IF it had chanced that those Historio­graphers, whyche haue writen before me, had pretermit­ted the commenda­tion of Histories, it might bée thought, that I of necessitie & constraint in the beginning of thys my worke, should haue erhorted eue­ry man to the reading of them: espe­cially bicause there is no more plaine or ready waye to the right instruction of life, than facts doon in former passed yeres: but bicause that not only part but all in generall, not by a few mea­nes and reasons haue practised it both in their begynnings and endings, de­claring that the knowledge of them is the best guide and scholemaster to ci­uilitie, [Page] & that they onely are the cause why men with equall and indifferent mindes suffer the varietie and change of Fortune, takyng example at other mens damage: waying these thyngs I thought none would iudge it neces­sarie to recite them againe, whiche haue bene inculcate of so many, studi­ously affecting this kinde of learning, especially not of me, bycause the no­ueltie and strangenesse of the matter which I determine and deliberate to intreate vpon, is of efficacie and force inough to drawe the mindes bothe of yong and olde, to the reading and dili­gent digesting of this my worke. For what man is there so dispising know­ledge, or any so idle and slouthfull to be found, which will eschue or auoide by what policies, or by what kinde of gouernment the most part of nations in the vniuersall world were vanqui­shed, subdued, and in space of thrée and fiftie yeares made subiect and obediēt to the Romanes, which before that time [Page 2] was neuer séene or heard? For who is there so studiously bent, eyther that hath such an ernest affection or zeale to other discipline or studie, that hée supposeth any kynde of knowledge to be of more value, either worthy to be estéemed or preferred before this? But the antiquitie & worthinesse of this my worke, shalbe more manifest, if the soueraigntie & seignorie of those men that flourished in so great glorie and dignitie, of the which the Histo­riographers haue written at large, should be compared to the excellencie of the Romane Empire: & aboue other these are most worthy, for that com­parison. The Persians, in auncient tyme were of greate power and au­thoritie, of maruellous might & riches notwithstanding as oft as they passed the bounds & lymits of Asia, they not onely douted y ^e perdition of their prin­cipalitie, but also y ^e losse of their owne lyues. The Lacedemonians after they had made many conflicts & bickrings, [Page] for the Regiment of the Grecian Em­pire: And at the last hauing obtained their heartes desire, they could scant­ly kepe it twelue yeares in tranquil­litie & quietnesse without great grief, trouble and vexations. The Macedo­nians had the soueraignetie ouer cer­taine partes of Europa, from Adria, to the greate riuer Isther, which is but a smal portion of that region: but after­ward hauing vanquished and suppres­sed the Persians, they enioyed the prin­cipalitie of al Asia. These also though they ruled ouer sundry natiōs and di­uers places, yet they left a great part of the worlde vnconquered: for they neuer endeuoured them selues to sub­due Sicilia, Sardinia, or Affrica, & scant­ly euer heard they tel of y ^e other fierce & vntractable Nations which inhabite towardes the Ponent, or west parts. But the Romanes not only conquered a fewe partes, but subdued & brought the most part of the world in subiecti­on. As concerning the times, thys my [Page 3] historie shal begyn at the hūdreth and fortie Olympiade. Concernyng the warres at the conflicte of the confede­rates and allies, called amongste the Grecians, the sociall warre which Phi­lip sonne of Demetrius, and father to Persius, first made against the Achai­ans, and Aetolians. Of the factes per­petrate by the Asians, at the battaile of Syria, which Antiochus, and Ptolo­meus Philopater, made the one against the other. Concerning the facts of the Italians and Affricans, at the warres betwixt the Romanes and the Carthagi­nenses, commonly called the battaile of Hanniball, for these consequently doe depende of those which are last writ­ten by Sicionius. Before this time ther were many batailes fought in sundrie places: but afterward it chanced that the historie increased and augmented so, that it came (as it wer) into one bo­die: for the state and condition of the Italians, was mixte and intermingled with the Libians, Grecians, & Asians, [Page] so that they all tend & belong to one matter and ende, for the which cause & haue made and taken the beginning of my worke from this time. For whē the Romanes in that battayle had ouer­come and vanquished the Carthagmen­ses, they supposed the chief and worst part to be passed, and therfore thought they might better venter to atchieue the whole: euen at that present they were imboldened to take in hand the conquest of the rest, attempting to sayle with theyr whole strength and power into Grecia and Asia. But if we once perfectly vnderstoode y ^t customes, ordinances & fashions of them which labored and trauayled for atchieuing the rule and dominion of the worlde, peraduenture it should not be requisit any preciselyer to repete by what po­wer or puissance, eyther by what en­forcement they were animated to at­tempte such an enterprise. But con­sidering that the olde maners, ordi­nances and fashions, eyther of the [Page 4] Romans, or the Carthaginenses, were knowen to the moste parte of the Grecians, I supposed it requisite to pre­scribe in this booke, and in the nexte, to disclose theyr power and abylitie, with the famous actes done by them, before I enter into the Historie, least by chaunce some man preparing and indeuoring him selfe to the rea­ding of this worke, might be in doute by what counsaile or power, eyther by what great hope the Romanes were persuaded to the Conqueste of the whole Worlde, and domination of our Seas since, in this my beginning and preparation, all men may cleare­ly perceiue and vnderstande, that the Romans had store and plentie enough of all necessaryes, to the maynte­naunce of such a conquest, and accom­plishing of theyr pretensed purpose. This also is the chief and principall beautifying of any worke wyth the famous and worthy actes perpetrate [Page] in this time, that as Fortune hath caused all things done through the moste parte of the world to tend and belong to one ende and scope, so that likewise in one History or Chronicle, they may well be written & comprised. Which thing chiefly incoraged me to take this Historie in hand, and so much the rather bicause no man before this my time hath attempted to commit to re­membrance y ^t factes perpetrate in the vniuersall and whole worlde, for then wolde not I haue attempted thys en­terprise. But euery one particularly hath mencioned and penned certaine particular warres, with the facts done in them: but of a coniunct commemo­ration of things done vniuersally, ei­ther of their beginnings, or for what cause they began, or what ende they had, there is none as far as I can vn­derstande that hathe written to these dayes. I thought it expedient and ne­cessarie, cōsidering that this my work shoulde come abroade into the handes [Page 7] of my countreymen, being politike & eloquente fellowes to entreate of the most famous renomed and profitable facts of Fortune, which although she hath wroughte many wonderful, pre­clare and notable acts in the dayes of diuers men, worthy of admiration, yet hath she wrought nothyng which exu­perateth, yea or that are to be compa­red with these in our dayes: Whiche worthie acts can not be vnderstād, by reuoluing the writers of priuate Hi­stories, vnlesse there chaunce to bée some such mā, which passyng by a gor­gious and brauely builded citie, or be­holding the parts therof drawn forth, incontinently supposeth that he hath a perfecte knowledge of the situation, sigure, and course of the vniuersall worlde, which is incongruent and im­possible. And verily as I iudge, they no lesse erre and dissent from the truthe, which thinke by readyng a particular or priuate historie to obtaine the exact knowledge of the vniuersal, thā those [Page] which beholding the partes of a liuely and beautifull bodie disperpled and seperate into sundry members, and thinke them selues perfectly to know the good shape and feture of the same ioyned together. But if a man would take and vnite the distincte seperate and seuered partes, setting them ac­cording to theyr due disposition, con­iunction and perfectnesse, then after­warde shew it them againe, vndouted­ly they would confesse to haue erred & gon astray like to one in a dreame, for it is possible that seing the seperate parts, they might conceiue a certaine imagination, but to obtaine a sure knowledge, it is impossible. Where­fore we may well gather, that a parti­cular Historie is nothing to be compa­red with the knowledge of the vni­uersall, in the reuoluing of which, it is impossible that a man shall not take both swéet profit and wonderfull pleasure, by reason of the varietie and worthinesse of matter contained [Page 6] therin.

This booke shall begin at the na­uigation of the Romanes out of Italye, which consequently foloweth those things that were last written by Ti­meus, and was the hundreth twenty & nynth Olimpiad. But now it is ex­pedient that I disclose how & at what time the Italyans prepared and made them selues ready to take shippe into Scicilia, also with what strength and puissance they attempted that voiage which was the first land that they en­tered without Italye, after they hadde appeased the ciuill discorde, domesti­call dissention, and bloudy warres in theyr owne country. Also the original of this profection, must be explaned wythout obscuritie or dissimulation, least in fetching y ^e cause too farre, the entrance and beginning be made am­biguous or doutful. Also ther must be such a beginning, as is agreable with the times & facts, so y ^t one part may de­clare & expounde an other, although in [Page] the repeating of these things, it were, expedient that the actes done in them shoulde be briefly discoursed. For the beginning being vnknowne & dark, it is very harde to make the consequent to be credited: but if the principle or entrance be true, the auditors will haue a firmer opinion of the reste. It was the nintenth yere after that warre, in whiche Simon the Athenian subdued Xerxes, the sixtenth yeare be­fore the battaile foughte against the Leu [...]trans, in which the Lacedemonians, made a treatie concerning peace with the king of the Persians.

Aboute what time Dionisius the elder hauyng vanquished and suppressed the Grecians, inhabiting the coasts of Italy, which bordered vpon Ellepora, besei­ged Regia, a citie of Callabria, at which instante the French men possessed all Rome, sauing the Capitole, at which tyme the Romanes taking truce with them, recouered their auncient liber­tie and fréedome of their countrey, & [Page 5] began to warre agaynst theyr neigh­bours bordering & marching to their region, and hauing ouercome and put in subiection all the Latins, they war­red on the Tuscanes, then with the Frenchmen, & immediatly after with the Samuits. Not long after that, the Tarentines supposing them selues to be in danger for certaine offences which they hadde committed agaynste the Romane Legats, receiued home king Pyrrhus, a yeare before the French­men entered Italye, wyth them that were at Delphos, before being van­quished and fled into Asia.

Now the Romanes hauing tamed the Tuscanes, subdued the Samuits, and driuen the Frenchmen to flight in sundry skermishes, began to enuie the other partes of Italye, not thinking that they trauailed to subdue any fo­raine nation, but that which of right was theyr inheritance, patrimonie & nutritiue soyle. Now the Romanes hauing obteined a perfect habite in the [Page] warrs through daily experiēce vsed in their exploits and conquests vpon the Samnits and Frēchmen, for which cau­ses they earnestely continued in this broyle, to such time as they had expel­led Pirrhus, with his cōfederats & gar­risons out of Italy, then they pursued & turned theyr whole strength against these which had condiscended to him. Now euen at an vnwares, sodenly & vnhoped for, they were becom lords & regentes ouer all the inhabitantes of Italye, except the French men. After this they began to besiege y ^e Romanes which kept Rhegia. A lyke chance hap­pened at that same instaunte to two cities situate in the straightes of that Sea, Rhegia and Messana. For the Campanes, warring vnder Agathocles in Scicilia, wondering at the excellēcy & worthinesse, also at the riches & plē ­tifulnesse of Messana, espying oportu­nitie to accomplish their pretēsed pur­pose, being once receiued within the walles vnder the cloake of frendship, [Page 8] violated the couenant of truce, inua­ding the Citie, thrusting out the Citi­zens and inhabitants, cruelly murde­ring them, seasing theyr wyues and children, euery man as he chaunced, in the conflict and tumult, then they ry­sled and deuided the ryches and trea­sures, with the pleasant pastures and fertil soyle amongst them. Thus they obtayned a most excellente, rich and worthy Citie, impleate with inesti­mable treasure, abounding in plente­ousnesse and store of all things, also within a small tracte of tyme, and imi­tatours of this theyr peruerse enter­prise. For at that time when Pirrhus, King of Epirotes sayled with his army into Italie, the inhabitantes of Rhegia, being dismaide and set in a perplexity with his sodayne arryuall, required ayde and assistaunce of the Romanes (bicause the Carthaginenses, theyr eni­mies ruled the seas) which sent them succoure that defended theyr Cytie for a certayne time.

[Page] They were in number foure thousand men ouer whome Decius and Campa­nus were Prefects & rulers. But in con­tinuance being moued and incitate by the example of the Mamertines or Sa­muites hauing them also confederates of theyr facinorous and wicked con­spiracie, vyolated and falsefied theyr othe made to the Cytizens of Rhegia, being prouoked and allured, partly with the opportunitie of tyme, partly wyth the great riches, substance and abundance of the inhabitans, they de­truded and expulsed the Citizens, af­flicting & tormenting diuers of them, and according as the Mamertines had done before, semblably dyd they now deteining and inhabiting the Cytie. The Romanes althoughe they were sore greued and inwardly vexed with the calamyties chaunced to the Rhe­gians, yet they could not ayde or helpe them presently, being troubled wyth other warres, the which being finished they went & besieged y ^e citie of Rhegia, [Page 9] which in continuance of tyme was ex­pugnate and wonne by force. The de­fendants had so hautely withstoode the assault that the most part were slaine, for they perfectly vnderstoode, if they eyther yelded or were taken by force, that they should not auoid cruell Tor­tors, so that onely thirtie were taken aliue, which incontinently were con­ueyed to Rome, where as the Consuls were led into the market place, there tormented with rods, and then accor­ding to the order of the cuntrey, were cut shorter by the length of their hea­des, both that they might be punished for committing such a hainous offense and for renuing of their amitie with the Rhegians, restoring vnto thē their citie, pastures, and other things that were left. The Mamertines for so the Campanes called thē selues, when they had taken Messana, duryng the time y ^t the Romane Legion deteined Rhegia, beyng mainteined with their aide not only defended & kepte safe their own [Page] boundes and precinctes, but also dis­pleasured and put in ieopardy diuers of the Cities adiacent, as well of the Carthaginēses as of the Siracusans. They had also made tributary vnto them sundry cities of Scicilie. But nowe the Rhegians hauing their citie restored, and they being destitute of the Romane Legions helpe, were enuironed & be­sieged of the Siracusans for certain cau­ses which afterwards shalbe declared. Not long before that time there was a sedition sprong vp betwene the Scicilian souldiers, & the gouernours of the Weale publike, in so much that they constituted captains ouer them of the Artemidans (and him which afterward was their king (one named Hyeron, a very yong man, being but a stripling and of yong yeares, but so furnished and indued with all the giftes of na­ture, as knowledge, vertue, and wise­dome, that he wanted nothing apper­tayning or necessary to a king, except onely a kingdome. When he had ob­teyned [Page 10] the authoritie and regiment of the Souldiours, at the length being enuironed with a great troupe & com­pany of his friends, he entred the citie and toke diuers of the Citizens which were confederats of the rebellion, the which victory he vsed so moderately & mercifully, that all the Siracusans with one voyce and consente (which was a rare thing almost neuer séene before that time) proclaimed him the seconde time gouernour and ruler ouer them. Then Hyeron as he shewed by mani­fest arguments, deliberated and deter­mined to be of greater and hygher estimation than a Captaine. But first of all he weyed & considered with him selfe how the Siracusans were eftsones accustomed immediately after the de­parture of the Captaine and the army from the Citie, to kindle vprores and seditions, therefore perceyuing the honesty and fidelitie of Leptinus, also of what authoritie, credence, and estimation hee was of amongest the [Page] Syracusans, and of howe much reputa­cion and power amongst the inferior sorte, he thought it not incongruent to ioyne himself vnto him by affinitie, that he mighte haue on to liue in the citie, when he with his armie shoulde bée occupied in other affaires. Thus hauing maried the daughter of Lepti­mus, and knit friendshyp with Hymi­nian knots, perceyuing howe the olde Syracusan seruiters, which were hire­lings and conduct souldiers, wer very vnstable fickle & ful of mutabilitie, cō ­monly desirous of newe thyngs and changes, he prepared an armie against the Barbarians, which kept Messana, pitching his tents and pauilions, placing the front of his battaile along the ry­uer of the Ciamossians. Then he tooke both the horsemen and footemen of the Syracusans, as though he would assault his enimies at some other place, re­tiring an other waye with all his po­wer, conducting them safe and with­out damage into the Citie, suffering [Page 11] the rascall and hired souldiers to bée enuironned and inclosed wyth their enimies, so that they were broughte to ruine and vtter confusion. When he had by this meanes dispatched the olde seruiters out of the Citie, he pre­pared & waged souldiers of more cre­dence and stabilitie. Thus hauing set all things in a good and reasonable e­state, and perceiuing the Barbarians to aduaunce and boast them selues, also to be proude and arrogant of the for­mer victorie, so that they dyd al things vnaduisedly, foolishly, and without re­garde, like vndiscrete and harebraine fooles, he with his souldiers and a com­panie of exercised & trained Citizens, departed from the Citie, comming to the fielde Nileum, with a quicke and swift progression, where he fought a terrible fight along the bankes of the riuer Longanus, with the Campanes, in which he vanquished them, and tooke their capitaine. Nowe perceiuing the foolish hardinesse and braynsicke bold­nesse [Page] of the Barbarians to be repressed in this victorie, he returned wyth the Syracusans, where with one voice and common cōsent of the people, he was proclaimed Kyng. The Mamertines first of all as I saide before, being de­stitute of the Romane Legions helpe, then greuously afflicted and troubled with this ouerthrow, were almost vt­terly discoraged, the most parte fled to the Carthaginenses, yelding themselues and their fortresses into their handes. An other company sente Legates to the Romanes, notifying them that they wold yelde their fortresse with all the munitiōs belonging, into their hands, requiring them to assist them as their owne countreymen. The Romanes a great tracte of time, determined wyth themselues what was best to be done, for they iudged it very absurde, foolish, & contrary to reason, that they which a little before had so cruelly tormen­ted their owne citizens for betraying Rhegia, and falsifying theyr truthe, [Page 12] nowe to ayde, succoure, or helpe the Mamertines which were culpable of the lyke offence. But when they con­sidered that the Carthaginenses hadde not only suppressed with violence and force Africa, but also the moste parte of Spayne, with all the Ilandes of Sar­dinia and the Sea Tirrhenum, they sus­pected their neighborhode, which thing woulde sone be brought to passe, vn­lesse they sente succoure and helpe to the Mamertines. Messana being once taken, which by dyuers was offered them as I declared before, there was no daunger in recouering the reste of the Siracusans, especially bycause all other partes of Scicily were vnder their gouernance and power. When the Romanes had throughly pondered these thinges, they supposed that of ne­cessitie and constraint they were com­pelled & enforced to ayde, relieue and defende Messana, not permitting in any case that the Carthaginenses should edifie themselues as it were a bridge, [Page] by the which they might haue frée pas­sage to enter Italy at their pleasure. Yet this matter was long in deter­mining, and in conclusion perceyuing it more dishonest than cōmodious, the Senatours proroged and dismissed it without any resolute determination. The people of Rome, being defatigate and wearied with long warre, nowe were in rest and quietnesse, so that for lacke of their accustomed wages they were sore impouerished, so that they shewing to their captaines, the profite which should ensue by aiding them in­continently it was concluded to ioyne with the Mamertines, whiche decrée was corroborate by the assente of the comminaltie, so that Appius Claudius, one of the Consuls, was elected to con duct an armie into Scicilie in their de­fence. The Campanes being certified of their comming, partely with terrour and threatnings, partely with subtile sleightes and deceiptes, ertruded the Carthaginian captaine out of the citie, [Page 13] whiche before they had receiued, cal­lyng Appius Claudius vnto them yel­dyng the Citie into his tuition. The Carthaginenses tormēted the Prefect of the munition, hanging hym vpon a gi­bet, bicause thorough his dastardly co­wardlynesse they had loste the Citie, and incontinentely with all celeritie they leuied an armye, rygging theyr nauie along Pelorus, pytchyng theyr tentes aboute Messana, circumspectly besieging the Citie Hieron, supposing at this instant a most fitte occasion to be offered for banishyng the Barbari­ans out of Scicilie, which kept Messana, toke truce with the Carthaginenses, and then wyth the Syracusans pitched his tentes by the mount Galchidicum, be­rieuing the Mamertines of that issue. Now the Consull which with greate trouble and perillous dangers hadde passed the sea by night, was arriued at Messana, wher seing the enimies with great strength inuading the citie both by water and lande very sharply and [Page] vehemently, supposing it to be very daungerous and nothyng honorable, dismissed certayne Embassadours to either of his enimies campes, assaying to deliuer the Mamertines with qui­etnesse, all warre and strife appeased. But perceiuing that neither of the ad­uersaries wold giue eare to the words of the embassage, and in the ende be­ing forced to danger himself, he deter­mined first to encounter and contend with the Siracusans. Then he began to order hys Souldiours, imbattayling and placing his forefronts against Hy­eron, giuing vnto them diuers exhorta­cions, during which time the Siracusan Captaine made no lesse preparaunce. This conflicte continued a long time very sharpe and terrible, but in con­tinuance the Romanes had the victory, where hauing slaine many of their en­nimies, boldly pursued the kyng into his pauilion, then the Consull hauing spoyled and rifled the deade bodies, en­tred the Citie with his hoste. Nowe [Page 14] Hyeron mistrusting all thinges, in the night folowing departed with the re­sidue of the Scicilian army. Appius in the nexte morning perceyuing theyr departure intended to pursue them, and musteringe his Souldiours com­maunded that they shold looke to their woundes, and prouide for the pursuite of their enimies against the next mor­ning: so in the dawning of the day he set forward, and coaping with his eni­mies, deuoured parte with the sword, causing the rest to bestow themselues in villages adiacent. Thus hauing raised the siege without interruption, he made diuers incursions, inuading the groundes of the Siracusans & others bordering nigh, foraging and ransac­king and depopulating their goods, and in the ende besieging them. This was the first profection y ^t the Romanes made out of Italy for the causes preceding, at the which chiefly I toke my beginning bicause I thought it a most apt & per­fect beginning of this my work, repea [Page] those things somwhat exactlier which were thought necessary, lest I should pretermitte any doubtes, in explica­tyng the causes. For I supposed it ne­cessarie to be reueled how the Romans stode in greate danger and distresse, e­uen in ieopardie of losing their owne citie. Also after what maner hauing recouered Italy again, they attempted to subdue foraine nations. Also I ad­iudged it very necessary to declare the excellencie and magnificencie of their Empire, y ^t the florishing estate which it came to afterward, might be y ^t bet­ter credited, by the true knowledge of their original. Wherfore if it chaunce the sequele of this my woorke, when I come to speake of famous Cities, that I digresse in shewyng any thyng exactlier than the matter is thought to require, let no man wonder at it, se­ing I doe it to that ende and purpose, that my narration may be such, wher­by we may precisely knowe and per­fectly vnderstande howe and by what [Page 15] meanes euery one came to that state in which they are at this present, ac­cording as I haue done of the Romans. But nowe the time requireth to pre­termit these things, and that I should returne to my incepted purpose, and that whiche I intended in the begyn­nyng, first compendiously shewyng those things whiche were done before the times that I intende to mencion of. Of whiche the battaile foughte in Scicilia betwixte the Romanes and the Carthaginenses is the firste. Then the Punike or ciuile warre in the which is conteined the facts of Amilcar and As­druball, with the other thinges perpe­trate by the Carthaginenses, descending to those times in which the Romanes made their first exploit into Illiria and the other partes of Europa. Further­more I must entreate of the conflictes and contentions betwixt the Romanes and the Frenchmen, which wer in Italy at that time. Also of the warre called Cleomonicum which was at that presēt [Page] amongst the Grecians, to the which all these my circumstaunces belonge. For it is not necessary for me to speke of euery particular thinge, neyther should it be profitable to the Readers, or delectable to the hearers hereof. Al­so I purposed not to write any history of them, but summarily to touch those thinges whych are necessarie to the knowledge of these I haue in hande. Wherefore I will ouerrun them as briefly as is possible, endeuouring my selfe to conioyne the ende of thē with the beginning of this work, for by the continuation and hanging together of them and my narration, I suppose most sincerely to touch these things, whych other writers haue written, and also to prepare a very facile and ready way to the true knowledge of this history. But before we make any further progression, it is my pleasure and fantasy, more aduisedly, and in an ampler sorte to intreat of the warres made by the Romanes against the Car­thaginenses [Page 16] for the domination of Sci­cily, bicause there hath no battayle ben séene of more continuance, that had more preparance made for it, either that conteyned more famous and no­ble actes, eyther so terrible conflictes, or more varietie & chaunge of chaun­ces. At that time both the countreys were like in strength and puissance, of a reasonable abilitie. Wherefore if any consider the strength and power of both the cities and Empires, he shal vnderstand that in no other warrs or time after that they might be so well resembled. This also specially persua­ded, enforced and pricked me forward to write of this warre, bicause those which are thought to haue pende it most faithfully, as Philinus and Fabius, farre dissente and disagree from the truthe. But though I dare not say they erred willingly and of a set pur­pose, yet I thinke they were decey­ued (as affectoures are accustomed) by too much fauouring of theyr coun­countrey [Page] men. For Philinus writeth by affection and a natural motion, that the Carthaginenses dyd all thyngs lyke strong, valiant, and couragious Cap­tains. Then Fabius is in y ^t Diameter quite dissenting. But I thinke there is none which reprehendeth the reste of their liues for this, considering that it is a good and honest mans duetie ra­ther to fauour his friendes and nutri­tiue soile, than forayn nations. But it is his duetie which taketh in hand the writing of a historie, to moderate him selfe and abstaine from all parcialitie, yea oft times to extoll and prayse hys vtter enimies when by their desertes they deserue to be wel spokē of Other times to reprehend their countreymē and frends when their facts are found woorthie of reprehension. For as a beast hauing his eies scratched out, the rest of his body is fit for no vse or pro­fite, semblably the vse of a historie be­ing falsified, it is altogether vnprofi­table. Wherfore we must neither ab­stain [Page 17] from reprehēding our frends, ne yet frō cōmending our enimies, when they merite it, neither is it to be thought foolish to prayse those at sundry ti­mes, considering that these of whom to speke presently, could neyther con­tinually conquer victoriously, neither is it like that they always toke the foyle. And that these things are true which I haue spoken, it may be gathe­red by those things which Philinus hath written. These are his words in the beginning of his second boke. The Carthaginenses, and the Siracusans, be­sieged Messana, where the Romane souldiors arriuing, incontinently en­countred with the Siracusans, of whom they being ouercome, & almost put to vtter confusion, réentred the citie, & attēpting an other insult with y ^e Car­thaginenses, were not onely spoyled & put to flight, but also y ^e most part takē. Immediatly after these, he sheweth how Hieron was so affrighted after y ^e combate, that he not onely fyering his [Page] tents & pauilions fled away by night, but also forsoke & left all the strongest fortified and well fenced castels, situ­ate betwixt Messana and Scicilye. He reporteth also how the Carthaginenses in that conflict were so daunted, y ^t they for sooke their tentes, dispersing them selues in the Scicilian villages, not be­ing hardie after that daye to attempt any thing with their armie. Also how the Prefects perceiuing the mindes of the people to be so discouraged, coūsai­led them no more after y ^t day to com­mit them selues to the mutabilitie of Fortune in battaile. He sheweth also how the Romans pursuing the Cartha­ginenses, not onely wasted, spoyled and foraged their prouince and the Syracu­sans, but also to haue besieged the Sci­cilians, the which things are so absurd, foolish and incongruent, that it were vayne & mere foly to persist in their consultation. For those which a little before besieged Messana, and as he sayde, were conquerers in y ^e battaile [Page 18] immediatly & without intermission, he declareth how hauing their hearts surprised with great feare, they fled a­way, lurking in the cotages and hou­ses of the Citie, vntill they were be­sieged. And those which hardly before were kept in their citie by the Cartha­ginenses & foyled in fight, streight way he maketh conquerours, spoyling the territoryes of their enimies, with di­uers incursions, and finally inuading their citie. But these by no reasō can agrée. Wherefore of necessitie eyther that which he putteth firste, or the which he placeth last, must be false & of no effecte. But this is manifestly knowne to all men, that the Carthagi­nenses and Syracusans, after they hadde fledde from theyr tentes, conueyed them selues immediatly to the Citie, where without intermission, the Ro­manes besieged the Scicilians, which proueth and corroborateth his last po­sition, so that of necessitie his first assertion must nedes be false, vntrue, [Page] and of no value. For the Romanes ob­tained victorie in the battaile foughte by Messana. Yet he foolishly fained thē to haue ben vanquished of the Cartha­ginenses. Oftentymes of this fashion erreth Philinus incongruentely, and without reason: and Fabius according­ly as I shall shewe in their places.

