Paules Crosse onely excepted) that is better supplied, then that Pulpit at Christ-Church in Dubline; and how many graue and learned men, that vpon a Christi­an Comiseration haue charitably admonished them to desist, from those blind fantasticall follies which they themselues by many years experience, haue found to proceed but from their owne vaine and superstitious conceites: but neither preaching nor teaching can so preuaile amongst them, but that they become thereby to be more froward and stubborne, and do with the more obstinacy perse­uere, not so much of ignorance, but rather in de­spite. But I am come now to a strange euent, a tale of Maister Stanihurst his owne setting down in his History of Ireland, and it is worth the reporting, if it be but laught at, and thus it followeth:

There is in the Notth part of Ireland a mighty Loughe, 30. Miles in length, and 15. in breadth, called by the name of Lough-Earne, but now called Lough Sidny, I know the place well.

This Lough (as Maister Stanihurst saith) was at the first one of these holy Wels, and was frequen­ted and sought vnto, by the inhabitantes of those partes, for many Miraculous accidentes that was there effected.

A prescribed custome there was, (belike set downe by some angrie Saint) that the Pilgrimes at their departure should not leaue the Wel vncoue­red, fore warning them aforehand, that when the spring should bee left open, the water should so a­bound, [Page 56] that it should drowne all the Countrey ad­ioying neare about. And it happened (as Maister Stanihurst sayeth) that an old Trot came to sanctifie hir selfe at that Well, and hauing vncouered the springe, a child of hers which she had left but fast by, began to cry, the which the woman hearing, forgetting the obseruance of her prescribed order, which was to couer the Wel, she made hast to still her brat, and returning backe againe to haue men­ded hir misse, shee was incountered with the wa­ter, which was so farre ouerflowne, that it was past her help, whereby both she, her child, and all the rest of the inhabitantes with in that territorie, were al together drowned. And here Maister Sta­nihurst, fearing that his lye is to palpable and apa­rant, yet to the end it might be something the bet­ter beleeued, he addeth, that there is the more like­lihood of truth in this story, because the Fishers in a sunny day, may see the Steeples and other Piles plainly, & distinctly in the water. And this is a lar­ger lye and more ridiculous then the first, for to begin withall, it is well enough knowne, that the Lough is of no such deapth as M. Stanihurst would perswade: large it is, and very ful of Islands, & som­what deeper in one place then in another, but not so deepe to drowne Steeples. Againe, Maister Sta­nihurst hath very fondly forgot a Schoole Principle, Oportet mendacem esse memorem: for Maister Stani­hurst being an Irish-man borne, could not be igno­rant (I am sure) that in all that part of the Coun­trey neere about Lough-Earne, there was neuer yet any Steeples knowne, vnlesse it bee the Steeple of [Page 57] Armagh, there is neuer another steeple nowe to that Lough, not by a great many of miles, perhaps (as M. Stanthnrst saith) there may bee some lately builded in the bottome of the Lough, but I am sure that there neither is, nor neuer was any vpon the land, in all that part of the Countrey.

I do not meddle with this matter of any set pur­pose, whereby to impugne M. Stanihurst in his hi­storie of Ireland; although he hath therein fabled forth a great number of vntruths: but I haue done it indeed, whereby to make manifest the light be­leefe of obstinate Papistes, that are ready to giue credit to ydle lies and fantasies, then they are to be­leeue the testimony of the word of God.

CAP. XV.
A true description both of the Citty and Cittizens of Dublin.

HE that had no other knowledge of the Citty of Dublin, but as it is described by M. Stani­hurst, in his Chronicle of Ireland, woulde thinke it to be far exceeding in statelinesse of buil­ding, and in many other commodities more then it is at this houre, & yet I am sure that within these forty yeares that I haue knowne Dublin, it hath bin replenished with a thousand chimnies, and beauti­fied with as many glasse-windowes, and yet it ma­keth no such sumptuous shew: But (saith M. Sta­nihurst) It dooth exceed in gorgeous buildings, in Mar­tial Chiualrie, in obedience and loyaltie, in largenesse of [Page 58] hospitalitie, and in manners and ciuility. First, for the gorgeous buildings in Dublin, there be som other Townes in Ireland that do farre exceed it: And to speake truly, the buildings of Dublin, are neither outwardly faire, nor inwardly handsome: a ruy­nous kind of building, neither conuenient nor wel cast: neither do I thinke, that either the Masons, nor yet their Carpenters, are of skill to contriue any better.

For their Martial Chiualrie, I will not disauowe them, no doubt they haue able men among them, both of body & mind, but I beleeue there are bet­ter souldiers in Ireland, then any be in Dublin. For their obedience and loyalty, let mee not flatter (if hee meanes it to the Prince) I say, that if they would mixe but a little loue with that loyalty that he speakes of, the Popes vermin coulde not bee so well entertained in Dublin as they be. It is but fol­ly to dissemble any longer, for if we did but looke a little into the course of experience, wee shoulde find, that this mocking & dallying with them, hath done more hurt then good.

For their largenesse of Hospitalitie, I will not de­priue them of their right: They are bountifull e­nough of their meat and drinke, according to their abilities. Now lastly, for their manners and ciuility, I confesse, Dublin is very well reformed, since M. Stanihurst writ his Chronicle. And now hee com­meth againe to speake of the pleasantnesse of the scituation, & by seeming, he would make it a town impregnable. But I thinke M. Stanihurst had little skil in the Art of Fortification. Then he describeth [Page 59] it with so many Churches, with so many chapels, with so many streets, with so many lanes, with so many Gates, and with so many Bridges, as I pro­test, I hauing knowne Dublin these forty yeares, yet know not where to finde the one halfe of them he hath named; and a great many of those that are to be seen, when they are found, make but a sory shew in respect of the commendation he hath giuen.

Maister Stanihurst maketh mention of a certain Tower scituat in Dubline, commonly called by the name of Lsoudes Tower. Which as he saith, as it first tooke the name from La Bell Lsoude, so it seemed vnto him to be some Castle of pleasure, for Kings to recreate themselues in.

The pleasantnesse of the Tower is very well knowne, in what case it was when M. Stanthurst writ his chronicle, fitter (in good faith) to haue made a house of office, then for a Pallace to entertaine Kinges, & yet I cannot tell what manner of Kings they had in Ireland in those daies; but if they had no better houses then Lsoudes Tower to recreate themselues in, they were the sillieth Kinges that euer I heard on: but I wonder if Copper Ally had florished whē Maister Stanihurst writ his Chro­nicle, as it doth at this day, what praises hee could haue published in the worthynesse of that worke.

To speake the truth of Dubline as it deserueth. First for the Town it selfe, it is conueniēt enough, pleasantly seated, as wel for the serenity of the ayre as for the pleasing walks that are round about the Citty.

The Cittizens themselues, are wonderfully re­formed [Page 60] in manners, in ciuility, in curtesy: them­selues and their wiues modest and decent in their apparell (I speake of the better sort) and they are tractable enough to any thing, Religion only ex­cepted. I had almost forgotten to speake of hone­sty, but it is in Dublin as in all other places wher I haue trauelled, an easie matter to play the Iugler, to make a shew and appearance of honesty, but to keepe a due rule and a formable decorum in our ac­tions, thats the very point.

The very names of goodnesse and honesty, are many times the names of meere contempt, & who dares find fault at his honesty, that is a knowne dis­sembler both with God and the world.

God blesse me for speaking against pride, letche­rie, drunkennesse, or against Idolatry. I will not speake against Dublin, but in many parts of Ireland it is more dangerous to be reputed an honest man, then to be a knowne knaue: greater perill to bee a dutifull subiect to the King, then to be a professed votary to the Pope.

Men are not to be deemed by their outward ap­pearance: for Infidels, and those that haue no be­leefe in Christ, will counterfait holinesse: he is but a foolish Painter, that cannot paint both white & blacke with one Pensill. I will neuer beleeue him to be an honest man, that will first sweare obedi­ence to his Prince, and then will submit himself to the seruice of his Pope; that will goe to Church openly, and heare a Masse priuily; that will listen a little to the Preacher when he is in the pulpit, but will neuer come neere a Communion.

[Page 61] God keepe me from being an honest man, ac­cording to the description that I see made of hone­sty now adaies. And I say Heraclitus was but a fool to passionate himself with comiserating the follies of his age; but I thinke Democritus would laugh till he were ready to burst, if hee were nowe liuing in Ireland, to see the commixture of manners & dis­positions, how they are now carried.

I will talke no more of ydle matters, but now a little of Religion in Dublin: If there be one that doth submit himselfe to his Maiesties procedings, there is ten for one that is vowed to the Pope.

Who knoweth not this to be true, that know­eth Dubline; the Papists themselues do reioice in it, and they not loue to dissemble the matter, but they will shew it both by wordes and deedes, that they are so, and will be so accounted; and I thinke they would be angry with him that should other­wise report it.

Among many other priuiledges that they haue, one amongst the rest is, that if there bee any Man within the Citty (be he free, or be he forraigne) if he doe seeme to finde fault at their entertaining of Iesuits and Popish priests, they may by their Char­ter, be at their choyse whether they will loue him or nay.

If any man that is free-borne in the Citty, that is conformable to his Maiesties proceedinges, and doth shew himselfe a dutifull subiect to his Prince, it is at the Sheriffes choyce, whether he will bidde him home to dinner or no.

But Dublin is not yet so destitute, but that [Page 62] there are some, aswell learned Diuines, as other graue and godly Cittizens and Towns-men, that God hath blessed with the light of his word, to spy out all the Pageants of Popery, that do daily inde­uour themselues to giue good example, seeking no lesse to aduance the glory of God, the honor of their Prince, the good of their Countrey.

CAP. XVI.
Of some defects in the gouernment of Dubline.

THis inclination to Popery, whereunto the greatest number of the Cittizens of Dubline are so much adicted, is not onely preiudiciall to things appertaining to piety and godlinesse, but it is hurtfull to matters that are belonging to ciuill gouernment; for this diuersity in Religion, causeth opposition, and that the Maiestracy of the towne beeing principally swayed by those of the Popish crew (that doth far exceed the rest in number) brin­geth a tolleration of Popish inormities.

First, where it is the vse and custome of euery well gouerned Citty or Towne, that on the Sab­baoth day, during the time of the diuine Seruice, there is a generall restraint to all Inne-keepers, Ta­uerners, Alehouse-keepers, and to all sortes of vi­ctualers to shut vp their doores, & not so hardie as to retaine any guests within the house, or to serue either Wine, Beere, or Ale, without the house, till the Seruice and the Sermon both bee ended: and that this might be the better performed and seene vnto, they haue certaine sworne men to make [Page 63] search, and to present all such as shall bee found to offend in the premisses: the which offenders, by all Officers that be of worth, bee they Maiors, Bay­lifes, or Sheriffes, are euermore seuerely and sharp­ly punished.