But now to returne to my purpose from the whiche I haue somewhat di­gressed by shewing these things, that thereby the studious affecters of this worke might better perceiue the con­ueyaunce of the historie. When the fame was divulgate & broughte from Scicilie to Rome, of the prosperous and fortunate successe chaunced to Appius & the rest of the Roman souldiers, Mar­cus Valerius and Caius Octacilius being create Consulls, were bothe sent into Scicilie with the Romane armie, in the which host were foure legions, all Ro­manes, by the aides whiche was sente them yearely by their allies, euery le­gion conteinyng foure thousand foote [Page 19] men and thrée hundreth horsemen. At the arriuall of the Consulls many Ci­ties bothe of the Carthaginenses, and the Syracusanes reuolted vnto them. Hieron perceiuing the Scicilians to bée discouraged, also the number and po­wer of the Romanes to be augmented, supposed that their amitie shoulde be more commodious to hym than the frendship of the Carthaginenses: wher­fore he dismissed certaine ambassadors to the consuls to intreat for peace, the Romans perceyuing the Carthaginenses kept the seas in euery corner, & beyng afrayd least at any time they shold be destitute of victuals, they supposed y ^e the friendshippe of Hieron, shoulde be very commodious to them for the pre­uenting of such casualties, so that they concluded peace with the Siracusans on these conditions: That the King shold restore the captiues whiche he had in prison to the Romanes withoute raun­some. Moreouer, that they should pay an hundreth talentes of money, and [Page] then to be receiued and admitted as friends to the Romans. King Hyeron hauing gotten him selfe thus vnder the protection of the Romans, ayded and supported them with victuals and other necessaries, as oft as necessitie required, passing the rest of his life in more happy and fortunate estate than any other of y ^e Grecians, so that in mine opinion his life was more honorable & renowmed than any of the residue, continuing in like estate and happie successe a great tracte of time bothe in publike and priuate affayres. As sone as these news were published at Rome they condescended to them, liking ve­ry well the conditions and peace con­cluded with Hieron: after that daye they thought it not necessary to sende their whole strength and power with­out Italy, supposing two legions to be sufficient, bicause they thought the warre not so perillous the king being associate vnto thē, also for that of him they should haue plenty of such things [Page 20] as were necessarie to the Army. The Carthaginenses, perceiuing Hieron to be reuolted and become their enimie, and the Romanes to haue the greater part of Italye in possession, supposed that they neded greater puissance to withstand their force, so y ^t they wrote to y ^e Ligurian Captaines & prefectes of the Gallician army, also to the Spanish souldiers for ayde. Which being arri­ued in Scicilie, and perceiuing the citie of Agrigentine to be a place very fyt for their purpose & strong munition against their enimies, bordering a­gainst them, stored it with great plēty of victuals, and vsed it as a warlike munition against the Romans. The Consuls hauing cōcluded peace wyth Hieron, voyded out of the Prouince. After their departure, Lucius Posthu­mius & Quintus Aemilius being elec­ted in their places, came into Italye, with the army, which hauing diligent­ly considered the preparation of the Carthaginenses, made about the Citie of y ^e Agrigentines, being of more auda­citie [Page] than theyr predecessors, thought it necessarie earnestly to apply theyr matters in Scicilie. Wherefore they mustred all theyr souldiours together & inuaded the Citie, incamping them selues within eight furlongs of the munition, keping their enimies with­in the Citie. Now it was Autumne, & euery man supposed that the siege would continue very long, for which cause the souldiers left their Campes boldly, laboring sorer than nede requi­red to get in their haruest. The Car­thaginenses seing their enimies rouing and wandering abroade here & there in the prouince aduēturously & with­out circumspection, hadde a good hope that the Romane Legions that daye might be vanquished, and easely op­pressed, so that they rushed out with great violence, parte into the tentes and campe, and part amongst the rea­pers and laborers. But the diuersitie of maners and orders, as they haue ofte tymes preserued many, so the [Page 21] Romans this daye especially by them were exempt from dangers: for there is a law amongst them, that whosoe­uer in the time of warre absēteth him selfe out of his appointed station, or wandereth out of the Campe, for so doing he must receiue Martiall law. By the which good order, it fortuned that the Carthaginenses, being a grea­ter multitude and number of men, yet by the noble and valiant resistance of the Romans, and with the losse of many souldiers, the Africans had the grea­ter foile, and in the ende were driuen from the Campe and fled away, many of them being spoyled in the pursute, and the rest with greate ioy of their enimies driuen within the walles. Such feare raigned in bothe armyes by the daunger of this day, that after­warde the Carthaginenses were not bolde so rashely and withoute regarde to enter the campe of their enimies, neyther permitted the Romanes their souldiers so vnaduisedly to runne on [Page] haruesting. Now when the Carthagi­nenses desisted any more to vrge their enimies with extern skirmishes, figh­ting onely farre off with shaftes and dartes, the Consuls deuided their ar­my into two parts, laying y ^e one com­pany at the temple of Aesculapius, and incamping y ^t other on that side which lyeth toward Heraclea, being the iust midst betwixt the two Armies, they incompassed with a double ditch ey­ther side of the Citie, making one be­twixt them & the walles of the holde, to defende them from sodaine inuasi­ons, there was also a nother diche cast on y ^e outside, least the fortresse shoulde be succored as it often times chanceth to cities besieged. They fortified y ^e pla­ces betwixt the ditches and the hoast, with diuers garisons of men: victuals and other necessaries for the Campe, were brought by the Siracusans into Erbesum from whence the Romans ca­ried them into their tents, for y ^e town was not farre distante from them.

[Page 22] The two Armies laye thus fiue mo­neths, in the which time nothing was done of eyther part worthy of remem­brance. But in continuance of tyme when hunger & famin began to pinch & nip the Carthaginenses by reason of y ^e great multitude inclosed in the citie, (for they amoūted to aboue fifty thou­sand men) then Annibal which was ruler of the Citie, altogether mistru­sting of his matters sent word to Car­thage to certifie them, not onely how the Citie was besieged, but also to re­quire them of ayde and succour, wyth which newes the Carthaginenses being moued, they prepared an Army, and collected a great number of Elephāts & shippes which they sent to Hanno, their other captaine in Scicilia, who hauing gathered his men togither, went to Heraclea, where he ponde­ring all things aduisedly, tooke the Towne of Erbesum by treason, with al the victuals & necessaries belonging to the hoaste which vnto that day had [Page] ben the greatest storer, and chief sup­porter of the Romans, by which losse it came to passe that the Consuls were as fiercely assalted as they did defend, and were ofte brought to that staye through penurie and wante of other necessaries, that sundry tymes they deliberated of dissoluing theyr camp, which vndoutedly hadde chaunced in continuance, if that Hyeron King of the Syracusans, had not with great dili­gence prouided and ministred necessa­ry things to the host. After this Han­no perceiuing the Romans to be infec­ted with sicknesse & penury, (for there was a great plague in the camp,) and seing his souldiers very apt and redy for the battaile, gathered together a­boue fiftie Elephants, making all things in a redynesse and bringing his power out of Heraclea, commaunding the Numidian horsmen to marche be­fore, and ioyning with their enimies to prouoke their horsemen as much as they could to enter the battayle, [Page 23] then they to take their slight without staying, vnto such time as they came vnto him. The Numidians obeyed the commaundement of their Gene­rall, for at the first they so prouoked their enimies, y ^t incontinently the Ro­man horsemen rushed vpon them very rashly, the Libians according to y ^e pre­cept of their Captaine, without resi­stance fled vntill they came to him, at which sight the Romans turned theyr backs, but Hanno with his company handled thē hotly, killing many & pur­suing the rest into their Campe. This broyle being thus finished, the Cartha­ginenses departed with their army & in­camped on a hill called Torus, but. x. furlongs distāt from the army of their enimies, wher they lingered two mo­neths without any enterprise, sauing with shooting of arrows and casting of darts. In y ^e meane time Annibal made many signes & tokens bothe by messē ­gers & beacons in y ^e night to Hanno, y ^t y ^e souldiers were not able to susteins [Page] the famine any longer, & how many of his retinue were reuolted to y ^e Romans for want of sustenance. Hanno being moued with these newes, imbattailed his men & set all things in order. The Consuls likewise, with no lesse dili­gence prepared them to y ^e conflict, be­ing moued with the daungers before declared. Bothe y ^e armies were cōduc­ted into an equall place, where they coped together with eager and sharpe onsets. This conflict continued long very terrible & dispitefull, at y ^e length the Romans caused the first battayle of the Carthaginenses to recoyle and giue backe, who rashly & without regarde, brast in among the Elephants, wyth which the beasts being afraide, disqui­eted and troubled the whole army, in which broyle y ^t Romans charged them earnestly, compelling the Carthaginen­ses quite to forsake the field. The Afri­cans being proflygate, & in this maner almost brought to vtter confusion, part pauned their liues for stāding by it, the remenant fled to Heraclea. The [Page 24] Romans hauing gathered the praie of Elephants and other booties gained of the Carthaginenses, returned with their retinue into their camps. That night the garde of the Roman hostes watch was negligētly kept, what for the in­speakable ioy of their prosperous suc­cesse (as is oft times seene in such bra­ueries) & for the great trauayle taken in the conflict. Annibal desolate & abā ­doned of all help, & hauing no hope of aide, esteming y ^t to be a most coueni­ent time for him & his souldiers to es­cape forth, for the causes before remē ­bred, issued out with his army which lay in Agrigentine, at midnight, tho­rough the campe of y ^e Romans, without daunger or interruption, strawing the wayes with chaffe. The Romans in the dawning of the next morning percei­uing their enimies to be fled, began a pursute, but incontinētly retorned to y ^e Citie where their army without in­terruption or resistance assailyng the gates, entred within the walles, spoy­ling & raunsacking all things within [Page] famous towne, seasing & taking great praie of goodes and seruāts, with other inestimable booties, When word was come to Rome, how the Carthaginenses were discomforted, & Agrigentine ta­ken, they began to wax insolent and angry and assaying greater things, not being content with those things which they entēded in the beginning, to ayde the Mamertines, & defend Mes­sana, for to resist the power of the Car­thaginenses in Scicilie. But now hoping after greater principalities, they pur­posed to expell them quite out of the prouince, supposing by that meanes of their doings shold haue more prospe­rous successe. Through these cogitati­ons, they were moued and determi­nately bent concerning their exploits in Scicilye, knowyng that their foote men were of more prowesse & worthi­nesse than their enimies. After the ex­pugnation of Agrigentine, Lucius Vale­rius & Titus Octacilius elected Consuls, and hauing a great army leuied, were sent into Scicilye, so that nowe their [Page 25] strength was equal: for y ^e Carthagineses had domination ouer the seas, ruling euery angle at libertie without inter­ruption, whych is an euident argu­ment, that after the suppression of A­grigentine, many of the Mediterrane townes in Scicilie reuolted to the Ro­manes for dred of their great puissance of footemen. But after that the fléete was abroade, it is to be thought that many moe situate by the sea coastes, yelded themselues for fear to the Car­thaginenses. Thus Fortune fauoured eyther part equally, but Italy was oft times sore molested with the incursi­ons of the Libian Nauie. But Africa was nothing troubled with any army or hoste of their enimies: which thing being diligently pōdered, the Romanes determined to coape with thē by sea. Which thyng especially solicitated & prouoked me to speake of this warre at large, least any should be ignoraunt of this principle, how & at what time, and for what causes the Romanes were [Page] enforced to prepare a Nauy to encoū ­ter with their aduersaries. When the Romanes perceiued that the war could not otherwise be finished, they prepa­red a Nauy of an hundreth & twenty shippes, of the which a hundreth were Quinqueremes, and the residue Tri­remes. In the preparance of this nauy the Quinqueremes were very combe­rous & hard to be built, bicause no such Barkes were vsed in Italy before that time, for which cause the excellency & magnanimitie of the Romanes is to be maruelled at, being men altogether ignorant of the seas, which before that time hadde neuer regarded the know­ledge therof, nowe so couragiously to venter vpon them, as though they had already vāquished their enimies, with whom they neuer tryed that kinde of combat. Also considering how at that present the Africans by the iudgemēt of all men, were most expert & actiue vpon the waters, as a thing left vnto thē by their forefathers for an inheri­tance, which is both a singuler testimo [Page 26] ny & a good argument of the worthi­nesse of y ^e acts which I intend to treate of, & the hautinesse of the Romanes. For at their firste sayling to Messana, they had not only no ships of war, but scāt­any little Barke or vessell, but boro­wing ships of the Tarentines, Locrines, and Neapolitans, for the safetie of their army. There rode at that present ma­ny of the Carthaginēses ships about the coastes of Scicily, frō whence one of the quinqueremes houering aloofe frō the rest of y ^e fléet, being wracked, by chāce came to y ^e hands of y ^e Romans, at which thei toke exāple to make theirs: whilst y ^e nauy was in furnishing, y ^e army was trained in learning to row after this maner. Ther wer seats made orderly in the sande, in which the Romanes sat, & were warned by the voice of a gene­ral which stode in the midst of them, to stretch forth their armes altogither, and likewise to drawe them in by the sande, so that at a certaine signe, they all began and lefte of togither. Accor­dyng to this rate they lerned to rowe, [Page] then the shippes being finished, they entred the sea, & within a fewe dayes after made a true trial in the waters. Gaius Cornelius the Consul, which not long before was made generall of the Nauy, hauing brought all the shippes into the déepe, passed the seas to Messa­na with seuentene sayle, leauing the residue about the coastes of Italy. Whē he had prepared all things necessary to his Fleete at Messana, spying a conue­nient time, he passed wyth the same shippes to the Ilands Hyparides. About that time Hanniball the Carthaginean capitaine was ariued at Pauormus. He hearing tell of the Consuls arriuall, sent one Boodius a Senatour of Car­thage thither with twenty ships, which comming vpon them sodainly in the night, finding the Romanes ships in the Hauen, enuironed them. The Consull thus being preuented at vnawares, wist not what way was the best to take, but in the ende yelded himselfe as ouercome to his enimies, which in­continently [Page 27] conueyed him & the prises to Hannibal. Within a few days after this ouerthrowe of Cornelius, Hanni­bal vpō whom fortune as yet through hir benignitie had smiled, not oppres­sing him with any sinister chance, hearing tell that the Romane Nauie rode in the coastes of Italy, not farre distant from Scicily, earnestly desired to be­holde the multitude, order, and buyl­ding of his ennimies Nauie: for the which purpose he elected fiftie shippes, and passed into Italy, but in stede of the Italian coastes (Fortune now turning hir tippet) he was driuen amongest the fléete of his enimies, which being well prepared and ready at all points, assailed him immediatly, so that loosing the most part of his shippes, he escaped away very hardly, yet better than he did hope for. After this the Romanes setting towarde Scicilie, were aduerti­sed by the captiues, of the misfortune chaunced to the Consul, wherfore they sent a poste to Caius Duellius his com­panion [Page] and capitaine of the footemen. But whilst thei houered for him, word came that the power of their enimies was at hand, therfore they dressed thē ­selues towards the naual conflict. But considering how their ships were ve­ry slowe and nothing apt to celeritie, they inuented certain munitions and defences for euery one of them, after­ward called Crowes. The munition was founde in this sorte. There was a piller of wood erected in the sterne of the ship, four elles in length and thrée hands in bredth, hauing in the toppe a pulley with stayres made of planckes adioyning to it, which were four foote in breadth and six elles in length, the stayres were made hollowe, hauing munitions in fashion of battlements vp to the toppe of the cannes and knée plates, in the ende of the piller was a sharpe instrument of iron tyed to the stayres wyth a rope in a ryng, and it was in fashion much like to a mattock so that this engine resembled much [Page 28] those with the which corne is hoysted out of shippes, with the which inuen­tion as sone as they ioyned with their enimies, slacking the rope and letting it downe, it fastned insolubly in theyr aduer aries Barke by the heauinesse of the weight, so that if the forepartes met, two men descended together by the staires, the two formoste always bearing targets, with which they de­fended the rest. If they met crosspath or ouerthwartes, they easily skipped out at all parts. After this preparance to the Nauall warre, Caius Duellius hauing knowledge of the infortunate chaunce, happened to hys compani­on captaine of the nauie, left his hoste with the Tribunes, hasting hym selfe towardes the fleete: and hearing saye, that the Carthaginenses were not ve­rie farre from Mylis, with great spéede made thyther wyth hys whole power. The Africanes as soone as they heard tell of theyr enimies comming, were in hope to haue good successe (supposing [Page] the Romanes to be vnskilfull in gouer­ning a Nauie) wherefore they prepa­red thirty ships, putting them forth to maete their enimies without al feare, as though they had gone forth to fetch home some wonne booty: their captain was Hanniball, which (as I haue she­wed a litle before) conducted his army out of Agrigentine in the night time through his enimies campe. He had a Septireme, which in time past belon­ged to Pirrhus king of Epirotes. Nowe when the Nauies were within pro­spect one of the other, and that the en­gins were espied in euery ship sterne, the Carthaginenses were sore discoura­ged at the aspect of such a rare sight, but at the length reiecting all fearfull and dastardly cowardnesse, little estee­ming the newe inuented engines, set vpon their enimies with a bolde cou­rage. The shippes being grapled to­gither, the Romanes assayled their eni­myes, descending out of their owne shippes into theirs, by their newe in­uented [Page 29] engins. Many of the Carthagi­nenses were slayne, the rest amazed at the pollicy of their aduersaries, yelded to them. This conflict resembled much the conflicts and skirmishes made on the lande and not much vnlike in dan­ger. Thus were the thirty shippes ta­ken which assayled the Romanes wyth the Pretors, which as I shewed before bēlonged to king Pirrhus. Hannibal sée­ing all things chaunce contrary to his expectatiō, with hard shift in this trou­blesome tumult, slipping into a skiffe or shippe bote, fled away. The residue of the Carthagenean Nauye entred ac­cordingly vpon their enimies, but per­ceiuing how the former company wer entrapped with their enimies engins, began to practise their fraudulent fet­ches & deceitful wiles, not entring ac­cording to the accustomed guyse, but ouerthwartly vsing y ^e celerity of their shippes, supposing therby to escape the daunger. But the inuentions were so aptly disposed and placed, that they ea­sily [Page] clasped them which waye so euer they entred, with which strange sight the Carthaginenses beyng amazed, toke their flight, hauing lost fiftie ships in that conflict. The Romanes hauing thus obtained the domination of the seas, persisted in their warres, and earnest­lier employed their busines, sailing in­to the coastes of Segestana, deliuering the towne there from besieging, then setting from them, they wonne the ci­tie Macella. After these warres on the sea, Amilcar captaine ouer the Cartha­ginean army, which then lay in Scicilie, hearing tell how there was a conten­tion sprong betwixt the Romane soul­diers, and the aydes (sent from their confederates) contending of their pro­wesse and worthie acts, insomuch that the forainers their adiutours, beyng vanquished, were incamped by them selues. Wherfore Hanno with al dili­gence hasted towardes them, so that sodaynly ere they were aware, he de­stroyed about foure thousande.

[Page 30] After these factes thus finished, An­nibal with the remnant whiche were escaped from the conflict, came to Car­thage, from whence soone after accom­panied with certaine noble captaines & a nauie of triremes, he was sente in to Sardinia, where within a fewe days after, being inclosed in a certaine por­terangle, by the Romanes lost the most part of his shippes, him selfe escapyng the hands of his enimies: but shortly after being taken of the Carthaginenses he was hanged for his euill doings on the gallows. The Romanes as soone as they had obteined the soueraintie and rule of the seas, with all diligence em­ployed them selues for to inuade Sar­dinia.

The nexte yeare following, there was no valiaunt acts done by the Ro­mane armie in Scicilie, worthie of re­membraunce. Caius Sulpitius and Au­lus Rutelius, afterwarde created Con­sules, were sent to Pauorinus, bicause at that presente, the power of the [Page] Carthaginenses lay there. At their arri­ual immediatly they embatailed their men before the citie, but the Carthagi­nenses being within the walles offered not once to come forth, which thing the Romanes perceyuing, departed frō thence to Hippana, which they immedi­atly toke. They likewise toke Missi­stratus, which by reason of impregna­blenesse had resisted a certaine time. Thē they brought their army against the Camerenenses, which a little before had rebelled against them, which with terrible continuance, warlike wea­pons, and tearing torments they van­quished. Atna & diuers other townes were taken by them. Also Lippara was besieged by them. About this time Au­lus Tutelius the Consull and captaine of the Nauie lay in the coastes of the Tinderitans, where he espied the Car­thaginean Nauie sayling by the coaste, wherfore he commaunded his men in­continently to make them ready in al hast, and follow him. Then he accom­panied [Page 31] with ten shippes, marched for­warde before the rest. The Carthagi­nenses espying this tricke, how part of their enimies were but entring into their shippes, another sort launching into the déepe, and the first company farre distant from all the rest, they re­turned sodainly with an incredible ce­leritie drowning many of the Romanes shippes, and the Pretors shippe with those that were in hir, scantly escaped with great rowing and much labour. Whilst this broyle was in hand y ^e rest of the Romane nauy marching forward mette with their enimies, toke tenne fraughted prises, sinking eight, y ^e rest fleeing away retyred to Lippara. Both the captains departed frō this conflict, eyther of them attributing the victory to himselfe, for which cause they more ardently prepared for the Naual war, during which time nothing was done amongst the footemen worthy of no­ting, but troubled themselus with tri­fles. In the beginning of the next som­mer [Page] hauyng furnished them selues of all necessaries, they repaired to the warre againe. The Romanes met to­gither at Messana, with thrée hundreth and thirtie quinqueremes, frō whence they sailed by the south syde of Scicilie, hauing ouercome the countrey of Pa­chinus, to E [...]nomon, where the footemen abode for them. The Carthaginenses passed the sea with thrée hundreth and fiftie shippes, remaining at Lilybeum. The Romanes consulted concernyng a voyage into Africa, iudging it requi­site to sayle thither with their whole puissance, to the ende that the Cartha­ginenses shoulde not only be disquieted in Scicily, but also molested at home in their natiue countreye. On the other part the Carthaginenses perceuing how easie a thyng it was to descende into Lybia, also howe faynte hearted the people were, the ennimie beyng once entred into the Prouince, therefore they intended incontinentely to en­counter with the Romanes, hopyng by [Page 32] that meanes to stoppe their exploite into Africa. In this manner the one parte preparing to inuade, and the o­ther to resiste, foreshewed the greate warres to ensue. The Romans hauing prepared all things necessarie to their Nauie, elected out of their number of footmen, suche as were of most hautie and valyant corage, imbarkyng them then they made a quadripartite diui­sion of their Nauie, gyuyng to euery parte a double name, sauyng to the last, which still reteyned the name of the rearewarde, as is accustomed in other battailes. There was aboue a hundreth and fortie thousande men in the Romane nauie, euery ship had thrée hundreth rowers, and sixe score figh­tyng men.

The Carthaginenses hauyng prepa­red theyr Nauie of shyppes, béeyng fraughted onely with men, amoun­ted at the least to the numbre of a hundreth and fiftie thousand: so that not onely the beholders, but also they [Page] which heard tell of the huge number, great abilitie, and worthy acts of these two armies, may wonder. The Ro­manes perceyuing that this their naui­gatiō of necessitie must be ouertwhart and crooked, also calling to minde the expertnes of their enimies in rowing, purposed to make their course inuin­cible, placing the two Sepremes in which Marcus Attilius & Lucius Man­lius were in y ^e forefront with an equal distance, after these the first & seconde warde followed, kéeping like compasse which betwixt euery two was enlar­ged with their stemmes sticking out­warde. The Nauy being protract on a length, fronting on the former ships, had a triangle on each syde, vnto the which was ioyned the thirde Nauy, in the maner of a proppe or piller, so that the three frontes being disposed thus, they resembled a perfect triangle. Af­ter the third Nauy came the carts and foists, in which their horses were trās­ported, & there was cordes which rea­ched [Page 33] out of them into the third nauie: after these came y ^e reareward in their order, which were disposed that they surmounted and exceded the wing of them which marched before. The Romane fléete being sette in order af­ter this maner, the first partes which were the two triangles of the sides, were voyd in the midst, the other that folowed, y ^t is to say, they which came after the piller or strēgth, were more solide, so that the whole nauie was sure and indissoluble. By this time the Carthaginean Captaines had gathered their strength and exhorted their soul­diers that they should be of bolde and stoute corage, informing them if they conquered the Romans in this combat, afterward they should fight for the re­giment and soueraigntie of Scicilye: but if the Romans shold suppresse them they should not warre for Scicilie, but for their countrey, for theyr fréedome and for their childrē. Hauing thus in­censed [Page] their souldiers, they commaun­ded them to goe a boorde. They in­continently obeyed the commaunde­ment of theyr generall, shewing them selues very forwarde, percei­uing the eminent danger. Now when the gouernours of the Carthaginean army had perceiued the order of the Roman fléete, they likewise diuided their Army into foure partes, of the which thrée be launched into the déepe, & lay with their right wing extended out in length with the foure partes of their shippes bent towardes their enimies, as though they would haue inuironed them. The fourth parte which was the left wing, remayned as vnder a munition by the shore. Hanno and Amilcar were generalls of the Carthaginean nauie. Hanno ruled ouer the right wing, hauing with him the swifter shippes, and A­milcar the left, with the slugs. This was he which (as is before declared) [Page 34] escaped so hardly at Tindarides. Now Amilcar vsed this pollicie. The Consuls at their firste méeting, espy­ing the forefront of the Africans to be very thinne, brust in through the middest of them with great violence, which according as Amilcar had com­maunded, fained a recoyle, to the ende that they might seuer and disioyne the Roman nauie, which pursued them now earnestle, so that the firste and second warde marching after theyr enimies, and the thyrd and fourth comming slowly after, caused that the two first wards were seperated from the last. Which seperation being per­ceiued of the Carthaginenses, there was a signe made out of Amilcars shippe, as they were agréed before, at which sight with a sodayne inuersion they returned, inuading the Romans which pursued them. The battayle was ve­ry terrible and cruell. The Carthagi­nenses farre exceded the Romans, in sub­till [Page] fleights and swift rowing: but af­ter that it came to handblowes, & the shippes were grapled, the Romans passed in strength & worthinesse. Ac­cording as I haue declared, was the beginning of the nauall warres. Han­no which (as I declared before) was captaine of the right wing, espying the battaile to be begonne with the forewarde of the Romans, set forwarde to inuade the rearewarde, where was a terrible & perillous conflict, during long & very douteful. Then the fourth warde of y ^e Carthaginenses set towards their enimies & incountred with that fléete which had the ferry botes, who letting the ropes slippe, assailed them very fiercely. Thus was the battaile deuided into thrée partes, & there was thrée nauall conflictes at one tyme, euery one farre seperate from ano­ther. In the which the fightes were a­like, bicause of their equalitie, eche parte encountred other couragiously, [Page 35] all things went alyke on bothe sides. Then in continuaunce, Amilcar with his company were put to flight, Luci­us Manlius persisted in pursuing hys enimies, but Marcus Attilius espying the conflictes in the rearewarde, and amongst y ^t Hulkes, hasted him to aide them with the second ward: the reare­warde which had ben in great perill & daunger, and almost supprest by Han­no, were so incoraged and animated by the Consuls comming, that they fought couragiously. The Carthaginen­ses being thus sodainly intrapte with their enimies on euery syde, trusting to the celeritie and swiftnesse of their shippes, thrust into the déepe and fled away. During this time the third na­uie of the Romanes which laye by the shore, was sore assauted & grieuously oppressed by the Carthaginenses, but Lucius Manlius and Marcus Attilius ha­uing set the reareward and the other in safetie, toke their course a contrary way to ayde them being in distresse [Page] which laye as though they had ben be­sieged & almost ouercome, which had chāced in déede, but y ^t the Carthaginen­ses being afraid of theyr crowes, durst not graple with thē, so that they one­ly studyed to driue them to the shore. But the Roman Consuls hauing at vnwares incompassed them, tooke fif­tie of theyr fraughted pryses, the re­sidue being driuen to the shore, fledde away. Thus these thrée battayles were foughte seuerally betwixt the Romans and the Carthaginenses, on one day, according to thys prescript order, in which the Romans were conque­rours, of whose Nauie there was foure and twenty Shippes wracked, of the Carthaginenses aboue thyrtie. The Romans had no fraughted shippes taken, but they tooke to the number of thrée score and moe. After this combate hauing repaired theyr taken shippes, and ioyned them to theyr ar­mye, hauing victualles and other ne­cessaries [Page 36] collected, departed towardes Libia. There is a place in Africa cal­led the Promentary of Mercury, rea­ching into y ^e sea towards Scicilye, ther the Romans arriued first, from whence hauing repayred theyr shippes, they sayled to Clypia, and there not farre from the Citie hauing disbarqued the souldiers, begonne to enuironne the Towne with dytches and trenches. They had prepared all things redie to besiege the Towne, but the defen­dants yelded them selues willingly to them. Now the Carthaginenses which had before fled from the nauall con­flict, were arriued at Carthage, suppo­sing the Roman army after theyr pros­perous successe, to haue gone im­mediately thyther, for which suspec­tion, they leuied a great number of horsemen, footemen, and shippes to defende the necessarie places of the Citie. After all this preparaunce being finished, it is to vnderstanded [Page] how the Consuls had besieged the Ci­tie of Clipia, reiecting all domesticall feare, they prepared men redy to their warre both by water and lande, pre­termitting nothing belonging to the safetie of the prouince or citie. In the meane time the Consuls hauing ouer­come the Citie of Clipie, and put soul­diers into it, they sent legats to Rome, which should certifie the Senate of their affairs, & bring them word what they should then take in hand. Finally they brought their whole army to the Frontiers of Carthage, inuading the prouince without interruption, pil­ling, forraging, and wasting the regi­on before them, burning & destroying the sumptuous buildings, seasing all kinde of praies and booties bringing aboue twentie thousande laborers to their shippes. In the meane time the legates sent to Rome were returned, making relation how the senate wil­led one of the Consuls to remaine in Africa, with the hoast, and the other [Page 37] to repaire to Rome with the nauie.

The Consuls perceiuing the mindes of the Senate, agréed that Marcus At­tilius Regulus shold remaine in Africa, with fortie shippes, fiftene thousande footemen and fiue hundreth horsemen, and that Manlius with the residue of the nauie and hoast, with all the mul­titude of captiues should retorne to Rome. The Carthaginenses perceiuing by the great preparation of the Ro­mans, that this warre shold be of long continuance, appointed Asdruball the sonne of Hanno & Bostarus, captaines of their host. Then they sent to Amil­car to Heraclea, which immediatly came to Carthage, with fiue thousande footemen and fiue hundreth horsemen, & was associate the thirde captaine to them. The thrée generals beganne to consulte amongst them selues concer­ning the administration of the warrs, in which cōsultation they determined to ayde the prouince, and not to suffre such hauocke and waste to be made of [Page] the Region. Then Marcus Attilius within a few dayes after, went to the Citie Adis, indeuoring him selfe to besiege and conquere it, of which the Carthaginenses hauing knowledge, employed their whole diligence to receiue and deliuer it from the siege, marching forwarde wyth their whole Army towardes the Romans, to such tyme as they came to a hyll, stan­ding on the right wing of theyr eni­myes, on the which for certayne considerations they pighte theyr pa­uilions, supposing it to bée a place most expedient and apte for theyr purpose. All theyr truste and con­fidence of victorie, were in theyr Horsemen and Elephantes. Thus forsaking the playnes and valeys, they ascended with theyr Armye in­to a highe, huge and stéepe platte, euen as it were teaching theyr eni­mies what they should doe, as with­out doute it chaunced after: for the [Page 38] Romans perceiuing how the Elephāts (in the which theyr enimies putte theyr chiefe confidence) were alto­gether vnprofitable for battayle, and of no force in the mountaines, sup­posed it to be best, not to deferre or prolong the tyme any longer, ey­ther to permit them to descende in­to the plaines, but incontinently pre­termitting no oportunitie, incom­passed the hyll on eyther side, by which deuise it came to passe that the power of the Elephantes and Horsemen, were of no force and to no purpose, so that onely the mercynarie souldi­ers fought out of the higher places, constrayning the Romane souldiers a lyttle to retyre, but the other part of the hyll was sodainely vanqui­shed, and the Romans ascended.

The Carthaginenses perceiuing them selues to be inuironed on euery side with theyr enimies, immediatly they fledde and left theyr tentes standing, [Page] flying downe by the shoote banke. The Romans a certaine space pursued the footemen, then hauing spoyled y ^e tents & making diuerse recourses through the whole prouince, spoyled the fields and rifled the Townes. Shortly after they inuaded and toke Tunis, percei­uing that it was a very fit place for the warres, lying against Carthage & the prouince incamped there. The Carthaginenses being a lyttle before ouercome by sea, were now likewise suppressed by land of the Romans in di­uers battailes, not for lacke of men or strength, but of pollicie & experte cap­taines. Thus they were disquieted with diuerse afflictions, and in despe­ration of theyr health. After this com­bate wherein they were so dispersed & foyled, there arose a great route of the Numidians against them, hoping to get some gaines, of whome they had al­most as much hurt as of the Romans, for they being a gredy couetous pil­ling snatching and rauenous nation, [Page 39] depopulated and wasted all things be­fore them. The Carthaginenses quaking for feare of the Numidians, fledde out of the prouince into the citie, where as they were greatly discoraged, pro­gnosticating the furyous famine lyke to ensue, as well for the multitude of people inclosed within the Citie, as for feare of the long siege. Now Marcus Attilius perfectely vnderstan­ding the great daunger that the Car­thaginenses were in both by sea and by land, so that the citie within a small tracte of time, wold reuolte and yelde vnto him, yet fearing least the new Consul then redy to come into Africa, shold ascribe the facinorous & worthy actes done by him, to his owne glory & praise, thought it best to cōclude peace with the Carthaginenses, which grate­fully and with ioyful mindes accepted it, dismissing the chiefe men of theyr citie to intreate with the Consul con­cerning the conclusion of the league. This matter being thus brought to [Page] passe, yet were the demaundes so vn­reasonable, that they refused to take truce with them, yea they were so farre out of measure, that they could not suffer the Consul to speake to them, for Marcus Attilius hauing the victory and dominion ouer all things, thought whatsoeuer hée offered to the Carthaginenses, that they should ac­cepte it as a gifte or rewarde: but they on the contrary parte, thought there could be nothing more rigo­rous, sharpe, cruell, or byting, than the wordes of the Consul were vnto them, being driuen to the last pinch. Wherefore they departed, not one­ly enimies and peace vnconcluded, but also abhorring and detesting the aunswere of Attilius, as too greuous, displeasant, paynefull, and harde al­so, as to magnificke, stately, and ar­rogante.

When they hadde shewed these things in the senate house at Carthage, [Page 40] though long before they were in dis­paire, and hadde no hope of prospe­rous successe, neuerthelesse, yet hea­ring the vnreasonable requestes of the Consul, with a great disdayne they did animate them selues, reui­uing theyr pristinate corages, deter­mining rather to abide extreme daun­ger and calamities, yea and death it selfe, than to suffre any reproche, infamie, or disworshippe, eyther of their good name, or of the worthie and famous actes done and atchieued by them. At that same present a certaine Carthaginean, (by chaunce) which was sent into Grecia at the beginning to hyer souldiours, retur­ned home with a greate troupe and multitude of men, amongst whome there was one Zantippus, a Lacede­monian, who was a passing expert and cunning Souldier, & had ben much ex­ercised & trained in the warres, which hearing tell of the conflict and ouer­throw [Page] of the Carthaginenses: also per­ceiuing how it was fought and being enformed of the time and place wher, further considering their preparance with horse and Elephants, turned him to his companions, & sayde: The Car­thaginenses toke not this ouerthrow of the Romans, but through their euill guiding and ignorance of their vnex­pert captaines. These wordes of Zan­tippus immediatly were bruted tho­rough the whole citie, and came to the eares of the rulers, which made him to be called before them, minding to trie his counsayle. Now when Zantippus was come to them, & had shewed the reason of his wordes and the causes why the Romans made such hauocke of their men, he promised if they would be counsailed by him (afterwards lea­uing the hills and high places keping the plaines) that he would instructe them how to saue them selues, and a redy way to ouercome their enimies. The Carthaginean Captaines being [Page 41] moued with these words of Zantippus incontinently auctorized him generall ouer the whole armie: and there was a great rumour noised abrode through the whole host, of Zantippus wordes, so that there was nothing but plesant noyse and merye talke thorough the whole armie. When he had broughte the souldiers out of the citie, and im­battailed them, there appeared suche manifeste difference betwixte them, and the other vntrayned Captaines, that all the people cried oute wyth a clamorous shout, they desired nothing so much as warre, they had such a good hope Zantippus being their guider.

These things beyng thus broughte to passe, the Carthaginean Captaines per­ceiuing the ardent zeale & feruent de­sire of the souldiers, exhorted them as the tyme permitted: then wythin a fewe dayes after, brought them forth against their enimies. There was in the Carthaginean armie aboue twelue thousande footemen, foure thousande [Page] horsemen, and nygh a hundreth Ele­phants. Marcus Attllius hauing know­ledge of his enimies, though he were somewhat astonnyed to see them (con­trary to their accustomed rate) keepe in the plaines, and place their tents in them, yet being very desirous of bat­taile, hée marched forwarde to méete them, placing his tentes within two hundreth paces of his ennimies. The next day folowyng the African Capi­tains tooke counsell amongest them­selues what was best to be done. The whole multitude turned to Zantippus, callyng hym by name, and sayde that they were redie, and prepared to ven­ter them selues what daunger soeuer there were, desiring him to make for­ward to the battaile. The Carthagine­an captaines perceyuyng the valiaunt courage of their souldiers and the de­sire they had to encoūtre with their e­nimies, cōsidering also the presence of Zantippus, thought y ^t this was a moste conuenient time to set vpon their eni­mies, [Page 42] wherfore cōmanding the souldi­ers to prepare them selues, they gran­ted Zantippus y ^e regiment of the army to rule at his pleasure. He hauyng re­ceiued of the captains, authoritie ouer the host, set towards his aduersaries, & in araying his armie, placed the ele­phants euery one in his order, before the forefront of y ^e battaile: a litle space after thē he placed a legiō of y ^e Cartha­ginenses, appointing y ^e stipendarie soul­diers to kepe the right and left corner then he appointed them of moste agi­litie to fight betwixte the two wings of the horssmen. The Romanes percei­uyng their ennimies in a readynesse, prepared and made readye theyr ar­mie, settyng the moste valyaunt and actiue Souldiours that coulde bée pyc­ked oute of the whole companie, a­gaynst the Elephantes. After them, they fortified theyr forefront with di­uers and sundry munitions, pointing their horsmen in either wing, placing their standerds not in the beginning, [Page] but in the strength of the battail their order was very slender in the breast, and strengthned with many aydes in the backe to withstand the force of the elephants. But as it was wel proui­ded of the Romanes to kéepe backe the beasts, so it was very daungerous for being ingired, for the Carthaginenses hauing the greater troupe of horsses, might easilier enuiron thē disposed so straightly. Now both the companions beyng prest to ioyne battaile, either of them looked to be assailed of other. As sone as Zantippus had commanded the elephantes to be put towarde the enimies, the horsemen of both wings braste in egerly. The Romanes accor­ding to the custome of their countrey, sounding their trumpets, commanded their souldiers to girde valiantly into the thickest of the armie. The syghte was very sharp and terrible amongst them: but the Romane souldiers drea­ding the multitude of the Carthaginen­ses, fled incontinētly from both wings, [Page 43] the footemen of the left wing hauyng inclined the force of the elephantes, e­stéemed nothyng the multitude of the hired souldiers, but rushed in valiant­ly on the right wing of the Carthagi­nenses, putting them to flight, and pur­suyng them sharply to their tents: but those whiche were placed next to the Elephants were hurled down & ouer­throwne on heapes by the filthy bea­stes. The fortune of victorie depended doubtful, the resistants defended them selues so worthily: but after the rere­warde of the Romanes was compassed in with the Carthaginean horsemen, & wer cōpelled to encounter with them, & those, which (as I shewed) were pla­ced in the midst to resist the elephāts, driuen on the strongest companie of their ennimies, by whome they were suppressed and quite ouerthrowne, the Romanes began to languishe and faynt on euery part, some being trodē down with the multitude of y ^t cruell & fierce beastes, other slaine by the horssemen [Page] in the same place where they stode in the beginning, so that a small handful remained to the latter end, which per­ceyuing there was no hope of recoue­rie, fled away to saue them selues, but they also the place being very plaine, were ouerrunne with horsemen and elephants, other fiue hundreth flying away with Marcus Attilius, were in­trapped and taken by their enimies.

In the Carthaginean armie were slayn eight hundreth hired souldiers, which fought in the left wing against the Ro­manes. Of the other parte escaped on­ly two thousande with their ensignes and standerdes, which (as you heard a litle before) chased the Carthaginenses to their tents, all the rest sauing Mar­cus Attilius, and a few which were ta­ken with him, wer slaine. The Cartha­ginenses hauyng made spoyle of the bo­dies of their ennimies, returned into the Citie wyth greate ioye and glad­nesse, leadyng with them the Consul, and the rest of their Captiues.

[Page 44] If there be any man that pondreth and wayeth this according to veritie, he shall fynde diuers thyngs included herein verye necessarie, and passyng profitable to the amendement & right gouernement of our lyues. Fyrst, yf he reuolue and intentiuely consider in hys minde how friuolous, vn constant and vaine a thing it is to put any hope or trust in Fortune, bicause of prospe­ritie or other famous facts done accor­ding to oure mindes. Marcus Attilius may bée a singular example to euerie one, whiche of late flouryshyng wyth so many famous triumphes, and ador­ned with so many glorious victories, and in hys chiefe pompe and glorie, would by no meanes possible, nor by any intercessions, bée mercifull or fa­uourable to the Carthaginenses, beyng at the last caste, and in extreme dan­ger, nowe hymselfe was forced hum­blye to request mercie and peace at their hāds, which with tedious exora­tions & low obeisance had required it [Page] of him not lōg before, so that the wor­thie saying of Euripides was at thys time verified, that the counsell of one wise man counteruaileth the strength of many souldiers: for one man by his politike prudence, ouercame and vt­terly destroyed a multitude before in­uincible, restoring the citie (greuously afflicted and oppressed) to the pristinat state, relieuing the Citizens myndes, which were in vtter despaire. I haue voluntarily remembred these things, knowing the fruite conteined in them to belong muche to the correction and amendment of mens liues. For there are two ways laid before men, by exā ­ple of which, they may be reformed to a better trade of lyfe, the one is by his owne calamities, the other by exam­ple of other mens harmes, of whiche the former without doubte is of more efficacie, but it chāceth not without y ^e great detrimēt of him, which suffreth it: y ^e second though it be not so effica­cious, yet it is good, bicause it is expert [Page 45] and voyde of all daunger or damage. Wherfore very fewe choose the fyrste willingly, by reason of his collaterals, whiche are affliction, oppression, and trouble, but the other is well accepted of all men, bicause it is exempte from all detriment, griefe and vexation: so that a man of vnderstanding may wel perceyue, experience to be the beste guide and conducter to the right insti­tution and amendement of life, which chiefly consisteth in the commemora­tion of other mens facts, for they with out trouble, hurt or damage, giue best instructions to wise men: but for thys matter let these suffise. The Carthagi­nenses hauing all things chaunced pros­perously and according to their desire, pretermitted no kynde of braueries, pompe and gladnesse, whether it were in praysing their Gods, or in offeryng sacrifice to them, & other rights, nei­ther in makyng and settyng forth of playes, ne yet in giuing and receuing giftes, according to the custome of the [Page] countrey. Zantippus hauyng restored the Carthaginenses to their pristinate estate, soone after returned to his own countrey, hauing vigilantly foreséens all daungers. For it oft tymes chaun­ceth, that he which doeth worthily, is mortally hated and enuied therefore, but being defended with his Citizens allies and friendes, he may easily flée and eschue the same, where strangers and forayners are quickly dispatched. There is also an other cause alleaged for his departure, as I shal shew more at large in his place. When relation was made at Rome, of the ouerthrowe of their host, and the Consuls taking, also howe the rest of their armie were besieged in Clipia, they prepared to ayde them, leuying a populous armie whiche they sent into Africa. In thys meane tyme, the Carthaginenses besie­ged Clipia, labouryng earnestly to o­uer com it, hoping to take those which escaped the battaile. But the Romane souldiers defended them selues so cou­ragiously, [Page 46] that the Carthaginenses la­boured in vaine, who perceiuing their trauayle to bée of none effecte, raysed their campe. Nowe they heard worde howe the Romanes had prepared a na­uie, whyche shoulde come into Afri­ca, with which rumours, the Cartha­ginenses being moued, beganne to re­paire their olde Nauie, also to prepare a newe, so that hauing two hundreth well appointed shippes, they determi­ned to staye their passage into Afri­ca. The Romanes hauyng also furny­shed thrée hundreth and fiftie sayle, sente Marcus Aemilius, and Seruilius Fuluius Consules, wyth an armie in­to Africa, the which didde determine their iourney first into the countrey of Scicilie, and from thence vnto Car­thage, but sodaynly not looked for, by the promontorie of Mercurie, they did méete wyth the Lybian Nauie, whych (as I haue shewed before) was sette there to stoppe theyr voyage, and vio­lently rushed vpon them, immediatly [Page] seasing a hundreth & fourtene fraugh­ted prises, thence saylyng to Clipea, they receiued the Romane Souldiers, and remained a while in Africa, and then returned to Scicilie. When they had prosperously passed ouer the sea, betwixt Africa, and Scicilie, and were not farre distant from the citie Came­rina, there chaunced such a great cala­mitie and shypwracke to them, as can not be well expressed: for of sixe hun­dreth fortie and foure shippes, scante foure score were saued, all the rest be­ing either drenched or rent with roc­kes, goared vp the shore with carka­ses and other trafike. There was ne­uer greater spoyle at one time before these oure dayes, yet chaunced it not so muche by fortune, as thorough the foolyshe boldenesse of the Consuls, for mariners and lodes mē warned them oft to eschue from the out costs of Sci­cilie, being withoute portes, and very daungerous, especially at that time of the yeare betwixt Orion, [Page 47] and the can i­cular signes, but they reiected and dyd sette light the Counsell of the Mary­ners, and puffed vp in pride with their former victories, also beyng desirous of a fewe holdes of litle value, belon­ging to their enimies, so that their glo­rious and triumphant victorie, whiche they had obtained before, was blemy­shed wyth this myserable calamitie, suffering seuere punishment for their vnbridled boldenesse, and as they are in dede valiant, so they suppose that al such exploites as they purpose to take in hand, must of necessitie be finished, iudging nothyng impossible for them: & as diuers times in this their vnadui­sed rashenesse they had fortunate suc­cesse, so many times they erre & slyde into great and manifest dangers, and especially in combates on the sea, for though in conflictes on the lande, mat­ching onely with men, they often ty­mes haue the preeminēce, but not al­wayes, yet on the seas, they so hare­brainely hasard them selues, that ofte [Page] tymes they are pestred with great pe­rilles as they are at this present, and sundry other times, and shall be here­after, except they represse and bridle their vntamed rashenesse. When the Carthaginenses had knowledge of thys vnluckie chaunce happened to the Ro­manes, they earnestly employed their whole diligence to the Nauall warre on the sea, supposyng them selues no­thing inferiour to the Romanes by wa­ter, for this their infortunate chance, and equall with them by land, bicause they had ouercome the host of Marcus Attilius. Wherfore immediately they sent Asdrubal with all their olde soul­diers, with a Nauie of two hundreth shippes, parte newe made, parte ha­uing their stemmes and tackeling re­freshed: also a hundreth and fortie E­lephantes, with a supplement of new Souldiers into Scicilie, whiche hauing his armie safely conducted to Lilybeum daily exercised his Souldiers and Ele­phantes, continually molesting the [Page 48] friendes of the Romanes thoroughout all Scicilie. Althoughe the calamitie of the great shipwracke had discouraged and appalled the heartes of the Roma­nes, yet they disdained to giue place to the Carthaginenses. Wherefore they prepared a new nauie of two hūndreth and twentie shyppes, which was fini­shed with suche celeritie, that within thrée monethes they were vndockte, and sette on the water, which may be thoughte a thing almoste incredible. Aulus Aquilius and Caius Cornelius be­ing Consuls, were appointed to sayle into Scicilie with that Nauie, and to make warre with the Carthaginenses, whiche incontinentely takyng theyr iourney, came to Messana, where as they did receiue the remnaunt of the Shippewracke; whiche made in the whole, a nauie of thrée hundreth saile. From thence they did passe onwarde to Panormus, the chiefe Citie of the Carthaginenses, assailyng it with great power and violēce, and besieged it on [Page] both sides, so y ^e within few days with their torments, brakes & slings, they battered downe the Toure, entryng in with greate violence, and woon the base towne called Neapolis, which be­ing once taken, the Citizens sore dis­couraged, yelded the other partes, cō ­monly called the olde towne. When Panormus was taken, the Consuls left certain souldiers there, and returned to Rome. The next Caius Seruilius, and Cneius Sempronius, beyng chosen in their places, toke the nauie, and passed the seas into Scicilie, from thence into Africa, where ariuing in the prouince, they set their armie on land in diuers places, making greate hauocke euery where, yet they dyd nothyng worthie writing: At length they ariued in the Isle of the Lotophagians, called Mirmix not farre distant from the little Syrtes or quickesandes, where not knowing the places through which they shoulde sayle, chaunced in a straighte angle, where their shippes were grounded [Page 49] by the ebbing of the sea, during which time they stoode in a maruellous per­plexitie & almost drownde in dispaire, vntyll the water by flowing, set them on foote againe, yet could their not scape scotfrée, but of constraint were compelled to emptie their ships, and cast their ballesse ouer borde. After that daye the Romans being pinched with so many perills, made their voy­ages by sea, as though the enimies had ben in their tailes. After this they re­turning into Scicilye, vanquished Li­lybium, & remained at Panormus, front whence as they passed towards Italye, there arose such a sodayn tempest that aboue a hundreth and fiftie shippes of their nauie were dispersed by the rage of the Seas, which after long tossing from post to piller, were wracked and lost. The Romans being daunted with these hurtes and calamities, though they estemed the maiestie & honour of their Empire aboue all other things, yet being oppressed with these mise­ryes, [Page] determined vtterly to forsake the seas. Then they only prepared an Army on the lande, which were sent into Scicilye, vnder the tuition of Lu­cius Cacilius and Caius Curius being Consuls, to whome they deliuered onely thrée score shippes, for the trans­porting of their corne and victualls, by which it came to passe, that the Carthaginenses hadde the superioritie againe, for the Roman nauie taken a­way, they only ruled ouer the waters hauing also great confidence in their army and Elephantes on the land. The Romans, being aduertised of the battaile fought in Africa, and the dri­uing backe of their armye onely tho­rough the multitude and strength of the Elephants which brake their bat­taile and disturbed their orders, ma­king great confusion in the host, after that time they were so pauled with y ^e feare of the beastes, that for the space of two yeares next ensuing, when they should haue coped with their eni­mies, [Page 50] either in Africa or in other pla­ces, they neuer durst encounter with them, or pitche theyr Tentes in the valeyes, but continually kept in the hilles and high places, for no other cause but onely to shielde them selues from the Elephantes. The Romans perceiuing their hoste to be thus dis­coraged, without lingering prepared a new Nauie, and hauing an electi­on of officers, Caius Attilius and Lu­cius Manlius were appointed Con­suls. Thus furnishing fiftie newe shippes, and repayring the olde Na­uie, they leuied a freshe Armye.