But in Dublin, then in the time of diuine seruice, and in the time of the Sermon, as well in the fore­noone as in the afternoone, euen then (I say) euery filthy Ale-house is thronged full of company, that as it were in despight of our Religion, do sit drun­kening and quaffing, and sometimes defiling them­selues with more abhominable exercises: so that the Sabbaoth day, which God hath commaunded to be sanctified and kept holy, is of all other dayes most prophaned and polluted, without any repre­hension or any manner of rebuke. And although many godly Preachers, and some other of the bet­ter sort of the Cleargy, hath indeuoured a refor­mation, so farre as their Commission doth war­rant them, the which (indeede) is but by the way of exhortation to admonish and perswade: but those that haue authority to punnish and correct, and doth challenge to themselues a special prero­gatiue, to mannage all affaires whatsoeuer with­in their Citty, are for the most part of them so blinded with Popery, that they can neither see, nor be perswaded that this dishonoring of the Sabba­oth day is any offence at all.

I cannot tell from whence it should proceede, whither of ignorance or despight, that they shold keepe so many Popish holy daies in Dubline (more then euer were heard on in England) the which be­cause [Page 64] they are allowed by the Pope, are therefore kept, as it were in contempt of his Maiesties pro­ceedings.

There be some that are numbred in the Beadrole of Saints, and haue their Feasts solemnly celebra­ted amongst the Irish (especially at Dubline) that of my conscience are damned Deuils in Hell.

I know this will bee grieuously taken, and our Papists will say my censure is very vncharitable, & more then becommeth a Christian to auouch, but blind men can iudge no colours. And if our Catho­liques of Dublin, could duely conceiue how horri­ble a sinne it is, for a Subiect to become a conspira­tor, a Rebell, or a Traytor to his Prince, they wold sooner pronounce Thomas Becket to bee a damned villaine in the pit of Hell, then euery yeare to cele­brate his feast with such solemnity as they are ac­customed. I might speake of some other such like holy ones, that bee inrouled in the Popes Calen­der: And there is scarcely one weeke in a yeare, but we haue one Popish holy-day or other solem­nized at Dubline, more then they haue at London, and yet I thinke there be as wise men in London, as any be in Dubline, and as true, and as loyall to their Prince, but the vidimus of the matter is, our Lon­doners are neither vowed nor sworne to the Pope. Can there bee a more daungerous matter, then where impiety becommeth to bee lawfull, and by the Magistrates leaue and liking, to take the cloake of vertue. I might speake heare of Fryers, Iesuites, and other of the pole-shorne order, well knowne to be his Maiesties vowed and protested enemies, [Page 65] that are yet entertained, vpholden and maintained in Dublin, not without great contributions allowed vn­to them, by the Papisticall sort of the Cittizens, that will grudge and murmure to giue a Souldier a nights lodging, that is drawne in by the Lord Deputy, but for the guard of himselfe, and of his Maiesties Ca­stle, and for the preuention of trayterous practises.

This harbouring and vpholding of Traytors, must necessarily either put his Maiesty to a charge for his owne security, or leaue his estate in a desperate con­dition, euermore subiect to the plots and practises of his capitall enemies. And I can see no reason why his Maiesty should be drawne to an expence, by the mis­demeanors of his false hearted Subiects, but that they themselues should be made to feele the penalty of it, if not in their persons, yet in their purses.

But in Dubline, his Maiesty should haue little neede of Souldiers, or of any other martiall men to put him to charges, were it not for the contemptuous demeanor of the Popish sort of the Cittizens: but if vpon any vrgent occasion, there bee but one hundred of Souldiers to bee ceased amongst them, the which they themselues by their obstinate impugning his Maiesties proceedings, doth many times inforce, they will impose the charge (as much as in them lyeth) vp­on those that they know to be best affected to Religi­on, and that do stand most assured to his maiesty, both in duty and obedience; and would not onely drawe contributions from Forrainers and Strangers, such as haue neither Trade nor Traffique in the Towne, but would likewise inforce it from his Maiesties Pencio­ners, and other Gentlemen, that are there attendant vpon the State, if they haue but a house or a chamber [Page 66] within their Liberties.

And they do not onely shew an vnwillingnesse to his Maiestie in these trifling matters, but they do like­wise make manifest their ingratitude by many other meanes. And whereas their Corporation hath been dignified by seuerall Kings and Princes of England, with many large priuiledges, and that they haue the whole trade and traffique amongst themselues, no man to buy or sell within their liberties, vnlesse he bee a free­man, yet vpon any imposition, though it dooth pro­perly belong vnto the Citty, and not so much but for an annuall rent, which they are to pay to his Maiesty for those lands and liberties that they doe hold from his Highnes, yet they would exact it from strangers, that are neither free, nor haue any manner dealing in the Citty, but to spend their money, which only the Cittizens doth gaine by; & there is neither merchan­dize, nor any manner of commodity that is brought from Spaine, from France, from Flanders, or from any other part of England or Scotland, but they will haue the whole bargaine to themselues, not suffering any man that is not free, to buy for his owne prouision, no, not so much as a drinking glasse, but it must bee had from them, and by that meanes he shall be infor­ced to pay double the price.

Thus the freemen, by vertue of their Priuiledges, will reap the whole commodity among themselues, and they would make the Forraigners to pay theyr rent, and to become contributors to any impositions whatsoeuer it shall please them to assigne, and yet in their demaundes, they haue neither certaine summes set downe, what any man ought to pay, nor whoe they be that should pay, but the Sheriffes of Dublyn [Page 67] are the men that do ceasse at their pleasure whome they list, and doth impose vpon euery man what they list; so that if the Sheriffes of Dublin be a little stuft in the head with a Pope (the disease being so com­mon amongst them, that there are very few that do­eth escape it) where they ceasse a Papist at sixe pence, they will aske a Protestant tenne shillings, the which if the party denaies to pay (or at the least to satisfie them to their owne content) they will breake open a doore, contrary to Lawe and equitie (and I be­leeue farther then their Charter will reach vnto, if it were well ouerlooked) they will carry away with them any goodes whatsoeuer they be, that they can finde.

I could speak of many other mattres, and I could speake by experience: for although I bee not a Free­man of Dublyn, yet I was thus much behoulding to the two late Shcriffes, that because I would not giue them tenne shillinges which they had imposed vpon me, at their owne will and pleasure, (I know not why nor wherefore, vnlesse it were for writing a Booke against the Pope) but they verie kindly drew me out of mine owne house and carried me to prison, where they kept me forth-comming for one night, & this (I hope) be very well knowne, by the same token, that the verie next Sunday after, I coulde haue met with one of them, in Hang-mannes Lane at an Idolatrous Masse.

But I cannot blame them, though they bee some­what sparing of their purses vnto the Prince, for with out doubt, they are at greater expences with the pope; but if they coulde drawe in his Maiesties Pencioners, and those Gentlemen that are to attend his Highnes [Page 68] seruice, to bee contributers with them to those pay­ments it pleased them to impose, I would more com­mend their wisedomes, then I can do their honesties.

This description of the gouernment of Dublin, can­not be a generall reproach to the Cittizens vniuersal­ly: for as I haue saide before, so I say still, that Dubline is replenished with many worthy Townes-men of all sorts; and amongst the Aldermen themselues, there are are some few that are well knowne to be assuredly confirmed, both to God and to his Maiesty, and that doth hate and detest this Iesuited generation of the Popes Riffe-Raffe: but they are ouerswaied with the multitude, the Papists do farre exceede them in num­ber; and doe they not impugne the Prince himselfe? then alasse what can they doe, in a matter that could yet neuer be redressed, neither by the prescript of law, nor by the intimation of loue.

But were not this contemptuous disobedience of Subiects, enough to bereaue his Maiestie of his roy­all disposition: but I confesse, it is not good to put a Prince into any iealousie, or to bring him into any doubt or suspition of his Subiectes; for these are meanes, not onely to trouble a Princes mind, but al­so many times to betake himselfe to those extraordi­nary resolutions as might be offenciue. But it is very expedient for a Prince to haue due intelligence, aswel of his enemies as of his doubtfull friendes, in what e­state they remaine, what determinations they hould, and to haue knowledge of their enterprises, what courses they vndertake, and what purposes they pre­tend, but especially those Princes that are incertaine and vnassured of the loue of their Cittizens and Sub­iects.

CAP. XVII.
Of the Trade and Traffique that is vsed in Dublin, and from whence they doe exact their greatest Commodity.

THe Citty of Dubline is principally vpholden by the English; for the Lord Deputy holding there his Maiesties estate, and the whole body of the Coun­sell of that Realme, together with the Captaines, Penci­oners, all Officers, as well appertaining to the Army, as to the foure Courtes, all their seruants, frendes and fol­lowers, being there for the most part resident; this ma­keth the Cittizens to raise their prises in all thinges, their Houses, Chambers & Lodginges, are dearer ren­ted in Dubline, then they be in London.

It is the nicitie of the English (that are euery day inno­uating & deuising of new fashions) that helpeth thē a­way with their Sattins, their Silkes, their fine cloath, both woollen and linnen, their new striped stuffes, their lace of Gold, of Siluer, of silke, and a number of other gaudy deuises, that the English do vse to buy at vnreasonable rates, that wold neuer be vented amongst the Irish themselues.

The trade that they commonly vse is but to London, from thence they do furnish themselues with all sortes of wares for their shoppes, for shipping they haue none belonging to the Towne that is worth the speaking of, yet they will bee called Merchantes; and hee that hath but a Barrell of salt, and a barre or two of Iron in his shop, is called a Merchant. He that doth but sel earthen Pottes and Pannes, sope, Otmeale, Trenchers, and such other like trash, is no lesse then a Merchant: there be shopkeepers in Dubline, that all the Wares they are [Page 70] able to shewe, are not worth a poore English Pedlers Packe, and yet all these bee Merchantes. But now to speake the truth, there are seuerall Cittizens of Dubline, that are very wealthy and men of good abillity, that haue there Shoppes well replenished withall sortes of wares, as wel Mercery, as Grocery, and Drapery, both linnen and woollen, and there is neither Silk-man, nor Milliner in London, that can shew better wares (for the quantitie) then some of those can do, that bee called Merchantes of Dubline.

But I am now to speake of a certaine kinde of com­modity, that outstretcheth all that I haue hitherto spo­ken of, and that is the selling of Ale in Dubline, a Quo­tidian commodity, that hath vent in euery house in the Towne, in euery day in weeke, at euery houre in the day, and in euery minnute in the houre: There is no Merchandise so vendible, it is the very marrow of the common wealth in Dubline: the whole profit of the Towne standes vpon Ale-houses, and selling of Ale, but yet the Cittizens a little to dignifie the title, as they vse to call euery Pedler a Merchant, so they vse to call euery Ale-house, a Tauerne, whereof there are such plentie, that there are whole streates of Tauernes, and it is as rare a thing, to finde a house in Dubline without a Tauerne, as to find a Tauerne without a Strumpet.

This free Mart of Ale-selling in Dublyne, is pro­hibited to none, but that it is lawfull for euery Wo­man (be she better or be she worse) either to brewe or else to sell Aale. The better sort, as the Aldermens Wiues, and the rest that are of better abilitie, are those that do brew, and looke how many houshoul­ders there are in Dublyne, so many Ale-brewers there be in the Towne, for euery Houshoulders Wife is a [Page 71] Brewer. And (whatsoeuer she be otherwise) or let hir come from whence shee will, if her credit will serue to borrowe a Pan, and to buy but a measure of mault in the Market, she sets vppe Brewing: then they haue a number of young ydle Huswiues, that are both ve­rie loathsome, filthie and abhominable, both in life and manners, and these they call Tauerne-keepers, the most of them knowne harlots; these doe take in both Ale and Beere by the Barrell from those that do brue, and they sell it forth againe by the potte, after twoe pence for a Wine quait. And this (as I take it) is a principall cause for the tolleration of many enormi­ties; for the gaine that is gotten by it must needes be great, when they buy mault in Dublyn, at haulfe the price that it is sold for at London, and they sell their drinke in Dublyn, at double the rate that they doe in London: and this commoditie the Aldermens wiues and the rest of the Women-brewers do find so sweet, that maister Mayor and his brethren are the willing­er to winke at, and to tollerate with those multitude of Ale-houses, that themselues do euen knowe to be the very Nurseries of Drunkennesse, of all manner of Idlenesse, of whordome, and many other vile abho­minations.

I haue hitherto spoken but of Ale-brewers, that are almost as many in number as there bee dwellinge houses in the Towne. There be likewise some three or foure that haue set vppe Brew-houses for Beete, whereof they are accustomed to make of two sortes; that is to say: Strong Beere, and Ordinarie: their or­dinarie Beere▪ they doe vse to serue to the Englishe, that are there inhabiting in Dublyn, that doeth keepe Seruantes and Families, and this Beere they do prize [Page 72] at sixe shillings the Barrell, which according to their measure, amounteth to xlviij. s. the tunne, and in Lon­don their iiij. s. Beere, that is solde after the rate of xxiiij. s. the tunne, is better Beere by oddes.

Their strong Beere is commonly vented by these Ale-house Queanes, Tauerne-keapers, (as they call them) and this they do take at xij. s. the Dubline Bar­rell, and that is iust after the rate of xvj. s. a London Barrell, which amounteth to iiij.l.xvj. s. the tunne, shameful for the Magestrates of the Towne to suffer, considering the cheapnesse of Mault.

Here is now to bee considered, that there is almost neuer a Householder in Dubline (whatsoeuer Trade he otherwise vseth) but hee will haue a blinde corner in his house reserued for a Tauerne, and this (if hee haue not a Wife of his owne to keepe it) shall bee set out to one of these Women-Tauerne-keepers, shee taketh in drinke both Beere and Ale, after the rate of xij. s. the Dubline Barrell, she payeth moreouer to the party of whō she hireth her Tauerne, vj. s. out of eue­ry Barrell that she vttereth: if she doth not get vj. sh. more for her selfe, she will neuer be able to keepe her selfe honest, so that here is xxiiij. s. made out of eue­ry Barrell of Beere, which commeth iust to ix.li.xij. s. a tunne. How shamefull a thing to be suffered in a wel gouerned Citty, let wise men iudge, for with those that be called honest, I will not meddle.

I haue beene so long amongst these filthy Alehou­ses, that my head beginnes to grow idle, and it is no wonder, for the very remembrance of that Hogges wash which they vse to sell for ij. d. the Wine quart, is able to distemper any mans braines, and as it is nei­ther good nor wholesome, so it is vnfit for any mans [Page 73] drinking, but for common Drunkardes; but I wil here leaue my women Tauerne-Keepers to Maister Maior of the Bull-Ringe to looke vnto, and I will now haue a­bout with our Dubline Bakers, that will be sure to sell their Bread at double the price that they buy their Corne: and although there haue been seuerall Maiors of the Citty which haue seemed to be angry at the matter, yet as long as I haue knowne Dubline, I neuer knewe Maior, but hee was either ashamed or afraid to reforme it. But there be some that wil make ilfauored reasons, and will say, that the Bakers haue such a kind of dexterity, that they will make any Maior both deafe and blind: I cannot tell how it commeth to passe, but the Bakers do make a good shift for themselues, for they neither reforme their owne bread according to the prises of Corne, neither will they suffer the coun­trey-Bakers vpon the Market dayes, to bring in bread that is reformed to a true assise.

Thus the Magestrates of Dubline doth tollerate and beare with a number of inormities, vnfit to bee tollerated in any well gouerned Citty, the which (as I suppose) they do the rather wink at, whē they know well enough that this extortion that is exacted by sel­ling of Bread and Beere, doth pinch none but the Eng­lish, those that are to follow the State, & those againe that are of the poorer sort of the Irish, for there is not a Cittizen in Dubline (that is of any abillity worthy to bee spoken of) but he hath a Farme in the Countrey, that yeeldeth him Corne, both for Bread and Beere, enough to find his owne house; but the English that must goe to the Bakers and the Brwers, are made to pay dearely for it (and so they do for euery other thing that they buy) and as the Irish do know all this well [Page 74] enough, so they haue therefore the lesse care to re­drese it: and yet if the Lord Deputy should but with­drawe himselfe but for two yeares together into any other part of the Countrey, the greatest part of the Cittizens of Dubline, would bee ready to begge, that do now dwell in a malicious conceite against the English.

CAP. XVIII.
Of the Ambition of the Irish.

THe Irish are very Ambitious of Fame and re­nowne, but it is with Herostratus, that sought to leaue himselfe in recorde by burning the Temple in Ephesus; so the Irish do hunt after Fame, and to leaue themselues regestred to posterity, they will kill, they will murther, they will rebell, and what action so vn­gracious which they will not attempt, to leaue an o­dible memorandome to their lowsie Bardes and Rith­mers, that can writ in the commendation of nothing but of vice and villany.

By this example of the Irish, wee may distinguish betweene the louers of Fame, and the louers of Ver­tue, and although it bee true that Vertue hath Fame for an attendant, yet Vertue seeketh not for Fame: for glory with the Crocodill flieth him that followeth it, and followeth him that flyeth it; no wonder then though there bee great difference in their values that imploy them for Fame, from those againe, that inde­uours for Vertue.

This vaine ostentation, wee see whereunto it lea­deth: and hee that seeketh renowne in a wrong boxe, either by vnlawfull attempts, or base indeuours stum­bleth [Page 75] many times vpon Infamie in stead of Glory: so he that hunteth after dignities by vnworthy desertes, in seeking after Estimation, betrayeth himselfe to o­pen Derision.

Amongst the wise, a man is esteemed but only for his vertues. For Offices, authority, & Riches; al these, are but the guifts of Fortune, but for a man to be ex­alted to a dignity, and to bee deemed worthy of the place by a common consent, that marke is vnfallible, for there magnificence doth manifest & make known it selfe.

The office of a Prince doth craue obedience in his Subiects, but our affections are still depending of his vertues: if thus to a Prince, what hope is there then left to a Pesant, that hath neyther vertue, witte, nor honesty wherewith to blesse himselfe withall, and wil yet throng himselfe into a Dignity, and onely but to make it durty.

Nero, demanding of a Souldior why he hated him, was answered: Because (saide hee) whilst thou wast worthy of loue I honoured thee, but nowe thou art become an enemy to vertue, I therefore abhor thee.

Ambition is no vice for any of these love-prized Swaines. For when I see a fellow that is but base of birth bare of of honesty barren of wit, and that is but dropt into a dignity without desert, I neuer look vp­on such a creature but methinks I see a Iacke anapes in a sattin sute. This is a base Ambition, and right of the Irish stampe, for there is not a people vnder the sun, that are more desirous to be famed then the Irish or that will aduenture vpon more desperate resoluti­ons then they, and but to leaue themselues i [...]d in some one of their Rymer-rolles.

[Page 76] The miserable malefactor at the very houre of his death, when he is going to execution, doth euen then affect Fame, and is muche more desirous that his lo­kers on shoulde see him take his death with resolu­tion and without feare, then hee is to reconcile him­selfe vnto God, and is more ashamed that it should be said, that his countenance began to change with faint nesse of courage, then he is of the crime that he hath committed, how abhominable soeuer. And all this, but that he might appeare constant; and to whome, but to those that do behold him, that are commonlie more inconstant then the wind.

Sir Thomas More, whome Ballarmine (in his letter to George Blackwal the Popes Archpriest) so confident­ly avoweth for so worthy a Martyr, was sicke of this disease, and at the last houre, when he was to take his death for Treason, he did sacrifice to Fame; for when the Executioner was ready to strike off his head, hee prayed him, in any wise to be good to his beard, tel­ling him, that he should find his necke so short, that if he were not very warie in the performaunce of his businesse, it might proue a blemish to his reputation.

Methinks it to bee but an vnseasonable conceit, at the last houre of a mans life to fall a iesting with the world for vaine ostentation, and neglecting to seeke the fruition of eternall felicitie, to rest himselfe vpon the smoakie applause of Fame.

It may sometimes serue for a shroude to shelter a shame, but it is an ill chose time, to fall a iesting with the Hangman, when he may play too much vpon the aduantage, if not by viuacitie or quicknesse of wit, to thrust backe a iest vpon the Iester himselfe, yet Ex of­ficio, he may do it by action, that doth pinch nerer the [Page 77] quicke, then the bitterest words.

But if More were a Martyr as Bellarmine woulde haue him, I say he was but a mocking Martyr, that would fall a scoffing with the executioner, at that ve­ry instant when he was to take off his head.

But I haue heard of some others that haue been of this merry disposition, and I thinke aswell worthy to be Martyrs as More; one amongest the rest that was condemned to the Gallowes, and when the hangman came to fasten the halter about his necke, hee desired him of all friendshippe, that he would not bring the rope too neere his throat: for (said he) I am so tick­lish about that place, that without doubt I shall hurt my selfe with vnreasoneble laughter.

Such another, going to the place of Execution, desired the officer to shun a street that lay right in the way as he should passe, and to go a little about: The Officer demanding the reason, hee told him, because he ought a Cittizen a little money that dwelt in the same streat, and he feared that if hee shoulde see him passing by, he would arrest him, and bring him vnto some trouble of the law.

I must not forget one more of these merry concei­ted fellowes, who going to the gallowes to be execu­ted, was admonished by his ghostly father to take his death patiently, assuring him, that though his dinner were somewhat sharpe and harsh, yet he should find a ioyfull supper in Heauen. Alasse (said the malefa­ctor) thats but a cold comfort to mee, for I neuer vse to eate any supper.