Asdruball Captaine of the Carthagi­nenses, perceiuing the fearfulnesse of the Romans, also hauing knowledge by the fugitiues of the Romans prepa­ration, & also hearing how one of the Consuls was determined to repaire into Italye, with part of the Armye, & that only Metellus with scant half of y ^e army shold remaine at Panormus, now Autumne drawing nye, he remoued [Page] from Lilybeum, and brought his armie to y ^t territories of Panormus. Metellus perceiuing his enimies to be at hand, & seing Asdrubal desirous of battaile, restrained his men within the walles, which thing much more incensed the Carthaginean captaine, in so much, that hauing spoiled and burned the fieldes on euery side, he marched toward Pa­normus. The Consul kept his men so long within, that he ministred the eni­mies occasion to passe the riuer which fronted on the walles. The Consul perceiuing the Elephants and mayne army to approche, he sent out his most actiue souldiers to solicitate and pro­uoke his aduersaries that they might come to the hands of the rest, and per­ceiuing that all things chanced accor­ding to his minde, he appointed such as were of most agilitie to stande as it were a rampier aboue a ditch, from whence they should fight with their enimies a farre of with their dartes, and other rouing weapons, comman­ding [Page 51] them that if at any tyme the beastes began to rage, they shold skip into the ditches, and from thēce hurle at them againe: he made a great com­pany of dartes or pykes to be conuei­ed out of the Citie, which he placed in the pits. Then he with all y ^t standarts stoode at a nother cōtrary angle of the Citie butting on the left wing of hys enimies. As soone as the battaile was begon, the maister of the Elephants being very desirous of honour and the name of a conquerour, nothing este­ming Asdrubals commaūdement, stur­red vp the beastes againste the light souldiers, which according to y ^t Con­suls commaundement gaue back, and seing the beasts pursue them very ha­stely, skipped into the ditches. Now when the Elephāts were come to the pitte side, they were so galled, what with shaftes shot out of the Towne, & the souldiers pikes in the trenches, that they could passe no further, but were compelled to recoyle and burst [Page] in among their owne Armie, pertur­bing their order, and making great slaughter amongst them. While this broyle was in hande, in came Metel­lus with his crew from an other part of the Citie, and girded in amongst his enimies so hautely, that being troubled with the Elephantes before, and now so sharpely assayled by the Consul, they were easely suppressed, part being slaine, the rest sauing them selues by taking them to their héeles. There were ten Elephantes taken, with ten Indians, the rest which had cast downe their riders after the con­flict were taken by the Consuls. After this prosperous triumphe no small praise was attribute to Metellus, the which by the confession of euery man was the onely cause that the Roman souldiers peaked not in mountaynes and hilles, but durst in any plaine place skirmish with the Carthaginenses. When the rumor of this victory was noysed at Rome, the whole Citie was [Page 52] impleate with inexplicable gladnesse, not onely bicause the Elephantes be­ing taken, the enimies were much theyr inferiors, but bicause theyr soul­diers were animated and imbolde­ned. Therefore as they had decréed in the beinning, they prepared an other nauie, and sent it into Scicilye, being very desirous to finish the warres.

Thus hauing prepared viands and other necessaries, they passed the seas into Scicilye, with two hundreth ships. This was the fourtenth yeare of this warre.

After their arriuall in the wish­ed Porte, the Consuls tooke suche footemen as were in the prouince, and went to besiege Lilybeum, for that Citie being subuerted, they hoped soone after to passe into Africae.

But the Carthaginenses being moued also with the same reasons, did pur­pose in any case to preserue and kepe their munition from taking, know­ledging them selues to haue no tytle [Page] to any thing in Scicilie, that being lost, for all the residue of the prouince, sa­uing Drapanum was in subiection to the Romans. But least those things which I determine to intreate of in Scicilye, shold séeme difficult or obscure to any vnacquainted with the places, I purpose briefly and in few words to declare the situation of the Iland.

Scicylie bordereth for the most parte vpon Italye, and the frontiers thereof, as Peloponesus doeth vpon Grecia, and this is the chiefe difference betwixt them: Scicilye is seperate from Italye by an arme or créeke of the Sea, Pe­loponesus from Grecia by a dry march or plot of ground, so that one may passe on foote from it into Grecia, but not from Scicilye into Italye, except they passe by water: in forme it resembleth a triangle hauing at euery corner a promentary, of the which that borde­ring towards the southerne clyme, ioi­neth to the sea of Scicilye, and is called Pachinus: that which extēdeth toward [Page 53] the North is lykewise an ende or cor­ner of the sea, & is distant from Italye but a myle and and a halfe, and is cal­led Pelorus: the third which declyneth towards Africa and Carthage is but a mile, halfe a shoote, seuen and twenty pases distaunte from the coastes of Africa, and the inhabitants call it Li­lybeum, it seperateth the Sardinian and Scicilyan sea. In this promētarie there is a hill of the same name (at that in­stante besieged of the Romanes,) fortift­ed with strong walles, déepe ditches, perilous puddels, and many standing waters, by which the porte is made very daungerous and perilous to be entered, except the Pilottes be very cunning and expert. The Romanes besieging this Citie, enuironed it on eyther side with two campes, making many ditches, rampers, erecting sun­dry munitions, placing their engins, pretermitting nothing thought requi­site to the expugnation of a holde: first they assaulted a towne which stoode in [Page] the hyll side, bending towardes the African Sea, by all meanes that coulde be inuented, dayly inuenting new tormentes, continually setting them in places most conuenient.

In continuaunce they ouerthrew sixe Townes standing nygh to yt, as with theyr whole power they were assay­ling the walles.

This siege was very sharpe and mortall, the Citizens were sore dis­coraged & oppressed with great feare and dread, for many of their towers and bulwarckes were very ruinous, being sore rent and torne, and diuers turned ouer, and cast to the grounde by theire Enimies: and the En­gins damaged them dayly more and more.

The number besieged, amounted to aboue ten thousand, beside the greate multitude of inhabitantes. In thys theyr greuous distresse, Imilcon ruler of the Citie valyantly defended them from their enimies, continually réedi­fying [Page 54] and making vp newe walles within the Cytie, where the Romans brake them with rammes and brakes, circumspectly watching wher his eni­mies made trenches, and by making other disapointed them of their pur­pose, so that the subtil and slye slyghts of his aduersaries were frustrate and of no effecte: oftentimes he issued out setting on them bothe by night and day, so that greater slaughter was made in those byckerings, than in playne combate. At that tyme cer­tayne of the conducted Souldiers be­ing lieutenaunts and sergeants ouer the Carthaginean hoast, made a con­spiracie, intending to batray the Ci­tie to the Romans, and being ayded with the consente of theyr coparte­ners, skipped ouer the walles in the night, and came into the Romanes Campe, and declared theyr whole in­tent to the Consul.

There was at that tyme there pre­sēt an Achaean, named Alexon, which [Page] before had saued the Citie of Agrigen­tine from betraying when y ^e Siracusans kept it. This Alexon hauing know­ledge of the conspyracie, immediatly bewrayed their counsayle to Imilcon, which without lingering congregated all the Captaines and officers of the army, except those y ^t fled out by night to the Romans, reuealing vnto them all that he knew of the treason, ear­nestly requesting and beseching them that they woulde persist stedfast and stable, and not with infamie and oblo­quie yelde them selues and the Citie into the handes of their enimies, pro­mising vnto them large rewardes, if they would kepe theyr fayth and pro­mise. Ʋnto whome they all aunswe­red that ther was nothing which they more estemed than their truth & pro­mise. Then he sent with thē to pacifie the Gallicean army, Annibal (his sonne whome the Carthaginenses strangled in Sardinia, after he had lost the nauie, as I shewed before) supposing that he [Page 55] would be most acceptable to them, bi­cause he had warred vnder his Father in their company. He appointed Alex­on to go to the other hired souldiers, bicause they had great affiance in him. Immediatly after he called the whole multitude before him, giuing parte of them faire and friendly words, promi­sing to other ample & large rewardes, by which meanes he brought to passe that they promised to be stable & faith­full towardes the Carthaginenses. So that they which wrought the treason, returning and desiring them to giue eare till they had shewed such things as they hadde talked with the Romans, were not only diuided of their speach, but driuen from the wals with dartes and stones. Thus were the Carthagi­nenses brought by treasō into extréeme daunger, and almost into the hands of their enimies, but Alexon which be­fore by his truth and stedfastnesse to the Agrigentines, had not onely dely­uered the Citie, but the whole pro­uince [Page] with their lawes and liberties, now also saued y ^e Carthaginenses from vtter distruction. The Citizens of Carthage, though they could not heare tell how all things fared at Lilybeum, yet suspecting them to be in distresse, bicause of the long siege, prepared fiftie shippes fraighted with ten thou­sand men, ouer which Nauie they con­stituted Annibal sonne of Amilcar Captaine, giuing him certayne ex­hortations as the time permitted, commaunding that in any case with all celeritie he should sayle to Lilybe­um, and ayde his countrie men.

Annibal with his Souldiers landed first at Egusa, situate in the midst be­twixte Carthage and Lilybeum, from thence with a prosperous gaile, he entred the porte of the besieged Ci­tie with hoysted sayles, hauing all his men in a redinesse and prepared on the decke. The Consuls being somewhat abashed with theyr sodaine arryuall, and partely afrayde to en­counter [Page 56] with them, least he should bée dryuen into the Hauen with the boysterous and windie blastes then raging, determined not to stop theyr entraunce, but onely to ascende the shore in theyr Armour, and looke if by that meanes they coulde feare them.

The multitude which were on the walles, perceiuing the presence of their countrymen, trembled and qua­ked for very ioye, exhorting them with plausible wordes and clamo­rous noyses to enter in boldely.

Annibal being of an incredyble au­dacitie and hautie courage, pushed in­to the porte valyantly, and withoute daunger or perill landed his men. Now when they were within the Towne, there was maruellous try­umphing, not so much for the arry­uall of the freshe Souldiers, as by­cause the Romanes durst not trye to stoppe theyr passage. Imilcon percei­uing all the army desirous of battaile, [Page] the olde souldiers being incoraged by the arriuall of the new suppliment, & the new souldiers, bicause the thornes as yet had neuer pricked them, suppo­sing it best not to pretermit that opor­tunitie, indeuored him self by all mea­nes possible to get the engines of his enimies destroyed. Then he gathered all the army togither, and exhorted them with a long oration, imboldning theyr corages, promising great giftes to euery one that behaued him selfe valyantly, shewing the Carthaginenses that they should not be vnrewarded. The Souldiers were maruellously moued with his faire and pleasaunt words, promising him that they wold be redy to theyr power, earnestly de­siring him to lynger no longer, but euen at that instante to issue out a­gainst his enimies. The Captaine thancking them for their good wylles, immediately dismissed them, com­maunding that they shold go and pre­pare them selues, and incontinently [Page 57] to retourne and giue attendaunce on their Captaines to doe suche things as shold be appointed them. After that he called together the generalls, she­wed them hys purpose, distributyng the armie amongst them, appoynting euery one his place, and commaunded that they before all other in the fyrst watche, shoulde be readie in their sta­tiōs, which without grudging obeyed the commaundement of their graund captain. Imilcon hauing brought forth his power in the dawning, sette vpon the ordinance of his enimies in diuers places. The Romanes cōiecturing their intent, were nothyng slouthfull, but armed them selues, and set all things in a redinesse, and issued vpon the A­fricans newly come out of the citie: the tumult was very gret about the wal­les. The Carthaginenses were aboute twentie thousande men, and the Ro­manes mo, which caused them rudelier and without order to enter vpō them, by whiche their foolishnesse they were [Page] in more danger: for amongst a great companie of souldiers one man fought against an other, as though it had ben in a particular combate. But the fier­cest and cruellest fight was about the ordinaunce: for they of bothe partes which were appointed to that warde, endeuored themselues myghtily, the one part to ouerthrow, the other to de­fende, vntill such time that the bata [...]le was so fierce and mortall, that with valiant and hautie courage, they died withoute giuyng one foote from theyr appointed places. The Carthaginenses that day behaued them selues so vali­antly, fieryng their engins, shiuering them with their swordes & other wea­pons, that the Romans wer not able to resist, seing almost their ending daye. After long contention, Imilcon percei­uing the great and despiteous slaugh­ter, with the effusiō of bloud that was made, and his purpose neuer nigher an ende, cōmaunded a retreate to be blo­wen. The Romanes though that days [Page 58] they were in greate daunger of losing their ordinance, yet they resisted their enimies with such incredible corage, that they preserued them and al other things in safetie. After this Anniball departed with his puissance from Lily­beum, aboute the dead of the night, his enimies not knowyng, and passed to Adherball, the other Carthaginean ca­pitaine, which laye at Drepanum, for which Citie they toke speciall care, to kéepe it from the enimies, as well for the goodlinesse of the towne, as for the commodiousnesse of the port: and it is distant from Lilybeum, but fiftene my­les. Now the captains were wonder­full desirous to know howe all things fared with their companions, but the entraunce was so narrowly watched since Annibals departure, that it was impossible for any man either to enter in or issue out of y ^e citie. At that time there was a certaine Rhodian named Annibal, a man surely very famous, which perceyuyng the minds of y ^e Car­thaginenses [Page] promised to take vpon him in spite of all the Romanes to enter in to Lilybeum, where hauing viewed all things, and knowyng their state, he wold returne and certifie them. The Carthaginenses thoughe they were io­cunde to heare hym talke of this en­terprise, yet they thoughte it impossi­ble, bicause the Romanes compassed the entrance of the porte. But the Rho­dian without feare went aboorde, and set forwarde, arriuing in the next Ile ouer against Lilybeum, from whence the day folowing he sayled towardes the Citie in the sighte of all his enni­mies, whiche employed theyr whole diligence to lette his entrance, but he obtained the hauen, fulfillyng his for­mer promise. The other Consul won­dering greatly at his bold enterprise, prepared ten of the swiftest shippes to watche in the hauen all nyght, in the whiche he him selfe remained for his departure, commaundyng all the rest of the Nauie to do accordingly. Then [Page 59] al the ships that were in the entrance along both the sides, lay with rowers stretched out, looking for his forth cō ­ming, supposing verily that he should not escape them. But the Rhodian pic­ked not out by night, neyther at a cor­ner, but at middaye, and through the thicke of his enimies, so well prepa­red, escaping without all daunger by his boldnesse and the swiftnesse of hys Barke, and hauing passed them a litle, he was not content to escape frée, but turned his stemme, and began to brag neither durst any of the companie vē ­ter vpon him, his Galey was so won­derfull swift. The Rhodian as it were triūphing ouer his enimies, with one poore boate cam to Carthage, declaring in the Senate al things that he had ei­ther heard or séene: after that, many being incouraged through his example toke the same enterprise in hande, so that nothyng was done at Lilybeum, but incontinently it was knowne at Carthage. The Romanes maruellously [Page] grieued y ^t they shold stiil be thus delu­ded with their enimies, assayed to stoy vp the entraunce of the port, fyrst ca­sting in many of theyr hulkes and car­tes fraught with sande into the mouth of the same, with infinite other mat­ters, but al was in vayne, for the pro­foūd déepenesse therof glutted vp, & the bubblyng of the water dispersed it in­to sundry places: yet in continuance with great labour, there stode a great péece of their munition, vpon whiche one of the swiftest ships belonging to the Carthaginenses, lyght with a great violence, and being taken by the Ro­manes, and made ready at all pointes, was retained in the porte, watchyng for the comming of the rest, but speci­ally of the Rhodian, which by chaunce came thither by night, and entred the hauen with accustomed celeritie, but when he purposed to depart, the taken shippe pursued him so sharply, that he was almost taken first, he maruelled at hys swiftenesse: but viewyng hir [Page 60] well, and perceiuyng that she was one of the Carthaginean Quadriremes ta­ken by the Romans, he trusted no more to the swiftnesse of his shippe, but be­gan to encounter with hys enimies: after that it came to handstrokes, the Romanes being bothe more in number and valianter men, prised hir without labour, and toke the Rhodian. The Ro­manes hauing gained this prise, & ioy­ned hir to the Quadrireme bothe well furnished of all necessaries, kept them continnally in the entraunce, prohibi­ting withoute any difficultie the easie entrance of their enimies into Lilybe­um. During this time thei besieged the town very sharply, ouerthrowing the walles of their ordinaunce, so that I­milcon hadde no more hope to réedifie them, or to barre the engins of his eni­mies. After these things had continu­ed in this estate a good while, there a­rose sodainly such a tēpestuous winde, y ^t al the ordināce & other thyngs were beatē & dashed together w ^t the violēce [Page] thereof, and one of the highe bourded toures blowne ouer. A certain Greci­an, a souldiour of those which were in the Citie, supposing this a time moste expedient to destroy the instruments of their aduersaries, went and decla­red his deuise to the Captaine, who al­lowing it very well, immediatly ha­uing all things prepared, issued out of the Citie, commaunding them to fire their enimies ordinaunce in thrée sun­drie places. The Soundiours hauyng wrought their feate, immediately the fire caught such hold with the violēce of the windes (for the engines were very drte, and had stoode long against the Sun) y ^t they were soone consumed, for as long as the winde blew, it was impossible that any man should rescue them. The Romanes were wonderful­ly agast with this sodain chaunce, and wist not what to doe, being desolate and abandoned of al good fortune, ma­ny of them were driuen to the ground with góbbets and trunchions of tym­ber [Page 61] that fell downe, many were blin­ded and almoste smothered with the smoake, when they preased to rescue the ordinance. The harder that the Romanes were bestead with their mys­chaunces, the more commodious was it for the Carthaginenses purpose: for they not onely behelde their enimies, and the ordinaunce flaming aloft, but what soeuer they hurled at them, the winde caried it with maine violence to their great damage and hurt. At the length the fire waxed so outragious, that the pillers and foundations of the Toures were set on fire, and the hea­des of the rammes were melted.

After this, the Consuls neuer inten­ded to réedifie their engins, but enui­roned the towne with ditches and hil­les, purposing to take their enimies, with a slowe siege, and not to remoue their tents before they had ouercome the holde. The inhabitants hauing re­paired their walles, shifted well wyth this their lingering off.

[Page] When relation was made at Rome, of these things ther was a Senate sum­moued, in which they decréed to send a supplement of ten thousande men, bi­cause many were destroyed at y ^e siege, & the nauy almost desolate. This crew arriued first at Messana, & from thence went by land to the campe at Lilybeū. Now was Appius Claudius entred in­to the Consulship, and the other retur­ned to Rome, so that he ruled the hoste at Lilybeum, and perceiuing the vacant places to be supplied, called the Cap­tains together, and shewyng thē that be thought that a very expedient time to sayle to Drepanum, and at an vn­wares to set vpon Adherball, suspec­ting no such thing: for not knowyng of the new supplement ariued in Sci­cilie, he supposed that the Romanes wer not able to conduct their fléete for lack of men. After that the Consul had dis­closed his minde, they allowed it very well, and picked oute the moste actius Souldiers that were in the whole ar­mie, [Page 62] and put them in the swiftest ship. The Souldiers were very iocund and glad of this iourney, not only bicause it was nyghe hande, but also for the greate booties which they hoped for.

Thus all things being prepared, they disankred, and sayled towarde Drepa­num, about midnight vnware to their enimies, so that in the dawning they drew nigh the Citie. Adherball though at their first apperance he was some­what daunted with sodaine feare, yet being recouered, and receiuyng by [...] pristinate boldenesse, he purposed to trie the brittle destiny and fickle state of Fortune, by gyuyng them battaile rather than to bée inclosed in an An­gle, and shamefully besieged of hys ennimies. And therefore immedi­ately hée gathered together a greate companie of rowers, called the mer­cinarie or hired Souldiers oute of the Citie, and gaue vnto them dyuers admonitions, shewyng them also that yf▪ they dydde fyght couragiousely, [Page] they shoulde be sure of victorie, but if they fled like dastardly cowardes, and would not venter them selues, he vn­buckled to them the budget of mische­ues that they shoulde suffer being be­sieged. After he had ended his oration, they all promised to shewe their vali­antnesse, exhorting him with a clamo­rous noyse to deferre the time no lon­ger, but immediately to set towardes his ennimies. Adherball praysing the valiant courage of his souldiers, war­ned them to imbarke incontinentely, commaunding them diligentely, and with vigilant eyes to marke his shyp, and folow him merily, then withoute lingring he marched forward, leading the ring him self, according as he pro­mised to encountre with the Romanes. The Consul espying his enimies (not according as he hoped, readie to runne awaye, and saue them selues, but ra­ther ardently desiring battaile) com­manded all his fléete to retire, for part were entred, diuers euen in the en­trance, [Page 63] and many cōming far behind: whē the formost indeuored thē selues at the commaundement of the gene­ral to returne, there was such a hurly burly with beating & dashing betwixt them that came backe, and the other that were entring, that the whole na­uie was in greate perill, and many of them sore forfrushed. At the last be­ing brought in order with great paine and trauaile, the generals set them in aray along the banke with their stem­mes towardes the enimies. Then the Consull which folowed in the reare­warde, launching into the déepe, kept the lefte wyng. Whilest the Romanes were in this trouble, Adherball wyth other fiue shippes, incompassed aboue their left wyng, turning the stemmes of his ships towardes them, kéepyng hym selfe at large on the sea, makyng signes that the other foure shyppes, whych folowed hym, shoulde doe like­wise, so they hauyng prepared them selues, hoysed vp their streamers, and [Page] rushed in among y ^e Romans, which kept a long the banke side for to suppresse the Carthaginenses, as they should haue issued: but afterwarde it was a great hinderance and let to them selues, for certaine causes whiche I shall shewe. As soone as the two Nauies wer met, the Pretor making signes oute of hys shippe to the other, the Romanes were impaled on eyther side, the skirmishe continued long and terrible withoute any inequalitie, for there were the worthiest souldiers of both y ^e armies, yet the Carthaginenses preuailed, not onely bicause their shippes were swif­ter and their rowers more skilfull, but by kéepyng at large on the seas, where they myghte scoure abroade at their pleasure: or if it chaunced any of them to be intrapped with their enni­mies, immediately launching into the déepe, they were at libertie, where yf the Romanes dyd pursue them, incon­tinentely they were agayne coaped wyth an other companie, to their gret [Page 64] daungers, and oft times the losing of their shippes. If any of their fellowes were in daunger, they easily rescued them, ploddyng wyth theyr pumpes forward. Now the banke was a mar­uellous hinderaunce to the Romanes, being caught vp in such a straicte cor­ner, that they coulde neyther retyre, when néede did require, nor yet ayde those whiche were in daunger, whiche are chief impediments in a conflict on the sea. For it was impossible, that they shoulde passe thorough the chiefe troupe of their ennimies, and resiste their force, their shyppes beyng suche slugges, and theyr rowers so vnex­perte. The Consull perceyuyng that he was like to take the foyle, and also seyng parte of hys shyppes sore bea­ten by the shore, and dyuers drowned, broughte to vtter despaire, fledde a­waye before all the reste, and other thirtie shyppes, the whiche stoode next vnto him folowed after. All the rest of the numbre of foure score & thirtene [Page] were taken by the Carthaginenses, sa­uing those which were perished. Ad­herbal was greatly praised of the Car­thaginenses, for this noble and worthy act, which through his hautie courage and singular wisedome, had ouerthro­wen his enimies. But Appius Claudi­us was greately dispraised with many opprobrious words, for behauyng him selfe so imprudently, and bringing the Romanes in suche daunger. Finally, be­ing reiected from his Consulship was with greate ignominie, reproche and dishonor iudged to death. The Romans although they acknowledged this their simple cutte and sore repulse, yet no­thing obliuious of their pristinate va­liantnesse, incontinently prepared a newe nauie and freshe souldiers, sen­ding them into Scicilie [...] vnder the go­uernaunce of Lucius Iun [...]us, then Con­sull, commaundyng hym to supporte those, which besieged Lilybeum, with victuals and other necessaries. Iunius the new Consul departed to Messana. [Page 65] with the thrée score beackte shippes, where he gathered all the Galleys which were in Scicilye, (sauing those that laye at Lilybeum,) which made a Nauie of an hundreth and twenty sayle, beside the hulkes and cartes pre­pared for cariage, amounting nighe to foure score, of which he delyuered al­most halfe, with certaine other beakt vessels to the Questor, commaunding him to conuey y ^e victualls to the camp, remayning still him selfe to receyue the others, which were cōming from Messana, and the graine out of the Countrey. About this tyme Adherbal sent the Romane captiues & the prises which he had taken, to Carthage, & ap­pointed Carthalon ruler ouer thirtie sayle, making him set towardes his enimies, and warning his to take all such shippes as he could take, whole & vnbroken, and to burne the remnant. He him selfe folowed after with thrée score shippes. Carthalon departing at night, very spedely & sodainly entred [Page] on the Roman nauie, which lay in y ^t ha­uen of Lilybeum, and put them to their pinch, for the watch making a sodaine out cry and great vprore, Imilcon per­ceiued the noise, and in the dawning espying them present, called all his souldiers out of the citie, and inuaded his enimies. The Romanes being thus circumuented on euery side, were in great peril, but y ^t Carthagmean captain taking part of their shippes, and set­ting the rest on fire, departed from thence and sayled towardes Heraclia, to stop the viands which were com­ming that waye to the Campe. As he was in this exployte, his scoutes made relation to him, that there was great store of shippes at hande. He hearing these newes made no delayes, but set forwarde to méete them, contemning the Romans for the great ouerthrow which he had lately giuen them. The Romans also hauing knowledge of the Carthagienses by their explorators, & perceiuing thē selues much their infe­riors [Page 66] in naual cōbats, drew to y ^e nexte banke, in which there was a hollow bending place by y ^e ouershoting of the rockes, vpon which the Romans stoode, beating their Enimies backe with stones and slings. The Carthagmenses determined to kepe thē there, whilest they reuolted, but perceiuing the na­ture of the place, and how the Romans resisted them sharplyer than they lo­ked for, taking certaine of their dro­mundaries, costed into a créeke adioy­ning, where they determined to stop their passage. While these things wer in hand, y ^t Cōsul hauing dispatched his businesse which he taried for among y ^e Siracusans, & taken y ^e Promontarie of Pachinus. passed towards Lilibeum, ig­norant of the misfortune chaunced to his companiōs. But Carthalon hauing knowledge of his cōming by his espi­als, hasted towards him, very desirous to encounter with them farre from y ^e other company. But Lucius Iunius per ceiuing y ^t he was at hand, determined [Page] not to encounter with him, being a­frayde of the great multitude, and he was so nigh, that they could not flye backe, wherefore he thruste into very daungerous places, and retyred to the next harboure, decréeing rather to suf­fer extreme perill, than to permit the Romane Nauie, to fall into their Eni­mies handes. The Carthaginean Cap­taine perceiuing his fetch, desisted to pursue them, and kept in a port iust betwixt the Roman Nauies, supposing by that meanes to poulder their passa­ges. Within a few dayes after there began a wonderfull tempest to aryse, which the Carthaginean Maryners es­pying (for they had great knowledge on the seas, and were very expert in those places,) counsayled Carthalon to expugnate the promōtarie Pachinus, & then to eschewe the immynent perill. He folowing their counsayle, escaped scotfrée, and without daunger, but the Roman Nauie being sore turmoyled with the violence of the tempest, by [Page 67] reason of their vile harbours, was all torne and rente in pieces, of which great wracke nothing was saued that euer profited after. The Romans being molested with these miserable calami­ties, were now againe inferior to the Carthaginenses, for being plaged & dis­pitefully handled not long before at Drepanum, and now hauing lost theyr whole nauie, were glad to forsake the Sea, & hope for victorie onely by land: of the contrary part, the Carthaginenses ruled on the seas vncōtrolled, & hoped wel to haue a saying by y ^e land. Wher­fore bothe the Romans which were at Rome, & those at Lilybeum, though they were disturbed with these contrary chances, yet intended to persist in the siege, wherefore they sent from Rome such things as were necessaire, & the souldiers according to their power, cō ­tinued the camp. Lucius Iunius after he had lost the nauie by sinistre fortune, came to Lilybeum very heauie & care­ful, addicting him self wholy to excogi­tate [Page] & imagine some strange inuentiō with which he might adnihilate or di­minish the ignominie & slander wher­with his worship was shadowed.