We cannot iudge of any mannes assurance by the boldnesse of his death: for it falleth out many times, that men in those cases, wil make great shew of reso­lution [Page 78] and courage, but for ostentations sake, and there is not a people that are more inclined vnto that then the Irish; but amongst those that haue most vali­antly resolued themselues to execution, it is yet to be doubted whither in so dangerous an intent, constan­cy, or obstinacy had the preheminence.

Euery Cowarde can dispise death in misery, for to the distressed, life is but a scourge, and death their only solace: but hee that can indure the calamity of all mis­fortunes with patience and constancy, more rather deserueth the Chariot of Triumph then Caesar him­selfe. Those that in the times of execution are seene to runne to their end and to hasten on the execution, they do it with resolution, but because they will de­feate themselues of time to consider of the horrour of death, for it grieues them not to be dead, but to die. Heliogabulus, the most disolute man in the world, had a resolution to die some desperate death, as it might apeare by those prouisions he had made for the pur­pose; for first, he built a stately Tower from whence he might cast himselfe, hee also caused cordes to bee made of gold and Crimsin silke, wherewith to stran­gle himselfe; he further prouided a rych golden Rapi­er of purpose to murther himselfe; and hee prepared poysons, and kept them in boxes of Emeraldes, and Topases thereby to poyson himselfe.

Euery man that dares aduenture to desire death, cannot be said to be resolued to dye; for many a man that hath seemed to wishe for death, hath fainted a­gaine, when they haue beene put to the tryall.

Pouerty, misery, diseases, & death it selfe are sub­iects of a heauy burthen, that do waigh and grieue es­pecially those mindes that are but of the common [Page 79] stampe: we had neede therefore to be very wel instru­cted both how to sustaine, and how to combat with those kindes of accidentes. The best aime we can take whereby to iudge of a mans death, is but to consider of the manner of his life: for haue we knowne him to liue constantly and quietly it is likely hee should then die resolutly and reposely, for it is to bee supposed, that hee that konweth how to liue, knoweth likewise how to dye.

Amongst all the benefites that Vertue bestoweth of vs, the contempt of death is most aproued and pre­cious: and as the place is vncertaine where death loo­keth for vs, we must therefore be the more vigilant to expect him euery where, for the premeditation of death, is but a fore-thinking how to liue and die well. It skilles so much the lesse when death doth come, so we be prouided for it, for all the time that we liue, we do but steale it from death, and the continuall worke of life, is in the end determined by death.

The iollity of youth and the grauity of age are dif­ferent in this point, for the one looketh forward and the other backward, youth delights it selfe with wan­ton allurements, Age preacheth seuerity, and readeth daily Lectures of temperance and of reformation, and whether it wake or sleepe, it doth not permit vs one houre but to thinke on instruction, on patience, on repentance, and on Death.

I might haue inlarged this Chap. with other mat­ter of some perticular persons in Ireland, that haue sought to make themselues famous amongest theyr Countrey-men, by those endeuours, that were dire­ctly preiudiciall to the dignity of the Prince, but I wil here omit them, & for conclusion say, there is no Na- [Page 80] in the world, that are more ambitious of Fame then are the Irish, nor that dooth hunt after it with more contrary courses then do the Irish.

CAP. XIX.
Of the doctrin of the Pope, how it is embraced by the Irish▪

THey say it was S. Patrick that purged Ireland frō all manner of venemous Wormes, and it is the Pope that hath poisned it ten times worse with his Locust vermine of Friers, Monks & Iesuites, & he hath so infected the whole Countrey with Toades, Frogs, & padocks, that in the habite of popish priests do keepe such a continuall croking in the eares of the poore people, that they haue made them deafe to all good councell. It is only the poison of the Popes do­ctrine that inciteth to seditions, to Rebellions, and that setteth subiects against their Princes. Look into Bellarmines writinges, that hath taken such paines in behaulfe of the Pope, and you shall finde, that all his Bookes are stuffed with no other Doctrine, but that Popes may degrad Emperors, kings, Princes and po­tentates, may abrogate their Lawes, may dispense with their subiects for their allegiance, that they may take Armes against their Soueraignes, that they may rebell; yea, and althogh Treason and murther be the most hatefull offences that any man can commit, and are most abhorred and detested of all men, yet they are admitted, maintained, and vpholden by the pope, and he doth not onely tollerate those offences, but he doth likewise giue pardons and dispensations to his villaines, both to practise and execute them, as that holy Pope, that gaue Parry plenarie indulgence and re­mission [Page 81] of all his sins to murther Queene Elizabeth.

A filthy Religion, that hath abased the simplicity of all natures, and defiled the people of so many Na­tions, not onely through Idolatry, and superstition, but also by bloud-shedding, and detestable murthers, as though it were lawfull and no offence (if it be done vnder the colour and shew of Religion) to abandon all honesty and shamefastnesse: insomuch, that such horryble and detestable crewelty hath been showne, that their Alters haue beene oftentimes inbrewed and stained with mens bloud, as though God were plea­sed with those horrible murthers, practised and com­mitted by those abhominable wretches, that care not how they defile themselues with all kinde of beastli­nesse, and detestable villany.

This is the Religion which the Irish do imbrace, and this Doctrine is it that hath deluded a number of poore people of that Countrey, and hath set them so opposite, that they despise to learne any thing from the English, bee it neuer so necessary, that doth but appertain either to Ciuillity, Morallity, or Humanity: it maketh some of them malitiously to impugne the proceeding of the Prince, it hath induced a number of them into open Rebellion. And this Idolatrous Doctrine is it that fitteth their turnes, that are so ad­dected and inclined to vndertake against the Prince. The property of true Religion, doth euermore keepe men within the bounds of duty, it illumineth them with the true light of holinesse, and sanctimony; and so desirous are they which followe the rule and disci­pline of Christ, by immitation to exprese the graci­ous goodnesse and mercy of God, that in the same they repose the whole sum of Religion: therefore [Page 82] neither prouoked with taunts, they are any thing mo­ued, and being vexed with slandrous reports, they are not yet kindled with anger; and although they bee sometimes prouoked with iniuries, they do not go a­bout to bee reuenged: nay, rather they suppose that triall to be laid vpon them, that they by a heape and multitude of good turnes, should abate the edge of their enemies wrath.

Whilst the Popes doctrine had ouerwhelmed the Realme of England, with the misty fogs of darknesse, what commotions, what rebellions, & what tumults were stirred vp from time to time, by the commons of that Realme: but after that the minds of men were able to behold the extraordinary light of the heauen­ly doctrine, they submitted themselues to that duty and obedience, which the rule of Gods worde both prescribeth and commaundeth to subiectes: yet after this, when Queen Marie had againe reestablished the Idolatrous Religion of Rome; when Hell was broken loose, and that the Deuils themselues had stirred vp the harts of our English Popelings to all cruell tyran­ny, that they left no torture nor torment vnattemp­ted, that might haue wrought the subuersion and o­uerthrow of Christian Piety: what a multitude both of men and women, suffered themselues to be tortu­red and cruelly tormented, through all the partes of the Realme for the Faith of Christ, without any manner of resistance: and although this horrible cru­elty had continuance for fiue whole yeares together, yet where was their heard of a Rebell that offered to arise in armes, or by any meanes to oppose himselfe against that monstrous tyranny.

The Christian Faith was first established by prea­ching, [Page 83] and the Disciples and those that followed Christ, preuailed still by suffering: the Pope vphol­deth his doctrine, onely by persecuting, by murther, by Treason, and by tyrannie; such diuersity there is betweene the doctrine of Christ, and the doctrine of the Pope.

It is truly reported of the French K. that was latelie cruelly murthered, who many years since lying before Rone, had intelligence of an enterprise that should haue beene attempted against his life, and being well informed of the party that had vndertaken it, the king chancing to descry this Gentleman thus described vn­to him, caused him to be called; who comming before his presence, the King perceiuing him alreadie be­gin to tremble, as one doubting some bad measure, saide vnto him: I am fully perswaded, you fore-ima­gine what I haue to charge you with, and your coun­tenance doth already bewray it, but I am so well in­structed in the businesse you haue taken in hand, that if you would goe about to hide it, you shoulde but make the matter the worse for your selfe; faile not therefore as you tender your life, to confesse the truth of all your purpose.

The Villaine, that sawe himselfe thus discouered, beganne to hold vp his hands and to plead for mercy: but the King interrupting him in his pretence, saide vnto him; Did I euer do you any wrong? Haue I e­uer offended any friend of yours? or how happeneth it? or what might mooue you to conspire and enter­prise my death?

The Gentleman with a verie fainte trembling voice, and a selfe-accusing looke, aunswered him a­gaine: That no particular occasion had euer mooued [Page 84] him to doe it, but the interest of the generall cause of his faction, for that he was perswaded by some of his ghostly fathers, that to root out (and in what manner of sort soeuer) to make away so great an enemy vnto their Religion, would be an execution full of pietie, and a worke of supererogation.

Well then (said the King) I will shew you the dif­ference of our Religions: yours perswades you to kill me hauing neuer done you wrong, but mine wils me to pardon you convicted as you are: go your wayes therefore and auoid out of my sight, and let mee ne­uer see you here againe, and henceforward be better aduised in your enterprises, and take honester counsel then those that be of your owne Religion, and thus he let him passe.

We may here still see the fruits of the Popes Reli­gion: but presidents in Ireland do serue to little pur­pose, if they make against the Pope; all the testimony that the holy scriptures can afford, will neuer be cre­dited in that point. We beleeue in Ireland, that when Christ came to worke the saluation of the world, hee did not finish the work he came for, but left the grea­test part of the businesse to be performed by a Popish Priest. We can tell how to worship a god that is of our owne making, but we know not how to worship the God that hath made vs: we know how to receiue benefits and blessings from the Prince, but we know not how to render that obedience that belongeth to Subiects. My conclusion is, that as men cannot make knowne their dreames till they bee awake, no more can these acknowledge their faults till they meane to amend.

CHAP. XX.
How the Papists of Ireland are neither afraid nor asha­med to manifest themselues.

THey say, a manne ought not to be ashamed to speake what he seemeth not to thinke; it should then follow, that men should not be ashamed to heare of that they are not ashamed to doe. The Irish are not ashamed to manifest themselues, aswell by wordes as by deeds to be professed Papistes; they are not affraid to confesse it, and it may well be supposed that when men haue a daring to speake ill, they haue likewise an intent to do ill. But I must say, they are al his Maiesties subiects, and so I thinke they bee, but I pray God send his Highnesse to haue neede of them against the Pope, for if it came to voices betweene them two, his Maiestie would hardly bee able to rec­kon with the Vsurer, after ten in the hundred thrugh­out the whole Realme, but that the Pope would still be able to encounter him with ten for one. That the Irish are thus inclined to the Pope and to poperie, I shal need no other testimony then their own demea­nors, and I would bee glad for their owne sakes, that they could conuince mee of slaunder: but as I hope they will not go about it, so I thinke they will not be offended with me for speaking, when they themselus are not ashamed so publikely to manifest it. For, as they do shew themselues to be apparantly malicious to his Maiesties lawes and proceedings, so they doe hate and detest him, that doth but speake against their Pope, or that will take any exceptions against that Catholick brood of the Pole-shorne order, that they [Page 86] do both harbour in their houses, and vphold with their purses (without doubt) to their great charge & expences, considering the abhominable number of those Balamites, that doth so abound throughout that whole Realme, in City, town & Countrey, that doth daily practise against his Maiesties gouernment.