Wherfore not long after, by a slender occasion that was offered, he cōquered y ^t mount Erix by a pollicie. This Erix is a mounte within Scicilie, depending ouer the sea on that part which loketh towards Italie, it stādeth betwixt Dre­panum & Panormus, but nygher to Pa­normus, it excedeth all the mountaines in Scicilie, sauing Aetna, in largenesse and bredth: in the top it hath a playne, in which stādeth the temple of Venus more magnificke, gorgious & beauti­ful, than any other building in Scicilie. A little below the top, there is a Citie of the same name, hauing maruellous difficult & scarce penetrable passages. The Consul layed one Army in y ^e top, and another at the foote of this moun­taine, in y ^e passage to Drepanum, hoping by that meane to kepe both y ^e hill & the Citie. Erix taken, y ^e Carthaginenses ap­pointed [Page 68] Amilcar surnamed Barcas, ge­neral ouer their nauie, which with his whole power passed into Italie, where he proyed and sacked the sea coastes. This was the eightenth yeare of this warre. Then hauing destroied y ^e terri­tories of the Locrines and Brutians, he returned with his whole puissance in­to the frontiers of Panormus, where he toke a plot correspondent to the wars situate betwixt it & Rhegia, ioyning to the Sea, and strongly defenced of nature, & passing fit for the defence of an armie. This hill is straitly incom­passed with stepe rocks, hauing a plain on y ^e very tippe, twelue miles in com­passe, very notable & a fertil soyle, the ayre is very pleasant & no noysome or venemous beastes able to abyde in it, certaine great and huge rocks stande betwixt it & the lande, in y ^e midst there is a ground wart, which serueth for y ^e watch toure, y ^e port is very cōmodious for those which passe frō Drepanum or Lilibeum, to Italie. There be but only. 3. [Page] passages, which are very difficill to this place, two from the land, and one from y ^t Sea. Amilcar pitched his tents there, as a man desperate and of no hope, in the midst of his enimies, yet he permitted not his aduersaries to be in quiet, but ofte times went by Sea, and wasted the coastes of Italye, to Cu­mara, and in the ende brought his Ar­mie by lande, where he encamped be­fore Panormus, but eight hundreth pa­ses distante from the Romans, remay­ning there thrée yeares, during which tyme he did many notable actes, to te­dious to rehearse particularly. The Romanes as is shewed before, lying in two parts, one company at the top, a­nother at the foote of Erix, Adherbal by pollycie wonne the Towne which stode on the hill side, betwixt the Ro­mane Armies, by which chaunce the Romanes which laye on the top, were besieged and sore molested with the Carthaginenses, and they them selues likewise keping the Towne, were as [Page 69] sore beset with the two Armies, ha­uing but one entrance, and that very straite for the conueyance of victuals into the Towne. Thus both the parts persisting in their obstinacie and stub­bernesse, suffred diuerse punishments, greuous tortours, and extreme cala­myties. When the warre in this ma­ner hadde ben long protracte, during which time Amilcar plaged the Italy­ans, ofte times by water, for they al­moste for the space of fiftene yeares, had abstained from the Naual warre, but now perceiuing that the warre could not otherwise be ended, they were moued to prepare a new nauie. And bicause theyr treasury was sore impouerished, the priuate Citizens ac­cording to their abilitie, disbursed the money, diuers of them making one Quinquereme amongst them. Thus were the people of Rome affected to further their warres, and mayntaine the Glory of their Empire, building two hundreth shippes, like to the Rho­dians, [Page] which as I shewed before, was takē at Lilibeum. Lucius Lutacius was apointed ruler ouer this armie, & sent against the Carthaginenses, in the nexte spring, which sodainly entering Scici­lie with his fleete, at the first arriuall obtained the porte of Drepanum, & the other about Lilibeum. The Carthagine­an shippes quaking for feare, flocked aboute their Captaine, but Lutacius preparing engins, ordinance, and in­strumentes, indeuored him selfe to ex­pugnate the Citie: And perceiuing how the Carthagmean Nauie was at hande, he remembred theyr olde ouer­throwes, and considering with him selfe of what effecte and force it was, to be experte on the water, with the great emolumente thereof, he spente not the time slouthfully, neither in luskish loytering, but continually ex­ercised his rowers and Mariners, suf­fering none to lye ydle: by which their diligence it came to passe, that within small tract of time, they were very ex­pert [Page 70] and apt for the naual warre. The Carthaginenses hauing knowledge of their presence, made ready their fleete, fraighting it with corne and other ne­cessaries, to the sustentation of them which besieged Erix. Hanno was ap­pointed Captaine of these shippes, and departed immediately to Hi [...]ron [...]sum, from thence to the tentes of Amilcar, vndiscryed of his enimies, preparing there to disloade and deliuer the victu­alls. Lutacius hauing knowledge of their comming, misdeeming their coū ­sayle (for it was not harde to coniec­ture) picked out y ^e most hardy felowes of the whole Armye, and went to Egusa, being not farre distaunt from Lilybeum, where he exhorted and in­coraged his Souldiers as the tyme permitted, commaunding them to make readie againste the nexte mor­ning, to giue battayle to the Eny­mies. The nexte daye in the mor­ning, Lutacius very well perceiuing howe the winde serued his Enimies [Page] at will, and was contrary to him, also seing the Sea stormy and boisterous, douted what was best to doe. Yet af­terwarde considering if he coped with them whilst the storme indured, that he shold onely match with Hanno and the shippes pestered with traficke, but if he prolonged and taryed vntyll the sea were calme & the ships discharged, that he should not onely haue to doe with a cōpany of quicke & light souldi­ers, chosen out of the whole armie, but also with Amilcar, who was greatly feared at that presēt: considering these things, though the waters were bothe boysterous & against him, he determi­ned to encounter with his Enimies, comming with full sayles against the Carthaginenses, ready to assayle them. They perceiuing theyr entrance to be stopped by the Romans, hauing like­wise their fléete ready for battayle, let downe their sayles, and set towardes their Enimies, encountering either other with valiant courages: but as [Page 71] this conflict differed in all points from that at Drepanum, so likewise, there chanced a contrary ende. The Romane fléete was passing swift, they had vn­loded all things, sauing necessaries for the warres their rowers had ben long exercised, which made them plyant & agreable to battayle, they had also the chosen and best Souldiers of theyr whole armie. But the Carthaginenses were troubled otherwise, their ships were fraighted, which made them vn­fit for the battaile, their rowers were vnpicked fellowes, altogether rude & without knowledge in the warres, their souldiers were new and not ac­quainted with daungers, for they had not regarde to the waters, so much as they were accustomed, supposing the Romanes would neuer haue meddled with the Seas, through which theyr sluggishnesse and secure lyuing, as sone as they encountred, they hadde the foyle, fiftie of their shippes were frushed and souncke, seuentie taken [Page] full fraughted, the rest by a sodayne chaunge of winde, laued them selues by flying to Hieronesum. After this bat­tayle the Consul with all his Nauie returned to Lilibeum, where he deui­ded the spoyle and captiues, amongst his souldiers. Ther were taken aboue ten thousande Carthaginenses, beside those which perished in the conflicte. The Africans though they were very prompt, and giuen to the warres, yet after this terrible ouerthrow, they were vtterly discoraged for diuerse causes, for they were not able toayde those in Scicilie with necessaries, their nauie being loste, and the Romanes ru­ling euery corner of the seas, yet they toke it for a haynous offēce, to forsake their worthy Souldiers: they had no worthy Captaines to sende againste their Enimies. Waying these things, they dispatched an ambassador, with al conuenient spéede to Amilcar, auctory­sing him to doe what he thought best, for the preseruation of their country. [Page 72] Amilcar perfourmed the office of a po­litike & worthie captaine, for as long as there was any hope of recouering their honour, he neuer eschewed any trauayle or danger, but with great in­dustry & labour sought it forth: he ne­uer ceased more than his aduersaries to restore their worship, & whē he per­ceiued ther was no more hope of reco­uering y ^e same, like a moderate & wise man he gaue place for y ^e time, sending ambassadors to the Consul to intreate for peace. And verely it is no lesse the tokē of a good & expert general, as wel to marke y ^e time in which he must for­beare his Enimies, as to know what time is expedient to assaile them. Nei­ther did Lutacius the Consul cōtemne or reiect their request, acknowledging y ^t trouble, peril, & daūger y ^t the Romans were vexed with all, by reason of the continuall warres. So at the lengthe peace was taken vpon these conditi­ons. First if it pleased y ^e Senate and people of Rome. Secondaryly that the [Page] Carthaginenses should depart quite out of Scicilye, and neuer after that to war against Hyeron, neither to molest the Syracusans, or any of their friendes. Thirdly that they should dismisse and sende home all the captiues without raunsome. Fourthly, that they should paye within twenty yeares space to the Romans, two thousande and two hundreth talentes of tryed and pure money.

When these conditions and agrée­ments were sent to Rome, they wold not ratifie them, but sent ten Com­missioners with the common consent, which comming into Scicilie, chaun­ged the former pactions in maner no­thing at all, but taking shorter dayes for paying of the money, adding there­unto a thousande talents. Also that they should not only depart quite out of Scicilye, but out of all the Ilands be­twixte it, and Italye. According to this prescript order was the firste warre finished, that the Romans hadde with [Page 73] the Carthaginenses for the principalitie of Scicilie. It endured foure and twen­tie yere without intermissiō or peace. It was the lōgest warre and greatest that euer I hearde of, in whiche they foughte at one méeting with the num­ber of fiue hūdreth Quinqueremes, & aboue, of either syde. Another tyme with few baiting of seuē hundreth by diuers other noble conflicts worthy to be written of, whiche I passe by and leaue vntouched. The Romanes lost in that warre seuen hundreth Quinque­remes biside those which were drow­ned and broken: the Carthaginenses a­bout fiue hūdreth. So that they which before wondred at the armies, fléetes, and naual warrs of Antigonus, & Pto­lomeus, after this betwixt the Romans and the Carthaginenses coūted them as trifles and nothyng. For if any consi­sider y ^e gret difference betwixt Quin­queremes, & those Trieremes which the Persians vsed against the Grecians, and the Lacedemoni [...]ns against the A­theninans, [Page] verily he shal wel vnderstād that there was neuer sorer conflictes, nor greater armies on the seas, which is a manifest probation of those thin­ges that I spake of in the beginnyng, that the Romanes, neyther by fortune nor chance as the Grecians suppose, ob­tained such honour and ample domini­ons, that in continuance they enioyed the moste parte of the worlde, but by their propre vertue, prowesse and hau­tie courages: yet peraduenture there are some which doubt what the cause is, seing the Romans now excel both by land and water more than they did at that time (hauing also dominion ouer the most part of the worlde) are not a­ble to builde so many shyps, or make suche a Nauie at one tyme. But this thing shal be plainly declared when I come to intreat of the state, maners & fashions of their cōmon wealth. But to speake of them now should neither be profitable or cōmodious to the rea­ders of this my historie, for the things [Page 74] being large, would require a long di­gression. And (yet vnto this daye that I may speke as I think) they ar drow­ned in the gulfe of obliuion thorough their default which wrote y ^e histories. For parte wyst not what things they should write, other though they knew what to write, yet they were obscure, in penning them so intricately, y ^t their works wer vnprofitable, & for no vse. Ʋerily if ther be any which attētiuely note this warre, he shall perceiue that these. ij. worthy cities wer equiualēt at y ^e beginning in al points, they both burned with one fire, bothe were desi­rous of renoume, both wer of like hau­tie corages. The Roman souldiers wer more excellent & actiue fellowes. But Amilcar surnamed Barcas, the Carthagi­neā captain & father of Annibal, which after fought against y ^e Romans, was in ferior to no mā in valiantnesse & wis­dome. After they had taken truce, they had either like fortune: for the Romans began to warre against the Faliscians, [Page] but within a shorte tyme hauyng sub­dued theyr Citie, the warres brake vp, and they lyued in peace.

Thus endeth the warres be­twixte the Romanes and the Carthaginenses, for the principalitie of Scicilie and the Samnites.

AFter that peace was concluded with the Romanes, the Car thaginenses wer sore oppressed with inte­stine hostilitie, mo­ued by sundry of the Africanes their Countreymen, they were also sore molested by the Numi­dians, and other neighbours adiacent, which almost vanquished them, so that they wer constrained to fight, not on­ly for them selues, for their prouince, for their natiue soile and lawes, but for their libertie, and the safegarde of their children. Which bataile bicause it is worthie of remembrance, I shall shewe it compendiously as I purposed in the beginning: for how cruell, de­spitefull [Page] and deadly a warre it was, which euery man calls bloudy and de­testable, any man may gather by the facts done in his time. Here shal plain­ly be shewed how vigilant and circum spect captaines ought to be, howe they ought to prouide for afterclappes, also what difference it is to make warre with rude and barbarous nations ig­norant in the law of armes, and those which be ciuile & knowe good maners. Finally by shewing this battaile, the fountaine and originall cause shall be apparaunt why Anniball made warre with the Romans, which bicause it was not only obscure to such as haue writ­ten histories of it, but also vnto them which were there present (for in bat­taile there falleth many secrete chaū ­ces) I thought it néedefull to shew the veritie to the studious readers of thys my worke. Amilcar hauing concluded peace with the Romanes, disancored & sayled from Erix to Lilybeum, where he gaue vp his rule, & deliuered the armie [Page 76] to Gesto, which was captain there, to trāsport them into Africa, which fea­ring some euil to chaūce amongst such a multitude as they were, especially being behind with their wages, which the treasure house was not able to dis­charge, it was so sore impouerished, he politikely prouided that they shold not al go together, but in diuers cōpanies, to the ende that they might be the bet­ter dispatched, suffering one company to depart home before he dismissed an other. But the Carthaginenses partely through negligēce, partly through po­uertie, did not only not dispatch them, but cōmanded them to remain in y ^e ci­ty, vntil their felowes came, that they might al receue their wages together, during which time y ^e souldiers did ve­ry much hurt in the citie bothe by day and night, and the multitude augmen­ted so faste, that their factes were in­tollerable. Then the citizens sent for their Captaines, desiring them to con­ueye the Souldiours to Sicca, and to [Page] remaine there vntil the rest of the ar­mie were come into Africa, commaū ­ding certaine money to be distributed particularly amongst them, that they mighte suffer more paciently the pro­tracting of the time. The generalls o­beyed their commaundement, incon­tinently beginnyng to leade forth the Souldiers. They accordyng as they had done before, would haue left their cariage and other impediments in the Citie, thynkyng to returne for theyr wages. But the Carthaginenses being afraide, that if they shold graunt them that libertie, parte would tarie wyth their wiues, other for loue of theyr children, would either not departe, or returne incontinently, and so they to remaine in as euill a case. Wherfore they droue them out by violence, with all their baggage. When the Souldi­ers wer in Sicca, they liued licēciously, and in drousy idlenesse (which ar most pernicious in an hoste, & springs of re­bellion) many of thē asking their wa­ges [Page 77] with proude boasts, & much more they dyd before, being mindfull of the great gifts promised by their captains when they exhorted them to battaile, so that nowe they looked for ample re­wardes beside their stipends: but their opinion was frustrate, for as soone as all the companie were congregated in Sicca, Hanno the Carthaginean Pretor was sēt vnto them, not only without the gifts which they loked, for but al­so talked very much of the scarcitie in the treasure house, requiring them to remit part of their wages. The mul­titude moued with these words began a great vprore and a clamorous noise. There was a great cōtention and de­bate (and no wonder, considering the company and their diuers languages) for the Carthaginenses had gathered an armie of sundry foraine nations, and partly not without a cause, for the ar­mie coulde not conspire any thyng a­mongst them selues for the varietie of their speaches, and were more obedi­ent [Page] at the commaundement of the ge­nerall. But if there chaunced at any tyme either seditiō or insurrection in the armie, no one man could quenche it, for the barbarous clounes wold not be qualified, and beyng once angred, the brainsick fooles waxed vntractable continually outragyng like brutishe beastes without all measure, as they did at that present: there was in the armie Spanyards, Frenchmen, Ligurians, Baliarians, and a greate troupe of Gre­cians, diuers vagabondes of Africa, with innumerable roges, & fugitiues: for which cause it was impossible that one man shoulde rule them all. The Pretor vnderstode not al their lāgua­ges, and to haue many speakers vnto them, it was coūted mere fooilshnesse: wherfore onely their captaines muste nedes do it, so that Hanno laboured in vain: for some of them vnderstode not the commandement of their general: an other company bruted it clean con­trarywise, some through ignoraunce, [Page 78] other of a set purpose and malice, so that nothyng was in the hoste but wrath, anger and ruffling vp & downe with many mischeuous and wycked factes. Amongest other thinges they murmured and complained, bycause none of the Captaines vnder whome they had warred in Scicilie, which pro­mised them the great rewardes, were sent to them, and at the length in gret rage and anger they fell to their wea­pōs, nothing regarding Hanno, or the other captains: and setting towardes Carthage, they encamped at Tunes, fiue miles distaunt from the Citie. They were in number aboue twentie thou­sand. Then the Carthaginenses begā to haue respect to thē selues. Then they began to cōfesse their folishnesse when ther was no way to escape y ^e imminēt dāger: for they wer far ouersene to re­tain such a nūber of hired souldiers in one place, their warrs finished: & they played no lesse the ideots, whē they de­teined not their wyues and children, [Page] with the other traficke in the Citie to serue for hostages, if néede required. But now being afrayde of the greate multitude, they pretermitted nothing which they thought of effecte to miti­gate their furie, sending corne and o­ther victuals into their tentes to take at their owne price: and dyuers am­bassadors were sent vnto them out of the Senate house. But the vagabonds daily waxed crouser, perceyuyng the Carthaginenses fearefull, also conside­ring how they had ben exercised in the Scicilian warrs, and the force of the ci­tizens to be very small, where before they required but their wages, nowe they craued recompence, for their hor­ses were slaine in the warres, and be­ing not satisfied with these requestes, they chalenged the graine of many ye­res ensuing to be due vnto them, and such a price as neuer was heard of be­fore that day, immediatly to be payde for it, dayly excogitating new deuises, to excitate the Citizens to battaile.

[Page 79] The most rascal and seditious knaues wer of greatest authoritie in y ^e armie. The Carthaginenses condescending to their demāds, apointed that al things in controuersie betwixt them, shoulde be decréed by the arbitrement of some one that had ben their captaine in Sci­cilie. They fauoured not Amilcar Bar­cas, bicause he came not forth to them in this troublesome time, and had gy­uen ouer before willingly the captain­shyp, but the whole companie trusted muche in Gesto, bicause he was their captaine in Scicilie, and had bene very curteous towards them, but especial­ly in their transportation to Africa, so they decréed to put all things to his dermination. Gesto incontinently dis­ancoring, with certain money, as sone as he arriued at Tunes, called the Pre­fects together, cōmaunding euery na­tion to be separate and gathered toge­ther. Then he began to blame them for their misdemeanoure, gyuing cer­tain exhortatiōs for the time present, [Page] wishyng them after that (with a long oration) to worship, loue, fauour and haue the Carthaginenses in estimation, in whose seruice they had bene so long time, persuading and exhorting them to be content with their wages, deter­myning to distribute it by nations.

There was in the host a certain Cam­pane, which being a seruant, fled out of Scicilie from the Romans to the Cartha­ginenses, a man of greate strength and courage in battaile, named Spendius: This felow was afrayd, if peace shold be concluded wyth the Carthaginenses, that his maister would catch him, and handle hym according to the Romane lawes, wherfore he labored with tooth and naile to kindle dissention, wishing rather sedition than quietnesse, warre than peace. There was also an Afri­can named Matho, whiche was a frée­man, and hadde bene in the Scicilian warres for the Carthaginenses, yet hée feared punishement, bycause hee was chiefe of the sedition. Thys Compa­nion [Page 80] callyng the Africanes together, counselled them to be ware, for with­out doubt whē the other souldiers had receiued their wages, and were gone, he sayd that the Carthaginenses woulde wreake them selues of the Libians, be­ing informed that they were chief mo­uers of rebellion: And for this cause he wished them to take héede of them selues. The multitude beyng moued with these wordes, and bicause Gesto made onely mention of their wages, speakyng nothyng of recompence for their horsses, neither of the required grain, they gathered into one place to determine of the mater. Spendius and Matho inueyed sore against Gesto, and y ^e other Carthaginēses, & the cōpanysone agréed to their wicked purpose, so y ^t if any counselled them otherwise, they neuer regarded whether it tended to the same end or no, but immediately stoned him to death. After this maner ther wer many not only captains, but also priuate mē which lost their liues, [Page] and nothyng was hearde in thys tu­multe thoroughe the whole hoste, but cast cast: and the vagabunds raged a greate deale more, being newe risen from supper wel tippled, so that if this worde Cast, chaunced once to be pro­nounced, the stones were so ratled in euery corner, that there was no place to escape by.

Thus when no mā durst resist their deuise, Spendius and Matho were in­continently with the whole consente elect capitains. Gesto although he per­ceiued their vnbrideled boldenesse and treason, yet he indeuored himself con­tinually to preferre the profite of hys countrey before all other thyngs, and seing theyr wylde wilfulnesse dayly to increase, and the danger like to en­sue to the Carthaginenses, and the perill that he himself was in, determined to trie all wayes, one whyle calling the chief of the conspiration, another time the bandes particularly, endeuoring himselfe to qualifie them by pleasaunt [Page 81] wordes and faire promises, but they being frustrate of the corne, persisted in requiring it, as done vnto them.