And what Prince in the world would indure to be thus crossed by this contemptious demeanor of vndu­tifull subiectes, and would not make them to feele the penalty of their wilfull disobedience, but that exce­lent Maiestie that is not onely inclined to all gracious clemency in his owne person, but with the like royall disposition hee hath so prouided, that his Ministers and those that he putteth in Authority in that Realm, doth behaue themselues in their gouerment with that mercy & mildnes whereunto he himselfe is addicted.

If I shoud speake of the gouernment, how it is man­naged at this present, by that most honorable Gentle­man, the Lord Deputy that now is, who is likewise assisted with diuerse other of his Maiesties Counsaile of that Realme, Men in like maner of great wisedome and iudgement; I might perhaps faile in making a true relation of their worth and worthines. I do therefore appeale to the Irish themselues, when they did euer know Ireland to be better supplied, either with a De­puty, either with a Counsell, either with a Clergy (I meane those of the Clergy that haue beene inuested by a lawfull Authority from the Prince) or that the affaires of that Realme, were euery known to be man­naged with more mildnes, with more mercy, or with more loue and lenity then now they be: and I would but demand of them againe, when they did euer know the Papists of Ireland to bee more peruerse, more ob­stinate, [Page 87] or more apparantly contemptuous then now they are. I could yet say more, but I will wade no fur­ther in this, and I am sure the papistes themselues (al­though they will not let to lie for adantage, yet) they they will not for shame deny this truth. The papistes of Ireland are (as in other places) of two kinds, the se­ducers, and the Seduced.

The Seducers are those, that vnder a little shewe of litterature, or vnder the pretence of being Trauellers, that they can say they haue bin in Spain, or at Remes, or at Rome, or that haue bin Iesuited, or that carrieth the marke of a Monk, of a Frier, or a runnagate Priest, that can but say a Masse, or read our Ladies psalter; any of these shewes, any of these pretences, or any of these tytles, are enough to grace and credit a Dog, and not only to bring him into a venerable estimation, and to be holily accounted of, but to giue him that reputati­on amongst the multitude, that he shall be beleeued, and he shall be beloued; for men are commonly bele­ued, as they are beloued.

And these seducing spirits vnder a counterfet shew of holinesse▪ are still endeuoring to peruert the sim­pler sort of his Maiesties poore subiects, to withdraw them from their duties, and to arme them with all disobedience and contemptuous demeanour towards their Prince.

The second kind of Papists, that I haue said to bee seduced, are the vnlearned and ignorant sort, that are abused and misled, by the onely inducements of those counterfait Hypocrites, thus formerly described.

Now, if there be any comiseration to bee had to a people that are thus inchanted, these are to be pittied, and it is for their sakes onely that I haue endeuoured [Page 88] these lines, the which if I woulde goe about to con­firme by any authoritie drawne from the holy Scrip­tures, I know it would be to very litle purpose, when there is no testimony that can be alledged, either frō Peter, or from Paule, or from any other of the Apost. or from Christ himselfe, that will be either admitted or receiued against the Pope. Whatsoeuer I haue therefore related in this Description, that may any waies concerne the Irish, I haue neither inferred pre­sidents, nor inforced other matter, but such as they themselues are best acquainted withall, and what is most frequent and conuersant to their owue experi­ments. And there is not a Nation vnder the sun, that are more apt to make collections of accidentes that shall happen, or that will soner refer them to presage­ments of misfortune, then will the Irish.

And although our Papists of Ireland, are generally compacted of a dull mettall, that hath little sence or feeling but of ignorance & arrogancy, yet thus quick sighted they be, to looke into those euents that doth make nothing at all for their purpose, and are starcke blind on the other side, to discerne of those matters that do especially concerne themselues.

If they woulde but remember, what a number of runnagate shakerels the Pope hath sent from time to time, laden with his trash: with his Buls, with his par­dons, with his Blessings, and with his Ban-bels, which they take to be a strong Supersedias against all perils & dangers, what or wheresoeuer; and yet if there were but halfe that sanctitie in them that they suppose, they could not all miscarrie, some of them woulde take ef­fect; for they are assuredly perswaded, that he that can but furnish himselfe with a little holy-water, an holie [Page 89] candle, an Agnus dei, a paire of hallowed beades, or with some such other of the Popes trinkets, he is free from al misfortunes: & yet they haue seen the popes Holy-banner that was brought amongest them from Rome by D. Saunders, that holy embassador, sent from the Pope, and they were perswaded, that where this banner was once displayed, the very sight of it hadde bin enough to haue dismayed a whole army of deuils; but this vaine hope of theirs cost a number of Rebels liues, and sent a many of Traitors heads to Dublin.

They saw what becam of the Popes two holy pre­lates, Ailyn and Saunders, whom the Pope had sancti­fied and al-to be-blessed: and thus hallowed, hee sent them into Ireland, in assistance of them that wer then out in Armes against their Prince, and they saw what became of them; the one was slain in the field among a number of other Rebels, and the other finished a traytorous life by a miscrable death, and died in the Woodes, and as it was supposed, was deuoured by Wolues: but others say, he died in the Wood Clan­nedi, partly thorough famme, and partly of the Irish Ague.

They haue seene how many confederates, how ma­ny conspiracies, how many practises of Treason hath bin plotted, hom many detestable exploits haue been vndertaken, yet all of them discouered, and the prac­tisers stil confounded, our silly Papists of Ireland haue not onely heard of these things with their eares, but they themselues haue likewise seen it with their eies. But they profite nothing, neither by hearing, nor in beholding: they can woonder at them, and they can say with the Egyptians, when they sawe the Miracles wrought by Moses; The finger of God is here, but they [Page 90] haue no grace to repent, it doth but hardē their harts, it armeth them with despite both against God, and against the Prince.

CHAP. XXI.
The inconvenience of Poperie, how it hurteth in Ireland.

MIght we now iudge of the tree what it is by the fruit, or (as the Papists themselues are accusto­med) to deeme of all causes by their owne ef­fects, Popery could not hide it selfe, but that it would appeare in it owne likenesse, loathsome to euery eie. But it is very easie for a man to winke at that, which himselfe is vnwilling to see; but if we would not bee enemies to our own discretions, to discern of things with iudgement and reason, though reason it selfe be but a gadding instrument, and is many times misled by our owne affections, it could not yet lead vs so far astray, but it would vndoubtedly confirme vs, that po­perie is the onely plague-sore, that hath so poysoned Ireland.

It is Popery that hath drawn the people from that confidence and trust that they should haue in God, to beleeue in Saints, to worship Idols, and to fly frō Gods mercy to other mens merits, and to set vppe a Pope-holy righteousnesse of their owne works.

It is Popery that hath alienated the heartes of that people, from that faith, fidelity, obedience, loue and loyaltie, that is required in Subiects towardes theyr Soueraignes.

It is Popery that hath set afoot so many rebellions in Ireland, that hath cost the liues of multitudes, that hath ruyned that whole Realme, and made it subiect [Page 91] to the oppression of Theeus, Robbers, spoilers, mur­therers, Rebels and Traitors.

It is Popery, that hath still hardened the hearts of that people, as well against God as against all good­nesse.

I haue knowne Ireland long, and I haue heard of many odible exploites that hath beene accomplished, by Murther, by Rebellion, by Treason, and by many other villanies; but they haue beene euermore plot­ted, conspired, acted, and performed by Papistes: It is the Papist that is still the Authour, the vndertaker and the Executioner of all manner of villanies, how bar­barous, how cruell, or how odible soeuer.

God be thanked, Ireland was yet neuer so destitute, but there hath been a number of good people natiues of that Countrey, that hath zealously and religiously professed the Gospel, yet I neuer heard of any of those that was euer tainted, stained, or detected with any of these capitall crimes: no, it belongeth to Popery, it is a parcell of the Popes doctrine; for hee auoweth it to be a worke meritorious, for any of his Disciples to lie, to flatter, to counterfeit, to discemble, or to enter into any action, be it neuer so base, bee it neuer so abiect, be it neuer so seruile, yet if they can by any of these meanes compasse a plot of villanie, they may doe it by prescription, he giueth them Buls, he giueth them Pardons, he giueth them Dispensations.

From hence it is, that the poore Popelings of Ire­land, doe thinke there is no other high-way to Hea­uen, but that which leadeth by these damnable inde­uours, thus graced and countenanced by the Pope. And they know againe well enough, that his holines is in nothing beter pleased, then in those that will im­pugne [Page 92] and exploite against the Prince. The better therefore to countenance the matter, and to giue thē ­selues oportunity, they pretend great loue and loyal­tie, they will protest subiection, perhaps they will go to Church and heare a Sermon, and what care they for taking of an oath which they neuer mean to keep, the Pope is able to forgiue all, and this is the vvay to giue them credit, whereby they may practise what they list, and how they list, they know it well enough: But if I would goe about to infer presidents, I might be infinite in example, to shew what murthers, what massacres, what treacheries, and what Treasons haue bin performed, which the Irish could neuer haue been able to haue effected, but by that honest repose there hath bin had of their fidelity, and by that countenance and credit that hath bin giuen them by the Prince.

It is by our trust that they compasse their treason & it is our sufferance that inableth them in all their mis­chiefe, and what they performe by fraud, by falshood, by periury, by breach of faith and fidelity, is still ascri­bed vnto them, for wit, for pollicy, for valiance, and is euermore reputed to their glory and our disgrace.

If I were demaunded of the drift of my lines where­vnto they tended, I could not well make aunswere on the suddaine, yet I haue a meaning; but I am brought into the laborinth of the Metaphisickes, who wading in a matter past their reach, woulde conclude of some thing, but they know not what: I would approue by reasons, that the Irish are not to bee trusted, because they haue already so often deceiued: And yet I do re­proue my selfe, for I know there be in Ireland, a num­ber of worthy subiects that cannot bee detected, nor their fidelity and trust to their Prince by any meanes [Page 93] impeached, and these doe not onelie deserue to bee countenanced, but likewise to bee cherished; yet the Traitor of Ireland, as well in words, in lookes, in ap­parance, and in the whole course of his conuersation, doth so nearly resemble and imitate the true meaning man, that they canot be discerned nor distinguished by their outward shewes. It were therefore a desperate matter (and of no small aduenture) to commit a trust to those that are so hardly discerned. I will therefore conclude nothing, yet I say, for him that is a knowne Papist, I would neuer trust his word, his promise, his vow, nor (if it were for the Princes seruice) I would neuer trust his oath, for Papists when they sweare fa­stest, they commonly lie fastest.

I haue discouered my selfe to the full, and although I haue thereby made my follie the more apparant, per­haps it may yet giue some little blaze of light to those that bee wise, for wise men may learne more from fooles, then fooles from wise men: but the onely part to play the foole well, is amongst fooles to seeme to be wise, yet I could bee contented to play the foole a little, and so to be accounted amongst our Irish Catho­likes, if they would vouchsafe, but to draw a litle spark of wisedome from my ouer much folly.

There were many matters more to be wished for, but wishing in Ireland is out of date, and our English Re­cusants do know it well enough; they haue therefore so planted themselues through euery part of Ireland, that they are more pernitious in their example, then the Irish themselues.

I may now conclude (and I hope with a good consci­ence) that the Popery of Ireland, is the bar that exclu­deth all regard of duty, both to God and the King.

CHAP. XXII.
Whether there be any possiblity that the Irish should maine­taine a warre against the Kings Maiesty.

THE broiles that hath been stirred vp by Papists in Ireland are infinite, and they haue cost the price of many mens liues, and the expence of great summes of Treasure.

But methinkes, it cannot be called a warre, that is maintained by Subiects against their Soueraignes: It is for Princes to make warre that are absolute, not for Pesants that are dissolute: And for this Papistical ge­neration, that are euermore seditiouslie contending against their Soueraignes: I cannot do them so much credite, to say they mainetaine warres, but that they stirre vp tumults, discentions, vprores, commotions, insurrections, and giue them the best Titles that can bee applied, and they are but rebellious, and they themselues are Rebels & Traitors that do first vnder­take them.

Now, that the Irish should haue any meanes or a­bilitie to beare out a rebellion against our gratious King, I thinke there is no Souldier so vnwise to af­fime it.

Wars are not to be performed without Souldiers, nor souldiers can bee contained without pay; for be­sides men, Mony, Munition, armor, weapon, & a num­ber of other necessaries belonging to Warre, there is neyther meanes to conquour, nor hope to defend.

What may we now thinke of the Irish; first their greatest wealth, wherewithall to maintaine a warre, consisteth in Otmeale and Butter: their wisedome is [Page 95] our ouer-sightes, their strength our sufferance; And they haue euer beene more beholding to their Eng­lish friendes with their Irish hearts, then to their wit, their pollicie, their valiance, their wealth, or to any other thing that Ireland could affoord them.

They are altogether vnfurnished of all manner of warlike necessaries, either for defence or offence, nei­ther are they able so to fortifie themselues in any ground of aduantage, but that we are stil able to fetch them out by the eares, either by force or by engine: they cannot deale so with the English: for they ha­uing neither Artillirie to batter, nor meanes to ap­proach, a small company of our English Souldiers will make good any place against the whole forces of the Irish, and although they be but slenderly forti­fied.

And I would but learne how it were possible for a people (howe valiant or politique soeuer) that hath neither Mint to make pay, shipping to transport, that hath no manner of prouision, no store, nor store-hou­ses furnished with Munition, Pouder, Shot, Peeces, Pikes, Armory, Weapons, nor with a number of o­ther Ingines and Implements belonging to the War, without the which, a warre cannot bee maintained; They haue no prouision for cariages, but what them­selues are able to carry vpon their backes, neither are they able to leauy new forces▪ nor haue they meanes to supplie their olde, with conuenient necessaries be­longing to an Army. Now if it bee possible, that a people thus distitute, should be able to wage Warre against so mightie and puissant a Prince, I will neuer trust experience againe so long as I liue. But let vs looke into their abilitie, what they are able to per­forme [Page 96] in the day of fight, and notwithstanding that I can take no exceptions to their ability of body, yet being neither armed, with Corslet, nor Pike (not in a­ny conuenient number nor in able sort) by this defect they are not able to make a stand vpon any firme ground, where our hors-men are either able to charge or chace them, neither are they able to indure the in­counter of our armed Pikes: so that vpon any equall ground, that yeldeth no other aduantage then the vertue or valiance of him that doth command, and where Hors-men & foote-men may be both brought to serue, the Irish are not able to abide.

The Horse-men of Ireland; againe, are not fit to serue in the time of fight, neither against Horse nor foote, vntill it doth come to a flat running retraite, and then in a chace they are good for execution, but otherwise, they can stand in little steede.

The reason is, by defect of their appointment, for they are armed with a Skull, a Shirt of Maile, and a Staffe, which as they vse to cary, is of no seruice, but for execution in a chace: and their Horse likewise, be­ing as slightly furnished with a Padde, wherein the Rider hauing neither Stirrops nor stay, no otherwise then if he shoud sit on the bare Horse backe, is there­fore quickly vnhorsed and easely ouerthrowne.

I might farther inlarge, how they are not able to vphold any Garrisons, nor to maintaine a Camp, nor yet to conteine themselues in any company, one whole weeke together, but that they must betake themselues to their Woods, to their Bogges, and to their starting holes.

I know I shall bee incountered heere with presi­dentes, and they will tell me of more then twenty se­uerall [Page 97] Traitors, that hath maintained Rebellions a­gainst our late gracious Queene: what sums of mo­ney they haue spent her; how many men they haue consumed hir, and yet how little she preuaild against them, notwithstanding hir great expence, & the ma­ny yeares expired in their pursute.

To the end therfore, to make discouery why there was no better seruice performed, I will vnrip those occasions, that were the lets and impediments: the which being made manifest, may giue some light for his Maiesties future seruice in that Realm, and there­fore I hope not altogither vnnecessary.

CHAP. XXIII.
Of those lets and impedimentes that defeated her Ma­iestic, in her seruices against the Irish.

IT is not vnknowne to all the world (I am sure) in what magnificent manner our late gracious Queene behaued her selfe against the King of Spaine, the Monarch of this part of the world, that hath kingdomes at command, that hath Indies vpon Indies, both of sil­uer and Gold to make pay to Souldiers, and to beare his expences: that had the prime choyce of skilfull Captaines, and of Martial men of al sorts that Europe could afford, that left no practise vnatempted, that ei­ther Sapine, Rome, or Hell it selfe could plot or con­spire. And all this (and much more then I haue spo­ken of) imployed for many yeares together, to haue ruined and subuerted this worthy Princesse whom he so much maligned: but she, not only preuented him in all his purposes, but she many times incountred him, aswell by Sea as by Land, and triumphed in seuerall [Page 98] notable victories, and seuerall exploytes performed against him, sometimes at home in his owne domini­ons, yea almost at his owne Court gates.

Why then (will some say) if her Maiestie were a­ble to performe so much against so mighty an enemy as the King of Spaine, why could she not finde meanes to suppresse the Rebellions of so base and beggerly a people as the Irish, that are so lightly accounted of.

I answere, because she was neuer so soundly adui­sed, nor faithfully Counselled how to prosecute the Irish, as she was to incounter the Spaniard.

It will bee yet againe replyed, what might be the reason that her Maiestie should bee better aduised a­gainst the Spaniard, then against the Irish? Alas, who is ignorant of the cause, it is well enough knowne, that there was neuer any great affinity betweene the English and the Spanish, vnlesse a little betweene Mer­chantes for trade and traffique. But her Maiestie had not a Counseller in England, that was a Spaniard born, or that was combined with the Spanish, either by Mar­riage, either by fostering, either by gossiping, or by any other meanes wherby to confirme loue & friend­ship betweene them: but as they were all noble and honorable personages, so they were firme and assured aswell in their loyalty to their Prince, as in their loue to their Countrey, and therefore in all their Coun­selles and consultations, they more respected the ho­nour of their Prince, and the good of their Countrey, then they did their owne priuate profits.

Now in Ireland, there were diuers belonging to the Counsell table, who although they were of English birth, they were yet so linked and combined with the Irish, aswell by Marriage, as by many other meanes, [Page 99] that I neuer knew so arrant a Traitor in Ireland, that was destitute of English friendes, that would vnder­take in his behalfe, yea although he were out in open rebellion, that, they durst not apparantly aduenture, yet by secret meanes and practises, they would both straine themselues and try their friendes, to helpe out a Traitor when it cam to a pinch.

Of this combination betweene the English and the Irish, I might speake more then perhaps would bee thought necessary to bee openly published; and it should seeme, that our progenitors many ages si­thens, finding out the inconueniences, what hurt it did, seeking meanes therefore to preuent it, they esta­blished by act of Parlament, that no man of the Irish birth, should haue charge or bee put in trust, with any Castle or place fortified, belonging to the Prince. They were likewise prohibited, from diuerse principal affaires, and amongst these prohibitions, the Eng­lish were likewise inioyned, neither to Marry, foster, nor combine with the Irish.

I thinke our auncestors were not more carefull, then we be now, but it should seeme, they imployed their cares better then we do now.

Amongst many reasons that might bee rende­red, why the English should bee so indeuouring and helping to the Irish, there bee three especiall rea­sons, more importing then the rest.

The first, is grounded vppon foresight or proui­dēce, for those of the English that haue settelled them­selues with Landes or liuinges in the Countrey, do finde it to bee a matter of approued policy, to com­bine with those of the Irish, that are most likeliest [Page 100] to play the Traitors, especially, if they bee bounding or bordring vpon him: for he thinketh by these mea­nes, not onely to saue his lands and tenementes from the spoyle of the party himselfe that is most likelie to endanger him but also by being in league and friend­ship of such a one, that is but in the state and conditi­on of a demy-Traitor; that is, halfe in, and halfe out, he hopeth by his meanes so much the rather to scape scot-free, from the spoile of others: from which con­ceit of theirs, this prouerbe doth arise: That it is good to haue a Rowland for an Olyuer: or after our English interpretation; a Theefe to encounter a Theefe.

A second reason, that induceth the English to bee so vndertaking for the Irish, is grounded vpon consi­deration, peraduenture some hundred Cowes, some times more, and sometimes lesse: for guifts and pre­sents, though they consist but in Cowes, in horse, or in ready money it selfe, will be receiued, and hee that knoweth howe to steale from oue, and what to giue to another, shall find friends.

Now, a third reason, and that which most infor­ceth the English to stand so firme for the Irish, is, for that it concernes our owne free-hold: for wee are so linked and combined with them, what by marryeng, what by fostring, and what by one meanes or other, that we must not see them quaile, wee must not see them confounded but their hurts will be to our own detriments if not of our selues, yet of our children of our brethren, of our Cosines, of our wiues, of our a­lies, of our friends, or of some other such of our fami­lies, as we must put to our helping handes, wee must not see them vtterly ouerthrowne.