Gesto graunted that it should be deli­uered them willingly, if they would yeld Matho vnto him, at which words they fel into such a frensie, that incon­tinētly they spoiled him of all y ^e money brought to pay them, taking him & the other Carthaginenses there presēt. Ma­tho and Spendius, rulers of these ras­calls, intended to commit some hay­nous offēce, by which they might moue the Citizens sooner to battaile, where­fore they highly extolled the insolen­cie of the souldiers, taking not onely the money, but the males and ferdels, with the other cariages from the Car­thaginenses: and after they had bluste­red out many opprobrious taunts and contumelious wordes against Gesto and his companions, commaunding them to be cast in bondes, they began to rage and waxe cruell, (so that such rebellion was neuer hearde of before) [Page] proclayming open warre against the Carthaginenses. For these causes & ac­cording to this order, began that war which is called the African battaile. Matho and Spendius, hauing commit­ted these factes before mentioned, sent pursiuants through out Africa, inui­ting them to licentious libertie, & to aide them againste the outragious ti­ranie of the Carthaginenses. The Libi­ans condiscending to this their cruell conspiracy, and supporting them with victualls and other necessaries aboun­dantly, the Captaines diuided the Ar­my betwixt them, marching with the one parte to the siege Ʋtica, and with the other to expugnat Hippona, bicause these two Cities would not agrée to y ^t treasō. The Carthaginenses which be­fore time were sustained by husbādrie & accustomed to stuffe their treasury with the tributs gathered in Africa, also to defende them selues with hie­red Souldiers, now were not onely destytute of these patrons, but great­ly [Page 82] infested with them, so that being suppressed with so many sundry cala­mities at one time, they were in dout which way to turne thē, & they were so much the greuouser, chauncing at vnwares: for after they had ben vex­ed with long warres in Scicilie, & con­cluded a league with the Romans, they hoped to soommer and keepe holydaie, thinking them selues mortized in a firme rocke, but it chaunced cleane cōtrary, for there pushed out an other plague more cruell and mortall than the other. They fought with the Ro­mans for the domination of Scicilie, but now they were compelled to plye the boxe for their owne safegarde, their children, country, and natiue soile, to which they neither had armour, wea­pons, nauie, or other preparance, they were brought to such an ebbe by the Romans. Now they loked for no try­bute, neither hoped for any ayde or succour from theyr friendes, fautors, or allyes. Then they perceiued [Page] what difference there was betwixte extreme hostilitie and intestine dissen­tion, of which domestical discorde, they them selues were the source & spring, for in y ^e former warre, supposing thē to haue iuste causes, they were too proude and insolent, exacting much of the Africans, bereuing them of halfe their corne, & doubling their tributes, neither would they redresse any of these faultes which they committed through ignoraunce, bragging them selues of their mastershippes, not bi­cause they hadde behaued them selues honestly, and dealt mercifully in their offices, but for exaggerating and hea­ping vp great mowes of money in the treasure, house for which they had sore pilled the cōminaltie, imitating Han­no which I spake of before, which were causes that the people of Africa, not onely with small intreating, but at a becke agréed to the rebellion, for the womē which before time had sene their husbands & children kept in ser­uitute [Page 83] & bondage, bicause the tributes were vnpayed, gathered together in euery citie, concealing nothing of the goods which was left them, & willing­ly brought their attire and other orna­mēts (a thing which might be thought incredible) to paie the Souldiers, by which meanes Matho and Spendius had such foison and plentie, that not onely they discharged all such things as they promised in the beginning of the conspiracie, but also reserued plen­tie for afterclaps: by which we may learne to prouide, not onely for tyme present, but also for the time to come. The Carthaginenses though they were hemmed in on euery syde with these great calamyties, yet were they not altogether drowned in dispaire, but as the time permitted, hiered new souldi­ers, and made Hanno Captaine ouer them. Then the youth of the Citie be­gan to arme them selues, and exercise riding, the Citizens began to réedifie and botch vp their olde barkes. In the [Page] meane time Matho and Spendius with thrée score and ten thousande armed men, which were come to them out of Africa, hauing the Army deuided (as I shewed before) besieged Hippona: Yet they had not brought all their Ar­my from the tents at Tunes, for which cause the Carthaginenses were cleane excluded out of Africa. Carthage is si­tuate on a promontarie stretching to­wards the sea, & resembleth an Iland, sauing that it ioyneth to Africa: by land on the one side the Citie it self is inuironed partly with the sea, & partly with motes: the piece of ground that ioyneth it to Africa is thrée miles in bredth. Ʋtica is not farre distant from that angle which vergeth into y ^e sea: on the other parte beyond the ditches standeth Tunes, so that the souldiers hauing one parte of their army there, & an other at Ʋtica, excluded the Car­thaginenses out of Africa, and issued oft times bothe by night and day, setting the Citie in great daunger.

[Page 84] While they were in doing these thinges, Hanno prepared diligently al things appertaining to the warre (for he was a very witty man and full of pollicies in such deuises) sone after he set towardes his Enimies, where by the euil descerning of time he shewed a point of an vnexpert Captayne.

After his comming to Ʋtica, at the first onset he put his enimies to flight, being afraide of the Elephantes, but shortly after he brought them which he came to ayde, into greater daunger than euer they were tofore, for when he hadde placed his ordinaunce and other engins belonging to warre, as dartes, quarelcasters, brakes, in his tentes before Ʋtica, he encountred with his Enimies, which being vna­ble to resist the Elephantes, after great slaughter fledde into a hill ad­iacent, which was full of Trées and other bwilde. Then Hanno which had ben only accustomed before y ^t time to warre against y ^e Numidians, who once [Page] beginning to flye, neuer stay or loke backe for the space of three dayes, left to pursue his Enimies, as though he had woon y ^e field, where he regarding nothing, lyued riottously. But his ad­uersaries trained vp vnder Amilcar in Scicilie, where they ofte times had both fled and pursued their enimies, in one day perceiuing him to be entred into the Citie & lye there vncircumspectly, as though he had conquered them, in­uaded his tents, where they killed ma­ny of his Souldiers, chasing the rest with great ignominie & slander into the towne, carying away his engins & munitions without cōtradiction. But the incircumspectnesse of Hanno hin­dred not the Carthaginenses onely at this time, but also within a few dayes after, when his enimies pitched their Tentes at Sorza, where hauing good oportunitie and sitte time in which he might haue vanquished them, (for twice after they were imbattayled, they fell at contention amongst them [Page 85] selues,) yet he through his sluggish idlenesse pretermitted bothe those oc­casions. The Carthaginenses percei­uing the imprudencie of Hanno about such affaires, chose Amilcar Captaine of their armie againe, deliuering vnto him thrée score and ten Elephantes, with the hired souldiers & vagabonds, also the horsemen and footemen of the Citie, so that y ^e whole number amoun­ted to ten thousande men. Amilcar in­continently setting forewarde, with his worthy prowesse, at one time both discoraged his enimies, and deliuered Ʋtica, shewing him selfe worthy of the praises giuen to him for his former actes, and acquiting him self very wel of the expection which the people con­ceiued of him. His worthinesse and po­licie was knowne first in this manner. The Promontarie in which Carthage is situate, ioyneth to y ^e rest of Africa, with a very sharpe ridge, full of holes and bushes, so that the passage is very difficill and made with handy laboure. [Page] Matho kept all the hills aboue the pas­sage, very circumspectly, and the riuer Machera being of profounde vast­nesse and swifte course runneth by it, and can not be passed, but ouer one bridge, on which bridge there standeth a towne called Sephira likewise vnder the regimēt of Matho, so that the pas­sage into Africa was not onely stop­ped to the Carthaginean Army, but to euery priuat man. Amilcar pondering these things circumspectly, indeuored him selfe by all meanes to inuente some way by the which he might passe into Africa with his armie, and at the lēgth vsed this pollicie, vnderstanding how the heads of this for named riuer, were so stopte with certaine windes, that the vaste profoundnesse thereof, was turned to shalow, at which time, he supposed best to conueie his armie. Making no man priuie to this his de­uise, he houered to espie oportunitie, which once offered, he set forwarde in y ^e night time with his souldiers vndes­cried, [Page 86] and conueyed them ouer y ^t riuer. In the morning not only his enimies, but the Citizens were astonyed at his wonderfull passage. Then he marched foreward to them which kept Sephira. But Spendius perceiuing that he had conueyed ouer his Armie with all his retinue, immediatly set forwarde to aide his cōpanions. There were at Se­phira. x. thousand men, & at Ʋtica, about xv. thousād, so they supposed that they might at pleasure impale the Cartha­ginenses if they both marched forward at one time, & incountered with them y ^e one company before & the other be­hind, wherfore incouraging their com­pany they set forward towards Amil­car, which failed not of his iorney, pla­cing his Elephants in the first fronte, then his horsemen & lightest footemen, setting y ^e legion souldiers in y ^e reare­warde, & perceiuing his enimies to be very earnest, cōmanded y ^t incōtinētly the whole order of y ^e battaile should be changed, so they which stode in y ^e fore [Page] warde should returne as though they would flée, and come into the hinmost part, likewise they which were in the rearewarde trauersing about, should enter into y ^e for most rampire, at which sight the Libeans being redy to inuade them on bothe partes, supposing them to be afraide and redy to runne away, incontinently brake their order, and came hurling vpon them, and to handy strokes, but perceiuing the horsemen redy to resist, and the residue of the ar­mie to assaile them in warlike order, they were so astonyed with the rare­nesse thereof, that scattering them selues abroade, they were compelled to flée, many were slayne of the legi­on souldiers, while they inuaded the sides of the battayle, and diuers were ouerrunne by the Elephantes & horse­men, so that there was sixe thousande Libians slaine, and two thousande ta­ken in this combate, the rest fled, some to Sephira, and many to the Campe by V [...]ca. Amilcar after this triumph, pur­sued [Page 87] those which escaped into Sephira, winning y ^e Towne at the first assalte: all the Souldiers fled to Tunes, from thence he passed through the prouince, receiuing many of the townes which reuolted fauorably, & expugnate ma­ny by force of armes, which caused the Carthaginenses, which of late hadde no hope of good fortune or libertie, to re­ceiue their pristinate courage & bold­nesse. Matho in this time besieged Hippona, perswading Spendius and Au­toricus, Captaines of the Frenchmen, to pursue their Enimies, counselling them to eschew y ^e plaines for feare of the Elephantes, and kepe them selues continually in the sides of the moun­taines and in addible wayes, and ne­uer to kepe farre distant from him, for many inconueniences that might en­sue: he also solicitated the Numidians & Libians to rebellion, intising thē with many sugred wordes to assist him, and not to pertermit such an oportunitie, in which they might dyliuer Africa [Page] from bondage and seruitude. Then Spendius with. vj. thousand olde serui­tours picked from amongst the whole hoste at Tunes incamped by y ^e hil sides, not farre distant from his enimies: he had also vnder his conduct, two thou­sand Frēchmen belonging to Antori­cus, for the reste were reuolted to the Romans at y ^e siege of Erix in Scicilie. At this present Amilcar with his Armie remained in a plaine, inuironed with mountaines on euery side, & there re­paired to Spendius great crewes of the Numidians, & troupes of the Africans, so that y ^e Carthaginenses were hemmed in with thrée great hostes of their eni­mies, on y ^e fore side with y ^e Africans, in y ^e diametre with the Numidians, on y ^e other side w ^c Spendius, which brought Amilcar into a great perplexitie, as one desolute & abādoned of al libertie. There was at that present amongst the Numidians, one Nerua, a man dis­cēded of a honorable & noble progenie, both worthy and valiant in battayle, [Page 88] which had always intierly affected y ^e Carthaginenses, & then especially rapte with the noblenesse of Amilcar, which supposing that a time most expedient to obtaine his fauor, approched to his tentes, hauing in his company aboute a hundreth Numidians, and being ap­proched nighe his pauilion, stayed boldly beckning with his hande, & sig­nifying y ^t he would speake with him. Amilcar wondering at his audacitie, sent one forth vnto him, whome Ner­ua aduertised that he would commen with his captaine. Amilcar yet in dout and not rashely crediting his wordes, stoode stil, but Nerua incontinently de­liuering his horse and speare to a Nu­midian that stode by, approched to A­milcar. The whole armie wondered to sée such boldenesse in one man, and beginning to disclose his minde, shew­ed how earnestly he had ben always affected toward y ^e Carthaginenses, & that aboue all things he required y ^e amitie of Amilcar, for which causes he came [Page] at that present to submit him selfe, promising that he would be prest and redy to ayde him without all deceipte or guile, to y ^e vttermost of his power. Amilcar perceiuing his entier affecti­on towardes him, reioised wonderful­ly, as well for the hautie courage that he saw in the young man, by comming to him so stoutly, as for the simplicitie and plainnesse of his words, not mixte with fraude or guile, not onely admit­ting him to his frendeship, but affir­ming if he would persist faithfull and true towarde the Carthaginenses, that he should haue his Daughter in mari­age. After their communication was finished, Nerua returned to his souldi­ers, and in the nexte morning came to Amilcar, with two thousand Numidi­ans, which were vnder his retinue, so that this crue of men being reuolted to the Carthaginenses, Amilcar thought him selfe able to match with his eni­mies. Spendius likewise hauing his ar­my strēgthned by the comming of the [Page 89] Numidians, and Africanes, conducted them into a plaine place, and immedi­atly encountred his ennimies, where was a terrible and cruell fight: but af­ter long contention, by the multitude of their elephants and the prowesse of Nerua, the Carthaginenses obteined the victorie. Then Antoricus and Spendius beyng desolate and abandoned of all comfort, fled away. There were slaine in that combate aboute ten thousande men, and foure thousand taken.

After this victorie Amilcar granted pardon and fréedom to all those which woulde remayne and be his souldiers, deliuering them the armour of those, which were slaine, the reste he called vnto him, persuading them neither to rebell or moue warre against the Carthaginenses, remitting al such offences as they had cōmitted vntill that time, without punishement, licencing them that woulde to returne to their coun­treys. About this time the hired soul­diours that kepte Sardinia, imitating [Page] Matho and Spendius, inuaded all the Carthaginenses inhabiting the Ile, and soone after leading Bostarus and the o­ther into a hold, beheaded them. Then was Hanno sent to be a captain there with a freshe bande of men, which im­mediatly after conspired against hym with the olde souldiers, and made him commense in a Tyburne tippet.

After that, fearyng to suffer condigne punishment for their facinorous facts, murdred all the Carthaginenses, within the Ile, taking the townes and cities into their owne handes, inhabityng them vntil such tyme as there arose a contention betwixte the Sardinians and them, at which time they wer ex­pelled and fledde into Italie. After this maner was Sardinia alienate from the Carthaginenses, well replenished with men, abounding in foison and plentie of graine, of the which bicause many haue written before me, I supposed it not necessary to renouate them, being knowne to all men. Matho and Spen­dius [Page 90] wyth Antoricus, capitaine of the Frenchemen, fearynge least the cle­mencie of Amilcar, in dismissing the captiues, shoulde preuaile and intice the Libians, with the other hired soul­diers from them, endeuoured them selues to inuent some facinorous and detestable act, by which they might a­lienate and withdraw the myndes of the multitude from the Carthaginen­ses, commaundyng a common conuent and generall méetyng to be proclay­med. As soone as the multitude was gathered together, they called a pur­siuant wyth letters, as though he had ben presently sent oute of Sardinia to them The tenure of the letters was, that Gesto, and the other Captiues should be kept circumspectely, bicause there were dyuers in the host, whiche for to obteyne the Carthaginenses fa­uour intended to delyuer them.

Spendius hauyng fayned this occasion, dydde exhorte the Souldioures not to haue muche confidence in the fayned [Page] elemencie of Amilcar, for dismissyng the captiues without punishmēt, say­ing he set them not at libertie to saue them, but by that policie to obtein the residue, & reuenge hym on the whole multitude: he also exhorted them that they should giue vigilāt watch to kepe Gesto, and y ^e other captiues, for if they once escaped, he declared how the eni­mies would haue them in derision and contempt, with many other inconue­niences that woulde ensue, saying they might be wel assured, if that such an excellent and worthy captaine, be­ing so expert in the warres, should es­cape from them thorough their negli­gence and misdemeanor, that he wold be their mortal enimie. As he was yet speaking these wordes, there came an other poast from Tunes, with letters, conteinyng semblable matter, which being red in the multitude, Antoricus captaine of the Frenchemen arose vp, declaring how he had inuented a poli­cie by which they should be sure from [Page 91] their enimies, and it was that all the confidence they had in the Carthaginen­ses, should be vtterly extinguished, ra­tifying that so long as they trusted to their gentlenesse and mercie, there coulde be no trustie souldiours in the armie, for which cause he thoughte it most expedient that they shold be best credited and onely heard which inuen­ted most cruell tormentes, against the Carthaginenses, & who soeuer persuaded them otherwise, he thought to be iud­ged enimies and traitours. When he had spoken these wordes, he exhorted & persuaded that Gesto and the other captiues with all the reste of the Car­thaginenses which should be taken after that day, might be put to moste villa­nous and cruell death. This his ora­tion was of great effecte amongst the multitude, bicause the most parte vn­derstode him: for he was of such con­tinuance in the warres, that he spake the Africanes language, in which most part had knowledge by continuance [Page] of this warre, so that the Souldiers commended his doyng maruellously. Then flocked out many plumpes of e­uery Nation, and consulting amongst themselues, thought it best that these cruell punishementes should be put in practise, especially vpon Gesto, whiche had bene very beneficiall to them be­fore that time. Ther was such a cack­lyng amongest them, blabberyng in straunge language, that none vnder­stode it, but being bruted once in the host, how they intended to canuaise y ^e Carthaginenses so cruelly, a certain sedi tious person called Geta, beyng there present, cried out alowde (Cast.) At which word the whole armie made y ^e stones to rattle about them, and drew out their owne countrey men, kins­folks and neighbours all to scorched, as thoughe they had bene torne wyth wylde beastes. Thus they broughte forth Gesto, with the other Captiues, to the number of seuen hundreth, be­ginnyng with him, whiche a little be­fore [Page 92] they chose to bée their arbiter, as one, to whome they were most bound, cutting of their handes, tearyng their membres, and in the end their thighes beyng all forfrushed, cast them into a bushie plot, not altogether dead. The Carthaginenses hauyng knowledge of the crueltie shewed to their Citizens, wist not what they shoulde doe, but with great grief and pensiuenesse, be­wailed the despituous death and cru­el torments thei susteined. Then they sent ambassadors to Amilcar and Han­no, desiring them not to suffer the cru­eltie shewed then to their Citizens to be vnreuenged, willing them to sende a Harolde to their malicious enimies for to obtain their bodies to be enter­red: but their carcases were not only denyed, but also warnyng gyuen to sende no moe Haroldes, for if they dydde, they shoulde also drynke of the same whippe, saying, they had decréed by the common consente, and also woulde ratifye it, that as manye [Page] of the Carthaginenses as they coulde catch, should be cruelly put to deathe, and that of their confederates and ma­tes they woulde cut of, and kepe the hands, for good abearaunce, and so dis­misse them to Carthage, whiche order they obserued diligently afterwards, so that if any consider these things at­tentiuely, he may boldly affirme, that not only in the bodies of men are cer­taine maladies incurable, but also in their myndes. For as a botche if you laye any healyng medicine to cure it, when it begynneth to féele the opera­tion & vertue of the medicine, encrea­seth, likewise if you neglect and take no regard of it, it augmenteth muche more of the propre nature, neither de­sisteth it til such time as the whole bo­die be corrupt: semblable restauration and corruptions chance to the minde: so that no other brute beaste is made more cruel, fierce or outragious, ney­ther more wilde or bestial than a man if you grant him libertie and fréedom: [Page 93] if you handle hym beningly or gently he thinketh you goe aboute to deceiue him, so that you are worse trusted for your benefite bestowed: contrarywise if you take agaynst him, there is no­thing so hurtfull or noysome, which he wyll not assay, supposyng it to turne to his great praise, while he slides in­to suche brutishenesse, that he cleane forsaketh the Nature of a man, which hath the beginning of corrupte man­ners and sinistre education in the nonage. To this also there chaunceth many augmentations afterward, but the especiall captaines are couetous­nesse and crueltie, which vices flouri­shed plentifully at that present, bothe in the multitude and generals.

While this brewing was yet in tap­ping, Amilcar sente for Hanno, the o­ther Carthaginean captain, supposing y ^t armies being knit together to end the warre sooner, and all the prisoners which he had either there, or caughte afterwardes, he cast to be deuoured of [Page] the Elephantes, perceiuyng the rebel­lion shoulde onely be extinguished by vtter subuersion of his enimies. Now the Carthaginenses were in good hope, and feared not the warrs, but fortune altered sodainely, and tourned their matters quite contrarie: for as soone as the two capitaines were associate, there ingendred such a rancor and de­bate betwixt them, that they not one­ly omitted to inuade their ennimies, but offered occasions that their aduer­saries might assaile them. The Car­thaginenses being moued with this dis­sention, commanded that one of them shoulde returne into the Citie, and the other which the Souldiers woulde, to remaine with the hoste. To amplifie this mischiefe the moste parte of their hulkes which conueyed victuals and o­ther necessaries into the cāpe wer lost in a sodain tēpest: also Sardinia (as I sayd before) was reuolted from them, whence they were accustomed to haue much aide & succor in their warres: & lest they shold lack miserie, Hippona & [Page 94] Vtica, which only amōgst al y ^e cities in Africa, not onely in that troublesome time, but in their warrs against Aga­thocles, and the Romanes had remained their especiall & faithful friends, were now become their enimies, and al the Carthaginenses with their captaines to aide them, wer cruelly murdered, nei­ther could they obtaine their bodies of the cruel Creons. Matho & Spendius be­ing very proude and lofty for these oc­casions, marched forwarde to besiege Carthage. Then was Annibal associate to Amilcar, for after that Hanno was forsaken of the souldiers by the electi­on in the vprore, they sent him forth. Then Amilcar with Annibal & Nerua, scoured through the prouince, preuen­ting & stoppyng the victuals of their enimies, continually endeuoring him self to those things y ^t wer most neces­sary, but being enuironed & compassed on euery part with his ennimies, hée was gladde to retire to the Cities ad­ioyning of their friends & aides. Hie­ron, Kyng of Scicilie supported the [Page] Carthaginenses very plentifully with all necessaries, considering that theyr prosperitie should be very cōmodious to him, both for the defence of Scicilie, and obseruing his amitie with the Ro­manes, least the Carthaginenses, beyng cleane vanquished and suppressed, the Italians might at their pleasure, and without contradiction doe what plea­sed them, which surely was a politike and subtil inuention: for it is good to take héede & suffer no prince to come to such estate, that in manifest wrōgs he must be winked at. The Romanes also being in league with the Cartha­ginenses at that time, forlet him not to aide them. But there was a breache betwixt them for this cause. The Car­thaginenses when their Citie was first besieged, taking fiue hundreth Romans which commyng from Italy, supported the vagabōds with victuals, cast them in prison, which the Romanes toke gre­uously, and as an outrage to them. Wherfore shortly after they sent am­bassadors [Page 95] to the Carthaginenses for the same matter, to whome they gently dismissed those which were in bondes, whiche doing was so acceptable and gratefull to the Romanes, that inconti­nently they sent home without raun­som al the Carthaginean souldiers that they toke in Scicilie, continually after that daye aydynge the Carthaginenses with such things as wer requisite, per­mitting their marchant men to trans­port corne to Carthage, straitely com­maunding that none should ayde their enimies, neither woulde they accepte the legates of the olde souldiers inha­biting Sardinia, offring to yeld the Ile vnto them. Incontinently after the ci­tizens of Vtica, which had rebelled a­gainst the Carthaginenses, gaue vp both them selues and their Citie, into the Romanes hands, whome they likewise forsooke, intendyng by no meanes to falsifie their promisse. The Carthagi­nenses being thus relieued with succor of their friends, suffered the siege pa­cientely, [Page] so that Matho and Spendius were as sore besieged as they did be­siege: for Amilcar kept al victuals and other necessaries so straightly frō thē, that they were glad to dissolue theyr campe. Within few days after, they chose out the valiauntest souldiers of their whole armie, so that with fiftie thousand men they incontinētly mar­ched towards Amilcar, eschuing y ^e plai­nes for feare of the Elephants & hors­men of Nerua, kéeping in the hilles and byways scant passable, at which tyme though they were nothing inferior to their enimies in boldnesse, yet for lack of knowledge, they wer ouercome by the Carthaginenses. There a mā might haue well discerned the difference be­twixt a cunning and expert captain, & the rude multitude: for as they fought dayly, Amilcar dyd nothing vncircum­spectly or foolishe hardily, which soone daūted the corage of Spendius, but cō ­tinually finding wayes to intrap hys ennimies, and other times bringyng [Page 96] them in daunger with sodaine inuasi­ons, casting all those which he caught on liue to be deuoured of the elephāts, and at the laste closed them in a peril­lous place, very fitte for hys purpose, where he set them in suche a perplexi­tie, that they durste not fight for feare of the Elephants and horsemen, ney­ther coulde they escape by runnyng a­way, they were so incompassed wyth ditches, where they wer so languished with penurie and wante of foode, that one was constrained to eate an other, suffering iust vengeance for the cruel­tie they vsed to their friends and coū ­trey men. Thus they remained, not daring encountre with their enimies, perceiuing them to haue obtained vic­torie alredie, and presently beholding y ^t terrible tortours prouided for them. They thought it vayne to aske peace, perceiuyng no hope of mercie to re­mayne, considering the greate cruel­tie whiche they had vsed before, but remayned in myserie, contynually [Page] loking for aide from Tunes. After they had deuoured the bodies of their cap­tiues and seruants (for of long tyme they had none other repaste, they re­mained with great grief of hūger and feare of punishment, at the last decre­ing to speake with the Carthaginenses to intreate for peace, they sent a pur­s [...]uant to desire y ^t their Legates might talke with Amilcar. When they had obteyned this requeste, the ambassa­dours were sente, with whom Amil­car made this paction, that he woulde choose fréely tenne of hys ennimies, which he pleased, and let all the reste depart with bagge and baggage, with­out damage or hurt. Whē these coue­nantes were established, Amilcar wēt to receiue those, for whom he had con­cluded peace, so that Spendius, Antori­cus and diuers other chief doers in the host, and beginners of the vprore wer deliuered hym. The Lybians percey­uing the deliuerāce of their captains, and being ignoraunte of the pactions [Page 97] that were determined, supposed the Carthaginenses to haue betrayed them, wherefore incontinently they armed them, thinking to defend them selues in an angle of their tentes, but Amil­car marching againste them with his Elephants and other of his host, quick­ly dispatched and killed them, euery one being in nūber aboue forty thou­sād, nigh to a place called Serra, taking the denomination of the Carpenters instrument, called a Saw. Thus the Carthaginenses which a lyttle before were in dispaire of their safegard and helth, began to receiue a good courage, hoping to be reduced to their pristinat estate. Amilcar with Nerua and Anni­bal, ceased not to wander and forage abrode in the countrey, so that many of y ^e Africans reuolted to thē, & diuers Cities yelded willingly. Then they brought their hoste to Tunes, intēding to besiege Matho and his accomplices. Annibal pitched his tents on y ^t side of the towne which is towards Carthage [Page] and Amilcar on the opposite. They brought with them Spendius and the other which they had taken, and han­ged them all in the sight of their eni­mies. When Amilcar was departed to his station, Matho perceiuing Annibal to come into his tentes with his soul­diers verie rashly, thought it not best to pretermit such an oportunitie, but issued out against the Carthaginenses, & toke many of them, compelling the rest to returne, sacking their tentes, & carying away their stuffe. In this cō ­bate Annibal the Carthaginean captain was taken aliue, & incōtinently led to the gallowes of Spendius, where they toke and hanged vp Annibal, & murde­red thirtie noble men of Carthage, a­bout the dead corps of Spendius, so that fortune declined equally to both par­tes, giuing them time to be reuenged of their enimies. Amilcar being war­ned to late of this vnhappie chaunce, could not helpe them, the plot was so impassible, wherfore he remoued from [Page 98] Tunes, and brought his armie to the ri­uer Machera, where he encamped a­long y ^e banke. The Carthaginenses hea­ring tell of the wretched chance hap­pened to their men, begon to dispaire, but incontinently recouering theyr spirites, they studied diligently to pre­serue the state of their Citie. Then they sent their Senatours legates to Amilcar which led with them Hanno, and a new crew of men, commaun­ding that in any case they should take vp the olde rancor & debate that was betwixt him and Amilcar, which being vnited together, shoulde with one minde indeuour them selues to con­quer theyr ennimies, willing them to way the cruelty of that time, wyth the necessitie and apparaunt daunger the Citie was in.