Who will demand now, how the Irish haue been [Page 101] able so to dally with their Priuce, & to continue their rebellions as in times past they haue done, when they haue bin still bolstered out by the English, when they haue had such friends, that (if they could not preuaile in Ireland) durst aduenture to write into England, yea sometimes to the Queene hir selfe, and vnder those plausible pretences of profit and pollicie, would per­swade, what a sparing it would be, both of money & of mens liues, that a Traytor that had committed in­finite spoiles, and spent hir Maiestie huge summes of money, should be brought in by composition, by par­don or by protection, and how many waies it would be auaileable to hir Highnesse, that he should be re­ceiued to mercie.

And how many of these haue I knowne, that after they had receiued all these fauours, and hauing again strengthened and enabled themselues, haue watched their oportunities, but to commit new stealths, and to execute som other actions of villany, and thus go­ing out againe, haue been ten times more chargeable then they were at the first.

CHAP. XXIIII.
Of Pardons and Protections, how hurtfull in Ireland.

AS I neuer knew the Irish to want English frends that did vphold them so they are neuer destitute againe of some others, to procure them pardōs.

This Port-sale of pardons, hath been the vtter vn­doing of Ireland: for what betweene those pardons that were sent from the Pope, and the other againe that were obtained from the Prince, euery Traytor, euery Rebell, euery murtherer, euery Theese & eue­ry [Page 102] Robber, might put in practise what he listed, with­out dread or danger, for the Pope he dispensed on the one side, and the Queene she pardoned on the other, and thus between them (as time and occasion serued) it was holden for the high way to preferment, for a man to play the traitor, and to stirre vp Rebellion: for he that was found to be most dilligent, most daunge­rous, and most desperate, in the execution of Trea­son, should not onely bee sure to haue a pardon, but hee should bee likewise gratified with a pension, or with some daily pay, from out of the Princes Co­fers.

Now, who would forbeare to be a Traitour, or a Rebell, or a Theefe, or to enter into any mischiefe whatsoeuer, that could stil warrant himselfe a pardon for a few stolen Cowes?

This generality of pardons and protections, did much harme in Ireland, for they still gaue encourage­ment to the ill disposed to aduenture of any enter­prise, and to do any maner of villany what themselues listed, and there wanted not those that were fauorites and followers to the Lord Deputy, that were stil hun­ting after sutes, that obtained both Pardons and pro­tections, and manie other Grants, that were so pre­iudiciall vnto the seruice of our late gracious Queen, that she had been better to haue giuen them stipends of some thousandes by the yeare to haue maintained them in England, rather then to haue suffered them to haue made such Traffique in Ireland, as they did at that time.

As these Pardons were the onely encouragements to giue daring Traitours to attempt against their Prince, so they were againe the verie cause of dismay, [Page 103] whereby to terrifie the subiect from the seruice of his Soueraigne: for when a Traitour was out in rebelli­on, those that were bordering vpon him, that had best knowledge in the strength and fastnesse of his Coun­trey, durst neuer serue against him; for they knew wel enough that there was not a Rebell in Ireland so foo­lish, but that he had English friends to procure him a pardon, and then they were sure that the winding vp would be (as it hath beene in many other things) that he that shold oppose himself to serue his Prince faith­fully, should bee left to the spoile of a Traitour, who hauing once made his owne peace by pardon or pro­tection, would liue to be reuenged of as many as had serued against him.

Is it now so much to be wondered at, that her ma­iestie could haue no better seruice performed against her Rebelles in Ireland, when by her ouer much cle­mency, shee defeated her selfe of their seruices, that were best able to stand her in stead.

I might speake further of Pardons, that hath beene many waies more preiudicial, then I haue set downe: but I wil conclude, That so long as there are any par­dons to be hoped for in Ireland, so long there will be Traitors in Ireland: and so long as a proclaimed trai­tor shall be able to compasse either pardon or prote­ction, so long the Prince shall haue no seruice perfor­med against any Rebell, either by English or Irish, that are dwelling neere about him, and that can best serue vpon him.

CHAP. XXV.
Of che dallying out the time of seruice, and the delayes of Ireland.

THere is nothing wherein our English policy hath beene more ouer-reached, then in mannaging the Warres against the Irish, that were still pro­secuted with delayes, and dallying out the time with deluding parlies (which they tearmed times of Sessa­tion) but vnder those coloured-treaties, and counter­faite truces, though wee let slippe both time and oc­casion, yet the enemy forgat not to take all aduanta­ges. For in those dallying times of their deluding par­lies, the Rebels recouered Conaughe, they tooke Enis­kaline, Monohan, the Blackwatre; they supplied them­selues with Wine, with Aqua vitae, with Armor, with Weapon, with Powder, with Shot, and with all o­ther necessaries whatsoeuer they wanted, from al the parts of Ireland; yea, from out of Dubline it selfe.

The Presidents are innumerable, what practises haue beene performed in the time of parlies. And as Alexander wold not admit of any of these night-stoln victories, so amongst the Romaines, these entertaining of Truces was banished as an enemy to their ancient proceedings, who were still desirous to fight by Ver­tue, but not by deceipt.

He only is iudged to be ouercome, that is not van­quished by craft, nor by fraud, nor by fortune, nor by chance, but onely by meere valiance.

The time hath beene, when it was neuer deemed to be a worthy victory, where the enemies courages [Page 105] were not daunted by true valiance and magnanimitie.

But for the seruiees in Ireland, rest is euermore dangerous then rashnesse, and although it bee a foule imputation for a Commander, to be reputed headie or haire-brain'd, yet amongest the Irish, expedition that is sometimes vnseasonably taken, is more auaile­able, and hath euer concluded with better successe, then this temporziing & trifling out the time with delayes and delusions. For, the Rebel of Ireland, must haue no leisure to take his breath; he must be hunted like the Fox that is new rouzed from his den, he must be chased from Couert to Couert; and ply him thus but one three Weekes or a month, and you quaile his courage, his edge is taken off, and his pride is sodainly abated. But would ye haue a president, let me put you in minde of the Traitour Odougherty, one of the Gal­lants of the North of Ireland, a Champion of such worthinesse, that the Papists were in great hope, that he would haue proued no lesse then a second Tyrone; but will you see what became of this mirrour of mag­nanimity, he compassed a plot of Treachery, and of Treason both, but such a plot as he could neuer haue effected, but by the trust that was reposed in him by the English. For this is the ground worke of all their villanies: we aduance them, wee countenance them, we credit them, and wee inable them; and this trust, and this confidence which we repose in them, giueth them matter to worke vpon; and by this meanes, O­dougherty performed his enterprise without resistāce, and as he neuer strooke stroke in the exploiting of his villany, so he neuer strooke stroke after, till his heade was taken of, neither durst he euer shew his face after, but in woods and Bogges, where he thought to catch [Page 106] no harme. We see here the difference between expe­dition and delay, for as Odougherty was spedy in the execution of his mischife, the Lord Deputy made as quicke a dispatch for the prosecution of reuenge, and makinge a speciall choice of a celected company for the following of that seruice, there was one amongst the rest (sir Thomas Ridgway by name) who of a volun­tary disposition (without weeting or knowledge of his dearest friendes) conueied himselfe from his own house, and cam to the place of seruice with the for­most man, and with the like speede he so persued the Rebelles with such iudgement, valiance and industry (and many times with a farre lesse company then the Rebelles were in number) that they expecting a more leisurable pursute, such as Tirone and other Traytors had had before them (being now depriued of that hope) they begane to faint at the first, and were in a short space as easely surprised.

Sedition durst neuer yet attempt any thing valiant­ly, and the multitude, hath euer had more courage to rebell then to fight.

Now to be short, it was the expedition of the Lord Deputy and the dilligence of the Treasurer, that brake the neck of this rebellion in a much shorter time then hath been acustomed: And as this president of theirs may giue a further light for his Maiesties future ser­uice, so by this it may appeare, that if the Irish be wel followed with a direct course, they are of no such abi­lity, as some ignorant men haue dreamed & beleeued.

CAP. XXVI.
How Tyrone was still supplyed with Souldiors, and all other prouisions for warre, at the Queenes charges.

THe greatest matter reputed to bee in the Irish in times past was this, they had Trechery to con­tract a plot of Treason, and wit to conceale till they had performed it, and that being once effected, their greatest courage afterwards, whereby to main­taine their Traiterous attempts, consisted in the hope of a pardon; in the meane time, they kept themselues like foxes in their dennes, and wee hunting and ferri­ting after them, if sometimes by casualty, we fortuned to light vpon them, they trusted better to their heeles then they did to their handes.

It will be sayed, that the Irish in the time of Tyrones Rebellion, shewed themselues to bee men of better worth, then I do seeme to account of them. And it is truth, that in that Rebellion of Tyrones, they put the Queene to a great expence of Treasure, and continu­ed the warre a much longer time then hath former­ly beene accustomed; but how it cam to passe, that the Irish were so inabled on the sodaine, to maintaine their Rebellion, and to continue it as they did, whe­ther it were by any new supply either of strength, co­rage, force, or fortune, or by any other ability either of body or minde, inspired or infused into them more then their predecessors haue had before them, this would be knowne. And this I thinke were not vnne­cessary to be descouered.

I will not speake how Tyrone was befrended by the English, neither will I make any repetition, how the English souldiors were generally enfeebled & brought [Page 108] so weake that they were not able to perform a good daies march (I will not say how it came so to passe, but it is well enough knowne that so it was:) And al­though that this penury wherewith our Eng. troops were thus pinched, had been enough to haue abated the courages of the most able minded men, yet that was not it that made Tyrone so potent as hee shewed himselfe, nor that did so much enable him against his Prince.

The matter that strengthened him, was the conti­nuall supplies, aswell of men as of munition, armor, weapon, powder, shot, hee was still furnished with Souldiors, ready armed and trained at her Maiesties costs and charges, and it was hir Maiesties purse that releeued him from time to time, with those supplies, that he himselfe (otherwise) had neuer beene able to haue compassed.

Our Auncestors many yeares since, that had some speculation in the Irish disposition, foreseeing well enough the danger that might insue, by training them vp in any warlike discipline, thinking to preuent the inconuenience; they ordained by statute, that no En­glishman, seruing in that Countrey with command, should retaine into his Company of one hundred sol­diors, aboue three Irishman at the vtmost, and these were entertained rather for guides then for any other expectation that was hoped for by their seruice.

Whilst these obseruations were charily obserued, the Irish wer not able to make any encounter against the Prince: and Ireland was able (not onely) to beare it owne expences, but also to contribute to the prin­ces Cofers, some twenty or thirty thousand pounds, per An. as appeareth by auncient records that are yet [Page 109] to be seene.