The Senatours called the captains together, then after many and sundry exhortatiōs smothered & repressed the cankered sedition, reconcyling & ma­king thē obedient to y ^e Carthaginenses. [Page] Then afterwardes all things were ruled by y ^e two captaines, so that war­ring against Matho, after many chan­ces both at Leptis & other places, they appointed to pitch a fielde and fight it out with their enimies, to which both parts came coragiously, gathering the friends & allies out of euery corner, sending for them which were appoin­ted to defend the cities, knowing that in this battaile one parte should win the spurres. After that bothe armies had prepared all things belonging to the battaile, and were ready, they or­derly inuaded on the other: y ^e battaile was maruellous cruell, rigorous and mortall, but the Carthaginenses in the ende obtained the victorie. The moste part of their Enimies were slaine in fight, the rest fled to a little Citie ad­iacent, which yelded immediatly. So that onely Ʋtica and Hippona, perseue­red in their obstinacie, acknowledging their wickednesse, hoping of no mer­cy for their facinorous crime, by which [Page 99] we may learne a modest meane to be of much efficacie, and that it is better to pill straws, than to worke such cu­rious geare and crafty conueyaunces, that in the ende the same is intollera­ble. But at the laste, Amilcar & Hanno incamping about them, they were for­ced to yelde, & agree to all such things as pleased the Carthaginenses. Accor­ding to this maner was the African warre ended, in which y ^e Carthaginen­ses had such prosperous successe, that they not onely obtained all Africa, but also executed condign punishment vpon the rebelles. Matho & his copes mates were led about the towne with the youth of the Citie for a triumph, & then put to paines worthy of their wickednesse. This war endured thrée yeares and foure monethes, far exce­ding all other in crueltie and wicked­nesse, that euer I heard of. About that time the Romans were allured by the persuasions of the souldiers that fled out of Sardinia, to transfrete into the [Page] Iland, which thing the Carthaginenses somewhat stomaked bicause the Ilād belonged rather vnto them, and there­fore prepared an army to send into it. The Romans hauing gotten that occa­sion, commaunded them to desist from their purpose, affirming their prepa­raunce not to be so much againste the Sardinians, as against them. The Car­thaginenses perceiuing how they were not able at that presēt to match with the Romans, louted for the time, and es­chuing al occasions of battaile, did not onely graunt them the Iland, but also sent them a thousand & two hundreth talents, least they should assaile them at that present. Thus orderly accor­ding to this prescripte maner were these things done.

Nihil est dulcius bene impensi temporis Memoria. Contra vero his molestius nihill.

Thus endeth the first booke of histo­ries written by the most famous and worthy Grecian Chronographer, Poly­bius, intreating in the first part of the [Page 110] warres betwixt the Romans and the Carthaginenses, for the domination of Scicilie, in the second parte of y ^t warrs betwixt the Carthaginenses and their mercinarie souldiers, a rich & worthie worke containing holsome counsailes and wonderful deuises against the in­combraunce of fickle fortune, and comfortable consolations for them that are depressed by hir, a worke much profitable to all the Reders thereof but especially to the diligent digesters of the same.

IF any couet to know why I toke in hande to renouate the triumphante reigne and victorious actes of this Arabical Phoenix and famous conque­rour, either how I was bolde to coarct them so compendiously, whereby his martial prowes may be thought to be appalled or diminished, to the reaso­nable requeste, and trusting to their humanitie, thus I aunswere them, im­ploying my diligēce and studie in the obscure workes and intricate engins of the famous Aristotle, prince of Phi­losophers, to attaine some knowledge continued in that sage Sophye, my wittes were so cloyed, yea almost da­sed, [Page 101] that of necessitie and constrainte, I was forced to seke some recreation. Then incontinently came to my me­mory, a sentence of the diuine & gol­den Plato, containing these wordes. When thou arte fatigate vvith studie, recreate and repose thy selfe vvith re­uoluing vvorthy Histories. Then I be gan to excogitate what Histories of al other were most famous & Peragons in the comparison of the rest, being de­sirous to practise some presēt remedy. But then tumbled an other thought in my braine, which persuaded me to thinke, if the varietie of studie reui­ued and set on edge an obtuse or blunt wit, that the alteration of the langu­age should be of some effycacie & force. So I raught to our English Chrona­cles compiled by Edvvard Hall, which by fortune (behelde the fountaine and effycient of my translation, and all the rest) lay open at that present in the life of King Henry the fift, where was noted in the margent, the Oration of [Page] Henry Chickley Archbishop of Canter­bury, which Oration I red ouer, and at the ende a replye to the same, made by the right honorable Lorde Rafe, earle of Westmerlande, a man of no lesse grauitie than experience, which was garnished with such floures of Retho­ricke, and matter of importance, that if it had ben in Greke and Latine, it had ben nothing inferiour, but equiualent with the Orations of Demosthenes or Tully. When I had taken a superficial sight of it, I was rapte in minde more profoundly to digest his stately stile knit together as the Ambre, and argu­mentes indissoluble as the Adamant. After that I had circumspectly ponde­red and wayed it with deliberation, I wondered not a little to sée such elo­quence and pithie sentences procede out from such a potentate as scant in these our dayes demane from graue & great learned Doctors. There lacked no copie of examples, as of y ^e Persians, the Africans, the Grekes and especially [Page 102] of the Romans, by diuerse other nati­ons, yea of Englande and Scotlande. When I had perused the mellifluous Oration of this worthy Oratour and mightie magistrate, I determyned with my selfe to reade some of the fa­mous Histories, out of which he had picked such pleasant pearles, and espe­cially before the rest that Historie in­treating of the warres made by the Romans for Scicilie, and the Citie of the Samnites, out of the which he hadde col­lected the most firme & infringible ar­gumentes of his Oration. With the perusing of the which History, I was so rapt and pleasured, that my appal­led senses were quickned, and my dul wit sharpened & reuiued. For y ^e which causes I vowed to apply my vacant houres in reducing it to our maternal & vulgar tong, vnder the protection & gouernāce of y ^e most worthy sequele & hautie successours of y ^e incomparable Earle, trusting so much to their boūti­ful beneuolēce & accustomed gētlenes, which naturally is plāted in y ^t stock, so [Page] that they would gratefully accept my good wil towards them. When y ^e mat­ter was come to this point, I thought that of necessitie I must nedes pen the oration which was the originall cause of this my translation, that thereby I might satisfie them which were desi­rous to know for what cause I toke this worke in hand, which could not be done without declaring of the bishops which was the cause of the earls. So then I was persuaded, that euery man would be desirous to know for what cause the bishop made his, which could not be shewed without entring into the life of King Henry, the which per­cell of his life would haue caused him to haue ben iudged of some maligne & cursed persons, a wicked prince. But for their confounding which would go about to take such a cause where none is offered, I iudged it as a thing neces­sarie, at the leaste compendiously to shew this abstract, of the life of our worthy and renoumed prince and go­uernour, [Page 103] not neding any argelier to explicate & set forth his workes, bothe bicause I should soner emptie the Oc­ceans, and fill the vorages of Scilla and Caribdis, than shew his merited prai­ses which are done alredy, as worthe­ly as may be by any man, (in the vni­on of the two illustre and noble fami­lies of Lancaster and Yorke, compiled by the forenamed Hal) but yet not ac­cordingly as they ought to haue ben, or as he deserued, and also bicause this may sufficiently serue for the vnderstanding of that which I intēded. Thus fare you well: from my study in saint Iohns Col­ledge at Cambridge.

THe mightie & puissāt prince Henry, sonne & heire to king Hen­ry the fourth, toke vpon him the highe power and regimēt of this Realme of England, the twenty day of March, in the yeare after that Christ our sauiour had entred into y ^e immaculate wombe of y ^e holy Ʋirgin his natural Mother, a thousand foure hundreth and eyght, and was crowned King, the ninth day of April next ensuing, and proclaimed King, by the name of King Henry the fift. This King was the man which (according to the auncient prouerbe) declared & shewed, that honour ought [Page 104] to chaunge maners: for incontinently after that he was inthronised in the siege royall, and had receiued the dia­adem and scepter of this famous and fortunate region, he determined with him selfe to put on the shape of a new man, & to vse an other sort of liuing, turning insolency & wildenesse, into grauitie and sobernesse, and waue­ring vice into constant vertue: and to the entent that he would so per­siste without reflection, either least he should bée allured by the sinister persuasions of his familyer compa­nions, with whome he had passed his adolescencie in wanton pastimes and ryotous rufflings, he banyshed and separated from him, all his olde flat­terers, and lighte bolde brainesicke playféeres, but not vnrewarded, in­hibiting them from thence forth on a great payne, not once to approche eyther to his speach, or presence, nor yet to lodge or soiourne within ten miles of his highe Courte, or royall [Page] mansion, and in their places elected & chose men of grauitie and great wit, with such as were practised in pollicie and martial prowes, by whose skilful wisdome, curious counsayle, prudent pollicies, and ingenious instructions, he might at all times rule regally, to his high honour, & guide his gouernāce princelike to his profit. This péer­lesse prince was righteously reported to be y ^e rare Arabical Phoenix, and the very Peragone of his predecessours.

This haughty Henry was a King, whose life was exempt from al faults, & his liuing vnspotted with obloquie, this curtuous king was a princely po­tentate, whome all men leally loued & none disdained or dreade: this prewe Prince was a coragious Captaine, a­gainst whome fickle Fortune neuer fraudulently frowned, nor irous mis­chaunce once spitefully spurned: this warlike Captaine was a sincere shep­herd, whome his fawning flocke faith­fully fauored, and obediently obeyed, [Page 105] and with continuall acclamations, re­knowledged their louing lorde. Thys our pastor was such a iust iusticiarie, y ^t no facinorous fact was pretermitted vnpunished, or faithfull frendshyp de­stitute of due desert. This gentle Iu­sticiarie was so vnfaynedlye feared, that all rage and rebellion were quite banished, and all sedition suppressed. His feruēt vertues were no more no­table than his fine qualities wer wor­thy of praise, for the whiche fewe or none were to him comparable. No mā could be found more temperate in ea­ting and drinking than he was, he fai­ned no frugalitie, his diet was not de­licate dainties, but rather rurall and grosse, more to be desired of the wea­ried warrier than to be offred to amo­rous ladies. Hys indomable courage was so constant, and his hearte was so immutable, that he reiected al feare and dastardly dread from him was vt­terly banished. He had such profound knowledge in conducting and ordring [Page] an armie, and suche a rare grace in the incoraging of his souldiers, that frēch men publikely pronounced him to bée inuincible and impossible to be van­quished. Hée was endued with suche pregnant wyt, such perfecte prudence and admirable policie, that he neuer enterprised any thing before he hadde diligently debated it, and circumspect­ly foresene all such meane chances as might happen. And when the end was concluded, with al celeritie & courage, he furthered his pretence & purpose.

Wonder it is to heare, how he being a potentate of honor, a prince of youth, a Kyng of riches, and extract of so hautie a familie, didde continually abstaine from lasciuious lyuing and blynde a­uarice, yea in the time of sinister chan­ces, he was no more dolent than in the time of victorie, the which constancie fewe men haue or can vse. Such a sta­ble stomacke had he, and such a graui­tie was ingrauen in the bottome of his heart. What politike practises and [Page 108] diuers deuises, he ingeniously inuēted & vsed, in findyng sodain and resolute remedies for present mischiefes, and what captainlike conueyances he fre­quented, in the exempting hym selfe and his people in imminent distresses, except he had shewed them in the cou­ragious conflict and bold battail fiercely fought at Egencourt, and in dyuers other places to the great confusion of the Frenche nation, they might haue bene thought incredible. In the which bolde battaile he victoriously vanqui­shed, with a small power of oure En­glishe souldiers insuperable, the flou­res of France, fast buckled with boiste­rous bāds on their barbed horses, hol­ding sharpe speares and funerall wea­pons in their vnhautie hands: also the bolde Britains with fiery handgunnes, and slashing swords, with the practised Pickards, which caried strong & weigh­tie Crosbowes, beside the fierce brain­sick Brabanders, and strong Almayns, with their long pushing pykes, by his [Page] prudent policies, he sodainly subuer­ted all these, in the which combat, the sworde deuoured aboue ten thousande persons, wherof were princes and no­bles bearing banners a hundreth sixe and twentie, all the remnant sixtene hundreth excepte, were Knightes, Es­quiers, and Gentlemen, so that of no­ble men and high blood wer slain eight thousande and foure hundreth of the Gallician armie. And in thys furious battaile onely fiue or sixe hundreth of our English armie, with two or thrée of the nobilitie were exempt from the fruition (with eternall glorie) of this incomparable terrene triumph. Thys conflict may be a notorious mirroure and gasing glasse to all christen Prin­ces to behold and folow, and also a re­sonable testimonie and attestation of the worthie acts perpetrate by our fa­mous King Henry, the english Hector, which was the blasing comete and gli­stering lanterne of his days. He was the mirrour of Christendome, and the [Page 107] glorie of hys countreye. Hée was the floure of kings passed, & a seing glasse to such as should succede. No emperor surmounted him in magnanimitie, no potentate was more piteous or lorde more bounteous, no Kyng had lesse of his subiectes, and neuer King conque­red amplier dominions, whose fame by hys death as liuely flourisheth, as his acts in this life were séene and re­membred, hée was the scourge of the Frenchmen, and continually abated and appalled their courages: yet he neuer putte confidence in hys owne strength, neither in the puissaunce of his people, nor in the fortitude of hys champions, neither yet in the strength of his barbed horses, or any whitte in his owne policie. But he acknowled­ged God to be the onely cause and ga­therer of these his heape of renoumes and victorious conquests, in whom he put his whole confidence hope & trust, vpon whom he stedfastly ancored and firmely cleaued vnto in all his daun­gers, [Page] as to an immouable rock or sted­fast corner stone. And he which neuer leaueth them destitute that put theyr trust in him, remunerated his firme fayth, with many glorious and trium­phaunt victories, of the whiche some might almost be thought incredible, if we had not red in the booke of Kings, that God likewise had defended them that put their affiance in him, and committed them selues wholly to his go­uernance. This worthie Peragon, a­mongest all gouernours, remembred that a King ought to rule with witte, grauitie, circumspection, diligence & constancie: and for that cause to haue a rule cōmitted, not as an honor, but for an onerarious charge and quotidi­an carefulnesse, not to looke so muche on other mens liuing, as seriously to consider and intentiuely reuolue hys own propre acts and doings, for which cause he not so muche trusting to the redinesse of his owne capacitie, nor to the iudgement of his owne wauering [Page 106] will, called to hys Counsell such pru­dent and politike personages as shold not onely helpe to illeuate and sustein his charge, in supportyng the burdeyn of his realme and empire, but also in­cense and instructe him with such good reasons and fruitful persuasions, that he mighte shewe hym selfe a singular mirrour ano manifest example of Mo­rall vertues and good qualities, vnto hys common people, and louyng sub­iectes.

After that he had layde thys prudente and politike foundation, he intended in his minde to do many noble and no­table actes, and remembryng that all goodnesse commeth of God, and that all worldly things and humaine actes be more weaker and poorer than the celestiall powers & heauenly rewar­des, determined to begyn wyth some thing which shold be pleasant and ac­ceptable vnto God. So that after hée hadde establyshed all things, beyng in [Page] controuersies and variaunce within these his peculiar realmes, countreys, territories and confines to the same, nothyng forgetting, nor no one thyng more desiring than the extermination and ceassing of the long scisme and di­uision sprong and continued in the ca­tholike church of christian religion, by the moste wicked desire of a Sathani­call swarme of wicked worldlings, as contemptuous Cardinals, bloudthir­stie Bishops, pelting Priours, ambiti­ [...]us Abbots, mischeuous Monkes, fil­thie Frierlike furies, and a companie of cakling Canons, with a pestiferous plumpe of popish Proctors, & a troupe of trouncing Tyrants, with other mo monstrous monasticall mirroures of mischiefe, disordred orders of the vn­satiable Romish sea, which nominated them selues spirituall Chyrurgians, but in dede they wer carnal, couetous and gréedie deuouryng gluttons, aspi­ring for high honor and not for vertue to the licencious and proude rent rock [Page 109] of Rome, where was and is frequen­ted dayly wanton, luxurious, superflu­ous and vndecent pompes, with disso­lute maners, neyther are they taken for enormities (beyng permitted by their diabolicall dimigod) with these peruerse fugitiues, being alienated & reuolted from Gods truth, and ariued in the pensiue hauen of inexplicable wickednesse, for which their diuelishe digression, they shall be afflicted wyth condigne punishmēt and terrible tor­tours, vnlesse they spéedily retire and endeuour to reduce them selues, from the barbarous insolencie, in the which they haue long loitered, as the accla­mations and earnest exhortations of the sincere Euangelisters, desistyng any longer to protract the time to per­seuer and participate wyth those ra­ging Romists, whiche desire more to pill than to profite Christes flocke and christian religion by sellyng of theyr polling pardōs, which thei make serue in place of passportes for those whiche [Page] intend to peregrinate through purga­torie, & vngracious indulgences. For these causes the Kings royal maiestie most graciously graūted & establyshed a parliament in the second yere of his famous reigne, to hys hygh honoure, and to the inestimable aduauncement of pure religion, calling his high court the last daye of Aprill in the towne of Leicester. In the whiche parliament many commodious lawes were con­cluded, & diuers petitions moued were for that time deferred, amongst which requestes one was, that a complaynte exhibited in the parliament holden at Westminster in the eleuenth yere of Kyng Henry the fourth, which by rea­son that the King was at that instant vexed with ciuile diuisiō, intestine dis­cord, domesticall discention, & the pro­rogation of the parliament came to no effect, might now be wel studied, pon­dred and resolutely concluded. The ef­fect of which supplication was, that all the temporal lands which in auncient [Page 110] times had ben deuoutly giuen, & nowe disordinately spent by the rude religi­ous rablement & other spiritual spite­soules, whiche apishly vsurped the na­mes of spirituall pastors, myght well suffise to maintein to the honor of the Prince and defence of the realme, fif­tene honorable Erles, fiften hundreth worshipful Knights, six thousand and two hundreth gentle Esquiers, and a hundreth almes houses, for relief only of the poore, néedie and impotent per­sones, and the King to haue clerely to his priuate cōmoditie and amplifiyng of his tresury twenty thousand poūds with many other ample prouisions & large values of the rakehellish, other­wise called religious houses, whiche I pretermit that was riotously spent by the panchplying porkheads. This be­fore remēbred supplicatiō was atten­tiuely noted & much feared, amongst y ^e cursed companie of drousie dreaming Dromos, I mean Baals Baldons y ^t mun­grel Massalians & cruel churchrobbers [Page] whome it touched most in effect, in so muche that the grosse Gospeller, Eth­nike Epicures, beastly bellygods, wic ked worldlyngs and spirituall shaue­lyngs, were fallen in a pelting chafe, the bloudy Bishoppes broyled, the cul­lionly Cardinalles coured, the proude Priours frouned, the fat Abbots swet, the pore Friers cursed, the white Cha­nons chafed, the poore Nunnes puled like Puttockes, in conclusion, all the sectarie Sathanists were sore displea­sed. Now to finde a present preserua­tiue for a mischeuous chaunce, and a sanatiue tent for a déepe wound, Cai­phas clergie clustred, mynding rather to play with the pliant réede, thā stub­burnely to stande with the stiffe Oke, purposed rather to bowe than breake, so that they agréed to offer vnto the King a mighty masse of money to stay the newe moued demaund. The cause of this offer séemed to some of the craf­tie cullions and periured pilates, ney­ther decent nor conuenient, for the pa­terne [Page 111] lay so plaine before their eyes, that they well foresawe and perfectly knew that if the commons once per­ceiued their legierdemaine, and that by rewardes and offer of money they en­deuoured them selues to resiste their request and petitiō, that then they be­ing stirred & kindled with furie would not onely asprely raile, but also wor­thily contemne them as priuy corrup­ters of Princes, and ennimies to the publike vtilitie, and importunatly cal vpon the Kings Maiestie and his hono­rable Lords temporall, that they were like to bestowe both laboure, charges, and liuing. Wherefore they determi­ned vigilantly to forecast all chaunces that might preuaile, or further theyr pretensed purpose, and like an vngra­cious garde, and as auctors and procu­rers of all mischieues and facinorous factes, they intended to exterminate this the commons request oute of the Kings minde, & to obnebulate his sen­ses with some glistering vaile, or to [Page] replenish his brayne with some newe toy, lest he shoulde fantasie or regarde their importunate petition. The per­formance of which tended so much to Gods glorie and the aduancement of true religion and vertue. Wherefore vpon a daye when the Kings Maiestie was set the parliament house vpon his imperiall throne, Henry Chickley Archbishop of Cāterbury, therto new­ly preferred, which had ben a Monk of the cankred Carthusians sect, a manne which had professed wilful pouertie in religion, but to speake congruely in y ^e relegation of religion, yet hopping a­broade, waxed as lustie as a Marche hare, or rather madde (as wée maye tearme it) hys mynde was incensed wyth the furious flames of lordelyke honoure: Also thys peruerse Paule, beyng a verie Saule, accordyng to the rule of blessed Becket, was so zealous in Gods religion, that he regarded ten tymes more hys owne priuate com­moditie than the sincere euangelicall [Page 112] doctrine, as all the trayne of the dimi­god hys filthie fraternitie did, always concealyng double faces vnder theyr hoodes and counterfeacte coules, but truelyer termed calues cases, after lowe obeysaunce and double duckyng made to the Kings honour, spake after thys maner in effect.

When I consider our moste intier­ly beloued and lesse dread soueraigne lorde and natural Prince, the louyng kindnesse, the dayly labour and conti­nuall studie, whiche you incessantlye implore, both for the aduauncemente of the honour of your Realme, and al­so profite of your people, I can not or oughte not, excepte I woulde be no­ted not onely ingratefull to your roy­all person, beyng my patron and pre­ferrer, but also a neglecter of my du­tie, a secrete mummer of suche thyn­ges, whyche doe touche youre inheri­taunce, holde my peace or kéepe sy­lence. For all Authours doe agrée, that the glorye of Kyngs consysteth [Page] not only in high bloud and hautie pro­genie, not in abundance of riches and superfluous substance, nor in pleasant pastime, nor in ioyous solace: but the verie type of the magnificencie in a prince resteth in populous riche regi­ons, subiects, beautiful cities and tow­nes, of the which thanked be God, al­though you be conueniently furnished bothe within your realmes of Englād and Irelande, and the principalitie of Wales, yet by lineall discent by pro­genie of bloude, and by very inheri­tance, not onely the Duchie of Nor­mandie, and Aquitane, with the Coun­ties of Aniow, and Mayne, and the countrey of Gascoyne, is to you as true and indubitate heire of the same, lau­fully deuoluted and lineally descēded from the high and most noble prince of famous memorie Kyng Edwarde the thirde, your great grandfather, but al­so the whole realme of Fraunce, wyth all the prerogatiues and preheminen­ces to you as heire to your great grād [Page 113] father is of right belonging, and ap­pertaining. In which Realme to re­hearse what noble persōs, what beau­tifull Cities, what fertill Regions, what substanciall marchauntes, and what plentiful Riuers are contained, I assure you, that time should rather fayle, than matter waxe scant. The fraudulent Frenchmen to defraude, & take away your right and title to the Realmes of Fraunce, in the time of your noble progenitour, King Edward the third, alleaged a law, vntruly fay­ned, falsely glosed and sophistically ex­pounded, whereof the very words are these. In terram Salicam mulieres ne suc­cedant. Which is to say, let not womē succede in the lande Salique. This land Salique the deceitfull glosers fained to be the Realme of Fraunce. This lawe the logicall interpreters assigne to de­rect the Crowne and Regalitie of the same Region, as who would say, that to that preheminēce, no woman were able to aspire, nor no heire female is a­ble [Page] to inherite. The French wry­ters do affirme that Pharamonde king of the French Gaulles, first institu­ted this law, which neuer was, should or might be broken. See now how an euill glose confoundeth the text, and a parcial interpretour marreth the sen­tence, for first it is apparantly known and by a hundreth writers confirmed, that Pharamond, whome they alleage to be aucthor of this law, was Duke of Franconia in Germany, and elected to be king of the Sycambres, which calling them selues French men, had gotten a parte of the Gaule Seltique, betwixt the riuers of Marne and Seyne. This Pharamonde, deceased in the yeare of our Lord, foure hundreth twenty and sixe, long after whose death, Charles the great being Emperour, and ma­ny yeares making warre on the Sax­ons, did in bloudy battaile, disperse and confounde the whole puissance of that nation, in the yeare of our Lord, eight hundreth and fiue, bringing them to [Page 114] the Catholike faith, and Christian cō ­formitie, after which victorie, certaine Souldiers as the French Cronogra­phers affirme, passed ouer the water of Sala, and inhabited betwixt it and the Riuer Elne, and were common­ly called Saly, Frenchemen, or Sali­galls, which countrey now is the lande of Misinie.

This people had such an indigna­tion at the brutish and vnhonest fashi­ons of the Germaine women, that they constitute a lawe which disabled the femals for succeding any inheritance in that lande. Now if ye intentiuely and with indifferent eares precise­ly note these two pointes, you shall easely (all mystie mantles layde a­parte) perceiue that the law Salique was onely fayned and inuented to defraud your noble progenitours and you from your proper patrimonie, and right enheritaunce, for they say that Pharamonde constitute the lawe, for [Page] the lande Salique which the hodipekes glose calleth Fraunce. Then I demand of maister gloser, or rather of the true sense a disposer, or of master Doctor Commenter, if euer the deuiser, as by chance he might, toke the degrées of a dotarde, if I may call an open lyer a Commenter, whether Pharamonde which dyed foure hundreth twentie & one yeares, before the Frenchmen possessed the Gaule Salique, and neuer did sée or know it, enacted a law of that thing which at that instante was not his or inhabited of his people. Fur­thermore, this the Realme of Fraunce which is your patrimonie, consisteth of thrée, Gaul Belgique, Seltique with Aquitane Salique. Then may the turn­dish gentle maister Gloser, expounde like peruersely, that Gaule Belgique is the countrey of Britaine, as Geta, like to glose (but the ignorāt ingaram, did it through ignorance, so that his bolde blindenesse must be borne with, but not suffered) that the lande Salique is [Page 115] the whole Realme & dominion belon­ging to the Crowne of Fraunce. Won­der it is to see y ^e leude Leagerdemaine, and childish conueiaunce of the folish Frenchmē, which ieopard to iuggle so openly with this fantasticall lawe, a simple sleight God wotteth and easely perceiued without peeping through a wimble bored hole, imitating y ^e craftie hazerders, which cosinlike vse to play at seest thou me, or seest me not. For when King Pipen which was Duke of Brabante, by his mother Begga and ma­ster of the pallace of Fraunce, coueted the Crown & Scepter of the Realme, the fickle French nation not remem­bring this infringeable lawe, as they termed it, deposed Childricke the third being very heire male, and vndouted­ly discended from the line of Phara­monde and Cloues, King of Fraunce, by the counsaile of Zacharie then Bishop of the rouing roges and massing Cay­phernites, and inthronised this Pepin, as next heire general, descended of la­dy [Page] Blichilde, daughter of King Clo­thaier the first. Hugh Capet also vsur­ped the Crowne without right or rea­son, of Charles Duke of Loraine, the sole heyre male of the line and stocke of Charles the great, after that he had shamefully murdered in pitifull pri­son, by the peruerse procurement of y ^e bloudthristie bishop of Orleans, & de­uillishly destroyed the sayd Charles, to make his traiterous title seme true, & appeare good, where in dede it was bothe euill and vntrue, to blinde the opinions of the rurall route and com­mon people: thus setting a glasse be­fore theyr eyes, he craftely conueyed him selfe as heyre to the lady Lingard, daughter to King Charlamaine, sonne to Levves the Emperour, which was sonne to Charles the great, King of Fraunce. King Levves also the ninthe, (whome the Frenchmen called Sainct Levves) being very heire to the sayde vsurper Hughe Capet, could neuer be satisfied in his consciēce, how he might [Page 116] iustly kepe and possesse the Regalitie of the Realme of Fraunce, till he was persuaded, and fully instructed, that Quéene Isabel his grande Mother was lineally discended of lady Armengard, daughter and heyre to the aboue na­med Charles Duke of Loraine, by the foresayd Hugh Capet of life & Realme wrongfully depriued: by the which mariage the bloud and lyne of King Charles the great, was againe vnited and restored to the Croune and Sep­ter of Fraunce, so that it more clearer than the sunne openly appeareth, the title of King Pipen, the clame of Hugh Capet, y ^e possession of king Levves, yea & of all y ^e French Kings to this day, are deriued, claimed & conueied from the heire female: & yet they wold bar you, as though your great grande mother had ben no woman nor heire female, but a painted image or fained shadow. If so many examples, if such copie of presidēts collected out of your own hi­stories & gathered out of our writers, [Page] suffise not to confounde your simple Salique, inuented by false fablers and craftie imaginers of you fabling frēch­men, then heare what God saith in the booke of Numeri, when a man dyeth without a sonne, let the inheritaunce descende to the daughter, if your prin­ces call them selues moste Christian Kings, let them folow the law of God before the lawe of the Panime Phara­mond. Are not al laws discrepāt from gods lawes euill, and to all Christian eares odious and noisome are? French women descended of the bloud royall, no Christians and not worthie to en­herite the Realme of Fraunce? is the Realme of Fraunce more noble than the kingdome of Iuda, of whome Christ descēded by a woman, when God sayd to Abraham, that in one of his séede all nations should be blessed? how came Christ of y ^e séede of Abraham, but onely by that immaculate Ʋirgin his glori­ous Mother? likewise when the Pro­phet Michee sayd, thou Tribe of Iuda, [Page 117] arte not least of estimation amongst the princes of Iuda, for out of thee shal come a Captaine which shall rule and direct my people of Israell. How descēded Christ from the roote of Iesse, & how was the Duke and captaine of the Israelites, & how descended he of the line of Dauid, but only by his mother, a pure virgin and a maried wife. Be­holde by gods law women shall enhe­rite: beholde in Fraunce, Frenchmen haue enherited by y ^t onely lyne of the woman, and yet Englishmen be pro­hibited to claime by the heyre female, contrarie to the lawe of God & man, wherfore regard well my soueraigne, your iust and true title to the Realme of Fraunce, by gods law & mans lawe lawfully to you deuoluted, as very heyre to Quéene Isabel, your great grand mother, daughter to King Phil­lip the faire, & sister and heire to thrée Kings, deceasing without any issue, which enheritaunce of the woman, is declared to be iust by the Mosaicall [Page] law and vsed and approued by y ^e Galli­cean descēt, as I haue before declared. Therfore for gods sake, léese not your patrimonie, disherite not your heires, dishonor not your selfe, diminish not your title which your noble progeni­tours so highly haue estemed. Where­fore with courage aduance forth your victorious banour, fight for your right, conquere your inheritance, spare not sword, bloud, nor fyer, your warre is iuste, your cause is good, & your claime true. Therefore couragiously and spée­dely set forwarde your warre against your capitall enimies, for maintenāce of the which, we your louing Chap­laines, and obedient subiectes of the Spiritualtie, to shew our selues wil­ling and desirous to minister aide and succour to you, for y ^e recouery of your auncient right and true title, to the Crowne of Fraunce, we haue in our Spiritual Conuocation, graunted to your highnesse, such an infinit tresure & sūme of money, as neuer by y ^t Spiri­tualtie [Page 118] was graūted to any prince be­fore your dayes, to serue for an assu­rāce, caution, pawne, gage, & pledge, also for a witnesse, attestatiō, & appro­bation of y ^e vnfained fauour which we your true Chaplaines beare towards you, beside our songs, himnes, odes, cantels, & collects, with diuers other dayly prayers, & continual precations dedicate, cōsecrate & attribute to god & his Saints, y ^t prosperous successe may ensue your martiall exployte, & royall passage. When y ^e Archbishop had fini­shed this his oratiō, which rightly may incense the hearts of all true English men & make them to be redy at y ^e prin­ces pleasure, not onely to endeuor thē selues to restore y ^e which of right be­longeth to y ^e crowne of Englande, but also to enlarge y ^e bonds of their natu­ral coūtry like faithful harted Philines neuerthelesse he vsed it wickedly, as a vele of his wicked purpose. The hono­rable lord Rafe, earle of westmerlād, a noble of no lesse grauity thā experiēce [Page] a champion of no lesse experiēce than stomacke, which was at that instante worthy high warden of the Marches toward Scotland, and therefore consi­dering if that the King with his whole power and chiualry of the Realme should passe ouer into Fraunce, (as Chickley had craftely conueyed y ^e mat­ter) that the remnante should be to weake to withstand the strength and power of Scotland, if during the kings absence they should inuade y ^t Realme. Wherefore as a true Curtius toward his coūtrey, he arose vp and after ma­king of due obeisaunce to the Kings highnesse, he spake this vnpremeditat Oration (not without the great solace of all the Conuocation house) as here foloweth. Surely syr, as my lorde of Canterburie hath clarkely and curious­ly declared, the conquest of Fraunce is very honorable, and when it is gotten and obtained very profitable & plea­sant. But sauing your graces refor­mation, I say and affirme, that to con­quer [Page 119] Scotland, is more necessarie, more apparant, easy, and more profitable to this Realme, than should be the flori­shing gaine obtained by the conquest of Fraunce. For although I am not so wel learned as my lord Archbishop is, & haue not ben Laureate in the Vni­uersitie, neither proceded to basest de­grée in scholes, yet haue I eftsones read and hard the opinions of famous and great clarkes, in the which they douted not to affirme, that strength knit & combined together, is of more efficacie and force, than being seuered & dispersed. As for an example, sprin­kle a vessell of water and it moysteth not, but cast it out wholy together, it not only washeth, but also nourisheth. This notable example and saying be­fore this time hath encouraged kings, animated Emperours, inflamed prin­ces, & allured couragious Captaines, to conquere Realmes to them adioy­ning, to vanquish nations adiacent to their dominions, to subdue people, ey­ther [Page] necessarie to their purpose, or be­ing to them dayly enimies, either con­tinuall aduersaries, for attestation whereof, beholde what was the chiefe cause and occasion why rulers and go­uernours so sore labored, thirsted & co­ueted to bring all regions to them ad­ioyning into on rule or Monarchie, was it not done to this intent that the conquerours might haue onely power & entier gubernation of all the landes and people within their clymate, & go­uerne them in time of peace, also their aide in y ^e time of warre, which monar­chie was of that maiestie and estima­tiō in the world, that no other foreine prince either exterior potētate, either had audacitie or yet was able to attēpt any thing within the territorie or re­gion of the Monarchiall prince and a­dorned King? Let the Kingdome of the Assirians be your example, and if that suffise not, then looke vpon y ^e Persians, after vpon the Grekes, and lastly view the Romans, which euer desired & coue­ted [Page 120] more to obtaine the litle yle of Sci­cilie, the territorie of the Numidians, & the meane Citie of the Samnites, lying vnder their, wings rather than to ob­teine populous Gaull, plētuous Panno­uie, or manly Macedonie, farre distant from theyr sight and oute of their cir­cle or compasse. This desire séemeth to rise of a greate, prudent and vigilant pollycie, for as a prince is of more pu­issance when his countries ioyne, so is he of more strength when his power is at hand. And as men destitute of cō ­fort be more relieued by frends which are present, than by kinsfolkes dwel­ling farre distant and in forayne regi­ons, so Princes haue commonly co­ueted and euer desired to haue theyr dominions lying aboute them, and at hand, rather than to heare by reporte from them being farre distante. Yf this hath ben the pollycie of conque­rers, the appetite of purchasers, and the studie of gouernours, why doeth your most noble grace desyre Fraunce [Page] before Scotland, or couet a countrey farre distant from your sight, before a Realme lying within your leape: re­member you not how the Ile of Bri­taine was an intire monarchy, in the time of your noble auncetour King Brute the first royal ruler of this your famous Empire, and glorious region? which deuiding his realme to his thrée sonnes, indued Lothron y ^e eldest, with this part of Britaine, which your hono­rable highnesse now enioyeth, & gaue to Albanacte his second sonne, the coū ­trey of Albanie, now nominated Scot­land, and to Camber the yongest, he ap­pointed the countrey of Cambria, now called Wales, reseruing always to him and his heires, homage, liege, and fealtie loyal, for these same countreys and dominions. By this diuision the glory of the Monarchie of Britaine was obscured and clearely defaced by this seperation, the strength of the British kings were sore diminished & weakned, by this dispersion intestine [Page 121] more warre began and ciuile rebelli­on budded firste with bloudie shoures wythin this region. For duryng the time that it was wholy vnder one, no forain nation durst once either inuade or attempt warre against y ^e Britaines, but the region being discided, and the monarchiall estate once seuered, out­ward enimitie and externe hostilitie no whit so muche infested, grieued or troubled our valiant and bold Britains as their owne neighbours, extracte of one propre parente and descended of one progenie. For the auaricious Al­banacts, otherwise called the false frau­dulent snatching Scottes, and the care­lesse Cambers, otherwise denominate vnstable & wauering Welshmen, fal­sified their faith, not only by withdra­wing their fealtie, denying their ho­mage, & refusing their allegiance due to their soueraignes, the Kings of this realm, but also made continual warre and destroyed their townes, and slew the friendes of their neighbours, the [Page] Britains. For whiche cause diuers of your hautie progenitors, haue not on­ly made warre and subdued the fayth­lesse Scots, for denying of their homage and reaping of rebellion, but also haue deposed their Kyngs and Princes, in­thronising & settyng vp other in their estates and dignities. Was not Scater their king slaine and extincted for hys rebellion by your noble predecessour Dunwallo Moluncius. Arthur also the glory of the Britains, directed Angosile to the scepter of Scotlande, and recey­ued of hym homage and fealtie. If I shold recken how many of their kings haue done homage to youre auncient predecessors, or reherse what numbre of Scottish Kings, they haue corrected and punished for disobedience, and de­nying their dueties, or if I should de­clare what Kyngs they as superioure lordes and high Emperours ouer the vnder kings of Scotlande, haue elected and made rulers, to the intent that all people mighte manifestely perceyue, [Page 122] that it was more glorious, more ho­nourable and more famous, a Kyng to make a King, than to be a King by na­turall descent, I assure you, that your eares woulde be more wearie of hea­ring, than my tongue fatigate with telling the truth. Your noble progeni­tour Kyng Edwarde the first, coueting to be superiour, to surmount in honor, or at the least to be equiualēt in fame with his noble ancesters and famous progenitours, studied dayly, & hourely compassed howe to associate together, and tourne the whole Ile of Britaine, which was diuided by Brute into thrée seuerall partes, to the pristinate Mo­narchial state and one dominion.

After long study and greate consulta­tion, hée victoriously subdued Wales, tamed their wildenesse, and bridlyng them with sharpe bittes, turned them to their olde home and aunciente de­grée: whiche thyng done, he sembla­bly inuaded Scotlande, and conquered the countrey to the towne of Pearche, [...] [Page] uent with the serpentine policie, to a­uoid and eschue al things, which might either be impedimentes to their pro­gression and setting forwarde or occa­sions of their returne and losse of their enterprise, least they leauing behinde them, a noysom neighbor, a continu­all aduersarie, and a secrete ennimie, may as soone come to leese their owne patrimonie, as conquere or gaine the dominions of other. Wherefore the trite and common adage sayth: Bet­ter one birde in hande than tenne in the woodde. Leaue not the certain for the vncertaine: for whiche consideration it is expedient and nedeful, that I enū ­ciate or declare vnto you certaine ar­ticles contained in the ancient league and amitie continued betwixt the re­almes of France & Scotland, wherof the wordes be these. The warres and in­iuries moued or done by the Englishe nation to either of the sayd countreys to be as cōmon wrong to bothe. If the English mē make warre on the french [Page 124] nation, then the Scottes at the costes & charges of the French king, shal mi­nister to them succoures. Semblably if the Scottes be molested by the En­glish warres, the Frenchmen hauing their costes allowed, shall be to them as aiders and assisters. And that none of both nations shall either contract or make peace with the Realme of En­gland without consent or agréemente of the other. And to the intente that this league and amitie should be kept vnuiolate, Robert le Bruse the vsurper of Scotlande, willed by his testament two things especially to be obserued, the one, neuer to breake the treatie cō ­cluded with France, the other neuer to kepe peace or paction made with En­glishemen longer than the obseruing thereof were to them commodious or profitable. Yet Mare and other Scot­tish writers colour thys cause, saying that he would haue no treatie or peace concluded wyth Englande, aboue thrée yeares. But what so euer [Page] writers write, or talkers tel, they be to him most faithful executers, & haue neuer yet falsified or broken his testa­ment, but continually performed hys commaundement. Yea for the verifi­catiō of Bruses brutish bidding, and for the performaunce of this his wycked will, and to kéepe and preserue thys league vnuiolate, none of your aunce­sters euer inuaded Fraunce, but incon­tinently the Scots troubled and vexed Englande, none of your progenitors euer passed the seas in a iust quarel a­gainst the French nation, but y ^t Scots in their absence, entred your realme, spoyled your townes, burned and de­stroyed youre villages, sacked youre houses, pilled and forraged your coun­trey, afflicted your subiects, slew your people, taking and distributing booties innumerable: and thus continually a­bandoning your countrey, the caitifes are and haue bene accustomed couert­ly to kepe themselues in wooddes and secrete places, that they myght there [Page 125] fight and with sodaine assaults, and at vnwares, inuade the defēders of your frontiers: and all these deceipts were and are practised to prouoke then your auncesters and now you to desist and returne from the inuading of Fraunce. If I should vnbuckle to you their com mon breakyng of leagues, if I should vncaste theyr craftie and subtill dissi­mulation, if I should drawe the vaile of their falsified faire promises, often sworne, and neuer kepte: if I shoulde vnsheath all their shamefull shifts, if I should shew open the pestiferous pack of their peuishnesse, I doubte not but you would ten times more abhorre to heare of their detestable dealing than I should be ashamed of the truthe tel­ling. Therfore I will not only persist in aduouching my assertion, but also affirme and proue, that of necessitie and constrainte, to swéepe all corners of priuate enimies shall be néedefull, suffering no lurking moates behynde your backe, which may proue mische­nous [Page] lettes when you go to conquere aduersaries before your face. Moreo­uer, beside all these, if you consider the quotidian charges, the inconstant chā ­ces which may happen, I thinke, yea and litle doubte but Scotlande shall be tamed before your iourney can be fra­med to Fraunce, for if you intende to inuade it, accompte what numbre of ships must bée prepared to the trans­portation of your armie, recōpt what a charge of ankers, forcast what a com panie of cables, and what other innu­merable necessaries appertaine to a nauie. After your nauigation and safe arriuall (as I truste God will prosper your iourney) if your men chaunce to decay by sicknesse, or to be extincte by sworde, if victuals faile, if money wax scant, if the windes turne contrary, or hoistyng tempestes make the sea to outrage with belchyng dashes, when these necessaries shold be transuehate to your armie, then shall you be desti­tute of aide, prouision, and treasure, [Page 126] which in a foraine region are the con­fusion and defacing of an armie. On the contrary part, if you inuade Scot­lande, your men be hard at hand, youre victuals are nere, your aide is euen at your backe, so that in that voyage and exploite you shall haue abundance and plentie of all things, neither shal any necessaries to that conquest be wan­ting. Sée what an occasion fauoura­ble fortune hath friendly offered vnto you: is not their king your captiue and prisoner? is not the realme in greate diuision and at intestine discorde? for the Duke of Albanie nowe presentely wisheth rather to haue a straunge go­uernor than a naturall tyrant. Wher­fore as I began, so do I persist, that it is necessarie before your profection to Fraunce, to inuade Scotlande, & by Gods grace to conquere and ioyne that re­giō to your empire, and to restore the estate & old préeminence to the renou­med monarchy of Britain, and so being beautified with realms, & furnished w ^c [Page] people, you may with more ease enter Fraunce, for the recoueryng of youre righteous title and true inheritaunce, in obseruyng the old ancient prouerb, which sayth:

He which intendeth Fraunce to winne, With Scotlande let him first beginne.

After this Oration of the worthye Earle, the Duke of Excester rose vp and spake an other, in the which he per suaded the Kings Maiestie to take in hande the conquest of Fraunce, but not without attributing great laude and praise to the Oration of the Earle, but especially he commended the entrance of his confirmation, in the which hée had alleaged howe the Romanes more desired such as wer vnder the flight of their owne Egle, or whose possessions were a moate to their eyes, as the Ile of Scicilie, and the Citie of the Samni­tes, and other, which he clearkly decla­red, than other regions farre distant, and not obiect to their horizon. But by them he nothing preuailed for y ^e King [Page 127] so muche regarded the sayings of hys vncle, that incontinently he sent hym and others ambassadors to the French King. And shortly after hauing furni­shed his nauie with all things fitte for such a royall voyage, yet beyng mind­full of the wordes which his true and loyall péere, the Erle of Westmerlād a faithfull Codrus toward his countrey had spoken, he apointed him as a most worthie champion, and one in whome he had fixed great hope and confidēce, with the Lorde Scrope and other dy­uers hardie personages, valiant cap­tains and worthy warriers to defend the marches and frontiers adioyning to Scotland, in y ^e which they dyd many hauty and valiant enterprises. When the King had thus ordred and disposed all things for the tuition and safegard of his realme, perceiuing that y ^e winde was prosperous and pleasaunt for the nauie to set forwarde, they weyed vp their ankers, hoysed vp their sailes, & tooke sea wyth a hundreth and fortie [Page] ships, and on the vigile of the Assump tion of our Lady, with al his fléete lan ded at Kidcauxe in Normandy, without resistence or bloudshedding, and short­ly after wonne the towne of Harflew, conquered the battaile of Aegincourte, subdued Caen with the Castle, obtei­ned Roan, wanne Ponthoys, and then concluded peace, hauing maried Lady Catherine the French kings daughter, and being proclaimed heire and regēt of France, keeping such a noble house in Roan, that all men resorted to hys court, and few or none to the French kyngs: after Christmasse he ordeined his brother duke of Clarence his lieu­tenant generall, bothe of Fraunce and Normandie, and on the morowe after Cādlemasse day toke shippyng at Ca­leys, and landed at Douer. And thus was the supplication put vp for dissol­uyng of the deuils stewes, falsely na­med religious houses, clerely forgottē and buried, according to the myndes of the sinfull Sathanistes and hooded hipocrites. After this the Kyng made [Page 128] an other voyage into Frāce for certain wrongs offred vnto him, & pursued the Dolphin, in such wise, that he coulde scant find Hiempsalles hole to hyde him self in. Thus after many victorious cō quests vpon y ^t Frenchmen, this floure of chiualry passing to aide them of Cos­ney whiche were besieged by the Dol­phins adherents, came to Corbell, & so to Senlesse, where whether it were through the heate of the ayre, or dayly labour, being sore féebled & weakened, he began to waxe sicke, yea and so sick that he was cōstrained to desist frō his pretensed purpose, and sende the duke of Bedford his brother to perform his iorney and enterprise. Then he began to waxe sicker & sicker, & was cōueyed in a horselitter to Bloys, where percei­uing himself to draw towards his end & that death the stealing thefe whiche goth about to subuert, & in a momēt of an houre clerely to suppeditate al prin ces intētiōs, came rūning vpon him w ^c his piercing darte, he rendred to God [Page] most heartie thankes, chiefly for that he woulde call him out of this misera­ble life, at such a time when as he was of most perfect remembrance both to­ward God and the worlde, and also in the time of his flourishing conquest, in whiche he had neuer receiued misfor­tune, euil chaunce or spot of dishonor, affirming that he was bothe glad, and inwardly reioyced, bicause the shorte tyme and small tracte of hys mortall lyfe shoulde bee a testimonie of hys strength, a declaration of his Iustice, and a setting forth of his acts and pro­cedings, also that by his death he shold obteine fame, glorie and renoume, es­capyng the reprehension of coward­nesse, the moate of all infamie, which by chance he might haue gotten, if na­ture had prolonged his life. Saying as eternitie is the triumpher of time, so he trusted after this fragile & caduce life, to obteine eternall being: and af­ter this miserable pilgremage, to en­ioy the celestiall kingdome, & to come [Page 129] to the place of rest & quietnesse. Thus committing his soule to God, his yong sonne prince Henry to his nobles, his loue to his frends, and his bodie to the earth, he sayd certaine godly psalmes, and receiued the blessed communion, afterward reciting the Psalme of the Passion, he completed and expyred his fatall breth, the last day of August, in y ^e yeare of our Lord, a thousand foure hundreth twentie & two, in the ninth yeare, the fift moneth, and twentie & fourth daye of his raigne, the eight & thirty yeare of his age. When y ^e death of this Doctour in Martial affaires, & of all cheualry, the very peragon, was published among the common people, incontinently their hearts were ap­palled, their courages abated, & their dolour much encreased, yea their wits were so troubled, that like mad men they tare their haire, accusing and bla­ming Fortune, which had bereft them of so rare a iewel, for robbing them of so noble an ornament, and defacing [Page] them of so sure a defence, and for euer­ting of their strong bulwarke. Thus this worthie King dyed of a pleurisey, which at y ^t time was a rare sicknesse, and strange disease: for the name was to the most part of men vnknowne, & Phisiciōs were little acquainted with any remedie for y ^e same: his bodie was imbaumed, closed in lead, & laide in a royal Chariot, sumptuously adourned with cloth of golde. Ʋpon the corps was laide a liuely represētation of his proper person, beset with robes, dia­deme and scepter, with ball, & other abilimēts apperteining to a King, the which chariot was drawn with braue Coursers, gorgiously trapped in seue­rall armes, accompanied with diuers dolent mourners. Thus with great funerall pompe, his body was conuey­ed from Boys de Vincence to Paris, and so to Roan, from thence to Abinell, af­ter that to Caleis, then to Douer, and so through the citie of London to West­minster, where he was enterred with [Page 130] such solemne ceremonies, such mour­ning of Lordes, such prayers of pre­lates, & such lamenting of commons, as neuer before that day was séene in England. Thus ended this noble and puissant prince (an Vlisses in worldly pollicie, a very Nestor in prudent wis­dome, an other Hector for manhod, & victorious actes, an other Tully not onely in eloquence, but also in defen­ding his people and him self from pri­uate & cursed conspiracies, as he shew­ed at his departure from Southamptō into Fraunce, his most worthy and for­tunate reigne ouer this our Realme of England. Whose life although cru­ell Atropos before his time abbreuia­ted, yet neither fire, rust, or furious fretting time shall amongst our En­glish nation eyther appal his honor, or obliterate his glory, which in so few yeares & briefe dayes, at chiued so high and glorious aduentures, and made so many great and famous conquestes, to the preseruing of his name in per­petuall [Page] memory, and the glory of vs English men in omnen perennitatem.