By this wee might conclude, that it is better for wayfaring men, to treade those tracts already traced out to their handes, then to seeke vnknowne waies, that if they do not sometimes leade astray, are sure at all times to leade the furthest way about: for if those Presidents left by predecessors, had bin by vs as care­fully obserued, as they were by them wisely prescri­bed, the rebellious sort of the Irish had not beene so wel inabled to haue maintained their rebelions, as now of late they haue done: But Tyrone was the man that the Irish did extoll, and Tyrone was the man that was beholding to his English friends; hee was beholding to those deluding parlies, to those deceitfull times of sessasion, that gaue him still opportunity to helpe himselfe by many aduantages: sometimes when hee was driuen (as it were) to the very last gaspe, & when he was not longer able to hold out, then there was a parle procured: by means whereof, he releeued him­selfe with all manner of necessaries, and would lightly enterprise something, that was both to the disaduan­tage and dishonour of the Prince.

I haue already made mention of a prescript, where­in our English Captaines were inioyned, that in eue­rie company of one hundred, they should not retaine aboue two or three that were of the Irish birth, but during the whole season of Tyrones rebellion, there were some companies, that for euerie three of the English, there were three and twentie of the Irish; and to speake truely, it might haue beene called a speciall and a choise company, that had not three Irish for one English. How it fell out that our English Captaines were thus inclined to entertaine the Irish, and to dis­charge [Page 110] the English, I shall not neede to make relati­on; there was a reason why, but they raked vp all the Irish that were to bee gotten, that there was not a Horse-Boy left in the Countrey, but he was armed & trained, and when hee had committed insufferable spoiles, away he went to the enemy.

The Rebels themselues sent as many Rogues as they were able to procure, to be thus armed and trained, & to watch their oportunity to performe some exploit of villanie, and so to make their returne.

Besides this, there were whole companies of the Irish raised at hir Maiesties costs and charges, & that receiued her daily pay, that were as arrant Traitors, as any were with the Rebels, and committed as manie spoiles, killing and burning onely excepted.

All these, still furnished Tyrone with daily supplies of Souldiers that were thus armed and trained at her Maiesties charge, and he had the like helpes to supply himselfe with many other wants, but especially with powder and shot, wherewith he was stil releeued from out the Queenes store; somtimes by those Irish bands and companies, that made more prouision for the re­bels, then they did for themselues.

Sometimes again by some Gentlemen of the coun­trey, who vnder the pretence of making themselues strong against the Rebelles, woulde fetch out of the Queenes store, Powder, Shot, Armour, Weapon, and what besides was there to be had, wherwith they still supplied Tyrone, who otherwise had neuer beene able to haue maintained one good daies fight.

I might yet speake further, how that euery ped­ling fellow that kept a Shoppe, was suffered to sell Peeces, Powder, Swords, and such other implements [Page 111] of War, not allowable for euery man to sell, & (con­sidering the state of the Countrey) not sufferable for euery man to buy.

I will heere couclude, how all that extraordinarie Wisedome, pollicie, and valiance, that was attribu­ted vnto Tyrone, was but our ouer-sights, our negli­gences, and our winking at that which was apparant vnto euerie Wise mans eyes: and let the Irish proiect vnto themselues what they list (I say) if Tyrone had beene as well hunted after as Odougherty was, he must haue come vnto the verie selfe-same Market that O­doughertie did.

CAP. XXVII.
That the Irish are more daungerous then necessary for his Maiesties seruice in Ireland.

IN euer read of any such pollicie, where a rebellious people, that were euerie day readie to reuoult from their dutie vnto their Soueraigne, should be permitted to exercise chiualry, or should be inured with the practise of Armes: but I could set downe a number of presidents, how prudent and pollitique Princes, when they haue beene so continually vexed and vrged by rebellious Traitors, haue not only pro­hibited them from the vse of weapons, but haue also restrained and depriued them from all manner of practises appertaining vnto Warre, by the seuerity of Lawes.

I knowe amongst the Nobilitie of Ireland, there [Page 112] hath beene (as there are still) manie honourable per­sons (& so there are of manie other Gentlemen) that without all doubt are as forward, as readie, and as wil­ling to serue their Prince, as any other whosoeuer. But to speake truely, sithence I haue knowne Ireland, I ne­uer knew anie of the Nobilitie of that Realme, that was able to performe anie seruice (that was woorth the speaking off) with their owne Countrey-men, in the behalfe of their Prince, no not against a mean Re­bell: such a one as in a priuate quarrell, durst not lifte vppe a sword against anie Noble man, that did dwell neer or border vpō him. And this is a matter to be ad­mired, that any thred-bare Rebel should be so apt and hardie to oppose against the Prince, and so timerous againe to offend a Nobleman of his owne Countrey: and it is no lesse strange, that euery Nobleman of Ire­land should be potent enough to right his owne cau­ses against anie of that ragged rabble, that dares but look awry vpon him (as I could shew may presidents) and can performe nothing in the seruice of his prince, no not against the most basest Rascall, that euer mar­ched vnder the Title of a Rebell.

The Misterie of this matter is easie to be decided, for although I know that amongest the Nobilitie of Ireland, there be some that would be both willing & desirous to do the Prince vnfained seruice in their own persons, yet they themselues know well enough that they shall neuer be followed in those indeuours: their owne houshold seruantes would faile them in such a case; and hee that could bring a thousand fol­lowers into the field, in an action of Rebellion; is not able to bring one hūdred, in the seruice of his Prince: they are so vowed and protested to the Pope, that [Page 113] they will not be induced to serue their prince, at the least­wise, not in that due respect of loue, that subiects are boūd and doe owe vnto their Soueraignes. Perhaps in sompti­uate quarrell between themselues, they may perform som exployt the one against the other, but it shall be don more in reuenge of their owne mallice, then for any loue they owe to the seruice. There is nothing, wherein the Irish do more priuily deride vs, then in this conceit that we haue of their helpe: & therfore they haue hatched vp this pretty in­tergatory: Where was it euer knowne, that one wolfe woulde prey vpon another. And it hath euer beene thought a most daungerous thinge, to haue friendes and enemies both of one Nation. But I know the Irish did neuer want friends, to perswade that their seruice is verie behoouefull: it may sometimes serue indeed, to help to stop a gap, but I answer it will shortly after break down the whole hedge, and it is but a madde part for him that would defend an entry, to shut vp the wicket, and then set ope the great gate.

The Irish do but betray the seruice and strengthen the enemie (I speake of the multitude) and to haue them tray­ned as heretofore they haue bin, (especially those that are so much addicted to the Pope) I say it is dangerous, and a grosse ouersight. I haue hitherto displaied, (though not all that I know) yet so much as I think necessary, the which although it please not all, yet I would bee glad it shoulde proue profitable to some. I haue but glanced at things, by giuing them a touch and awaie, which if I shoulde inlarge but as they deserue, I might write a whole volume in folio.

The vertue of things is not so much in their magnitude as in their qualitie, and so likewise of reason, which beeing wrapped in a few words, haue the best tongue.

My purpose is to profit, not to please; to intice, not to intrap; to councell, not to controle; and I rather desire to [Page 114] make my friends penitent, then leaue them insolent.

I haue directed my lines but to the forming of good manners, and moderating of affections, and who can be silent in these matters here handled, if he loue his prince. And yet I know, that nothing can bee so well or proui­dently spoken, but mallice will finde matter whereat to carpe and repine: yet I hope my good intent will be the rather born with al, in that I do but set down precepts of good councell, but not decrees to be resolued on.

I hope it will be accepted of by some, that will reape profit by it, and find fit aduertisements and examples for them to imitate: which if it doe, I shall thinke my time and labor the better bestowed: if otherwise, my care is the lesse, because it hath contented my selfe, in keeping me from Idlenesse.

But I know some will say, it were as good be ydle, as ill occupied: Tis true, There is no endeuour wherein a man may busie himselfe, that is more distastfull then the writing of books (especially if they be of a reprehending humor) but it is to those that haue guilty consciences, but to men of pure and honest life, they little force what any man can either write or speake against them.

I may speake something by experience, for I my selfe haue been mistaken, and am reputed to bee an open ene­my to Ireland, and all but for writing a Booke, entituled, The Suruey of Ireland, wherein I haue laboured nothing, but the discouery of the Pope.

But such is the malignity of Papists, that they cannot indure to haue their Idolatry checked, no not with pre­sidents and examples that are drawn from the holy scrip­tures.

Certaine Pagans offering outragious violence to a Religious Christian, mocking and vpbraiding him for his [Page 115] Religion, they asked him in the end, what profite hee had by his Christ: Is not this a singular profit, quoth he, Not to be moued with your bitter wordes, but to pardon and forgiue the wronges you do vnto me.

I answer with the Christian: Let the Papistsly and slander how they list, I thanke God, I am taught by the Religion I professe, to put vp all wronges and in­iuries, whatsoeuer they can offer vnto mee, and not only to forgiue them their vpbraiding and deprauing of me, but also pray to God that hee woulde so open their eies, that they may see the right way of their saluation.

I hope there is no man that will accuse me of par­ciality, to say I haue more forborn to speake againste the follies of the English, then against the manners & customes of the Irish: or that I doe otherwise distin­guish betweene them, but value them both alike, the good, to be good, and the bad, to be bad. I confesse I haue bin very plain with the Cittizens of Dublin, but it is those that are only addicted to the Pope, it is with those that haue so be-pusseld themselues in Popery, that they yeeld to a number of disorders, that are no lesse odious in the sight of God, then iniurious to the King: yea & to eclipsing the reputation of their City if they did but well aduise themselues, with discreet consideration.

Perhaps it wil be imputed to me for an offence, that I haue so avowed the greatest number of the Irish to be papists: But if Popery be so Catholike a matter as they themselues do beleeue, I haue then doone them great honour and credit so to repute them, but if it be a doctrine that seduceth, and that draweth subiectes rather to Rebellion then to true obedience to their [Page 116] Princes, is it not then best to speake the truth, if it be but to shame the Deuill?

And now to purge my selfe from any malicious in­tent, I do heere protest before the face of the liuing God, and do further auow it by that Religion that I do openly professe, that I do know neuer a Cittizen in Dubline, nor any other person that is a natiue borne in Ireland, that I do either hate or dislike; no, not hee that hath done me the greatest wrong, but do wish him as wel as I wish to my selfe, that god would make vs all wise, and set vs in the right tract that leadeth to life euerlasting.

This is all the malice I beare them, this is all the hurt I meane them, to this end and porpose I haue written this Booke, not against any Papist in particu­lar, but against Popery in generall; for Popery in Ire­land is the original of a number of imperfections, that otherwise would bee reformed, and it is Popery one­ly that hath secluded the English and the Irish from that perfect loue and amity, which else would be im­braced on both partes aswell to the glory of God, as to the great benefit of this Countrey.

God bring it once to passe, that wee might all ioyne together as well English as Irish, in the true ac­knowledgement of one God, of one Religion, of one King, of one Law, and of one loue, this is all that I wish for, and this is all that I haue indeuoured.

FINIS.

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